The Imperial City of Cologne: From Roman Colony to Medieval Metropolis (19 B.C.-1125 A.D.) 9462988226, 9789462988224

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T H E E A R LY M E D I E VA L N O R T H AT L A N T I C

Joseph P. Huffman

The Imperial City of Cologne From Roman Colony to Medieval Metropolis (19 B.C.-1125 A.D.)

The Imperial City of Cologne

The Early Medieval North Atlantic This series provides a publishing platform for research on the history, cultures, and societies that laced the North Sea from the Migration Period at the twilight of the Roman Empire to the eleventh century. The point of departure for this series is the commitment to regarding the North Atlantic as a centre, rather than a periphery, thus connecting the histories of peoples and communities traditionally treated in isolation: AngloSaxons, Scandinavians / Vikings, Celtic communities, Baltic communities, the Franks, etc. From this perspective new insights can be made into processes of transformation, economic and cultural exchange, the formation of identities, etc. It also allows for the inclusion of more distant cultures – such as Greenland, North America, and Russia – which are of increasing interest to scholars in this research context. Series Editors Marjolein Stern, Gent University Charlene Eska, Virginia Tech Julianna Grigg, Monash University

The Imperial City of Cologne From Roman Colony to Medieval Metropolis (19 B.C.-A.D. 1125)

Joseph P. Huffman

Amsterdam University Press

Cover illustrations: Emperor Augustus Caesar (14-24 A.D. by Kyllos?) (left), and Grosses Romanisches Stadtsiegel (ca. 1149) (right) © Rheinisches Bildarchiv Köln Cover design: Coördesign, Leiden Lay-out: Crius Group, Hulshout isbn 978 94 6298 822 4 e-isbn 978 90 4854 024 2 (pdf) doi 10.5117/9789462988224 nur 684 © Joseph P. Huffman / Amsterdam University Press B.V., Amsterdam 2018 All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise) without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book. Every effort has been made to obtain permission to use all copyrighted illustrations reproduced in this book. Nonetheless, whosoever believes to have rights to this material is advised to contact the publisher.



Table of Contents

Acknowledgments 7 Foreword 9 Historic Preservation and European Urban History

Prologue 13 Natural History and Prehistoric Human Habitation

1 Romano-Germanic Cologne (58 B.C.-A.D. 456)

17

2 Rupture or Continuity?

47

3 The Imperial Project Redux

75

4 The Age of Imperial Bishops I

95

5 The Age of Imperial Bishops II

127

6 The Great Pivot

153

7 The Rhineland Metropolis Emerges

177

8 From Roman Colony to Medieval Metropolis

225

Select Bibliography

239

Merovingian Cologne (A.D. 456-686)

Carolingian Cologne (686-925)

Ottonian Ducal Archbishops and Imperial Kin (925-1024)

Early Salian Archchancellors and Urban Patrons (1024-1056)

Herrschaft meets Gemeinde in the Pontificate of Anno II (1056-1075)

Herrschaft and Gemeinde during the Investiture Controversy (1075-1125)

The Urban History of Cologne in European Context

Index 271

Map  Medieval Cologne

Acknowledgments Scholarly monographs are products of collaboration, and so I wish to acknowledge all those who made this present volume possible. It was a pleasure to work with the sharp and attentive AUP editorial board members, especially Erin Dailey and Victoria Blud, whose skill and humanity leave me much in their debt. So too am I grateful to the peer reviewers and the copy and design editors of this book who confirmed what was best in it while making it better in form and function. I also thank the GermanAmerican Fulbright Commission for making a sabbatical in Germany possible; Messiah College for giving me time and institutional support to research and write through the Distinguished Professor appointment and the indefatigable services of the college interlibrary loan staff; and Prof. Dr. Manfred Groten for granting access to the library of the Institut für Geschichtswissenschaft, Abteilung für Geschichte der Frühen Neuzeit und Rheinische Landesgeschichte at the Rheinische Friedrich-WilhelmsUniversität Bonn. This book would not have been possible without the required resourcing these benefactors generously provided. Special personal thanks go to Dr. Letha Böhringer for her steadfast support, encouragement, and hospitality during my periodic research trips to Cologne and Bonn, and to Dr. Alison Beach for suggesting that I approach AUP with this book project. Finally, I wish to acknowledge and thank my son Brendan Huffman for his technical dexterity and keen eye as the creator of the book’s index. I dedicate this book to the city of Cologne, my second Heimat and the metropolis of my Rhineland ancestors.

Foreword Historic Preservation and European Urban History On Tuesday 3 March 2009, at 1:58 p.m., the Cologne city archive suddenly collapsed into a watery crater where its foundation had previously stood. The six-story edifice had been undermined by slipshod excavation work for a new U-Bahn metro line, resulting in the shocking pile of rubble that once functioned as the largest municipal archive in Germany and as one of the few to have survived the bombings of World War II completely intact. As former archivist Eberhard Illner told the Kölner Stadt-Anzeiger newspaper, “It’s a catastrophe, not just for the city of Cologne but for the history of Europe.” Though all staff members and visitors miraculously escaped the shuddering building before its downfall, two men living in the adjacent apartment buildings were tragically drawn into the massive rubble pit by the collapsing earth and lost their lives. Many of the 65,000 archival documents (dating from the year 922) were damaged beyond repair, and the subsequent restoration and reconstitution of the surviving yet now widely scattered holdings will be the work of a generation while the completion of a costly new facility in which to house them has been burdened by the city’s fiscal constraints. Digitizing fuzzy and often unreadable microfilms from the 1960s remains the only viable option for the interim period, which has brought medieval manuscript research in particular to a virtual standstill for the time being.1 This human, historical, and cultural tragedy served as the motivation to produce the present volume. As the shock of it all settled into a sad realization that new archival research on premodern Cologne would likely prove unfeasible for the remainder of my own professional career, it also gradually dawned on me that a signal contribution to the ongoing historical preservation of Cologne’s history could still be made. Although the premodern histories of major European cities in England, France, the Netherlands, Italy, and Spain have been written in English,2 Cologne has 1 Bettina Schmidt-Czaia, „Einsturz, Bergung und Wiederaufbau: das Historische Archiv der Stadt Köln,“ in Joachim J. Halbekann, Ellen Widder, and Sabine von Heusinger, eds., Stadt zwischen Erinnerungsbewahrung und Gedächtnisverlust [Stadt in der Geschichte. Veröffentlichungen des südwestdeutschen Arbeitskreises für Stadtgeschichtsforschung 39] (Ostfildern: Thorbecke Verlag, 2015) 375-386. 2 For example, Christopher Brooke and Gillian Keir, London 800-1216: The Shaping of a City (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975); William Page, London: Its Origin and Early

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yet to have a comprehensive history produced either in English, let alone in German, though it was by far the largest medieval German city.3 Lacking Development (London: Constable, 1923); Caroline Barron, London in the Later Middle Ages: Government and People, 1200-1500 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005); Simone Roux and Jo Ann McNamara, Paris in the Middle Ages [Middle Ages Series] (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011); John Baldwin, Paris, 1200 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2010); Joëlle Rollo-Koster, Avignon and Its Papacy 1309-1417: Popes, Institutions, and Society (New York: Rowman and Littlefield, 2015); Chris Wickham, Medieval Rome: Stability and Crisis of a City, 900-1150 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015); Julia H. M. Smith, ed., Early Medieval Rome and the Christian West: Essays in Honour of Donald A. Bullough (Leiden: Brill, 2000); Andrea Gamberini, ed., A Companion to Late Medieval and Early Modern Milan: The Distinctive Features of an Italian State (Leiden: Brill, 2015); Giovanni Tabacco, The Struggle for Power in Medieval Italy: The Structures of Political Rule (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989); Gene Brucker, Florence: The Golden Age, 1138-1737 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1998); Carol Lansing, The Florentine Magnates: Lineage and Faction in a Medieval Commune (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1991); John Henderson, Piety and Charity in Medieval Florence (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994); Thomas Madden, Enrico Dandolo and the Rise of Venice (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2003); Ellen E. Kittell and Thomas F. Madden, eds., Medieval and Renaissance Venice (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1999); Thomas F. Madden, Venice: A New History (New York: Penguin, 2012); David Chambers and Brian Pullan, eds., Venice: A Documentary History, 1450-1630 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001); Steven A. Epstein, Genoa and the Genoese 958-1528 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1996); Paul Arthur, Naples from Roman Town to City-State (London: British School at Rome, 2002); Caroline Astrid Bruzelius and William Tronzo, Medieval Naples: An Architectural and Urban History, 400-1400 (New York; Italica Press, 2011); Paul Oldfield, City and Community in Norman Italy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011); Patricia Skinner, Medieval Amalfi and Its Diaspora 800-1250 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013); James M. Murray, Bruges, Cradle of Capitalism 1280-1390 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005); David Nicholas, The Metamorphosis of a Medieval City: Ghent in the Ages of the Arteveldes, 1302-1390 (Leiden: Brill, 1987); David Nicholas, The Domestic Life of a Medieval City: Women, Children, and Family in Fourteenth-Century Ghent (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1985); David Nicholas, Medieval Flanders (New York: Longman, 1992); Elka Klein, Jews, Christian Society & Royal Power in Medieval Barcelona (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2009); Stephen P. Bensch, Barcelona & Its Rulers (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Maria Asenjo-González, ed., Oligarchy and Patronage in Late Medieval Spanish Urban Society [Studies in European Urban History 10] (Turnhout: Brepols, 2009); Carolina Carl, A Bishopric Between Three Kingdoms: Calahorra, 1045-1190 (Leiden: Brill, 2011); and Jeff Fynn-Paul, The Rise and Decline of an Iberian Bourgeoisie. Manresa in the Later Middle Ages, 1250-1500 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015). Margret Wensky’s brief article “Erwerbstätige Frauen in Paris, London, und Köln im Mittelalter,” in Günther Hödl, Fritz Mayrhofer, and Ferdinand Opll, eds., Frauen in der Stadt [Beiträge zur Geschichte der Städte Mitteleuropas 18] (Linz: 2003) 137-150 has been the only intra-regional study of any urban history subject that included Cologne since my 1998 book (see below note 3). 3 The only two anglophone monographs on medieval Cologne published to date are Paul Strait, Cologne in the 12th Century (Gainesville: University of Florida Press, 1974); and Joseph P. Huffman, Family, Commerce, and Religion in London and Cologne: Anglo-German Emigrants, c. 1000-c. 1300 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998; rpt. 2002). Of the long-planned 13-volume Geschichte der Stadt Köln series sponsored by the Historische Gesellschaft der Stadt Köln, just five

Foreword

11

such an available history in one or two volumes, Cologne has not been well integrated into the wider historiography of premodern European urban history, even though it was equal in size to any city of the Low Countries and as dominant in English trade as any other European city. And indeed the absence of the German Kingdom’s largest and most powerful city is symptomatic of the fact that German urban history as a whole finds little if any place in the historiography of premodern urban development in Europe.4 And so I have worked over the last several years to sequester time amid many other scholarly projects, administrative assignments, and courses taught to produce this first volume on Cologne’s premodern history, which considers its evolution from a Roman military outpost into a medieval Rhineland metropolis by the end of the twelfth century. What appears here will hopefully go some way toward filling the historiographical gaps mentioned above as well as providing a Rhineland perspective on the perennial have been published to date, and of these two cover portions of premodern history. Volume 1 by Werner Eck, Köln in römsicher Zeit. Geschichte einer Stadt im Rahmen des Imperium Romanum (Cologne: Greven Verlag, 2004) was well received. Volume 3 remained unfinished at the death of its assigned author, Hugo Stekämper, in 2010. Journalist and historian Carl Dietmar has since edited Stehkämper’s typescript into publishable form, and the volume finally appeared in the spring of 2016 as Köln im Hochmittelalter. This volume is not as expansive as its title suggests, as it only covers the years 1074-1288 (critical though they are) and is essentially a reiteration of Stehkämper’s previous publications on this time period. Carl Dietmar and Werner Jung have expanded their popular paperback Kleine Illustrierte Geschichte der Stadt Köln, 10th ed. (Cologne: Bachem Verlag, 2009) into the handbook Köln. Die groβe Stadtgeschichte (Cologne: Klartext Verlag, 2015), which joins Barbara and Christoph Driessen, Köln. Eine Geschichte: Vom Urwald zur Millionenstadt (Cologne: Greven Verlag, 2015) as one-volume populärwissenschaftlich surveys of Cologne’s entire history, but they are no substitutes for a thorough and scholarly exposition of premodern Cologne. Thus, no comprehensive history of medieval Cologne has been produced in either German or English since the first three of Leonard Ennen’s pioneering five-volume work, Geschichte der Stadt Köln, meist aus den Quellen des Kölner Stadt-Archivs (Cologne: L. Schwann, 1863-1880). 4 The most recent example of the exclusion of German cities in monographs on medieval urban history is Marc Boone and Martha C. Howell, eds., The Power of Space in Late Medieval and Early Modern Europe: The Cities of Italy, Northern France, and the Low Countries [Studies in Urban History (1100-1800) 30] (Turnhout: Brepols, 2013); and Patrick Lantschner, The Logic of Political Conflict in Medieval Cities: Italy and the Southern Low Countries 1370-1440 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2015). Such a modern nation-state based definition of Cologne as German and thus separate from the Low Countries is belied by the fact that until 1795 the bishoprics of Liège and Utrecht were suffragans of the metropolitan province of Cologne. Only David Nicholas has done a laudable job of referencing Cologne as a comparative exemplar of medieval urban history in his books The Growth of the Medieval City: From Late Antiquity to the Early Fourteenth Century (London: Longman, 1977; rpt. New York: Routledge Press, 2014), The Later Medieval City 1300-1500 (London: Longman, 1977), and most especially The Northern Lands: Germanic Europe, c. 1270-c. 1500 (Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009).

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scholarly debates about the impact of the migrations of Germanic tribes into the western provinces of the Roman Empire, the nature of post-Roman urban life during the Merovingian, Carolingian, and post-Carolingian eras in continental Europe, the effect of Viking incursions, and finally the roots of communal civic life in urban centers of the early twelfth century. May this volume help to broaden the vision of English-language historiography on the European Middle Ages through the inclusion of a great imperial city along the Rhine.5 A second volume is already underway that will cover the period from 1125 to 1475 as Cologne evolved further from a European metropolis to an imperial free city.

5 As the overwhelming amount of scholarship published on the history of medieval Cologne is in German, the works cited in the footnotes will mostly be the essential German-language scholarship that any historian should be aware of when considering Cologne’s history. To ease the linguistic challenge that may exist for anglophone readers I have translated into English all cited quotations from the original German.

Prologue Natural History and Prehistoric Human Habitation The fertile lowland region known as the Cologne Bight (Kölner Bucht) encompasses a variety of landscapes that have proved quite amenable to human habitation.1 A terraced lowland area along the Rhine River’s western shore, it radiates in a northwesterly arc from Königswinter in the south to Aachen in the west and Krefeld in the north. The terrace carved most deeply by the glacial evolution of the Rhine extends some ten kilometers inland from the river and contains ancestral debris from the Alps, Eifel, Hunsrück, and Westerwald mountains. Throughout the bight, sand and gravel accumulated wherever the river’s ancient branches flowed fastest to the North Sea, whereas clay was left behind wherever they meandered. The bottom terrace nearest the modern Rhine River has fed innumerable generations of Cologne’s denizens through a fruitful combination of its sandy clay loam deposits with the bight’s mild climate. The middle and top terraces located along the arc from Geilenkirchen to Erkelenz, Odenkirchen, and Gerresheim also produced exceptionally fruitful farmland, especially in the flood plains of nearby Jülich, Zülpich, and Euskirchen along the rivers Erft and Rur (Roer). The south and southwest reaches of this rich alluvial lowland expanse was complemented by the Münstereifel mountains and southern Rhineland Massif, which provided lead and silver ore, coal for iron smelting, clay for pottery and glass production, and slate, basalt, and trachyte for roads and public buildings. Only quality limestone was lacking and so was imported from the upper Mosel River valley. The environmental assets so critical to Cologne’s medieval economy thus had a very ancient pedigree. The eastern shore of the Rhine River by contrast (known as the Bergisches Land) possessed only a narrow strip of rich loamy soil along the riverside’s bottom terrace, because the last Ice Age left deep deposits of heavy sand and sharply carved valleys throughout the middle terrace of the region. Instead of agriculture, therefore, this area contained extensive forests, which would 1 A bight is a bend in the line between water and land producing an open bay: Friedrich Reinhard and Bernd Päffgen, Mittelalterliche Burganlagen in Kölner Bucht und Nordeifel bis zum Ende des 13. Jahrhunderts [Publikationen der Gesellschaft für Rheinische Geschichtskunde, neue Folge 12, Abteilung 1b] (Bonn: Habelt-Verlag, 2007).

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prove invaluable as a wood and wood coal reserve once the left bank of the Rhine was substantially cleared for farming.2 The oldest surviving evidence to date of human habitation in Cologne’s environs dates back to around 100,000 B.C., in the finely grained quartzite stone core (Kernstein) from Dellbrück and hand axe from Königsforst/ Porz-Heumar.3 Around 35,000 B.C., Neanderthals followed by Cro-Magnons each in turn maintained their paleolithic hunter-gatherer cultures even after the Rhine become navigable, once its glacier cut a swath below the bottom agricultural terrace before a complete thaw at the close of the Würm glaciation period (ca. 10,000 B.C.). The first Neolithic settlers brought farming and livestock breeding to the loamy bight zone only around 5,500 B.C. Their remnants were first discovered in Lindenthal during a 1930-1934 excavation that unearthed an oval village of some 3.25 hectares enclosed with palisade and ditch. Inside the defensive structure remained some 52 longhouses (some up to 36 meters long) and portions of 45 others, all complete with foundations and strewn with the distinctive pottery of the Band Ware Culture (Bandkeramishe Kultur). 4 The Lindenthal community has been dated from the fifth to the fourth century B.C. and is exemplary of the dozens of such Band Ware settlements that have been unearthed in the Cologne Bight. In turn they were soon joined by Rössen Culture settlements with their flint tools and linear pottery, after which they both were replaced by successors of the late Neolithic Michelsberg Culture (Michelsberger Kultur). The Bronze Age accompanied the arrival of the Bell-Beaker Culture (Glockenbecherkultur) in the third century B.C., whose people seem to have abandoned agriculture in favor of a solely pastoral cattle economy.5 Then around 1,200 B.C. they in turn were replaced by new immigrants from the 2 Werner Eck, Köln in römischer Zeit. Geschichte einer Stadt im Rahmen des Imperium Romanum [Geschichte der Stadt Köln I] (Cologne: Greven Verlag, 2004) 22-30. These forests also proved frustrating mazes for the Roman soldiers pursuing Germanic raiders back across the Rhine. 3 W. Meier-Arendt, „Vorgeschichtliche Besiedlung im Stadtgebiet von Köln, Mainz,“ Führer zu vor- und frühgeschichtlichen Denkmälern 37 (Mainz: Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseum, 1980) 17-37, 63-72. 4 Gert Ritter, „Der Kölner Raum in vorrömischer Zeit,“ in Heiner Jansen et al., eds., Der historische Atlas Köln. 2000 Jahre Stadtgeschichte in Karten und Bildern (Cologne: Emons Verlag, 2003) 16-18; M. Dohrn-Ihmig, „Untersuchungen zur Bandkeramik im Rheinland,“ Beiträge zur Urgeschichte des Rheinlandes 1 (1974) 51-142; M. Dohrn-Ihmig, „Bandkeramik an Mittel- und Neiderrhein,“ Beiträge zur Urgeschichte des Rheinlandes 3 (1979) 191-362. 5 Walter Lung, „Die Stein- und Bronzezeit im Stadtgebiet von Köln,“ Kölner Jahrbuch für Vor- und Frühgeschichte 3 (1958) 62-92; Jürgen Wilhelm, ed., Das Grosse Köln Lexicon, 2nd ed. (Cologne: Greven Verlag, 2008) 179.

Prologue

15

middle Rhine Urnfield Culture (Urnenfelderkultur), best known for their custom of cremation and burial of the remains in urns within shallow graves. One of their burial grounds lies in Cologne’s southern suburb of Bayenthal near the Bonn Gate (Bonntor).6 Iron Age technology appeared in the middle of the first century B.C. among the peoples of the overlapping Celtic Hallstatt and Le Tène cultures, the former likely only having marginal engagement with the Cologne Bight. Both introduced the custom of burial mounds so welcome among modern archaeologists and historians alike.7 The most extensive burial grounds discovered to date lie in the Iddelsfelder Hardt south of Dellbrück and east of the Rhine, with an estimated 1,200 grave mounds averaging 30 meters in height and containing ceramic products, clay urns with ash remains, eating implements, jewelry, and armor .8 Similar burial mounds have been found on the western side of the Rhine in Müngersdorf, Lindenthal Riehl, Longerich, and Worringen. From 450 B.C. onward these population clusters were associated with the rise of loose confederations of Celts, whose presence in a first-century settlement just south of today’s Cologne cathedral has been materially confirmed by discovery of a handle attachment along the wall in the southeast corner of the later Roman city.9 Thus by the dawn of Roman and Germanic immigrations, the Cologne Bight’s abundant resources had been utilized by a succession of Stone-, Bronze-, and Iron-Age peoples for some 100,000 years, with the Neolithic transition having been effected some 5,000 years beforehand. Given this deep record of natural and human history whose imprint is everywhere to be found even today, it is well worth remembering that neither the Germanic nor the Roman peoples brought either the first walled settlements or Neolithic and Iron-Age technologies to the region. Human agency, climate, and the natural environment had already combined to produce a Cologne Bight so advantageous, even so strategic, for human habitation that it would draw the imperial attention of Roman and Germanic rulers for another 1,500 years.10 6 Clara Redlich, „Ein Urnengräberfeld im Stadtgebiet Köln,“ Rheinische Vorzeit in Wort und Bild 4 (1941) 35-42. 7 Walter Lung, „Die Hallstatt- und Latènezeit im Stadtgebiet Köln,“ Kölner Jahrbuch für Vor- und Frühgeschichte 2 (1956) 71-101. 8 The 1949 excavation could only confirm 685 mounds with certainty. 9 The Celtic handle attachment is preserved in Cologne’s Römisch-Germanisches Museum: Gerta Wolff, Das Römisch-Germanische Köln, 6th ed. (Cologne: Bachem Verlag, 2005) 28-29. 10 E. Bruntte, R. Immendorf, and R. Schlimm, Die Naturlandschaft und ihre Umgestaltung durch den Menschen. Erläuterungen zur Hochschulexkursionskarte Köln und Umgebung [Kölner Geographische Arbeiten 63] (Cologne: Geographisches Institut der Universität zu Köln, 1994).

1

Romano-Germanic Cologne (58 B.C.-A.D. 456)

Ubiorum Oppidum: Roman and Germanic Origins The urban settlement of Cologne was a product of Romano-Germanic collaboration. Its founding and early development are unimaginable without the personal patronage of the Julio-Claudian emperors or the inexorable process of Germanic tribal assimilation and expansion west of the Rhine River during the first 400-year period of its history. Julius Caesar initiated this dynamic in 58 B.C. as proconsul of the Roman Province of Gallia Narbonensis. Having used Orgetorix’s Helvetian alliance-building as a pretext for intervention into Transalpine Gaul’s tribal affairs, Caesar launched his series of Gallic Wars. He ultimately succeeded in extending his military authority over all of Gaul from the Pyrenees to the Rhine River. By 55 B.C. he punctuated his conquest of Belgic Gaul with a Roman intervention across the Rhine frontier into the affairs of two Germanic tribes. Caesar launched a punitive strike against the Sugambri, who had been threatening their more Roman-friendly neighbors, the Ubii, during which he even built a temporary bridge over the river.1 The apparently unstoppable general then left for dreams of conquest of the British late that summer. Such imperious superimposition of Roman power soon led to armed rebellion once its leader was far away. In the late winter of 54-53 B.C. the Eburones, a multi-ethnic people of the Rhine-Maas region north of the Ardennes, whom the Romans described as both Celtic Belgae as well as Germani Cisrhenani, rose up under the leadership of their tribal warlords Ambiorix and Cativolcus (Celtic names both). The flash point for the insurrection proved to be the forcible Roman requisitioning of Eburonic foodstuffs for their winter quarters in Tongeren following a growing season that had been severely damaged by drought. The Eburones surrounded the Roman quarters of about 7,200 infantry soldiers (a legion and five cohorts) at Tongeren and induced them to withdraw with both a threat of the imminent arrival of Germanic allies 1 In his only reference to the Germanic tribe known as the Ubii, Dio asserts that they had requested Caesar’s aid against the depredations of the Sugambri (Sicambri) tribe: Cassius Dio, Roman History [Loeb Classical Library 53] (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1914), Book 39, Chapter 47; cf. Julius Caesar, Gallic Wars [Loeb Classical Library 72] (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1917), Book 6, Chapter 29.

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as well as a promise of safe passage. After a full night’s debate, the Roman army in the end chose to withdraw in a long baggage train through the thick forest at the break of day. The Eburones, however, then commenced to massacre nearly all the exposed legionaries.2 As retribution, Caesar brought the full force of Roman fury against the Eburones throughout 53 B.C., inviting all surrounding tribes to come and plunder them “in order that, with a great multitude having been enveloped around them, the race and the name of that community may be annihilated for such a crime.”3 The result can only be described as genocide: not a village was left unburned, neither cattle nor corn remained, and the Eburones disappear thereafter from the historical record. 4 Roman-sponsored ethnic cleansing in response to a tribal massacre therefore quite literally cleared the way for the founding of Cologne. But for the next three decades reforestation at the expense of former villages and cropland overtook the largely abandoned Eburonic settlement zone. While in the midst of the assault against the Eburones in 53 B.C., Caesar crossed to the eastern shore of the Rhine River once again, where his army met not only hostile Germanic tribes but also the allied Ubii, who gladly provided the Romans with a small fleet for the river crossing and scouts through the heavily forested terrain. The Ubii were a Germanic tribe heavily influenced by Celtic culture – Caesar considered them “more cultured” than other Germanic tribes because of their use of Celtic objects such as coins – and they again sought Roman support against the increasing encroachments of new enemy, the Suebi.5 Roman initiative in the Rhine valley, however, 2 Julius Caesar, Gallic Wars, Book 5, Chapters 24-37. 3 Ibid, Book 6, Chapter 34: “ut magna multitudine circumfusa pro tali facinore stirps ac nomen civitatis tollatur.” 4 Eck, Köln in römischer Zeit, 41-45, speculates that the complete extermination of the Eburones might have been a literary device in response to senatorial anger over the massacre of Roman legionaries and the eventual escape of Ambiorix from destruction. Yet even if the Eburones were merely a short-lived tribal confederation whose remnants were absorbed into other regional tribes, their collective tribal presence was indeed cleared from the entire region by massive violence. Quintus Tullius Cicero, a politician, soldier, writer, and the younger brother of the more famous Marcus Tullius Cicero (himself no friend of Julius Caesar), was also wintering in the region, and his garrison only survived a subsequent siege by Ambiorix because of the quick intervention of Caesar. Though such an eyewitness to Caesar’s treatment of the Eburones as Quintus Cicero was available to his senatorial brother Marcus, we have no record of the latter’s denunciation of Caesar’s exaggerated report, which may well suggest that the genocide was real. 5 Caesar, Gallic Wars, Book 4, Chapters 3, 8, 16, 19; Book 6, Chapters 9, 29. In 4: 16 Caesar reports that during his first incursion across the Rhine in 55 B.C. a friendship alliance had been established with an Ubian embassy offering hostages (“Ubii autem, qui uni ex Transrhenanis ad Caesarem legatos miserant, amicitiam fecerant, obsides dederant”) yet in 6: 9 he states that

Romano - Germanic Cologne (58 B.C.-A.D. 456)

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was interrupted by an internal civil war of its own from 49-30 B.C., which ultimately replaced the Republic with Julio-Claudian emperors. What had served as an ad hoc alliance for Julius Caesar proved to be a more durable one for his imperial successors. The ancestral lands of the Ubii ranged throughout the Neuwied Basin, from the Sieg River in the north to the Lahn River valley’s boundary with the Taunus Mountain range in the south and to Hessian Amöneburg in the east, with a central citadel located on the Dünsberg just northwest of Gieβen.6 Having been increasingly pressured into a subordinate tributary status by the Suebi during the era of the Roman Civil Wars, the Ubian aristocracy sought to improve its lot by formalizing an alliance with the new imperial governor across the Rhine. Though Caesar described the original Roman-Ubian alliance originally as one of friendship (amicitiam) and then of submission (deditionem), Tacitus describes a much more formal alliance ( foedus) as the centerpiece of Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa’s strategy for consolidating Gaul and securing its Rhineland borders.7 Agrippa briefly visited eastern Gaul in 38 B.C. after his appointment by Octavian as governor of Transalpine Gaul, and he appears to have even crossed the Rhine himself in pursuit of marauding Germanic bands. 8 Though it cannot be ruled out, there is no surviving evidence of any meaningful contact with the Ubii at that time, and Agrippa’s preoccupation was still winning the Roman civil war. He was finally in a secure position to reorganize the Rhineland border during his second stint as governor of Gaul (and as son-in-law of Augustus Caesar, having by then married Julia the Elder), and as one of his primary strategic decisions Agrippa organized a formal relocation of the Ubii in 19 B.C. from their unstable homeland in Germania Magna to the Cologne Bight on the right side of during his second trans-Rhine incursion in 53 B.C. the Ubians made a formal submission to Roman authority along with sending hostages (“Ubii […] obsides dederant atque in deditionem venerant”). This discrepancy could indicate a more aggressive Roman policy in the region even with regard to its ally. Eck, Köln in römischer Zeit, 37, suspects that this might be evidence of some Ubian defections to Ambiorix. 6 Thomas H. Elkins and Edward M. Yates, “The Neuwied Basin,” Geography 45: 2 (January-April 1960) 39-51. 7 Tacitus, Annals [Loeb Classical Library 322] (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1937), Book 13, Chapter 57, refers to the civitas Ubiorum socia nobis, which indicates a formal treaty-based alliance granting the Ubii a sort of second-class citizenship in the Roman imperial project as auxiliary military support to the legions. Francesca Lamberti, „Ein Beispiel für die Flexibilität römischer ‘Auβenpolitik’: ‘Se dedere’ und ‘in fidem accipi’ am Beispiel der Ubier,“ Geschichte in Koln. Zeitschrift für Stadt- und Regionalgeschichte 49 (2002) 7-26. 8 Cassius Dio, Roman History, Book 49 Chapter 48.

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The Imperial Cit y of Cologne

the Rhine.9 Henceforth the Ubii were Roman socii and thus an auxiliary force in eastern Gaul to defend against the incursions of other Germanic tribes from beyond the Rhine frontier. They established themselves by the several thousands in the former Eburonic settlement area from Vixtbach in the south to Krefeld in the north and west to Jülich on the Rur (Roer) River. By the birth of Jesus Christ, a united Roman-Ubian administrative, cultic, military, and economic center – the Ubiorum oppidum – had been developed on an elevated plateau along the Rhine River, from which the city of Cologne would emerge.10 Cologne’s first urban configuration therefore was as a frontier garrison town populated by Roman legionaries and Ubian auxiliaries, with a regional supporting populace of Ubian farmers and merchants who provided for the town’s material needs. During the imperial reigns of Augustus and Tiberius, an Ubian cohort of horsemen and footsoldiers (cohors equitum et peditum Ubiorum) appear in the Roman army fighting in Pannonia, and such Ubian auxiliary troops no doubt joined along with various Gallic tribesmen in the Roman campaigns against Germanic tribes east of the Rhine during Augustus Caesar‘s reign.11 Augustus quickly integrated the Ubiorum oppidum into imperial administrative and economic structures through a major road-building project providing the Via Agrippa (today’s Luxemberger Straβe) to Trier via Zülpich, the Via Belgica (today’s Schildergasse/Aachener Straβe, then the decumanus maximus) to Cisalpine Gaul via Jülich and Tongeren, and the cardo maximus (today’s Hohe Straβe) running north-south through the heart of the town and linking it to the growing series of Roman fortifications along the Rhine frontier.12 Augustus clearly had plans to raise the town from the capital of the Ubians to the capital of a future Roman province of Germania Magna akin to Lyon as the capital of Cisalpine Gaul, and thus it received its own altar to

9 Eck, Köln im römischer Zeit, 49-53, deftly considers the numismatic evidence, which indicates an immigration date of 19 B.C. rather than 38 B.C. It could well have been though that Ubii had been quietly migrating into the Cologne Bight in the years before the formal relocation and alliance were concluded, given the pressure they had been enduring at the hands of other Germanic tribes, the Chatti and Suebi: Otto Doppelfeld, “Kölner Wirtschaft von den Anfängen bis zur Karolingerzeit,” in Hermann Kellenbenz, ed., Zwei Jahrtausende Kölner Wirtschaft, 2 vols. [Rheinisch-Westfälisches Wirtschaftsarchiv zu Köln] (Cologne: Greven Verlag, 1975) 1: 20. 10 Tacitus, Annals [Loeb Classical Library 249] (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1931), Book 1, Chapter 36. 11 Eck, Köln in römischer Zeit, 58. 12 This Roman highway is still used today with the name Limesstraβe.

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the Augustan imperial cult of Roma, referred to as the ara Ubiorum.13 Drusus the Elder and Tiberius carried forward their stepfather Augustus’ strategic project of turning the Rhine into a Roman river. Their conquest of Rhaetia integrated the western Danube with Italy, Gaul, and the Roman Rhine, and by 12 B.C. the latter had also been reinforced with legionary fortifications from Nijmegen (Ulpia Noviomagus Batavorum) to Xanten (Castra Vetera), Neuβ (Novaesium), Bonn (Bonna), and Mainz (Mogontiacum).14 While Tiberius then turned to conquering Pannonia, Drusus took over the Germania Magna project. Drusus’ efforts proved successful: from 12-9 B.C. he subjugated the powerful Sicambri and even led Roman military forces eastward both as far as the Elbe River by land as well as along the coastline from the mouth of the Rhine to the mouth of the Weser River. Upon his tragic death in 9 B.C. after a fall from his horse, Tiberius – now the leading candidate to succeed Augustus – arrived from Pannonia and completed his own round of successful campaigning in Germania Magna. Yet before he had consolidated these fraternal victories across the Rhine, Tiberius suddenly withdrew into his infamous retirement on the island of Rhodes. Therefore, from 8 B.C. to A.D. 9 no member of the Julio-Claudian dynasty pursued the family project of carving out a new Germanic province. Once again Julio-Claudian decisions (in this case Tiberius’ inheritance feud) contributed greatly to the political history of the Cologne Bight, and what a missed opportunity this would prove to be. It was not until six years after the intra-familial succession conflict was resolved that Tiberius returned to the imperial project in Germania Magna. The price for his return as emperor-designate was the distasteful adoption 13 Augustus Caesar’s stepson Drusus the Elder dedicated the ara Romae et Augusti in Lyon in 12 B.C. for veneration on behalf of the Three Gauls. The ara Ubiorum therefore clearly indicates an imperial plan to separate the Ubian region from Gallia Belgica. This Ubian altar was likely dedicated by Drusus ca. 12-9 B.C. between his time in Lyon and his incursions into Germania, or perhaps by his brother Tiberius upon the latter’s return from Germania in 8 B.C. The specific location of the Ubian altar has yet to be determined in archaeological research: Ronald Mellor, “The Goddess Roma,” in Wolfgang Haase and Hildegard Temporini, eds., Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt: Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der neueren Forschung. Principat: Religion (Abteilung 2: Band 17, Teilband 2) (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1981) 950-1030 at 987-992; Eck, Köln in römischer Zeit, 87-88; Cordula Kassner, „Anfang der Römerstadt: Die erste Erwähnung der ara Ubiorum, 9 n. Chr.,“ in Wolfgang Rosen and Lars Wirtler, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln. Band I (Cologne: Bachem Verlag, 1999) 1-2. 14 Between about 9 B.C. and A.D. 30 the Cologne Bight also served as a garrison area. The Legio I Germanica and the Legio XX Valeria Victrix were stationed somewhere near the Ubian settlement (apud aram Ubiorum). In A.D. 43 the Legio I was repositioned in Bonn (and then in Britain), while the Legio XX moved to Neuβ, where it was joined by the Legio XVI from Mainz.

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of his brother Drusus’ son Nero Claudius Drusus, ironically known more by his father’s posthumously awarded agnomen, Germanicus. Though several Germanic tribes still proved compliant, Tiberius’ renewed efforts to consolidate the new province were soon interrupted by a nearly four-year revolt in Pannonia. Crushing it required the services of no fewer than eight legions led by both Tiberius and Germanicus, while only three legions could be spared under the leadership of Publius Quinctilius Varus to maintain Roman presence beyond the Rhine in Germania Magna. Varus would lose these legions along with many Gallic auxiliaries – some 20,000 men – to a shocking ambush led by a coalition of Germanic tribes under Arminius of the Cherusci at the infamous Battle of the Teutoburg Forest (A.D. 9). Tiberius rushed thereafter to fortify the western shore of the Rhine with a total of eight legions over the next three years (previously there had normally been five to six legions in the region).15 Even so there would be no annihilation of the Cherusci for their massacre of Roman legionaries as with the Eburoni, since the conquest generation of Augustus and Agrippa was giving way to a new generation of leadership that had to focus more on consolidation. The aged Augustus, still recovering from the death of Agrippa, sought to revive his devastated Germania Magna project 16 by sending Tiberius’ nephew and adopted son Germanicus to the Rhineland in A.D. 12. Germanicus first proved his mettle two years later when, at the death of Augustus himself, four legions in finibus Ubiorum (i.e., I, V, XX, XXI) plotted to burn and plunder the now-wealthy Ubian town to protest their own harsh living conditions. Hoping he would be more responsive to their needs than Tiberius, the legions even offered to make him the new emperor, but Germanicus demurred and countered with promises of better pay and retirement benefits. And when rumor-fueled riots ensued once soldiers feared that Germanicus had failed in negotiations on their behalf with a senatorial delegation ad aram Ubiorum, he simultaneously quelled the uprising and obtained affirmation of his earlier concessions from both Tiberius and the Roman Senate. Of course he was obliged to pay for these concessions with a series of brutal plundering expeditions into Germania Magna over the next two 15 Gustav Adolf Lehmann, „Die Varus-Katastrophe aus der Sicht des Historikers,“ in Bendix Trier, ed., 2000 Jahre Römer in Westfalen (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1989) 85-95. 16 As a sign of the trauma caused by the Teutoburg Forest debacle, the numbers of the three lost legions were never used again in the Roman army, a gesture that was unique in Roman military history.

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years, which signaled a major shift in the perception of the Germanic side of the Rhine as the land of plunder rather than annexation. These massive incursions proved politically popular in Rome, as one resulted in the recovery of the legionary eagle standards lost by Varus.17 In the midst of these imperial raids in A.D. 15 or 16, an additional benef it emerged for the Romans of the Ubian resettlement area when Germanicus’ wife Agrippina the Elder (daughter of Agrippa) gave birth to her daughter and namesake (Agrippina the Younger) in the Ubiorum oppidum, which secured yet another generation of Julio-Claudian familial patronage of the town.18 According to Tacitus, Tiberius, once emperor, soon tired of Germanicus’ ferocious military raids into Germanic territory because they generated the undesired byproduct of a strengthening Germanic coalition led by the Cherusci warlord Arminius. So Tiberius recalled Germanicus to Rome in A.D. 16 and assuaged his heir’s ego with a triumph, which even so was a public statement that Germanicus’ assignment in Germania Magna was concluded.19 Indeed, Tiberius thereby brought the curtain down on Augustus’ dream of a Roman province in Germania Magna, and henceforth the Rhine River marked the frontier limit of Roman expansion as the permanent northeastern border of the empire. For the Ubian town soon to be known as Cologne, this was a momentous change in imperial policy. Now the town would no longer function as a forward offensive base and destined capital of a future Roman province reaching beyond the Rhine frontier. Such a role would surely have shifted the Cologne Bight‘s Gallic center into a Germanic orbit. Henceforth the Ubiorum oppidum would serve as a defensive and distribution center as part of Gaul on limes Germanicus.20 17 Tacitus, Annals [Loeb Classical Library 249] (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1931), Book 1, Chapters 31-39. 18 Tacitus, Annals [Loeb Classical Library 312] (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1937), Book 12, Chapter 27. 19 Tacitus, Annals [Loeb Classical Library 249], Book 2, Chapter 26. Tiberius reassigned Germanicus to Asia Minor, where the latter continued to pursue a career of military success and political usurpation of authority. When Germanicus died suddenly in Antioch (A.D. 19), suspicion ran rampant that Tiberius had ordered the murder of his adoptive heir. 20 Tacitus, Germania [Loeb Classical Library 35] (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1914), Chapter 28 makes clear that the Ubians had been resettled to serve as a defensive force against the Germanic tribes east of the Rhine: “Ne Ubii quidem, quamquam Romana colonia esse meruerint ac libentius Agrippinenses conditoris sui nomine vocentur, origine erubescunt, transgressi olim et experimento fidei super ipsam Rheni ripam conlocati, ut arcerent, non ut custodirentur.”

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Augustus’ personal patronage of his Germania Magna project physically transformed the Ubian capital from a rural frontier settlement into an emerging Roman civitas. As an administrative and cultic center for the region, the town not only saw its prestige but also its economic development rise rapidly as massive amounts of grain, wine, oil, arms, and armor were imported from Gaul to supply the legions, which in turn built substantial defensive structures while skilled craftsmen were imported to construct monumental public buildings of stone. A 96-hectar area (approximately 237 acres) of Ubian tribal settlement thus became a Roman town by the third decade of the first century A.D., complete with a rectangular Roman street grid, a temple and portico for the ars Ubiorum,21 an arch monument (either for Augustus, Tiberius, or Germanicus), and administrative buildings. The largest surviving remnant of this urban building project was unearthed in 1965 and is now known as the Ubian Monument (Ubiermonument). It originally served as the massive southeastern corner tower of the Roman fortification wall, whose original wooden palisade was replaced by a stone wall in the second half of the first century A.D.22 Of course the Ubians paid substantially for the Roman military ventures into Germania, both as auxiliary soldiers as well as taxpayers. And as Ubians engaged in socioeconomic and cultural exchanges with Roman soldiers and provincials, they eventually intermarried with Roman veterans who chose to settle there and were gradually assimilated into the populus Romanus. Therefore, what the Julio-Claudian dynasty did not succeed in establishing through conquest east of the Rhine still found its expression west of the river through the daily living of Romans among the Ubians.23 21 The Romans used religious collaboration to draw disaffected Cherusci leaders away from Arminius. Tacitus tells of a Germanic priest of the ars Ubiorum named Segimundus, who was from the Cherusci tribe and also a naturalized Roman citizen through his father Segestes. Elected as priest by the leaders of the regional Germanic tribes submissive to Rome, he had made sacrifices at the altar on their behalf as a sign of collective loyalty. And although Segimundus later abandoned his sacerdotal duties and joined in Arminius’ revolt against Varus, he was later received back with grace by Germanicus, who held in his camp Segimundus’ sister Thusnelda, she also being the wife of Arminius. This tell us that the ars Ubiorum served as a cultic center for more than just the Ubians among the Germanic peoples of the region. See Tacitus, Annals [Loeb Classical Library 249], Book 1, Chapter 57; and Cordula Kassner, “Anfang der Römerstadt: Die erste Erwähnung der ara Ubiorum,” 1-2. 22 This monument tower, dated to ca. A.D. 5-6, is located on today’s An der Malzmühle street at its intersection with Mathiasstraβe and Mühlenbach, across from the Mauritius Hotel: Wolff, Das Römisch-Germanische Köln, 168-170. 23 Werner Eck, „Die Anfänge des romischen Köln und seine politisch-administrative Stellung in der hohen Kaiserzeit,“ Geschichte in Koln. Zeitschrift für Stadt- und Regionalgeschichte 4 (1979) 4-24.

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Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium: From Fortified Town to Roman Colony Patronage from the imperial family continued to transform and define the Cologne Bight. Tacitus reports that Agrippina the Younger, born in the Ubian capital as the granddaughter of Agrippa and daughter of Germanicus,24 had intervened in its affairs in A.D. 50. The year before she had married her own uncle, the emperor Claudius (himself a son of Drusus the Elder), in the wake of his own first three failed marriages (two divorces, one execution), in order to reunite the Julian and Claudian family lines and provide a ready imperial heir in her son Nero. And now she wanted to spend some of the capital she had accrued from agreeing to marry Claudius. First she persuaded her new uncle-husband to neglect his own natural son and heir Britannicus and adopt her son Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus – now known by the family name of Nero. She then sought to advance her own status by setting several precedents: after becoming the first woman to receive the honorific title of Augusta from the senate while living,25 she persuaded Claudius to raise the frontier fortress town of her birth to the status of a Roman colony and to rename the town after her. Agrippina was thus the first woman to have a Roman colony named after her, and the new hybrid name devised for the settlement reflects both its Ubian origins as well as continued Julio-Claudian imperial patronage: Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium (CCAA).26 These four Latin words reflect (1) a new legal status for the Ubian garrison town, (2) the imprint of the emperor’s patronage, (3) the retention of the ara Ubiorum as the cultic center of the colony yet now under joint control of Ubians and Romans, and (4) the renaming of the Romano-Ubian populace, as they were now known as the Agrippinenses.27 Thereafter, the colony’s new expansive name was often 24 Her brother was Gaius, the paranoid and eventually murdered successor of Tiberius, whose nickname Caligula or “little soldier boot” was invented by Roman soldiers in the Rhineland where, as a young child of two or three, Gaius spent time in his father Germanicus’ military camp in a miniature full dress uniform: Suetonius, The Lives of the Caesars [Loeb Classical Library 31] (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1914) Chapter 9. 25 Claudius’ mother, Antonia Minor, was the first living woman to have been offered this title, but she is said to have declined Caligula’s offer and was only posthumously awarded it when Claudius deified her and Augustus’ wife Livia Drusilla (Julia Augusta). Hence Agrippina was the first woman to be offered and actually bear the title of Augusta while alive. 26 Tacitus, Annals [Loeb Classical Library 312] Book 12, Chapter 27: “Sed Agrippina quo vim suam sociis quoque nationibus ostentaret in oppidum Ubiorum, in quo genita erat, veteranos coloniamque deduci impetrat, cui nomen inditum e vocabulo ipsius, ac forte acciderat ut eam gentem Rhenum transgressam avus Agrippa in fidem acciperet.” 27 See note 30 above (Tacitus, Germania, Chapter 28).

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abbreviated as colonia Agrippina, civitas Agrippina, or civitas Agrippinensium. It is therefore appropriate to say that, while Agrippa (in the name of Augustus Caesar) was the founder of the Ubian town, his granddaughter Agrippina the Younger was the founder of the city of Cologne.28 Designation as a Roman civitas and colonia brought further changes. In subsequent decades the wooden palisade was replaced by a stone city wall almost 4 kilometers long, 8 meters high, and 2.4 meters thick complete with trenches and studded with nineteen towers and nine gates, all of which enclosed some 98.6 hectares (almost exactly one square kilometer, or 248 acres) of urban land.29 The Roman legions assisted in building the city walls as part of a large and expensive public works project for the city sponsored by Emperor Nero.30 In particular, the legions were instrumental in quarrying the necessary red sandstone from around Trier, the basalt and trachyte from near the Drachenfels, and the limestone from the Erft River area. Likely in conjunction with the wall’s construction was the building of an imperial flotilla (classis Germanica) at the castrum of Alteburg only 3.5 kilometers south of the colony’s urbs (in today’s suburb of Köln-Marienburg), which appears to have patrolled the Rhine from A.D. 13 to the second half of the third century.31

28 There has been some inter-city competition between Cologne and Trier for the designation as the oldest Roman city in Germany. Trier was founded by Augustus Caesar in 17 B.C., so the designation depends upon whether one uses Agrippa’s Ubian foundation date (19 B.C.) or Agrippina’s colonial founding date (A.D. 50) for Cologne: Werner Eck, Agrippina die Stadtgründerin Kölns: eine Frau in der frühkaiserzeitlichen Politik (Cologne: Greven Verlag, 1993). 29 Hansgerd Hellenkemper, “The Roman Defences of Cologne-Colonia Ara Agrippinensium,” in John Maloney and Brian Hobley, eds., Roman Urban Defences in the West [CBA Research Report 51] (London: Council for British Archaeology, 1983) 23. Wolff, Das Römisch-Germanische Köln, 144 concludes: “The Roman city 1180 of Cologne is one of the most impressive antique defensive works this side of the Alps” (translation mine); for an extensive study of the wall see 144-179. 30 Eck, Köln in römischer Zeit, 175-176. An inscription from an administrative building dated A.D. 66-67 and mentioning Nero was unearthed on 11 June 1970 during an excavation of the Roman sewer drainage system. See Wolff, Das Römisch-Germanische Köln, 40-41; Werner Eck, „Eine Bauinschrift Neros aus Köln,“ Kölner Jahrbücher 13 (1972-1973) 89-91; Lars Wirtler, „Urbanistiche Entwicklung: Eine Bauinschrift aus der Zeit des Kaisers Nero 66/67 n. Chr.,“ in Rosen and Wirtler, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln. Band I, 7-8. And in April 2008, Hansgerd Hellenkemper reported that urban subway excavations had revealed the so-called Nero Gate (a first-century gate complete with eleven meters of the city wall that served as a goods-delivery entrance to the city from an external river port, paid for by funds Nero had provided). Though Nero had his mother Agrippina murdered in A.D. 59, he did not remove her name from Cologne’s formal title and still proved to be a generous patron of her colony. 31 Norbert Hanel, „Die Ausgrabungen im Lager der classis Germanica in Köln-Marienburg (Alteburg) in den Jahren 1927/28,“ Kölner Jahrbuch 31 (1998) 351-400 and Norbert Hanel, „Bibliographie

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Furthermore, the new colony received the privilege under Ius Italicum of governing itself as a colony of Roman citizens, and this included the Ubian elites as well as the retired Roman legionaries.32 Though archaeological evidence is lacking, epigraphic remnants indicate that military veterans from as far afield as Spain and Pannonia, as well as from the Rhineland legions, settled in the Cologne Bight. Perhaps as many as 1,500-2,000 veterans took up farms in the lowlands, collaborated with Ubian elites (now full Roman citizens) in the elective popular assembly, the magistracies, and the decurion council; and equally as important, they married their daughters.33 Latin was the language of law, commerce, and public life, yet this linguistic and cultural divide was clearly bridged by the Romans and Ubians already by the end of Nero‘s reign. Indeed, they had begun to consider themselves one people, the Agrippinenses. Remarkably, there is no evidence surviving of conflicts between the two populations over granting Bight land to retired veterans; rather, what resulted was a fascinating admixture of ethnic communities from across Europe, and all made possible by the Roman army’s socialization process and the patronage of the Julio-Claudian dynasty.34 Such a newly formed identity as Agrippinenses was quickly tested at the violent death of Emperor Nero in A.D. 68. The city walls must have been largely in place a decade before, since they protected the urban dwellers from a devastating rural fire that reached these new bulwarks,35 and they would zum Hauptstützpunkt der classis Germanica (Alteburg) bei Köln-Marienburg (1889-2006),“ Kölner Jahrbuch 39 (2006) 567-580. 32 Theodor Mommsen, ed., Digesta Iustitiani Augusti (Berlin: Weidmann, 1918) 50, 15, 8: “Paulus [iurisconsultus] libro secundo de censibus […] 2. In Germania inferiore Agrippinenses iuris Italici sunt.“ This legal abstraction allowed colonies outside the Italian peninsula the same rights as an Italian city as though they were on ager Romanus, complete with Roman citizenship and freedom from tributary land and head taxes. In all the colonies dated to the period from Cladius to Trajan, only three possessed Italic Right: CCAA (Cologne) and Trajan’s Dacian fortresses of Dierna and Sarmizegeta Regia: Thomas H. Watkins, “Coloniae et Ius Italicum in the Early Empire,” The Classical Journal 78: 4 (April-May 1983) 319-336; Christian Baldus and Francesca Lamberti, “Köln wird Kolonie: Die Verleihung des ius Italicum, 50 n. Chr.,” in Rosen and Wirtler, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln. Band I, 3-6. 33 Copying Rome, the duumviri served as joint mayors; two aediles supervised the markets, police, buildings, and food supply; two quaestors managed municipal finances; twelve judges ran the courts; and numerous priesthoods abounded. Most Roman veterans were settled on or near the Rhône River just south of its union with the Saône River, and so Cologne’s function as a veterans’ colony is distinctive: David Nicholas, The Growth of the Medieval City: From Late Antiquity to the Early Fourteenth Century (London: Longman, 1997; rpt. New York: Routledge 2014) 7. 34 Eck, Köln in der römischer Zeit, 140-175. 35 Tacitus, Annals [Loeb Classical Library 322], Book 13, Chapter 57: “Sed civitas Ubiorum socia nobis malo improviso adflicta est. Nam ignes terra editi villas arva vicos passim corripiebant

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offer protection of military nature as the end of the Julio-Claudian dynasty unleashed a new civil war in the so-called Year of the Four Emperors. Having successfully marched on Rome as the new emperor, Servius Sulpicius Galba sent the rather undistinguished senator Aulus Vitellius to the Rhineland as governor amid rapidly deteriorating relations with the Batavi in the Rhine estuary. Yet Galba was soon dispatched through the palace coup of his own deputy Otho and the Praetorian Guard on 15 January A.D. 69. Not to be outdone, on 3 February in the Cologne praetorium, the Bonn Legion acclaimed Vitellius the real emperor, and with the city as his staging base he marched with the Rhineland legions to a successful April victory against Otho in northern Italy.36 Yet the Roman legions of Syria and Egypt had also proclaimed another imperial candidate in early July, their own general Vespasian. Though he was still in the midst of the First Jewish-Roman War, Vespasian possessed the key asset of two sons (Titus and Domitian) as ready heirs.37 Vespasian courted the rebellious Batavi over the summer months as he preferred to use their anger at shabby treatment by Vitellius’ administration to bottle up his rival’s legions and their Germanic auxiliaries in the north as he prepared to march on Rome from the east. With this encouragement, the Batavian uprising became a full-blown independence movement by September. A large Batavian army besieged two beleaguered Roman legions in Xanten and destroyed the legion stationed in Bonn. The Batavian prince Gaius Julius Civilis (an acquired Roman name, to be sure) pressed his Rhineland campaign further and next threatened Cologne itself. Civilis laid siege to the walled city of the Agrippinenses, who had allied themselves with Vitellius and thus were in a sorry situation with no prospect of protection from their emperor of choice. Yet the city remained loyal to Vitellius until ferebanturque in ipsa conditae nuper coloniae moenia. Neque extingui poterant, non si imbres caderent, non fluvialibus aquis aut quo alio humore, donec inopia remedii et ira cladis agrestes quidam emimus saxa iacere, dein resistentibus flammis propius suggressi ictu fustium aliisque verberibus ut feras absterrebant: postremo tegmina corpori derepta iniciunt, quanto magis profana et usu polluta, tanto magis oppressura ignis.” There is still some debate among archaeologists about when the walls were finally completed, and dates have been proposed ranging from A.D. 60 to A.D. 90. 36 Suetonius, Lives of the Caesars, Volume II [Loeb Classical Library 38] (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press 1985) Chapters 7-8. Vitellius was also given the sword of Julius Caesar from the temple of Mars in Cologne, and the honorific title of Germanicus. See also Cordula Kassner, „Köln und die römische Reichspolitik: Vitellius wird zum Kaiser ausgerufen, 69 n. Chr.,“ in Rosen and Wirtler, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln. Band I, 9-12. 37 Tacitus, Histories [Loeb Classical Library 111] (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1925) Book 1, Chapter 57.

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the latter’s defeat at the hands of Vespasian in December, even in spite of a poor harvest followed by the Batavian siege. Upon Vitellius’ death the consilium Agrippinensium finally bowed to Batavian pressure and agreed to a treaty of alliance, complete with an exchange of hostages.38 Yet this parley only elicited new pressure on the Agrippineses for a more profound concession. The leadership of the Tencteri tribe sent an embassy across the Rhine to persuade the Romanized Ubian citizens of Cologne to reclaim their Germanic identity. The Batavian alliance of expediency was now superseded by the even graver demands of another neighboring Germanic tribe: That you have returned into the community and name of Germania we give thanks to the gods we hold in common and to Mars the chief of our gods, and we congratulate you that finally you will live as free among the free. For until this day the Romans have closed the river and land and in a way even the air, so that they might bar our conversations and our meetings, or, what is more contemptuous to men born for arms, so that they might force us to assemble unarmed and practically naked, under custody and taxed. But so that the friendship and union between us might be secured forever, we require from you that you tear down the walls of the colony, those monuments to slavery (even feral animals, if you keep them confined, forget their natural courage), and that you slaughter the all Romans within your territory (hardly can liberty and tyrants be easily mixed together): let the goods of the slain be placed into common stock, lest anyone be able to hide anything or separate his own interest. And let it be lawful for you and us to dwell on both sides of the river, as it once was among our elders: just as nature gives light and the daytime to all men so it throws open every land to brave men. Resume the customs and practices of your country, and with pleasures renounced with which the Romans, rather than through arms, succeed against subject peoples. 38 Tacitus, Histories [Loeb Classical Library 249] (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1931) Book 4, Chapters 55 and 59. Surely this seemed like sound policy after seeing Civilis’ treacherous slaughter of the Xanten legions after promising them safe conduct and then starving them into submission by early A.D. 70. There were Ubians among those soldiers under oath who led the sacking of the settlement of Mainz in the spring as well as at the defeat of the Batavian coalition in Trier by the summer of that year (Tacitus, Histories, Book 4, Chapter 77). See Heinz Bellen, „Corpus imperii oder corpus Germaniae? Die Agrippinenser und die ‘Freiheit’ im Jahr 70 n. Chr.,“ in Werner Schäfke, ed., Der Name der Freiheit 1288-1988. Aspekte Kölner Geschichte von Worringen bis Heute (Cologne: Kölnisches Stadtmuseum, 1988) 17-22; rpt. Politik-Recht-Gesellschaft. Studien der Alten Geschichte [Historia: Einzelschriften 115] (Stuttgart: Hans Steiner Verlag, 1997).

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A pure and whole people, having forgotten your servitude, you will either be the equals of others or even rule over them.39

This was a critical moment in the young history of Cologne. In essence, the Tencteri called upon the Romanized Ubians to conclude the Batavian siege with an orderly slaughter of Romans and division of their booty. Yet the Ubian leadership ultimately refused to carry out such an internal siege, because after so much intermarriage with the Romans, it would have meant killing their own parents, siblings, spouses, and children.40 Rather, they offered to lift all Roman trade duties and regulations and open the city walls on market days during daylight hours, which appeased the Tencteri for the time being. The Romanized Ubian elites had thereby recognized a profound change in their sense of identity. And since most of the Romans must have fled by this time from the region, this reflects a remarkable social and cultural shift. 41 The Agrippinenses had indeed become one people, united by myriad bonds of conviviality, consanguinity, and affinity between Ubians and Romans.42 Perhaps because of this show of solidarity, as well as of an awareness of 39 Tacitus, Histories [Loeb Classical Library 249] Book 4, Chapter 64: „Igitur Tencteri, Rheno discreta gens, missis legatis mandata apud concilium Agrippinensium edi iubent, quae ferocissimus e legatis in hunc modum protulit: ‘redisse vos in corpus nomenque Germaniae communibus deis et praecipuo deorum Marti grates agimus, vobisque gratulamur quod tandem liberi inter liberos erit is; nam ad hunc diem flumina ac terram et caelum quodam modo ipsum clauserant Romani ut conloquia congressusque nostros arcarerent, vel, quod contumeliosius est viris ad arma natis, inermes ac prope nudi sub custode et pretio coiremus. Sed ut amicitia societas que nostra in aeternum rata sint, postulamus a vobis muros coloniae, munimenta servitii, detrahatis (etiam fera animalia, si clausa teneas, virtutis obliviscuntur), Romanos omnis in finibus vestris trucidetis (haud facile libertas et domini miscentur): bona interfectorum in medium cedant, ne quis occulere quicquam aut segregare causam suam possit. Liceat nobis vobisque utramque ripam colere, ut olim maioribus nostris: quo modo lucem diemque omnibus hominibus, ita omnis terras fortibus viris natura aperuit. Instituta cultumque patrium resumite, abruptis voluptatibus, quibus Roma ni plus adversus subiectos quam armins valent. Sincerus et integer et servitutis oblitus populus aut ex aequo agetis aut aliis imperitabitis.’» 40 Tacitus, Histories [Loeb Classical Library 249] Book 4, Chapter 65: «Deductis olim et nobiscum per conubium sociatis quique mox provenerunt haec patria est; nec vos adeo iniquos existimamus ut interf ici a nobis parentes fratres liberos nostros velitis. Vectigal et onera commerciorum resolivimus: sint transitus incustoditi sed diurni et inermes, donec nova et recentia iura vetustate in conseutudinem veruntur. Arbtrium habebimus Civilem et Veledam, apud quos pacta sancientur.’ Sic lenitis Tencteris legati ad Civilem ac Veledam missi cum donis cuncta ex voluntate Agrippinensium perpetravere.» 41 Cordula Kassner, „Integration statt Mord: Die Ubier verweigern die Tötung der in Köln lebenden Römer, 69 n. Chr.,“ in Rosen and Wirtler, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln. Band I, 13-16. 42 Tacitus makes clear that the Ubians in the civitas Agrippiensium paid a price for their choice to remain with their Roman family members: Tacitus, Histories [Loeb Classical Library 249]

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the limited choices facing them because of his own diplomacy, Vespasian did not apply a single sanction against the inhabitants of Cologne. In turn, the Agrippinenses quickly embraced Flavian authority after Vespasian had humbled Civilis with eight legions in full array, hard on the heels of his prior victory in the Jewish War. Tacitus acknowledged Flavian generosity toward the colony given its endurance though a combined Roman civil war and Batavian insurrection, observing that “through the whole of this war they enjoyed better loyalty than fortune.”43 Once again, a combination of Ubian-Roman integration and imperial patronage sustained the city as much as its imposing walls. Cologne flourished once again under the Flavian dynasty, which moved quickly to reform the military structure of the region after the preceding years of chaos. Poorly performing legions I Germanica and XVI Gallica were disbanded and replaced by XXI Rapax (Bonn) and VI Victrix (Neuβ), which rebuilt the destroyed military bases in stone. Domitian thereafter led a punitive assault against the Chatti with his own new legion, I Minerva, 44 and after granting himself an elaborate triumph in Rome45 declared that he had solved the problem of the Germanic tribes once and for all. His solution proved to perpetuate the f iction of a dreamed-of Germania Magna by moving the location of Germanica to the western shore of the Rhine River. Whereas his first imperial predecessor had relocated a Germanic tribe to opposite shore of the river, Domitian had the audacity to move an entire geographical region there. He declared in A.D. 83 that the river itself was the limes Germanicus and then carved two new provinces out of eastern Gaul within the next two years as the new Roman Germanica. 46 Of course these new administrative units were not provinces in any organic, geographical, or ethnic sense but, rather, military districts in origin and purpose. One province given the name Germania inferior stretched along the western shore of the Rhine River from the alpine limes of the Rhaetian province down to the Vixtbach, which itself empties into the Rhine at Rheineck, just south of modern Bad Breisig. The other named Book 4, Chapter 28: “actae utrobique praedae, infestius in Ubiis, quod gens Germanicae originis eiurata patria [Romanorum nomen] Agrippinenses vocarentur.” 43 Ibid: “per omne id bellum meliore usi fide quam fortuna.” 44 Domitian replaced the XXI Rapax in Bonn with the Legio I Minerva in A.D. 83, giving the latter the honorific title Pia Fidelis Domitiana. 45 Tacitus, Agricola [Loeb Classical Library 35] (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1970) Chapter 39 derided this as a falsum e Germania triumphum. 46 Domitian even issued coinage with the inscription Germania capta: Eck, Köln in römischer Zeit, 214-217.

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Germania inferior comprehended the area from thence northward to the Rhine estuary. Therefore the imperial procurator and his financial staff still remained in Trier, but a provincial governor and a military commander presided in Cologne with a staff comprised primarily of legionary soldiers. 47 Cologne, although still remaining a self-governing city-state colony, also became the capital of Germania inferior. Therefore, an imperial legate (legatus Augusti pro praetore) would reside in the city as provincial governor alongside the municipal government, and one can hardly overstate the ensuing economic boost given to Cologne by the arrival of another layer of imperial administration, along with the 15,000 Roman soldiers stationed in the region. One such imperial legate was Trajan, who was apparently within the walls of Cologne in A.D. 98 when the future emperor Hadrian (so says the Historia Augusta) arrived in haste to announce the death of Nerva and thus the rise of Trajan to the imperial throne.48 No doubt the celebration for the newly acclaimed emperor exuded more confidence and serenity than Cologne’s first attempt with Aulus Vitellius some 30 years before, though the raising of new emperors would become a habit in Cologne in the Roman Empire of Late Antiquity. 49

Cologne in Late Antiquity: Provincial Capital Cologne now entered an era of unprecedented peace and prosperity, in which ironically it is not mentioned in any surviving written source for more than 150 years, apart from Hadrian’s likely return to the city (this time as emperor) in A.D. 122 during his inspection of the Rhineland frontier.50 Archaeological 47 Rudolf Haensch, „Köln als ‘Hauptstadt’ der Provinz Germania inferior,“ Geschichte in Koln. Zeitschrift für Stadt- und Regionalgeschichte 33 (1993) 5-40; Thomas Grünewald, ed., Germania Inferior: Besiedlung, Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft an der Grenze der römisch-germanischen Welt. Reallexikon der Germanischen Altertumskunde, Ergänzungsband 28 (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 2001). The governor tended to civil and criminal matters in the province, while the military commander managed its defense. 48 Historia Augusta, Volume I [Loeb Classical Library 139] (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1921) Hadrian, Chapter 1. Eutropius, the fourth-century imperial magister memoriae in Constantinople, states bluntly in his Breviarium Historiae Romanae, ed. R. Ruehl (Leipzig: Teubner, 1887) Chapter 8: Section 2 that “Imperator autem apud Agrippinam in Galliis factus est.” 49 Eck, Köln in römischer Zeit, 240 concludes about Trajan’s sojourn in Cologne: “The city had stood for a few months at the center of the Roman world, it had now become the real center” (translation mine). 50 Anthony R. Birley, Hadrian: The Restless Emperor (Abingdon: Routledge, 1997) 114-116; 122. The emperor most likely stayed in the praetorian palace with his close friend Aulus Platorius

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evidence speaks volumes, however, about the rapid growth of the city during the Pax Romana era. At the turn from the first to the second century the cardo maximus (Hohe Straβe) was expanded to a broad thoroughfare of 24 meters with flanking colonnades, and its loam foundations were covered with great trachyte plates (most other streets having been paved with basalt). These streets were drained by gullies at their edges, whose waste water flowed into a system of underground cisterns and at least ten different canals leading ultimately down to the Rhine River. Fresh water was transported to the city from a total length of 130 kilometers via an astonishing underground aqueduct system reaching first into the nearby Vorgebirge and then more extensively into the more distant Eifel mountains. This aqueduct system provided the colony with a remarkable 20,000 cubic meters (or 5.3 million gallons) of cool, fresh spring water every day at public fountains, baths, and toilets and in private homes.51 Thick terrace walls along the Rhine shoreline were installed to forestall erosion, while the port area saw the unloading of tons of imported marble from northern Greece and Italy and porphyry from Greece and Egypt for public buildings. In the southeast corner of the city stood the capitol temple rising over the city walls at 15 meters high and some 33 x 30 meters in size, encircled by a temple precinct of some 80 x 70 meters.52 North of this main temple also stood a great round temple whose cult remains unknown,53 and north of this second temple stood the temple of Mars. Yet the central civic Nepos, the governor of Germania inferior at that time. Later that year Nepos accompanied Hadrian to Britain and was established as governor there to begin the construction of the famous Hadrian’s Wall. Historia Augusta, Volume I [Loeb Classical Library 139] Hadrian: Chapter 10: “Post haec profectus in Gallias omnes civitates variis liberalitatibus sublevavit, inde in Germaniam transiit.” The curious papyrus Codex Miscellaneus of Montserrat contains a “Tale about the Emperor Hadrian,” recently edited by Juan Gil and Sofía Torallas Tovar, Hadrianus [Orientalia Montserratensia] (Barcelona: Publicacions de l’Abadia de Montserrat, 2010), which contains a creative account of Hadrian’s visit to Cologne (see pages 54-60). 51 Klaus Grewe, Atlas der römischen Wasserleitung nach Köln [Rheinische Ausgrabungen 26] (Bonn: Rheinland-Verlag, 1988), Waldemar Haberey, Die römischen Wasserleitungen nach Köln 2nd ed. (Bonn: Rheinland-Verlag, 1972). It has been estimated that no one in the city had to walk more than 50 meters to get water. Emperor Hadrian’s heir Antonius Pius financed a massive building project in Cologne during his reign (A.D. 138-161), which was most likely the aqueduct system to the Vorgebirge. The Eifel aqueduct system continued functioning until the city was plundered during Postumus’ seizure of the city in A.D. 260; thereafter only the nearer Vorgebirge aqueduct was maintained. 52 The capitol temple was the cultic center for Capitoline Triad of Jupiter, his wife Juno, and their daughter Minerva. 53 This could either have been the original site of the ara Ubiorum or at least some kind of harbor temple.

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shrine was located west of the round temple, in the center of the 110-meter wide Forum where the decumanus maximus (today’s Schildergasse) met the cardo maximus. North of the central shrine (under the later medieval Rathaus complex) lay the governor’s palace, the praetorium, which occupied four city blocks (insulae) between the Rhine and the cardo maximus with its 130-meter long east facade. Administrative seat of the supreme commander of the Roman legions of Germania inferior and since A.D. 85 the residence of the governor of the province, it joined the forum area as the two major centers of civic life and was remodeled many times over in the coming centuries.54 In terms of private life, costly villas were built in the northeast corner of the city in the northern Italian style, complete with beautiful wall paintings and floors f itted out with a system of heating and mosaics like the famous third-century Dionysos mosaic of the Peristyle House.55 Entertainment could be had in the public baths of the south-central region or perhaps the theater and arena.56 Artisans and laborers lived in simple row-house apartments with their workstations, storehouses, and places of business facing directly onto the street. The city contained somewhere around 40,000 people at its height in the second century, with an additional 75,000 settled in the greater Bight area. It must have been an imposing sight of strength and vitality to those looking at it from the eastern shore of the Rhine. When the Roman legions stationed from Remagen to Krefeld are added to the mix, a sizeable population of at least 150,000 lived in the greater Cologne civitas area.57 54 Wolff, Das Römisch-Germanische Köln, 180-197; Gundolf Precht, Baugeschichtliche Untersuchung zum römischen Praetorium in Köln [Rheinische Ausgrabungen 14] (Cologne: RheinlandVerlag, 1973); Felix Schäfer, Das Praetorium in Köln und weitere Statthalterpaläste im Imperium Romanum. Eine baugeschichtliche Untersuchung und eine vergleichende Studie zu Typus und Funktion (Dissertation: University of Cologne, 2004); Christian Durand, „Herrschaftsarchitektur: Das römische Praetorium der Stadt Köln,“ in Rosen and Wirtler, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln. Band I, 30-34. 55 Wolff, Das Römisch-Germanische Köln, 134-137. 56 Ibid., 231 for the public baths, from which have been unearthed a frigidarium and a semicircular caldarium (with attached praefurnium) of 15 meters width dating from the first century A.D. No theatre or amphitheatre has been discovered thus far, yet suggestive of such activity in the city are a late second-century theatre mask, a gladiator mosaic, and the grave monument of the first-century gladiators Aquilus and Muranus (ibid., 82-83). 57 Carl Dietmar and Marcus Trier, Colonia: Stadt der Franken. Köln vom 5. bis 10. Jahrhundert (Cologne: Du Mont Buchverlag, 2011) 23-28. For the population estimates see Eck, Köln in römischer Zeit, 311-314; and Doppelfeld, „Kölner Wirtschaft von den Anfängen bis zur Karolingerzeit,“ 26-27 who accepts the upper end of this range.

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Various country estates of distinguished Romans with their stables and barns ringed the city, like one discovered in Müngersdorf,58 alongside more modest villae rusticae and vici.59 Agricultural production was abundant and dominated the regional economy given its rich soil, abundant water, and burgeoning city population needing to be fed. And though manufacturing never outpaced agriculture, Cologne’s artisans became famous throughout the Roman Empire for their fashioning of the region’s rich quartz sand deposits into glassware60 and its abundant clay reserves into ceramics.61 Metal mining and manufacturing also served both farmer and legionary,62 and the city’s products were traded throughout the Roman Empire as well as with the

58 Fritz Fremersdorf, Der römische Gutshof in Köln-Müngersdorf [Römisch-Germanische Forschungen 6] (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1933); Fritz Fremersdorf, Das fränkische Reihengräberfeld Köln-Müngersdorf [Germanische Denkmäler der Völkerwanderungszeit 6] (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1955); Heinz Günter Horn, ed., Die Römer in Nordrhein-Westfalen (Stuttgart: Theiss Verlag, 1987; rpt. Hamburg: Nikol Verlagsgesellschaft, 2002); Clive Foss and Paul Madgalino, The Making of the Past. Rome and Byzantium (Oxford: Elsevier-Phaidon, 1977) 49. 59 The civitas of Cologne included some 50 vici (villages or hamlets) such as Sinzig, Remagen, Bonn, Neuβ, Jülich, and Zülpich: Manfred Groten, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter (Stuttgart: Philipp Reclam, 2013) 22. 60 Cologne glass has been discovered all over Roman Britain, for example: Veronica TattonBrown, “The Roman Empire,” in Hugh Tait, ed., Five Thousand Years of Glass (London: British Museum Press, 1991) 62-97; Denise Allen, Roman Glass in Britain [Shire Archaeology 76] (Princes Risborough, Buckinghamshire: Shire Publications, 1998). Glass products ranged from workaday drinking objects to the sophisticated beauty of the Kölner Diatretglas with its Greek inscription of golden letters or the Achilles goblet (Wolff, Das Römisch-Germanische Köln, 76-79), exotic fish-shaped unguentaria, and delicately engraved bowls (Stuart Fleming, “Early Imperial Roman Glass at the University of Pennsylvania Museum,” Expedition 38: 2 [1996] 33, 35). See also Felix Schäfer and Constanze Höpken, “Glashütten und Werkstätten in Köln,” in Guido Creemers, Bart Demarsin, and Peter Cosyns, eds., Roman Glass in Germania Inferior, Interregional Comparisons and Recent Results. Proceedings of the International Conference Held at the Gallo-Roman Museum in Tongeren (Tongeren: Publicaties van het Provinciaal Gallo-Romeins Museum, 2006) 53-61. 61 A wide variety of objects were fashioned from the rich clay deposits in the Frechen area (directly west of Cologne along the main Roman road to Maastricht) and sold far and wide throughout Europe, from simple pots, plates, urns, beakers, and amphora to religious figurines and lamps. See Eck, Köln in römischer Zeit, 439-453; Constanze Höpken, Die römische Keramikproduktion in Köln (Mainz: Phillip von Zabern, 2005). 62 All manner of agricultural tools for the region’s farmers as well as the military needs of the province’s legions fueled the metal industry, which made creative use of iron, lead, tin, copper, and bronze to manufacture everything from nails to water pipes and sheet metal. Bronze agricultural tools were found in a late Roman grave in Rodenkirchen, for example: Waldemar Haberey, „Gravierte Glasschale und sogenannte Mithrassymbole aus einem spätrömschen Grabe von Rodenkirchen bei Köln,“ Bonner Jahrbücher 149 (1949) 94-104. Leather and brick manufacturing along with lumber and building trades rounded out Roman Cologne’s industrial economy.

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Germanic tribes.63 One can only imagine the forest of trees that was consumed by these manufacturing industries. Cologne also became a center of regional and long-distance trade and transshipment as products were also imported: salt from Atlantic Gaul and the North Sea coast; amber from the Baltic coast; jet (a velvet black coal for jewelry), copper, and tin from Britain; wine, olive oil, fruits, figs, dates, raisins, spicy fish sauce and silver crockery from Italy and southern Gaul; and silk clothing and exotic spices from the Orient. Gallic and Italian merchants even brought Egyptian natron (sodium carbonate) for Cologne’s glass industry, together with Italian sulphur and purple dye for the cloth industry.64 Indeed it was through imperial ties to the Mediterranean Orient that the plague arrived in the Rhineland around A.D. 166, which proved more threatening to Cologne’s economic prosperity than any war.65 Cologne’s thriving and sophisticated urban community has been further illuminated by the remarkable discovery in 2018 of a substantial second-century civic library located in the southwest corner of the Roman forum.66 The lineaments of economic strength in trade and high-skilled manufacturing emerged early on and were sustained by an even larger agricultural sector embracing the entire Cologne Bight.67 Archaeological excavations 63 The Cologne brand was so valued that in order to protect against imitations the city’s products were stamped with the CCAA or CCA as a mark of quality assurance. To avoid urban fires, ceramic and glass manufacturing stations were located outside the city walls on the cardo maximus and decumanus maximus leading to trade routes beyond Cologne. CCAA was the common abbreviation for the rather long name Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippiensis/Agrippiensium. See Eck, Köln in römischer Zeit, 433-472; Doppelfeld, „Kölner Wirtschaft von den Anfängen bis zur Karolingerzeit,“ 43-60. 64 Christian Hillen, Peter Rothenhöfer, and Ulrich Soénius, Kleine Illustrierte Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Stadt Köln (Cologne: Bachem Verlag, 2013) 57-58. 65 It appears that the vector for the plague was the Legio I Minervia of Bonn, which participated in the Parthian campaign of Lucius Verus: Doppelfeld, “Kölner Wirtschaft von den Anfängen bis zur Karolingerzeit,” 68-69: “It appears that the plague reached the west of the empire in 166 and raged here until about 180. It is no coincidence that exactly at this time the pottery workshops on Rudolfplatz ceased their operations and the manufacture of Jagdbecher [portable drinking cups for use while hunting] began in Britain” (translation mine). 66 Unearthed during renovations to the Antoniterkirche complex, this oldest Roman library discovered north of the Alps (20 meters long, 9 meters wide, 7-9 meters high with a two-meter thick foundation) was clearly a major civic building complete with niches in the inner walls for storing manuscripts. Such a sizeable civic library would have equaled those in Ephesus, Pergamum, Alexandria, and Rome and surely contained the classical literary corpus as well as local public documents. Thus, Cologne had cultivated strong cultural as well as economic ties to the Mediterranean. For more details on this latest archaeological discovery see Marcus Trier and Friedrike Naumann, eds., Bodenschätze: Archäologie in Köln (Cologne: Bachem Verlag, 2018). 67 Untold numbers of miners, artisans, architects, building masters, stone masons, painters, mosaic layers, stucco plasterers, carpenters, smiths, actors, musicians, gladiators, bath attendants,

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west of Cologne indicate a thick network of farms of medium size ringing the city, with villages serving as centers of artisanal production and local trade. While substantial Roman rural villas have been found in the Ahr River valley and the northern Eifel region, the vast majority of farms were modest in size, and were owned and managed by retired Roman veterans. Their courtyards ranged from .75-2.50 hectares (ca. 2-6 acres) and the total farmland from 40-50 hectares (ca. 99-124 acres) – enough to sustain a household of 10-20 persons. In the first century, Roman veterans introduced the hearty spelt wheat as a primary grain into the traditional emmer wheat, millet, and barley (rye was still found mostly east of the Rhine). Animal bones found in farm excavations in Müngersdorf and Widdersdorf indicate a robust animal husbandry of cattle, pigs, sheep, goats, horses, and poultry alongside house cats and dogs for companionship.68 Pliny the Elder, who saw for himself the fruitful Ubier lands as a cavalry officer, praised the land’s fertility and also noted the Ubian practice of further enriching it by top dressing the soil with loam drawn from deeper underground.69 The Agrippinenses expressed their prosperity and complete integration into the Roman Empire in the substantial cemeteries they constructed along the major roads heading out of the city for upwards of 3 kilometers. Here the former leading citizens of CCAA70 were laid to rest in expensive tombs comprised of the ceramic, glass, metal, and jewelry they were known for while living. From family mausolea with stone sarcophagi to military grave monuments and simple tombstones, the socio-economic history of Cologne lay literally at the gates of the city itself.71 barbers, ointment sellers, physicians, shippers, carters, millers, bakers, butchers, fishmongers, tanners, weavers, shoemakers, jewelers, and day laborers – many of whom organized themselves into collegia – sustained the Cologne community along with the even more numerous farmers throughout the rural hinterlands. A 23-meter-long flat-bottom ship capable of transporting 20-30 tons was discovered in a 2007 excavation on the floor of the Alter Markt area, on the floor of the original Roman harbor, yet another reminder of the volume of Rhineland trade under Roman rule: Hillen et al., Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Stadt Köln, 46-55. 68 Ibid., 28-33. 69 Pliny the Elder, Natural History, Volume V: Books 17-19, ed. and transl. Harris Rackham (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1950) Book 17, Chapter 4: “The Ubii are the only race known to us who while cultivating extremely fertile land enrich it by digging up any sort of earth below three feet and throwing it on the land in a layer a foot thick; but the benefit of this top-dressing does not last longer than ten years.” 70 CCAA was the common abbreviation for the rather long name Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippiensis. 71 The most famous example is the stunning 14.7-meter-high tomb (originally located outside of the city’s southern gate on the road to Bonn) of Lucius Poblicius, a clearly successful businessman and Italian veteran of Legio V Alaudae once stationed in Xanten. See Wolff, Das

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The peace and economic prosperity of the golden age of Pax Romana greatly benefitted Cologne, but at the end of this era signs emerge of Rome’s weakening control of the Germanic frontier. While political conflict darkened the capital of the empire in Italy, on its northeastern borders various Germanic tribes were seeking with increased intensity to immigrate from Germania Magna into Germania inferior with hopes of benefitting from the prosperity built across the Rhine. Co-emperors Valerian and his son Gallienus sojourned in Cologne in A.D. 256-257 to consider workable solutions, one of which was to capitulate to the growing practice of recruiting for the Roman legions from the Germanic tribes themselves. Only three years later the Rhineland legions, now increasingly comprised of Germanic contingents, raised their own provincial commander, Marcus Cassianus Latinius Postumus, to the status of emperor amid the chaos of large-scale incursions from Germanic tribes.72 In A.D. 260 the Franci crossed into Germania inferior and the Alemanni into Germania superior, and the Roman legions themselves were thrown into chaos upon the news of the emperor Valerian‘s defeat and capture by the Persians at the Battle of Edessa. In the ensuing empire-wide power vacuum and immediate military crisis along the Rhine, Postumus found himself called upon by his legions to take the reins as emperor and overcome the growing chaos. As a sign that, by the late third century, provincial military leaders were increasingly turned to for imperial leadership in lieu of political figures from Rome, Gallienus also lost control of other provinces to military commanders who, like Postumus, resisted his claim as the successor of his father Valerian.73 Moving quickly, Postumus besieged and captured Cologne with the legio I Minerva from Bonn and, after executing Gallienus’ son and heir Saloninus and his protectors there, made the imperial civitas the capital city of his newly formed Gallic Empire by September of 260. At Cologne, Postumus led a successful defensive war against the newly aggressive Römisch-Germanische Köln, 20-25; Gundolf Precht, Das Grabmal des Lucius Poblicius: Rekonstruktion und Aufbau, 2nd ed. (Cologne: Römisch-Germanisches Museum, 1979). Poblicius must have been involved in the Rhineland legions’ mutiny upon the death of Augustus Caesar, which Germanicus prudently resolved. 72 Thomas Franke, “Imperator Caesar Marcus Cassianus Latinius Postumus Pius Felix Invictus Augustus,” in Hubert Cancik and Helmut Schneider, eds., Der Neue Pauly. Encyclopädie der Antike: Band 10 (Stuttgart and Weimar: Metzger Verlag, 2001) col. 228; Ingemar König, Die gallischen Usurpatoren von Postumus bis Tetricus [Vestigia: Beiträge zur alten Geschichte 31] (Munich: C. H. Beck Verlag, 1981). 73 Revolts were led by Ingenuus in Pannonia, Regalianus in Illyricum, Macrianus (in the name of his two sons Quietus and Macrianus) in the East, and all were proclaimed emperors at various times.

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Germanic tribes, established a senate and a praetorian guard as if in Rome, gained the support of legions throughout Rhaetia, Gaul, Spain, and Britain, and even used a new imperial mint to produce gold coins engraved with portraits of himself and either his patron deity Hercules or Mercury the god of commerce.74 He also successfully fended off Gallienus, who was more successful in his military campaigns against the other emperors. Postumus had successfully carved out quite a remarkable Gallic Empire, which only lacked the Italian core of the Roman Empire in the West. Postumus’ Gallic Empire serves as a precursor and template for what was to come from both the merging of Germanic and Roman populations in the transalpine provinces and the failure of Rome to hold as the center of the empire. Yet over the short term, Posthumus too was unable to control his own soldiers and was finally murdered after a disagreement in A.D. 268.75 A brief line of weak successors frittered away the Gallic Empire until it was definitively ended when Emperor Aurelian overpowered Tetricus in 274. Yet the soldier-emperor Postumus was a harbinger of future trends in the Roman Empire, and Cologne had served as the capital of this fourteen-year experiment in fashioning a post-Roman empire. For the city itself, the era was a difficult time of dislocation as the age of peace and prosperity transitioned into one of increasing militarization, immigration, and segmentation from Rome’s traditional political and economic patronage.76

Romano-Germanic Cologne in Late Antiquity One final massive effort was made in the early fourth century to reform and thus restore stability to the Rhineland frontier. Diocletian (284-305) restructured the entire Roman Empire into a Tetrarchy, which included renaming Cologne’s province Germania secunda. In keeping with his military 74 Eric Barthelemy, „Köln als Hauptstadt des gallischen Sonderreiches: Eine Münze des Postumus, 265,“ in Rosen and Wirtler, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln. Band I, 35-36. This was the first time a mint was established in Cologne, but it would only last as long as Postumus’ Gallic Empire; thereafter, the imperial mint was once again located in Trier. 75 After successfully defeating a new rival Laelianus at Mainz, Postumus ordered his soldiers not to plunder the besieged city once it surrendered. This ban incensed some of the legionaries so much that one of them assassinated him. 76 Werner Eck, Die Statthalter der germanischen Provinzen vom 1.-3. Jahrhundert (Cologne: Rheinland Verlag, 1985) 222-224. See also Eck, Köln in römischer Zeit, 560-585, especially 585: „Roman Cologne did not lay in ruins yet. But its former greatness had suffered a serious blow and its economic strength was diminished. The Roman city never did recover fully from this period of crisis, but it did survive” (translation mine).

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reforms, this province would remain a heavily garrisoned territory for the remainder of the empire. Upon successfully conquering the West himself as emperor, Constantine (306-337) found it immediately necessary to lead a military offensive across the Rhine against the Bructeri in either A.D. 307 or 308, and surely he visited Cologne at that time. There he devised a plan to end Germanic encroachments across the river by erecting the Castellum Divitia (Deutz) on the Germanic shore of the Rhine, which was then linked to Cologne by a substantial wooden bridge (420 meters long and about 10 meters wide) secured by stone river piers and metal pilings rammed into the riverbed. Built by the Legio XXII Primigenia of Mainz over a five-year period, the fortress enclosed a typically Roman squared living space of 141 x 141 meters with a wall 3.3 meters thick, about 8 meters high, and some 150 meters in length, interspersed with fourteen towers, two great gates positioned at the Rhine shore and its opposite end, and all surrounded by a 3-meter deep trench. Depending on the combination of infantry and mounted soldiers, anywhere from 500 to 1,000 legionaries were maintained here in barracks 58 meters long and 11.5 wide, situated on either side of a 5-meter wide main street and 4-meter wide alleys where wooden drainage channels ran. The fortress Divitia was surely a sign of the times: a massive symbol of Roman entrenchment built with vast amounts of old materials like shattered tomb markers from graveyards, broken monuments from temple precincts, and rural rubble from the Cologne side of the river.77 The repurposed objects of a prosperous past now served as the foundations of a military bulwark designed to hold back the tide of change. Though Constantine invested heavily in military infrastructure, his solution ironically relied even more heavily than before on the practice of recruiting Germanic aristocrats to serve as commanders entrusted to defend the Rhineland.78 In a real sense, the Roman government paid for the defensive bulwarks, but then also paid for a proxy war along the Rhineland 77 Maureen Carroll-Spillecke, „Das römische Militärlager Divitia in Köln-Deutz,“ Kölner Jahrbuch 26 (1993) 321-444; Carl Dietmar and Marcus Trier, Mit der U-Bahn in die Römerzeit. Ein Handbuch zu den archäologischen Ausgrabungsstätten rund um den Bau der Nord-Süd Stadtbahn, 2nd ed. (Cologne: Verlag Kiepenheuer und Witsch, 2006) 27-45. The Cologne-side bridgehead extended over a gully between the shoreline and a small harbor-island, which had already accumulated such silt that the Romans chose to further in-fill it to reinforce the bridge’s foundations. In time, this built-up area would become a new suburban settlement zone of some 123.6 hectares (half a square mile). 78 Dietmar and Trier, Colonia: Stadt der Franken, 35: “The Roman army consisted in this time period for the most part of Germanic federations, even in elite units the Germanic troops provided the majority” (translation mine).

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border between factions of Germanic aristocrats and their followers. And true to expectations, when the new coalition of Germanic tribes, known to the Romans as the Franci or Franks, captured Cologne for the first time in A.D. 355,79 it was Claudius Silvanus, a career soldier in the Roman army and a Frank with a very Roman name, who had himself declared emperor there in a now-familiar tradition. His empire was less successful than that of Postumus, however, as he was brutally murdered only 28 days later by assassins sent from Constantius II’s court in Milan. This only exposed Cologne to a second sacking by the Franks, with the larger result that the entire Rhineland was lost to the Romans.80 Only a hard-fought ground campaign by the Roman commander and future emperor Julian, joined with his ten-month siege of Cologne itself, forced a Frankish withdrawal, after which he funded extensive repairs of the severe damage to the city’s infrastructure and buildings.81 But Julian also finally acknowledged the de facto reality on the ground: increasing numbers of Germanic peoples, now united as a Frankish confederation in the face of a weakening Roman presence along the Rhine border, were settling west of the river in Germania inferior. He therefore allowed them de iure to remain as Roman allies in Toxandria (near modern Antwerp, from whence he had originally driven them as raiders), and they were henceforth known as the Salian Franks.82 By this point in time, both the Roman army and Rhineland provincial cities such as Cologne had become centers of daily socio-economic and cultural exchange between Romans and Franks that would ultimately produce a Romanized Frankish population not unlike that once fashioned between the Ubians and Romans in the Cologne Bight. This central feature of late antique Cologne, the inexorable westward expansion of the Franks, was joined by a second key trend along the lower Rhine: the emergence of Christianity. Cologne naturally functioned as a religious as well as economic center of exchange, and so alongside the traditional pantheon of Roman gods (Jupiter, Juno, Mars, Mercury, and Minerva among the most important) one could find the mystery religions 79 Ammianus Marcellinus, Roman History [Loeb Classical Library 300] (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1950) Book 15, Chapter 8. The Franks were not a unitary people but, rather, a confederation of formerly independent Germanic tribes such as the Batavi, Bructeri, Chattuarii, Tencteri, and Sicambri. 80 Chris Wickham, The Inheritance of Rome: Illuminating the Dark Ages 400-1000 (New York: Penguin, 2010) 47. 81 Ammianus Marcellinus, Roman History, Book 16, Chapters 2-3. 82 Zosimus, New History [Byzantina Australiensia 2] (Melbourne: Australian Association for Byzantine Studies, 1982) Book 3.

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brought by legionaries and traders from the eastern regions of the empire: Isis and Osiris from Egypt, Baal from Syria (assimilated as Jupiter Dolichenus), Cybele/Magna Mater from Anatolia, and Mithras from Persia.83 An abiding Ubian tradition of venerating Celtic deities also continued in Cologne, with numerous votive altars and statuettes to the Tres Matronae located throughout the city under a bewildering array of epithets84 and the veneration of the local Germanic warrior goddess Vagdavercustis.85 There even survives evidence of a Jewish community in late antique Cologne, as in A.D. 321 the emperor Constantine licensed the Cologne decurion council to enroll Jews in its membership.86 In such a religiously diverse and vibrant

83 Eck, Köln in römischer Zeit, 472-510. 84 Alex Gustav Garman, The Cult of the Matronae in the Roman Rhineland: An Historical Evaluation of the Archaeological Evidence (Lewiston, N.Y.: Edwin Mellon Press, 2008); Wolff, Das Römisch-Germanische Köln, 52-53. In addition to votive objects within the precincts of Cologne, temples to this triad group of female deities have been unearthed in nearby Nettersheim, Zingsheim, and Nöthen-Pesch in the Eifel region. 85 As yet another monument to Roman-Germanic integration, the altar to Vagdavercustis in Cologne was dedicated by a Roman citizen, no less than the prefect of the Praetorian Guard, Titus Flavius Constans. See Wolfgang Spickermann, ed., Religion in den germanischen Provinzen Roms (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2001) 273; and Wolff, Römisch-Germanische Köln, 53. Eck, Köln in römischer Zeit, 352, proposes that Titus was born in Cologne, where he grew up learning about this local warrior deity whom he later in life venerated by donating funds for the altar. 86 Codex Theodosianus, ed. Theodor Mommsen and Paul M. Meyer (Berlin: Weidmann, 1905) 887 (16, 8, 3): “Idem Augustus decurionibus Agrippiniensibus. Cunctis ordinibus generali lege concedimus Iudaeos vocari ad curiam. Verum ut aliquid ipsis ad solacium pristinae observationis relinquatur, binos vel ternos privilegio perpeti patimur nullis nominationibus occupari. Dat. III id. dec. Crispo II et Constantino II CC. Conss. (321 dec. 11).” This was no doubt an effort by the imperial administration to add critically needed members to the financially onerous role of decurions in imperial provincial cities, as there is no subsequent evidence of Jews actually serving in this capacity in the city. Nevertheless, it does indicate a Jewish presence in Cologne by the early fourth century, which makes it the oldest Jewish community in the history of today’s Germany. See Peri Terbuyken, „Juden im Rat der Stadt? Ein Gesetzestext von 321,“ in Rosen and Wirtler, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln. Band I, 49-52; Günter Ristow, „Zur Frühgeschichte der rheinischen Juden. Von der Spätantike bis zu den Kreuzzügen,“ in Konrad Schilling, ed., Monumenta Judaica. 2000 Jahre Geschichte und Kultur der Juden am Rhein, 3 vols. (Cologne: Bachem Verlag, 1964) 2: 33-59; Jürgen Wilhem, ed., Zwei Jahrtausende Jüdische Kunst und Kultur in Köln (Cologne: Greven Verlag, 2007) 53; and Ernst Baltrusch,“Die konstantinische Lex generalis von 321 an die Stadt Köln und die Juden,“ in Franz Felten, Stephanie Irrgang, and Kurt Wesoly, eds., Ein gefüllter Willkomm. Festschrift für Knut Schulz zum 65. Geburtstag (Aachen: Shaker Verlag, 2002) 1-16. It is likely, however, that the Jewish community in Cologne, like that in Trier, removed to the Mediterranean along with many other Roman citizens during the fifth century: Alfred Haverkamp, “Juden zwischen Romania und Germania. Zur Kulturgeschichte Europas in Mittelalter,“ in Christoph Cluse and Jörg R. Müller, eds., Neue Forschungen zur mittelalterlichen Geschichte (2000-2011). Festgabe zum 75. Geburtstag des Verfassers (Hanover:

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provincial capital as this we find evidence of Christianity as well by the early fourth century.87 There was a significantly organized community already by then, which suggests that its origins reach well back into the previous century.88 Bishop Maternus de Agrippina civitate [from the city of Cologne] appears among the ecclesiastical judges at the anti-Donatist church synods in Rome (313) and Arles (314). It may very well have been that Maternus was a confidant of Emperor Constantine, who visited Cologne several times and also convened the Synods of Rome and Arles with specific instructions for Maternus to attend them.89 Bishop Euphrates “of Agrippina,” whose name suggests an Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 2012) 44; and Alfred Haverkamp, „Juden in Italien und Deutschland während des Spätmittelalters,“ in Cluse and Müller, Neue Forschungen, 71. 87 For speculation about a Christian community in Cologne before the early fourth century, see Werner Eck, „Zur Christianisierung in den norwestlichen Provinzen des Imperium Romanum,“ in Werner Eck and Hartmut Galsterer, eds., Die Stadt in Oberitalien und in den nordwestlichen Provinzen des Römischen Reiches. Deutsch-Italienisches Kolloquium im italienischen Kulturinstitut Köln [Kölner Forschungen 4] (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1991) 256-257. 88 Ammianus Marcellinus, Roman History, Book 15, Chapter 8 wrote that the location from which the usurper Claudius Silvanus was seized and murdered in A.D. 355 was a small room in the praetorium before he could reach a Christian meeting place for asylum: “caesis custodibus regia penetrata Silvanum extractum aedicula, quo exanimatus confugerat, ad conventiculum ritus christiani tendentem densis gladiorum ictibus trucidarunt.” The location or nature of this Christian meeting place cannot be identified from the passage (its distance from the praetorium remains unclear), and likely the pagan Ammianus’ use of the diminutive conventiculum was more a derogatory epithet rather than a measure of the space itself. Therefore, this passage cannot be taken as evidence of a bishop’s church, but it clearly indicates at least one well-known house of Christian worship. See Sebastian Ristow, Frühes Christentum im Rheinland. Die Zeugnisse der archäologischen und historischen Quellen an Rhein, Maas, und Mosel (Münster: Rheinischer Verein Aschendorf Verlag, 2007) 105; and Uwe Süβenbach, „Das Ende des Silvanus in Köln. Statthalter-palast, Fahnenheiligtum und Bischofskirche im frühchristlichen Köln. Bemerkungen des Ammianus Marcellinus zum Jahr 355,“ Jahrbuch des Kölnischen Geschichtsvereins 55 (1984) 1-38. Werner Eck’s explanation (Köln in römischer Zeit, 626) that Silvanus’ assailants had murdered him in a small house on the way to the church (suggesting he was a Christian) after not locating him in the praetorium seems less true to the passage, though this understanding is followed (with the small house also changed into a chapel) in the Loeb Classical Library’s English translation: “slaying the sentinels, they forced their way into the palace, dragged Silvanus from a chapel where he had in breathless fear taken refuge, while on his way to the celebration of a Christian service, and butchered him with repeated sword-thrusts.” 89 Eusebius of Caesarea, Historia Ecclesiastica [Loeb Classical Library 265] (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1932) 10.5.18-24; Jean Gaudemet, ed., Conciles galois du IVe siècle [Sources chrétiennes, textes latins 241] (Paris: Les Éditions du Cerf, 1977) 35-67. Pope Miltiades’ Roman synod contained a contingent of Gallic as well as of Italian bishops, and its purpose was to deal with the Donatist controversy in Carthage. Bishop Maternus was joined by a deacon named Macrinus at the Arles Synod the following year, which served as the imperially convened appeals court to the decision rendered in Rome; Arles did not go well for the appellants, as the

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eastern Mediterranean origin, was also sent as imperial envoy by Emperor Constans I to the ecumenical Council of Sardica (Sofia, 342-343), which attempted to settle the conflict between Athanasius and the Arians.90 There can be no doubt that it was the imperial patronage of Constantine and his successors (except Julian the Apostate) that facilitated the further ecclesiastical and communal development of Christianity in Cologne during the remainder of the western Roman Empire. Thus, even at the close of the era of Cologne’s Roman history, emperors continued to function as they had at its beginning. They resettled Germanic peoples west of the Rhine River and worked closely with the religious leadership of the city to advance imperial interests. Such continuities will also be significant in the medieval history of Cologne. This chapter was written with an eye to the legacy that the Roman era bequeathed to medieval Cologne. From its very inception, Cologne was the city of emperors. To them it owed its creation and development, and in turn it became the place where emperors were made. From ethnic capital to the capital of provinces and even an empire, Cologne proved indispensible to any political strategy involving the Rhineland. Furthermore, it was a frontier community, a space of exchange and interchange between a variety of Celtic, Roman, and Germanic peoples. As in all frontier societies, such intermingling was not always hospitable or even humane, but in the main it produced a hybrid provincial society and culture not unlike those known in the eastern Mediterranean. Indeed it was a fully developed urban center with all the amenities of high Roman culture, a quintessential Roman provincial capital serving as a weather vane for the winds of fortune swirling about the empire. And as a colony of Roman citizens it also bequeathed a legacy of selfgovernance amid the presence of imperial provincial governance. Finally, the Romans and their romanized Germanic kin bequeathed exemplary synod formally condemned Donatism as a heresy and excommunicated Donatus. Maternus and Macrinus both signed these decrees. See Sebastian Ristow, “Maternus,” in BiographischBibliographisches Kirchenlexicon, Band 20 (Nordhausen: Verlag Traugott Bautz, 2002) cols. 994-997; and Sebastian Scholz, „Die Rolle der Bischöfe auf den Synoden von Rom (313) und Arles (314),“ in Hanna Vollrath and Stefan Weinfurter, eds., Köln. Stadt und Bistum in Kirche und Reich des Mittelalters. Festschrift für Odilo Engels zum 65. Geburtstag [Kölner Historische Abhandlungen 39] (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1993) 1-21. 90 Athanasius of Alexandria, Historia Arianorum [Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, Series 2: Volume 4] (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987) 730-731 (Part III, § 20). Bishop Euphrates and his fellow envoy Bishop Vincentius of Capua took the synodical letter of the Council from Sardica to Antioch in order to inform Emperor Constantius II, and while there Bishop Stephen of Antioch botched an attempt to discredit Euphrates by sending a prostitute to his room, which led to Stephen’s deposition.

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techniques for exploiting the Cologne Bight‘s abundant natural resources and advantageous geographical location. Such knowledge in manufacturing and trade would never be lost in the coming time of transition, as we shall see. We should also recognize an ironic historical legacy from this 500-year era of Roman-Germanic collaboration. Cologne’s ancient history began with Roman resettlement of a Germanic tribe (the Ubii) on the western shore of the Rhine as a defensive ally against other Germanic tribes, and the end of its Antique Age was also signaled by a second Roman resettlement of a Germanic community (the Salian Franci) on the western shore for the very same purpose. The key difference between these two strategic moves was that in the second case. the Germanic tribes were better organized under a unified Frankish leadership.91 Though the coming of Frankish lordship was definitely not a harbinger of the city’s looming demise, it did portend a profound shift in Cologne’s orientation and purpose. Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium would undergo a major transition from a forward-leaning Roman colonial capital on the eastern frontier of the empire to a Frankish provincial city in the eastern heartland of a westward-expanding empire.

91 A Cologne gravestone inscription survives for Viatorinus, a Roman officer of the fourth century who was killed by a Frank during an assault on the fortification of Deutz. This deputy commander’s death, after 30 years of service at the Deutz barracks, is stark evidence of the changing political and military equilibrium along the Rhine River by the end of his life: Wolff, Das Römisch-Germanische Köln, 108: “Viatorinus Protector Mi[li]tavit A[n]nos Triginta Occissus in Barbarico Iuxta Divitia[m] A Franco Vicarius Divit[i]e[n]si[u]m.”

2

Rupture or Continuity? Merovingian Cologne (A.D. 456-686)

The Transition from Roman to Frankish Rule A period of relative stability under emperors Valentinian I and Gratian (36483) saw little change in the Rhineland conditions. The Roman government deepened its reliance on Frankish foederati in the late fourth and early fifth centuries against the Alemanni confederation as its own military power receded from the frontier provinces. No less than a Frankish king, Mallobaudes, served Gratian as his comes domesticorum by destroying King Macrianus of the Bucinobantes tribe in 374 (or 380) and then joining Gratian in defeating King Priarius of the Lentienses at the Battle of Argentovaria in 378.1 The Frankish mercenary Arbogast also rose through an effective military career to the title of magister militum of the entire western half of the Roman Empire and even began to rule de facto in the name of the young Valentinian II by 391. When in the following year he declared Valentinian dead by suicide and the rhetorician Eugenius as the next emperor, it was undeniable who the power behind the Western imperial throne was.2 Two years later Arbogast commanded yet another punitive campaign against his own Frankish people after the latter’s recent severe plundering raids west of the Rhine, whereupon he even succeeded in recruiting fresh Frankish mercenaries to bolster his own standing in the ensuing peace treaty. A regular visitor there during this period, he restored Cologne‘s security and funded the refurbishing of a large public building (perhaps the praetorium or, alternatively, the thermal baths).3 Like a latter-day Postumus, Arbogast’s reign was short. He committed suicide only one year later, after losing the disastrous Battle of Frigidus against the Eastern emperor Theodosius I and his Visigothic mercenaries in September of 394. Yet while these political and military struggles for predominance over the Roman Empire transpired on the battlefield, the building boom still continued in Cologne despite the political unraveling 1 Ammianus Marcellinus, Roman History, Book 30, Chapter 3, and Book 31, Chapter 10; Herwig Wolfram, The Roman Empire and the Germanic Peoples (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997) 65-66. 2 Zosimus, New History, Book 4. 3 Dietmar and Trier, Colonia: Stadt der Franken, 37.

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of Roman authority in the West. Archaeological evidence makes clear that several buildings were going up at this time in the Rhine suburb along the shoreline, including a more than 100-meter-long public structure in today’s Hay Market (Heumarkt) and a mighty building of unknown purpose north of today’s Old Market area (Alter Markt). Furthermore, the heavily trod cardo maximus (Hohe Straβe) was repaved, and the potholes in the streets attached to the drainage system gutters were filled with trachyte plates, basalt, limestone, and sandstone pieces drawn from old broken columns, statues, and grave markers. And so the western empire’s patching process continued apace until the next convulsion, which came with greater intensity than ever before in 407. The new western Roman general Stilicho, son of a Roman mercenary of Vandal birth and a key figure in Theodosius I’s victory against Arbogast at Frigidus, had begun the process of drawing a large share of the Roman legions out of the Rhineland to assist in confronting mounting breaches of the Roman limes closer to Rome. Alaric had led his Visigoths into Italy in 402, whom Stilicho defeated twice and thus stemmed the tide. Yet this tactical victory only resulted in a larger surge of Alani, Suebi, and Vandals into Italy in 405, whose defeat the following year required an increasingly desperate Stilicho to cobble together a peculiar coalition of Romans, Alani, and Huns. Not to be deterred, the Alani, Suebi, and Vandals crossed the Rhine once again – this time frozen as it was on New Year’s Eve of 407 – and proceeded to rampage throughout Gaul for two years before reaching Spain. Stilicho lost his head in 408 because of imperial displeasure over this massive military failure. 4 Though Mainz, Worms, and Rheims were heavily damaged, Cologne survived this overrunning of the border relatively unscathed, but by 420 it was quickly becoming a lonely Roman outpost held by proxy, and even that with great difficulty. The final chapter of this story of Gallic transition concludes with the career of the so-called “last Roman,” the half-Scythian, half-Italian general named Flavius Aëtius, who had grown up as a hostage at the courts of King Alaric I of the Visigoths and King Uldin of the Huns. Beginning in 427 with his arrival as “comes et magister militum per Gallias” with an army of 40,000 men to break Theodoric I’s siege of Arelate in Gallia Narbonensis, he spent six grueling years suppressing Visigothic and the Juthungian expansion in Pannonia and Rhaetia respectively and even managed to restore (for the last time) Roman rule along portions of the Rhineland after defeating the Franks 4 Eck, Köln in römischer Zeit, 682-688; John Matthews, Western Aristocracies and Imperial Court, A.D. 364-425 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990) 281.

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in 428. In 436-437 he brutally eradicated the Burgundians from the Rhine and then for good measure suppressed a revolt in Armorica (Brittany). He seems to have maintained positive relations with those tribes he defeated though, often drawing them into an alliance or resettling them where they would create the least difficulties. This keen diplomatic ability produced the capstone of his string of peripatetic victories in the year 451, when he added a new Visigothic ally, Theodoric I (the longstanding enemy whom he had defeated a quarter century ago), to his coalition of Romans, Salian and Ripuarian Franks, Burgundians, Saxons, Sarmatians (Alans), Armoricans, and others. It was this confederation that defeated the invading Huns of Attila at the famous Battle of the Catalunian Fields (or Châlons) in the heart of Gaul.5 A medieval legend developed in Cologne of Christian martyrdoms during a Hunnish plundering of the city, which the events of this year might have inspired.6 Aëtius’ constant campaigning and personal foederati relationships had apparently made him overpowerful to the imperial court of Ravenna. He was assassinated by the jealous emperor Valentinian III at Ravenna while there to make his financial report in 455.7 The Rhineland border of the western Roman Empire could no longer hold thereafter. The two greatest Roman generals of the day, the half-Roman Stilicho and Aëtius, were both eliminated by their own green-eyed emperors who felt threatened by their success, but the provinces went with them as well.8 Salvian of Marseille, a Christian probably born in Trier who had joined St. Honoratus’ ascetic monastic community in Lérins, complained about 440 that Cologne was “full of enemies,” which meant that Franks were settling in and around the city even before the demise of Aëtius.9 5 Sidonius Apollinaris, Carmen, ed. Christian Lütjohann [Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auctorum Antiquissimorum 8] (Berlin: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1887) Book 7, lines 329-332; Jordanes, Getarum sive Gothorum Origine et Rebus Gestis, ed. Carl August Closs (Stuttgart: Eduard Fischhaber, 1861) Chapters 36-39. 6 It would have been most likely that the Huns sacked Cologne on their way into central Gaul. This tradition would fuel the more fantastic aspects of the cult of St. Ursula by the middle of the twelfth century. 7 Briggs L. Twyman, „Aetius and the Aristocracy,“ Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Geschichte 19: 4 (November 1970) 480-503. 8 Sidonius Apollinaris, Carmen, Book 7, lines 359-368 rebukes Valentinian as the mad eunuch who opened the floodgates of the barbarians to sack Rome like ravening wolves by murdering Aëtius: “Aetium Placidus mactavit semivir amens […] ilico barbaries […] raptores ceu forte lupi.” 9 Salvian of Marseille, De gubernatione Dei, ed. Karl Felix Halm [Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auctores Antiquissimi 1, Part 1] (Berlin: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1877; rpt. 1991) 6, 39: “Non enim hoc [public games] agitur iam in Mogonitiacensium civitate [Mainz], sed quia excisa atque deleta est; non agitur in Agrippinae [Cologne], sed quia hostibus plena; non agitur Treverorum [Trier] urbe excellentissima, sed quia quadriplici est eversione prostata.” For

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And when payments to the Frankish foederati ceased at the death of Aëtius, the mercenaries obviously felt no compunction to defend Roman interests against their own kinsfolk for free. So at some indeterminate time between 455-461, the Ripuarian Frankish aristocracy formally occupied Cologne and drove out Aëtius’ lieutenant Aegidius. Thus through a local political coup rather than a regional invasion, the Ripuarian Franks permanently made the city their own and thereafter called CCAA by the simpler name Colonia.10 In a real sense a frontier colony indeed remained, but it now served a different patron and elite clientele.11

Merovingian Cologne The end of an empire is also the story of new beginnings and of other continuities amid profound political change. And, as it turns out, there were more forms of continuity than earlier modern historians had expected, heavily reliant as they were on surviving written sources. In the absence of such text-based sources during the first century of Merovingian rule in Cologne, the natural conclusion they reached was that a “dark age” had settled upon

more on Salvian and his Cologne ties see Helmut Zäh, „Machtwechsel am Rhein: Salvianus von Marseille beschreibt den Über gang zur fränkischen Herrschaft,“ in Rosen and Wirtler, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln. Band I, 59-63. 10 Liber Historiae Francorum, ed. Bruno Krusch [Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum 2] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1888; rpt. 1984) Chapter 8 (page 250): „In illis diebus ceperunt Franci Agripinam civitatem super Renum vocaveruntque eam Coloniam, quasi coloni inhabitarent in eam.“ 11 In a letter dated ca. 439-440, Salvian of Marseille interceded on behalf of the mother of a certain Christian young man (adulescens) who had been freed from Frankish imprisonment in Cologne and fled to southern France, because she, though her son was “familia non obscurus, domo non despicibilis” (likely the reason for her son’s initial imprisonment), “tantae illic inopiae atque egestatis est ut ei nec residendi nec abeundi facultas suppetat, quia nihil est quod vel ad victum vel ad fugam opituletur.” This account depicts well the options that faced Gallo-Romans of the Cologne Bight upon Frankish occupation of city and its environs: those who could afford to flee and resettle elsewhere did so, while those who did not remained and had to adjust to life under Frankish rule. This mother was reduced to day labor on behalf of Frankish housewives: “mercennario opere victum quaeritans uxoribus barbarorum locaticias manus subdit”: Salvian, Epistolae, ed. Karl Felix Halm [Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Auctores Antiquissimi 1, Part 1] (Berlin: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1877; rpt. 1991) 5-6. Peter Brown, Through the Eye of a Needle: Wealth, the Fall of Rome, and the Making of Christianity in the West, 330-550 AD (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2012) 435 follows George Lagarrigue, ed., Salvien de Marseille: Oeuvres 1: Les lettres, les livres de Timothée à l’Église (Paris: Le Cerf, 1975) 78 in concluding that the mother and son were relatives of Salvian.

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a collapsed Roman-era city.12 Yet recent archaeological discoveries have provided new evidence that contravenes such a conclusion. Indeed, these excavations have confirmed that continuous urban life remained in Cologne throughout the Merovingian era, complete with manufacturing and longdistance trade in metal, glass, and fine jewelry, a regional market, and extensive building projects.13 Certainly the city contracted demographically from its highpoint of some 40,000 inhabitants, and the demand for goods and services concomitantly declined upon the removal of the Roman army and provincial administration from the Rhineland.14 But the Franks as the acculturated custodians of Roman rule in the region had no “Roman enemy” to conquer, and so the transition from Roman to Frankish rule shows no sign of violent takeover as was the case in Trier.15 In essence, the longstanding 12 Hartmut Wolff, „Die Kontinuität städtischen Lebens in den nördlichen Grenzprovinzen,“ in Werner Eck and Hartmut Galsterer, eds., Die Stadt in Oberitalien und in den nordwestlichen Provinzen des Römischen Reiches. Deutsch-Italienisches Kolloquium im italienischen Kulturinstitut Köln [Kölner Forschungen 4] (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1991) 298-299: “Although settlement within the city walls certainly underwent a phase of greater meagerness that increased until into the seventh century – which of course one has to compare with the increased meagerness of the majority of contemporary rural settlements; however, the urban character of the colonia Agrippinensis appears not to have completely ceased. The population certainly abated significantly; nevertheless, H. Hellenkemper correctly noticed that the obviously contracted settlement area west of Hohe Straβe, where there are almost no Frankish finds, is equivalent to an intensive settlement east of the old cardo [maximus] and on the Rhine island […] Therefore the supraregional centrality of this city likewise arguably remained intact like the doubtless continuity of Christian institutions – and both of these [have remained] down to today” (translation mine). 13 Dietmar and Trier, Colonia: Stadt der Franken, 41: “Above all the discoveries of archaeology contradict the picture of destruction and demise and tell a story of transition in the course of which it is true that some things were lost, but in the totality much more remained preserved” (translation mine). For a review of emerging archaeological evidence as early as the 1970s that began hinting at the need to overturn the notion of a ruinous rupture of urban life after the withdrawal of Roman troops and the incursions of the Franks: Reinhold Kaiser, “Cologne au xiie siècle d’apres quelques trauvaux récents,” Revue Belge de philologie et d’histoire 55 (1977) 1069-1075. See also Wickham, The Inheritance of Rome, 220-221. 14 It has been estimated that Cologne had 15,000-16,000 soldiers on its territory in the 1st century A.D., which was reduced to 9,000-10,000 soldiers in the early second century. The entire lower Rhineland region quartered some 40,000 soldiers in the first century, and then 20,000-25,000 through the third century. The legionary salary (paid in three annual allotments) of 900 sesterces a year was increased under Domitian to 1,200 per annum – the off icer corps received much more – so this would mean that some 17 million sesterces a year flowed from the soldiers alone into the regional economy for items from food and clothing to armor and entertainment. The loss of such income with the withdrawal of the legions, not to mention the military and political elites and their resources, obviously had a profound economic impact on the city and region: Hillen, Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Stadt Köln, 18-19. 15 Groten, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter, 27. Edith Ennen, “The Different Types of Formation of European Towns,” in Sylvia L. Thrupp, ed., Early Medieval Society (New York:

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frontier nature of Cologne’s region preserved it from the violent conquest of one empire by another, and instead the city experienced the completion of a transition that had been underway since the late third century. Pollen evidence indicates that agricultural production had in fact declined during the third-century Frankish raids that led to a thinning of rural settlements, yet there had also been a re-intensification of grain production in the second half of the fourth century. A steady decline only set in once again during the first half of the fifth century, occasioned no doubt by emigration of provincial Gallo-Roman farm families and their replacement by Frankish settlers whose farming practices focused on self sufficiency rather than on market production.16 It appears, then, that the rise of Frankish rule in the Cologne Bight was the result of evolutionary resettlement patterns on the frontier of the Roman Empire rather than of violent barbarian invasion bringing in its wake a political and social revolution. Cologne began this new era as the capital city of the Ripuarian Frankish tribal confederacy of the warlord Sigibert (ca. 470-508), who established his residence in the praesidium. He joined with the Salian Franks under Clovis to stem the northward expansion of the Alemanni coalition in the Battle of Zülpich (496), where he received a battle wound that forever after marked him as “the Lame.” And in 507 he joined Clovis (466-511) again to defeat Alaric II‘s Visigothic army at the strategic Battle of Vouillé (507, near Poitiers). Yet this early Frankish kinship collaboration soon suffered its own violent end because of Clovis’ desire to rule over all the Franks. The oft-told story of Gregory of Tours relates that in the following year the newly Christian Clovis secretly encouraged Sigibert the Lame’s son and heir Chloderich to murder his own father, and having done so he was likewise dispatched by the Salian warlord’s henchmen while he was showing them his newly acquired treasure. As though he were saving the Ripuarian Franks from their own political crisis, Clovis then came to Cologne and had himself declared king of all the Franks by the Ripuarian aristocrats, through the customary shield-raising ceremony.17 So the Ripuarians were quickly absorbed into Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1967) 175 pointed out almost a half century ago that the Ripuarian Franks were less destructive to urban life along the middle Rhine and Mosel rivers than the Alemanni on the upper Rhine and the Danube rivers. 16 Hillen, Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Stadt Köln, 34-35, 65. 17 Gregory of Tours, Libri Historiarum X, ed. Bruno Krusch and Wilhelm Levison [Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum 1, Part 1] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1951; rpt. 1992), Book 10, Chapter 40: “Quod audiens Chlodovechus, quod scilicet interfectus esset Sygibertus vel filius eius, in eodem loco adveniens, convocavit omnem populum illum, dicens: ‘Audite, quid contingerit. Dum ego,’ inquit, ‘per Scaldem fluvium navigarem, Chlodericus,

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Clovis’ growing Salian Frankish Empire, a change of leadership that had significant dynastic implications but did not ultimately transform their lives in any immediate or profound way. Indeed even the violence of this coup stayed within the Merovingian royal family itself. Clovis and his successors resided in Paris, Metz, Orleans, Soissons, and later in Reims, whereby Cologne’s long run as a provincial capital city came to an end.18 Metz thus replaced Cologne as the Merovingian royal capital in the kingdom of Austrasia, whose royal court was centered at Metz. But though located on the eastern periphery of the Merovingian dominion, Cologne remained an important city given its central location along trade and communication routes.19 Kings continued to visit there, according to the limited surviving written evidence. The Austrasian king Theuderich I (ca. 483-533/4) sojourned in the city around 520-525 and brought with him St. Gallus of Clermont (ca. 489-553), who proceeded to cause a riot by torching a pagan temple. The zealous deacon barely made it back alive to the praetorium where the king’s court was resting, which indicates that the recent conversion of the royal family to Christianity had not yet resulted in a conversion of the entire Frankish population.20 In about 565 the tonsured filius parentis mei, patrem suum insequebatur, verbo ferens, quod ego eum interficere vellim. Cumque ille per Buconiam silvam fugiret, inmissis super eum latruncolis, morti traddidit et occidit. Ipse quoque dum thesaurus eius aperit, a nescio quo percussus interiit. Sed in his ego nequaquam conscius sum. Nec enim possum sanguinem parentum meorun effundere, quod fieri nefas est. Sed quia haec evenerunt, consilio vobis praebeo, si videtur acceptum: convertimini ad me, ut sub meam sitis defensionem.’ At ille ista audientes, plaudentes tam parmis quam vocibus, eum clypeo evectum super se regem constituunt. Regnumque Sigyberthi acceptum cum thesauris, ipsos quoque suae ditioni adscivit. Prosternebat enim cotidiae Deus hostes eius sub manu ipsius et augebat regnum eius, eo quod ambularet recto corde coram eo et facerit quae placita erant in oculis eius.» That the bishop of Tours could conclude such a story by so credulously equating Clovis to the Israelite king David is remarkable to say the least. 18 Emil Meynen, „Der Grundriβ der Stadt Köln als geschichtliches Erbe,“ in Helmut Jager, Franz Petri, and Heinz Quirin, eds., Civitatum Communitas: Studien zum europäischen Städtewesen. Festschrift für Heinz Stoob zum 65. Geburtstag, 2 vols. [Städteforschung 19 and 21] (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1984) 1: 281-294; Frank Kolb, Die Stadt im Altertum (Munich: C. H. Beck Verlag, 1985; rpt. Düsseldorf: Albatros im Patmos, 2005) 232-235; Walter Janssen, “The Rebirth of Towns in the Rhineland,” in Richard Hodges and Brian Hobley, eds., The Rebirth of Towns in the West, A.D. 750 to 1050 [Council for British Archaeology Research Report 68] (London: Council for British Archaelogy, 1988) 50. 19 Ristow, Frühes Christentum im Rheinland, 105: “Throughout the entire Merovingian era Cologne was a [royal] residence and location of important administrative institutions” (translation mine). See also Bernd Päffgen and Sebastian Ristow, „Die Römerstadt Köln zur Merowingerzeit,“ in Karen von Welck, Alfried Wieczorek, Hermann Ament, and Michèle Gaillard, eds., Die Franken, Wegbereiter Europas. Vor 1500 Jahren: König Chlodwig und Seine Erben (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1996) 145-159. 20 Gregory of Tours, “Liber Vitae Patrum,” in Miracula et Opera Minora, ed. Bruno Krusch [Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum 1, Part 2] (Hanover;

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Gundovald “the Pretender” (supposed illegitimate son of Clothar I) was exiled in Cologne.21 Visiting at least twice during his long minority and short adult reign, the Austrasian and Burgundian king Childebert II (570-596) was succeeded by his feuding sons. Their eventual falling out over the Alsace region in 612 resulted in a set battle near Toul, where Theudebert II (586-612) of Austrasia was routed by his younger brother Theuderich II (587-612/13) of Burgundy. Theudebert fled to the safe walls of Cologne, where he secured his father’s treasury in the palatium and no doubt used some of it to buy the help of both Saxon and Thuringian mercenaries (the Frankish rulers continued the Roman custom of hiring Germanic tribes east of the Rhine as foederati). But military assistance proved to no avail at the second set battle in nearby Zülpich. Theuderich then ravaged the countryside around Cologne, which resulted in the gruesome deceiving and beheading of Theudebert by the Austrasian magnates (they showed Theuderich his brother’s severed head from the walls of the city) in order to end the brutal dynastic conflict that had now reached the Cologne Bight. Theuderich entered triumphantly into Cologne and collected both his father’s treasury and the oaths of loyalty from the Austrasian aristocracy. Yet Theuderich himself was dead within a year, and so the disruptive dynastic politics continued apace in the Merovingian subkingdoms.22 But these dynastic conflicts, though brutal in the extreme at times, were only periodic interruptions to the daily routine in Merovingian Cologne. On the regional level a count (comes) governed in the name of the Austrasian Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1885; rpt. 1969) 231: “Unde factum est, ut, eunte rege in Agripinam urbem, et ipse [Gallus] abiret simul. Erat autem ibi fanum quoddam diversis ornamentis refertum, in quo barbaries proxima libamina exhibens, usque ad vomitum cibo potuque replebatur; ibique et simulacra ut deum adorans, membra, secundum quod unumquemque dolor attigisset, sculpebat in ligno. Quod ubi sanctus Gallus audivit, statim illuc cum uno tantum clerico properat, accensoque igne, cum nullus ex stultis paganis adesset, ad fanum adplicat et succendit. At illi videntes fumum delubri ad caelum usque conscendere, auctorem incendii quaerunt inventumque evaginatis gladiis prosequuntur. Ille vero in fugam versus, aulae se regiae condidit. Verum postquam rex quae acta fuerant, paganis minantibus, recognavit, blandis eos sermonibus linivit et sic eorum fuorem inprobum mitigavit.» Note that Gregory refers to the Roman praetorium as the aula regia. 21 Gregory of Tours, Libri Historiarum X, Book 6, Chapter 24: “Quem Sigyberthus arcessitum iterum amputavit comam capitis eius et misit eum in Agripinensim civitatem, quae nunc Colonia dicitur.” See Heath Ross Dalyell Hazleton, The Gundovald Rebellion and the Pretender in the Thought-World of Gregory of Tours (Sydney: University of Sydney Press, 1996); and Bernard S. Bachrach, The Anatomy of a Little War: A Diplomatic and Military History of the Gundovald Affair (Boulder, Colo.: Westview Press, 1994). 22 Liber Historiae Francorum, ed. Bruno Krusch [Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum 2] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1888; rpt. 1984) 308-309.

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king over the Cologne district (Kölngau) by administering the legal assemblies, collecting taxes, duties, and fines, maintaining royal property, and providing military leadership in the district. His reward was royal patronage and one-third of the revenues kept as his annual income. The Kölngau itself saw the infrastructure of deserted Roman villae rusticae fall slowly into disrepair along with the aqueduct and sewer systems, since the necessary engineering expertise needed for proper maintenance had departed upon their arrival. Yet they made good use of these facilities while they lasted, whether the praetorium, the Deutz fortification and Rhine bridge, or the farm houses abandoned by Gallo-Romans.23 How long the Merovingian kings and their counts resided in the aula regia (praetorium) remains unclear; it has usually been assumed that the building functioned in this fashion until an earthquake in the Carolingian eighth century rendered it unusable, yet no archaeological evidence for this has been found to date. It may well have been used in some capacity through the tenth century.24 A survey of local Frankish place-names and burial sites reflect the initial Merovingian settlement patterns in the Cologne Bight. The vast majority of Franks located themselves unsurprisingly along the edges of the Rhine’s terraces of the Vorgebirge, in the fields west of Cologne, in the environs of Bonn, and along other river- or creek-beds of the Eifel valley where plowing had always been the easiest and most rewarding. The rural populace then expanded further throughout the entire area during the seventh and eighth centuries,25 with the immediate area around the city proper tripling its number of settlements in the form of small hamlets and farmsteads.26 Frankish aristocrats adopted Roman landholding customs just as their agricultural counterparts adopted local Roman farming, horticulture, and viticulture practices. Landlords, some of whom were still Gallo-Roman provincials, assigned field allotments among the numerous hamlets, villages, and manors to relatively independent farmers, who were then expected to 23 Bernd Päffgen, „Die spätrömische Besiedlung im Umland von Köln,“ in Michaela Konrad and Christian Witschel, eds., Römische Legionslager in den Rhein- und Donauprovinzen. Nuclei spätantik-frühmittelalterlichen Lebens? [Abhandlungen der Philosophisch-historische Klasse, Neue Folge 138] (Munich: Verlag der Bayrischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 2011) 197-230. 24 Dietmar and Trier, Colonia: Stadt der Franken, 68; Gundolf Precht, Baugeschichtliche Untersuchungen zum römischen Praetorium in Köln [Rheinische Ausgrabungen 14] (Cologne: Rheinland Verlag, 1973); Otto Doppelfeld, „Vom römischen Praetorium zur fränkischen Königspfalz,“ in Peter Fuchs, ed., Das Rathaus zu Köln. Geschichte, Gebäude, Gestalten, 2nd ed. (Cologne: Greven Verlag, 1994) 22-36. 25 “Die nachrömische Besiedlung des Kölner Umlandes,“ in Jansen et al., Der historische Atlas Köln, 34-35. 26 Dietmar and Trier, Colonia: Stadt der Franken, 68.

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pay for this access to land through various services, duties, and taxes. Hence by the seventh century the basic legal foundation for aristocratic control of land (Grundherrschaft) had been established in the rural countryside, and just as in the Roman era agriculture dominated the Merovingian economy.27 Surviving gravestones from the fifth and sixth centuries, clearly marked by Christianity’s growing influence in the city, indicate a continuity of Latinspeaking Gallo-Roman presence throughout this period.28 Frankish settlement alongside Gallo-Romans within the city walls has also been discovered through extensive archaeological excavations. The location of continuous Merovingian-era urban occupation remained largely within the roughly 40-hectare (just shy of a 100-acre) zone between the Rhine shore and the cardo maximus (Hohe Straβe). But there were also two smaller settlement areas across the cardo: west of the praetorium near the later church of St. Columba, and in the area of the Roman thermal baths near the later church of St. Caecilia. Excavations of the cardo maximus from 2003-2005, as a result of tunneling for a new subway line, produced evidence that this main road was still used and maintained; indeed, it was even repaved again in the early fifth century. Houses discovered along this main street of the city were among the most elaborate in Cologne, complete with cellars and substantial land plots.29 In the late 1990s an excavation of the Hay Market (Heumarkt) area, enabled by the building of an underground parking garage, revealed evidence of uninterrupted Frankish habitation on what had once been a small island off the city’s shoreline.30 The Romans had only placed a storage building on 27 Doppelfeld, „Kölner Wirtschaft von den Anfängen bis zur Karolingerzeit,“ 73. Linguistic evidence also indicates a shift from a Roman urban to a Frankish rural mentality about ancient cities like Cologne: the term civitas became detatched from its Roman sense of “city” (Stadt) and recentered on the notion of a walled shelter (Burg) more akin to the Roman notion of oppidum. Not until the twelfth century would civitas return to its original Roman meaning of “city”: Groten, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter, 24-25. 28 Of the roughly 50 gravestones recovered from this time period, easily two-thirds bear Latin inscriptions, which corresponds to the ratio found in Trier. See, for example, Andrea Weisbecker, „Frühe mittelalterliche Grabsteine im Dom zu Köln,“ Kölner Domblatt. Jahrbuch des Zentral-Dombau-Vereins 47 (1982) 65-81. Dietmar and Trier, Colonia: Stadt der Franken, 86: “The gravestones with early Christian inscriptions are therefore a certain proof of Latinate population and linguistic continuity” (translation mine). In general, see Hartmut Wolff, „Die Kontinuität städtischen Lebens in den nördlichen Grenzprovinzen des römischen Reiches und das Ende der Antike,“ in Werner Eck and Hartmut Galsterer, eds., Die Stadt in Oberitalien und den nordwestlichen Provinzen des Römischen Reiches [Kölner Forschungen 4] (Mainz: von Zabern Verlag, 1991) 287-318. 29 Dietmar and Trier, Colonia: Stadt der Franken, 103-104. 30 Marianne Gechter, „Der Heumarkt in Köln. Ergebnisse und Perspektiven einer archäologischen Untersuchung,“ Geschichte in Köln. Zeitschrift für Stadt- und Regionalgeschichte 38

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the island, but by the early fifth century at the latest, a Frankish settlement began here with its signature wooden-post houses (Grubenhäuser) and storage facilities and at least three courtyard areas. Evidence indicates that at least a portion of the Germanic residents were settlers from the Elbe River region, who had most likely come as groups in military service to the Romans.31 The high phosphorus content in dark soil indicates the presence of small livestock (chickens, sheep, cattle, and pigs) kept in these courtyards. By the late sixth century this area had developed into an artisanal and mercantile center, as the abundance of iron slag, glass shards, bone combs, fibulae, and amulets attests. Continuity between Roman and Merovingian Cologne is best represented in the glass-making industry, which continued to use the Roman soda-lime manufacturing formula (the first ingredient still being imported from the Mediterranean) as well as the Rhine River as a long-distance trade route.32 This indicates a continuity not only of manufacturing expertise but also of foreign markets, security, and a functioning economic infrastructure that lasted from the fourth to (1995) 129-139; Nico Aten, Diederik Bente, Franz Kempken, Eva Lotter, and Marion Merse, „Ausgrabungen auf dem Heumarkt in Köln. Erster Bericht zu den Untersuchungen von Mai 1996 bis April 1997, mit Beiträgen von Richard P. Exaltus, Bernd Päffgen, Gunter Quarg, Wolf-Dieter Becker, Karl-Heinz Knörzer, Jutta Meurers-Balke,“ Kölner Jahrbücher 30 (1997) 305-404; Nico Aten, Gjerji Frasheri, Franz Kempken, and Marion Merse, „Ausgrabungen auf dem Heumarkt in Köln. Zweiter Bericht zu den Untersuchungen von Mai 1997 bis April 1998, mit Beiträgen von Berthold Schmidt, Pieter Grootes, Ursula Tegtmeier, Karl-Heinz Knörzer, Bernd Päffgen, Gunter Quarg,“ Kölner Jahrbucher 31 (1998) 481-596; „Ausgrabungen auf dem Heumarkt III mit Beiträgen von Nico Aten, Franz Kempken, Marcus Trier, Helmuth Roth, Bernd Päffgen, Berthold Schmidt, Pieter Grootes, Ursula Tegtmeier, Karl-Heinz Knörzer, Wolf-Dieter Becker, Jutta Meurers-Balke,“ Kölner Jahrbucher 34 (2001) 621-943; Bernd Päffgen and Marcus Trier, „Köln zwischen Spätantike und Frühmittelalter. Eine Übersicht zu Fragen und Forschungsstand,“ in Sabine Felgenhauer-Schmiedt, Alexandrine Eibner, and Herbert Knittler, eds., Zwischen Römersiedlung und mittelalterlicher Stadt – Archäologische Aspekte zur Kontinuitätsfrage. [Beiträge zur Mittelalterarchäologie in Österreich 17] (Vienna: Österreichische Gesellschaft für Mittelalterarchäologie, 2001) 17-42; Marcus Trier, „Köln im frühen Mittelalter: Zur Stadt des 5. bis 10. Jahrhunderts aufgrund archäologischer Quellen,“ in Joachim Henning, ed., Europa im 10. Jahrhundert. Archäologie einer Umbruchszeit (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2002) 301-310. 31 Trier, „Köln im frühen Mittelalter,“ 303. 32 Dietmar and Trier, Colonia: Stadt der Franken, 55, 104-110. At this site were unearthed two late sixth- or early seventh-century gold coins (trientes) that were minted in Andernach and Banassac (in southern France), indicating both regional and long-distance trade connections. Trientes have also been found in Belgium and southern England. In addition, precious spices, silk textiles, wine, panther- and tiger-snail shells from the Red Sea (fashioned into amulets) along with the soda necessary for producing glass were imported from the Mediterranean to Cologne by Jewish and Syrian merchants traveling up the Rhône and Rhine rivers and the Alpine passes. The Merovingian latrines of the Hay Market site contained all manner of items from daily life, from small animal bones to clothing and garden produce.

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the tenth centuries without interruption.33 It cannot be precluded as well that the Franks pursued the mining of calamine (zinc oxide) and lead like the Romans before them, and what relatively few ceramic shards that have survived in Cologne and Deutz indicate a sustained quality (if not quantity) of manufacture equal to that of Roman ceramic wares.34 The Frankish kings themselves actively sought to stimulate trade in their territories by issuing currency. Cologne served as a minting site for at least two known coin series: the solidus of Theudebert I (534-548) and the gold triens produced by the master minter Rauchomarus (ca. 630). Theudebert appears on the obverse in the likeness of a Byzantine emperor, while the reverse contains the lettering COL(onia) identifying its minting location. And the Rauchomarus series contains the clear reference to its origin in the obverse inscription Colonia fit encircling the portrait, while the reverse the even bolder inscription Rauchomarus Mo[netarius] encircling a Christian cross. While for some these Frankish coins may seem a crude imitation of Roman coinage, their fineness was comparable to Constantine 33 Dietmar and Trier, Mit der U-Bahn in die Römerzeit, 117: “Until the 1980s many historians and archaeologists believed that Cologne in the Early Middle Ages was an abandoned landscape of ruins, a ghost town through which at best pigs and other small animals ran who belonged to the Franks living on their farms before the gates of the city. One had long assumed that the dependents of these somewhat well-to-do farmers had been buried near the early churches. The excavations that were undertaken from 1996 to 1998 at Cologne’s Hay Market demonstrate that these assumptions led astray: in the Early Middle Ages Cologne was a flourishing settlement community of urban imprint, in which hand crafts and trade operated in manifold fashion. The city core between the cardo maximus and the Rhine shore was utilized extensively during the Merovingian era” (translation mine). Trier, “Köln im frühen Mittelalter,” 301: “The city, in which a not insignif icant Roman portion of the population should be expected, remained an important center as a bishop’s see and a major transportation hub in the sixth and seventh centuries. It was surely used repeatedly during the entire Merovingian era as an occasional layover and royal residence of the Merovingian kings” (translation mine). See also Wickham, The Inheritance of Rome, 113: “The Merovingian Franks were thus both the people who created the political centrality of the Paris to Cologne region for the f irst time, a centrality it has never lost since, and the f irst people to rule on both sides of the Rhine frontier of the Roman empire.” 34 Erich Gose, Gefäβtypen der römischen Keramik im Rheinland [Beihefte der Bonner Jahrbücher 1] (Kevelaer: Butzon and Berkcer, 1950; rpt. Cologne: Rheinland Verlag, 1976); Dietwulf Baatz, „Reibschale und Romanisierung,“ in Teodora Tomašević-Buck, ed., Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautorum Acta 17/18 [Congressus Decimus Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautorum Coloniae Augustae Rauricae Habitus] (Zürich: Rei Cretariae Romanae Fautores, 1977) 147-158; Doppelfeld, „Kölner Wirtschaft von den Anfängen bis zur Karolingerzeit,“ 75: „The first Merovingian shards that have come to light from the interior of the Roman city and indeed in the cathedral courtyard present a profile that still recalls mortars and flanged bowls of the best Roman era. But according to its clay and ornamentation it is certainly Frankish” (translation mine).

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I’s standard issues, and they represent yet another form of scaled-down yet vital continuity between Roman and Frankish eras.35 Like the Hay Market (Heumarkt) area, so too in Deutz are there no signs of a violent or abrupt collapse of Roman society and culture. Family settlements rather than warrior fortifications were common at both sites, and in the Deutz castle they built typical wooden-post houses (Grubenhäuser) and spun ceramic ware. Frankish aristocratic families also took to burying their dead in high style, as can be seen in the richly appointed sarcophagi of two princely boys ages four to six beneath the apse of the first chapel in what would become the church of St. Severin (outside the southern wall of the city).36 Even more spectacular are the sarcophagi of a young aristocratic woman and boy from the early sixth century – unearthed together in 1959 beneath today’s cathedral – profusely loaded with riches for the afterlife, some of which had clear eastern Mediterranean origins.37 Evidence of 35 The names of master minters Sunno and Gaucemarus have also appeared in Merovingian coins from Cologne. Johannes Hoops, Reallexikon der germanischen Altertumskunde, Band 17, 2nd ed. (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 2004) 635, Tafel I; Doppelfeld, „Kölner Wirtschaft von den Anfängen bis zur Karolingerzeit,“ 79-80. 36 Fritz Fremersdorf discovered these in his excavation in the Fall of 1938, in which each boy was well supplied for his journey into the next life with several clay containers of eggs, poultry, honey (following a Mediterranean tradition), and fresh herbs as well as silver and iron finger rings, buckled belts, a miniature sword (Kindersax), and an iron battle axe (Franziska): Bernd Päffgen, Die Ausgrabungen in St. Severin zu Köln, 3 vols. [Kölner Forschungen 5: 1-3] (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1992) 1: 466; 3: 64-65. 37 Costly gold jewelry, amulets, drinking vessels, a veil, inlaid Almandine (garnet) earrings, a massive gold armband, golden finger rings, leather gloves, two clamp and one rosetta fibula, golden chains embroidered with Roman gold solidi from the reigns of Valentinian I (364-375), Honorius (395-423), Theodosius II (408-450), Anastasius (491-518) and Justinus I (518-527), a solidus of Anastatius I and a silver-issue coin of the Ostrogothic king Theoderich (493-526) and his successor Athalrich (526-534), five golden filigree dresses, three gold dresses, a wool covering, belt pendants with glass beading, iron scissors with leather cover, a knife with a gold foil trip, adorned soft leather slippers and shoes, several glass containers, a drinking glass out of a goat horn adorned with silver, even six hazelnuts and a walnut are among the precious items in the approximately 28-year-old woman’s sarcophagus. The about six-year-old boy’s tomb contained a short sword with bone grip in a leather cover and a silver and gold gilt sheath, a costly knife with ivory grip and gold foil top, a young warrior’s longsword with rich ivory grip, a wooden bow with three arrows and a small child’s shield complete with iron buckler and bronze ornamentation, round shield, a classic Frankish throwing axe (Fransiska), a spear, a child-sized helmet with golden bronze clasps, gold finger rings, a long lathed wooden staff, a silver-gold belt buckle, five silver and three gold coins, three glass bottles, a drinking horn, a goat horn with silver inlay, a silver inlaid belt and bronze foil basin, a birchwood beaker, two wooden bowls and wooden spoon, a leather pouch filled with flour, a sitting stool and wooden bed. See Otto Doppelfeld and Willy Weyres, Die Ausgrabungen im Dom zu Köln [Kölner Forschungen 1] (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1980); Arnold Wolff, ed., Die Domgrabung Köln: Altertum-Frühmittelalter-Mittelalter

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high culture also appears in the aristocratic grave found within a few feet of the two princes in St. Severin, complete with a male corpse dressed in a gold-bordered garment, white linen hose, leather shoes with straps wound around the calves, and long gloves with leather sleeves. Care for personal appearance is expressed by the enclosed shaving blade, comb, and scissors, which are joined by travel gear (a costrel and a flint kit for making a fire). But the most important object buried with him is a beautiful six-string lyre of oak adorned with dog rose (Heckenrosen) and perhaps even lavender patterns.38 A tomb provisioned in this manner presents a much different picture of Frankish aristocracy than the typical sarcophagi of male aristocrats, filled as they were with weapons. And it is a symbolic reminder that, although diminished in population and slowly declining in infrastructure, the city of Cologne was not destroyed by the Franks but, rather, inhabited by them as they took up the opportunities available for making a living amid the rich resources and strategic location of the city. There were in the end many elements of continuity in this period of transition from Roman to early medieval Cologne,39 not the least of which was a southern orientation for long-distance trade reaching into the eastern Roman Mediterranean.

[Studien zum Kölner Dom 2] (Cologne: Verlag Kölner Dom, 1996); Bernd Päffgen and Sebastian Ristow, „Fränkische Könige in Köln: Frauen- und Knabengrab unter dem Kölner Domchor,“ in Rosen and Wirtler, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln. Band I, 64-68 and Tafeln 5a-b. Doppelfeld argued that the young woman was Wisigarde, Lombard wife of the Austrasian king Theudebert I, though this thesis has not taken hold: Ursula Kock, “Katalog VI.2: Eine verzweigte Familie,” in Karin von Welck, Alfried Wieczorek, Hermann Ament, and Michèle Gaillard, eds., Die Franken – Wegbereiter Europas (6.-8. Jahrhundert) 2 vols. (Mainz: Philip von Zabern, 1996) 2: 931-933. 38 Unfortunately the lyre was burned up in the World War II bombing of Cologne and so only a replica remains in the Römisch-Germanisches Museum: Wolff, Das Römisch-Germanische Köln, 252. 39 Heiko Steuer, „Stadtarchäologie in Köln,“ in Helmut Jäger, ed., Stadtkernforschung [Veröffent­ lichtungen des Instituts für vergleichende Städtegeschichte in Münster, Series A] (Cologne 1987) 61-102; Helmut Roth and Marcus Trier, „Ausgewählte Funde des 4. bis 11. Jahrhunderts aus den Ausgrabungen auf dem Heumarkt,“ Kölner Jahrbuch 34 (2001) 759-791; Joachim Henning, „Strong Rulers – Weak Economy? Rome, the Carolingians and the Archaeology of Slavery in the First Millennium A.D.,” in Jennifer R. Davis and Michael McCormick, eds., The Long Morning of Medieval Europe: New Directions in Early Medieval Studies (Burlington: Ashgate, 2008) 33-53 at 50-51: “According to recent excavations the center was not abandoned and ruralized in post-Roman times, as scholars had previously assumed. Instead, the Merovingian period saw flourishing craft production, including highly specialized installations such as glass ovens.” See also Thomas Höltken, „Zum Stand der frühmittelalterlichen Archäologie in Köln,“ in Roland Prien, Jörg Drauschke, and Ursula Koch, eds., Reihengräber des frühen Mittelalters – nutzen wir doch die Quellenfülle! Beiträge der Tagung vom 17. Bis 19. Februar 2015 in Mannheim [Mannheimer

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Though the Frankish aristocratic burial plots just mentioned were located beneath future great churches, there is no certain evidence that they were Christians. Yet their location in places soon to be considered sacred to Cologne’s Christians still suggests the latter’s growing influence. And it is to this additional aspect of continuity we now turn.

The Early Frankish Church in Cologne Thus far we have encountered only passing references to late antique and early Frankish Christianity in Cologne. We know that there was a growing community there at least by the early fourth century, given the appearance of bishops Maternus and Euphrates in church councils as confidants of Roman Christian emperors. Ammianus Marcellinus mentioned a place of Christian worship (conventiculum ritus christiani) in the city in 355 to which Claudius Silvanus had hoped to flee for asylum when assassinated, so the church was not only publicly known to exist but also to function as a place of peace. We were reminded that pagan religions continued to exist in Cologne well after the conversion of the Frankish monarch Clovis to orthodox Christianity, as St. Gallus of Clermont himself barely reached the sanctuary of King Theuderich I’s aula regia after setting fire to a pagan temple with righteous indignation and then being pursued by an equally indignant pagan mob in 520-525. Yet after Clovis’ conversation to Christianity, the new religion at the royal court clearly had privileges akin to those enjoyed under the later Roman emperors. Clovis himself was hailed as the king of the Ripuarian Franks in the vicinity of the church of soldier-saint St. Gereon before the gates of Cologne, and likewise the Austrasian magnates proffered their oaths of loyalty to Theuderich II in this very church, known as the “basilica of the holy martyr Gereon.”40 When we add the fact that gravestone inscriptions had taken on a decidedly Christian language in the sixth century, it is clear that by the early seventh century, churches in Cologne had also become centers of public authority as well as spiritual sanctuaries. To understand, then, how the Frankish aristocracy of Austrasia had come to take their political oaths in a Christian church, we need to consider the emergence of episcopal leadership in the city. Geschichtsblätter, Sonderveröffentlichung 8/Forschungen zu Spätantike und Mittelalter 3] (Remshalden: Greiner Verlag, 2016) 181-192. 40 Liber Historiae Francorum, Chapter 38 (page 309): „Cum ei ipsi Franci seniores sacramenta iurarent in basilica sancti Gereonis martyris.“

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Cologne’s bishops remain largely obscure in surviving documents of the sixth and seventh centuries, yet those who do emerge suggest a growing influence throughout the city and region. Their public identity during this period began with a sanctity closely aligned with late antique martyr-saints already venerated in the city environs and ended with a sharply defined administrative role that involved them deeply in Frankish politics and economic development. St. Severin, the third bishop in office during the second half of the fourth century, is a great exemplar of this first phase. According to Gregory of Tours, Bishop Severin’s piety was such that while on his usual Sunday tour of the holy sanctuaries of Cologne he suddenly heard an angelic choir singing in heaven at the very moment of St. Martin of Tours’ death. 41 Yet this pious legend does not seem to have been widely known until the Carolingian era, and we know nothing more for certain about him beyond his legendary sanctity. 42 Likewise his successor Carentinus (bishop around 565-567) drew Aquitanian literary praise, in this instance from the pen of a contemporary, the bishop of Poitiers and renowned poet Venantius Fortunatus. In a poem Fortunatus describes Bishop Carentinus as the restorer of the Cologne church and as the sponsor of building the city’s churches. 43 Here we begin to see the transition from pious pastor to public patron of churches so central to the subsequent history of Frankish Cologne. Fortunatus affirms the bishop’s architectural patronage as much as he does his pastoral ministry: You gave golden churches (aurea templa) new glory and stately support; you yourself shine and give luster to the house of the Lord. And thereby 41 Gregory of Tours, De virtutibus Sancti Martini episcopi, in Miracula et Opera Minora, ed. Bruno Krusch [Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum 1, Part 2] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1885; rpt. 1969) 140. Gregory includes one of his typical moral lessons by concluding the story with Satan trying in vain to tempt St. Severin away from the holy path trod by St. Martin of Tours, to which the archdeacon present declared, “Quid ergo de nobis peccatoribus erit, si tantum sacerdotem voluit pars iniqua nocere?” 42 Ernst Gierlich, Die Grabstätten der rheinischen Bischöfe vor 1200 [Quellen und Abhandlungen zur mittelrheinischen Kirchengeschichte 65] (Mainz: Verlag der Gesellschaft für Mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte, 1990) 259. 43 Venantius Fortunatus, Poèmes, ed. Marc Reydellet, 4 vols. (Paris: Collection Budé: 1994-2004) 3:14, ll. 17-20 offers this paean of praise for Carentinus’ sanctity: «Pectora cunctorum reficis dulcedine verbi, / laetificas vultu tristia corda tuo. / Pauperibus cibus es, sed et esurientibus esca, / rite pater populi dando salutis opem.» Barbara Rosenwein, Emotional Communities in the Early Middle Ages (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2007) 123 offers a nice translation: “You comfort the hearts of all with sweet words. / You make sad hearts happy by your visage. / You are food to the poor, drink to the thirsty. / Rightly you are father of the people, because you give the treasure of salvation.”

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the churches, built in columned galleries of hovering heights, hold great flocks of believers. 44

This reference to the “golden churches” is surely an indication that Carentinus refurbished the church of St. Gereon, known by the late sixth century as the basilica of the Sancti Aurei because it was adorned with golden mosaic work to honor Gereon and his martyred colleagues of the Theban Legion. 45 An important step in the evolution of Cologne‘s episcopacy took place in the pontificate of his successor Bishop Ebergisil of the late sixth century. Ebergisil was remembered as exhibiting the sanctity required of earlier bishops46 while continuing the new role of building patron, 47 and he was also active mediating disputes as in the well-known Poitiers church synod of 590 called by King Childebert II to settle the conflict between the saintly abbess Radegund and her rebellious royal cousins Clotilda and Basina. 48 Yet perhaps the most important aspect of his legacy appears in his name, since he was the first Frankish bishop of Cologne. The transition from Gallo-Roman to Frankish leadership of the church was now complete, 44 Otto Doppelfeld, Ausgewählte Quellen zur Kölner Stadtgeschichte, 1: Quellen zur Geschichte Kölns in römischer und fränkischer Zeit (Cologne: Bachem Verlag, 1958) 594. 45 Gregory of Tours, Liber in gloria martyrum [Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum 1, Part 2] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1885; rpt. 1969) 80: „Est apud Agrippinensem urbem basilica, in qua dicuntur quinquaginta viri ex illa legione sacra Thebeorum pro Christi nomine martyrium consummasse. Et quia admirabili opere ex musivo quodam modo deaurata resplendet, Sanctos Aureos ipsam basilicam incolae vocitare voluerunt.” Gereon Becht-Jördens, „Venantius Fortunatus und die Renovierung der Kirche St. Gereon zu Köln durch Bischof Carentinus,“ Kölner Jahrbuch 43 (2010) 57-69. The legend of the Theban Legion would not be fully developed until around the year 1000, when the Passio of St. Gereon and his fellow martyrs was written down: Marianne Gechter, “Frühe Quellen zur Baugeschichte von St. Gereon in Köln,” Kölner Jahrbuch für Vor- und Frühgeschichte 23 (1990) 538. 46 Gregory of Tours, De gloria martyrum [Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum 1, Part 2] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1885; rpt. 1969) 80 recounts a legend in which Ebergisil was healed by touching his head with the dust of a martyr’s remains (likely those of St. Gereon) taken by a deacon from a well into which the saint had been thrown after being killed (over which the church was built). 47 According to Gregory of Tours, Ebergisil apparently built a church in Birten near Xanten (apud Bertunensim) in honor of St. Mallosus, a member of the martyred Theban legion of St. Gereon: ibid., 80. See Ingo Runde, „Sagenhaftes Xanten. Helden und Heilige in mittelalterlichen Sagen und Legenden: St. Mallosus, St. Viktor, Siegfried ‘von Xanten’ und Hagen von Tronje,“ Xantener Vorträge zur Geschichte des Niederrheins, Jahresband (2004) 91-119; Hendrik Hülz, Bischof Evergislus: ein Kölner Heilger und seine Bedeutung in Geschichte und Gegenwart (Cologne: Erzbischöfliche Dïozesan- und Dombibliothek, 2006). 48 Here he met Bishop Gregory of Tours, along with Bishop Maroveus of Poitiers and Bishop Gundegisel of Bordeaux. Gregory of Tours provides his eyewitness account of this crisis in Libri Historiarum X, Book 10, Chapter 15.

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roughly a century after Clovis had ascended the Frankish throne. We can also conclude that the Merovingian bishops of Cologne were quite actively involved in the affairs of the western portion of the Frankish Empire and were thereby well known in Poitou and Aquitaine. The transition to Merovingian bishops in Cologne saw its culmination in St. Kunibert, whose long pontificate spanned the second quarter of the seventh century. 49 For the first time we see clearly both the work of the Cologne bishop in his diocese as well as his own familial origins. Scion of a distinguished Frankish aristocratic family from the Mosel region, Kunibert was placed early at the Austrasian court of Theudebert II in Metz, where he began his education.50 Influenced by the Celtic monastic reform movement of St. Columban’s circle, he applied its spiritual sensibility to his religious life and leadership goals. After a possible period as archdeacon of Trier, he was raised to the bishopric of Cologne around 625 and proceeded to redefine the role of the city’s bishops. Kunibert was the first in a long line of Cologne bishops and archbishops who served as court bishops (Hofbischöfe). They administered the Merovingian royal chancery, were close advisors to monarchs, and even raised and educated some of them as children.51 From this point on, Cologne’s bishops (and soon archbishops) would therefore

49 Among the remainder of Merovingian bishops of Cologne, Solacius participated in the Council of Paris in 614, and successors named Sunnoveus and Remedius also appear in the oldest list of Cologne bishops: Friedrich Wilhelm Oediger, Regesten der Erzbischöfe von Köln im Mittelalter. Erster Band: 313-1099 [Publikationen der Gesellschaft für Rheinische Geschichtskunde 21] (Bonn: Hanstein, 1961) 18-19, nos. 21-24. 50 For a study of St. Kunibert’s public career see Heribert Müller, “Bischof Kunibert von Koln. Staatsmann im Übergang von der Merovinger- zur Karolingerzeit,“ Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 98 (1987) 167-205. Müller concludes this about Kunibert’s historical significance (page 205): “On Kunibert falls the last great luster of the Merovingian era, but at the same time his person already prefigures the lordship of the Carolingians which he supported. For the ‘bishop in Merovingian time’ (G. Scheibelreiter) ‘nobility’ and ‘sanctity’ formed the foundations of his administrative and personal identity; of course something else came along with Kunibert (and with some contemporaries of his rank). Like Lothar II and Dagobert I they manifested an astonishing sense (departing again from Clovis) for public duties, for the common good. So with the rudimentary political thought of Kunibert the aristocracy of the Austrasian Franks provided the first evidence of political maturity” (translation mine). 51 J. M. Wallace-Hadrill, The Frankish Church [Oxford History of the Christian Church] (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1984) 90 described this generation of Frankish bishops as “political saints” since they transitioned from the founding ideal of bishops as pastoral saints in a diocese. According to Kunibert’s Vita he was elected bishop “per spiritum sanctum et synodale concilium ac praecepto regis,” though against his own will: Friedrich Wilhelm Oediger, Das Bistum Köln von den Anfängen bis zum Ende des 12. Jahrhunderts, 2nd ed. [Geschichte des Erzbistums Köln I] (Cologne: Bachem Verlag, 1972; rpt. 1998) 77.

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focus their attention more fully on the Frankish imperial enterprise than on the city itself, given their emerging role as leaders at the Frankish court. Kunibert’s pontif icate also marks the end point of early medieval demographic contraction in Cologne and the rise of the bishop as the new patron of urban life. As long as the bishop and his clergy maintained an urban core centered on the cathedral complex as an ecclesiastical immunity under episcopal administrative authority, the civitas remained functioning. This cathedral complex thus served as the patrimony from which the city could reemerge in its fullness over time, thus assuring that the bishops would remain the patrons and lords of any future urban expansion. And since the episcopal household and clergy in turn required material support, there arose around the cathedral immunity zone a series of settlements in which merchants and artisans provided the necessary goods and services. Therefore the civitas of early medieval Cologne can rightly be considered the bishop’s city. Yet because of their role as court bishops, Kunibert and his successors had little time to involve themselves in the daily administration of their city and thus appointed an advocate (Stadtvogt) to serve as their administrative assistant and secular judge within the immunity zone of episcopal jurisdiction.52 Such an emerging administrative dualism in the official duties of Cologne’s bishops, between court and city, would have a profound impact on the urban development of the city itself. Once consecrated as bishop, Kunibert indeed educated and advised the young King Dagobert (603-639) and eventually administered his governmental affairs once an adult. In 634 Dagobert appointed Kunibert as co-regent over the king’s infant heir Sigibert III (630-656), along with the powerful Austrasian major domus Duke Adalgisel, and so his role as royal guardian and mentor continued into a second generation. The bishop also enjoyed a long and very close friendship with Adalgisel’s predecessor and successor as Austrasian major domus, Pepin (I) of Landen (ca. 580-640), the Pippinid ancestor of the Carolingian dynasty.53 Kunibert has also been 52 Groten, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter, 31-33. 53 Fredegar, Chronicarum quae dicuntur Fredegarii Scholastici Liber IV, ed. Bruno Krusch [Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Merovingicarum 2] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1888; rpt. 1984) 150, 158-159, 163-164. Fredegar credits the deep friendship between Pepin and Kunibert for the successful governance of Austrasia during the transition between Dagobert and Sigibert: “Pippinus cum Chuniberto, sicut et prius amiciciae cultum in invicem concolati fuerant, et nuper, sicut et prius, amiciciam vehementer se f irmeter [sic] perpetuo conservandum oblegant [sic], omnesque leudis [sic] Austrasiorum secum uterque prudenter et cum dulcedene adtragentes, eos benigne gobernantes [sic], eorum amiciciam constringent

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credited with participation in the production of the Lex Ripuaria, by which the bishopric of Cologne was definitively integrated into the Frankish royal project of consolidation and eastward expansion.54 And finally, he advanced Frankish expansion through creative use royal patronage: when Dagobert granted him the royal castle at Utrecht, he used it as the staging point for missionary ventures among the Frisians and Saxons in conjunction with reformist Celtic and Anglo-Saxon monks.55 Thus he was remembered as the ideal bishop, who struck a balance between piety and political acumen, and upon his death was venerated as a saint.56 He continued the bishop’s role of church builder when establishing a chapel dedicated to the first-century martyr saint Pope Clement I just outside the northern gate of the city. A pious tradition holds that he also founded the first hospital in Cologne, that of St. Lupus at the intersection of Trankgasse and Maximinenstraβe. The hospital had its own chapel and was comprised of twelve prebends for the poor known collectively as the Lupus Brothers (Lupusbrüder).57 It is perhaps a sign of an increasing papal semperque servandum.” Pepin was major domus from 623 to 629 and again from 639 to 640. Kunibert also maintained this bond of friendship with Pepin’s son Grimoald. 54 Müller, „Bischof Kunibert von Koln. Staatsmann im Übergang von der Merovinger- zur Karolingerzeit,“ 188-189. 55 Heribert Müller, „Kunibert, Bischof von Köln,“ Lexicon des Mittelalters, Band 5 (Munich and Zürich: Artemis and Winkler, 1991) col. 1570. St. Boniface’s letter Pope Stephan in 753 makes clear that the royal-episcopal missionary initiative of Dagobert and Kunibert had little success: Oediger, Regesten der Erzbischöfe von Köln im Mittelalter. Erster Band: 313-1099, 20 nos. 26-31: “ab antiquo rege Francorum Dagoberto castellum Traiectum cum destructa aecclesia ad Coloniensem parrochiam donatum in ea conditione fuisset, ut episcopus Coloniensis gentem Fresorum ad fidem Christi converteret et eorum predicator esset. Quod et ipse non fecit.” 56 Pious legends emerged shortly after his death had a long resonance. He is said to have discovered the Saufang, a very old bell that he heard ringing once a sow rooted it up from the mud; only after the bishop consecrated the bell did it toll with a wonderous beauty, and so it was rung annually on the feast day of St. Kunibert (the bell can still be seen today in the Cologne Stadtmuseum). A dove is also said to have revealed to Kunibert the burial site of a young female martyr saint (later named Ursula) during the mass after his consecration as bishop. 57 St. Lupus was a wealthy Gallo-Roman aristocrat born in Toul who gave up his riches and entered Lérins abbey only to be recruited as bishop of Troyes. Lupus was an ideal aristocratic bishop-saint after whom Kunibert patterned his own pontificate and philanthropy. In exchange for their benefits, the Lupusbrüder were expected to accompany the bier as public mourners during the funeral processions of Cologne bishops: Benjamin Laqua, “Erzbischof, Bruderschaft und Hospital in Köln. Die Lupusbrüder während des hohen Mittelalters,“ in Monika Escher-Apsner, ed., Mittelalterliche Brüderschaften in europäischen Städten. Funktionen, Formen, Akteuren. Medieval Confraternities in European Towns. Functions, Forms, Protagonists (Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2009) 110-141; and Monika Escher-Apsner, Bruderschaften und Hospitäler während des hohen Mittelalters. Kölner Befunde in westeuropäisch-vergleichender Perspektive [Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 58] (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 2011) 31-81.

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interest in the bishopric that from his pontificate comes the first mention of the patrocinium beati Petri over the bishop’s church in Cologne.58 After a 40-year career as Cologne’s first court bishop, Kunibert died around 663 and was buried in the chapel of St. Clemens, which he had founded. The sanctity of this shrine was further enhanced in 693 when the major domus Pepin (II) of Herstal (ca. 635-714) commemorated both his grandfather’s friendship with Kunibert and the ongoing missionary work that the bishop had initiated. Pepin brought to the chapel the remains of two Benedictine missionaries from Northumbria, both named Ewald, who had been martyred by the Saxons, perhaps as a tacit acknowledgement of just how difficult the missionary venture had proved to be.59 In short order thereafter, the chapel of St. Clemens became a collegiate church known as the monasterium sancti Cuniberti. The bishops of Cologne would continue to play an important role in the continued efforts to convert the Frisians and Saxons during the early Carolingian age. The addition of the church of St. Kunibert completed the establishment of the four founding churches of late antique and early medieval Cologne, which were later remodeled and are still counted among the twelve Romanesque basilicas of the city: St. Gereon, St. Severin, St. Kunibert, and Blessed Virgins (later St. Ursula). St. Gereon’s original building has been dated to the 340s and located on the Roman necropolis outside the walls to the northwest of the city. The first structure functioned as a cella memoriae for St. Gereon, remembered as a Christian serving in a battalion of the legendary Theban Legion under the command of St. Maurice (Legio I Maximiana Thebaeorum).60 Gereon led a detachment of 50 Christian men who were martyred in 286 at Agaunum (today’s Saint-Maurice-en-Valais, Switzerland) because they would not obey Emperor Maximian’s order that the legion make pagan sacrifices to assure victory in battle. The cult of the Theban Legion spread northward down the Rhine early on, with cella memoriae eventually established to various Theban martyrs in Trier, Bonn, Cologne, and Xanten 58 Klaus Hardering, „Anmerkungen zum Patrozinium des Kölner Doms,“ Kölner Domblatt. Jahrbuch des Zentral-Dombau-Vereins 75 (2010) 260-272. There is some thought that Kunibert may well have brought the cult of the legendary female martyr St. Columba of Sens to Cologne, as she was venerated at the Merovingian court and would also become the patron saint of the parish of St. Columba in Cologne: Müller, “Bischof Kunibert von Koln. Staatsmann im Übergang von der Merovinger- zur Karolingerzeit,“ 201. 59 Franz Schneider, „Die heiligen Ewalde im Schatten von St. Kunibert,“ in Margit JüstenHedtrich, ed., Colonia Romanica. Jahrbuch des Fördervereins Romanische Kirchen 7 (Cologne: Greven Verlag, 1992) 15-20. 60 Ristow, „Frühes Christentum im Rheinland,“ 116-118.

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through the patronage of the Cologne bishops.61 According to Gregory of Tours, Gereon’s detachment had escaped the slaughter in Agaunum only to be martyred shortly thereafter in Cologne: At Cologne there is a church in which the fifty men from the holy Theban Legion are said to have consummated their martyrdom for the name of Christ. And because the church, with its wonderful construction and mosaics, shines as if somehow gilded, the inhabitants prefer to call it the “Church of the Golden Saints.”62

St. Severin‘s church was also built in a Roman cemetery outside the city walls, in this case to the south of the city.63 Remodeled many times over, the original building on this site dates to the late fourth or early fifth century, thus possibly even during Severin’s own pontificate. Yet recent archaeological evidence indicates that the graveyard was not widely used for Frankish burials until the seventh century, and so perhaps a church specifically dedicated to St. Severin is connected with this development. In any case, specific reference to a church of St. Severin can only be found in the eighth 61 Marianne Gechter, „Frühe Quellen zur Baugeschichte von St. Gereon in Köln,“ 531-562; Ute Verstegen, Ausgrabungen und Bauforschungen in St. Gereon zu Köln [Kölner Forschungen 9, 1] (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2006) 19-20; David Woods, „The Origin of the Legend of Maurice and the Theban Legion,“ Journal of Ecclesiastical History 45 (1994) 385-389. The leading Burgundian abbey of St. Maurice was founded at the location of the legion’s martyrdom through the patronage of Sigismund, recent convert from Arianism and first king of the Burgundians. His remains were buried there, and he in turn was canonized as well. See Chapter 2, footnote 47 on the building of the church of St. Mallosus in Birten near Xanten by Bishop Ebergisil of Cologne. St. Victor of Xanten, whose relics were installed in the high altar of the cathedral of Xanten in the twelfth century, was also considered a member of the Theban Legion. The minster of Bonn was dedicated to Saints Cassius and Florentius from Gereon’s detachment of the Theban Legion; legend declared that their martyrdom had actually taken place in Bonn akin to Gereon’s detatchment in Cologne. And the remains of up to twelve Theban legionaries were placed in the cathedral crypt of Trier by Bishop Felix in the late fourth century; among those named were St. Tyrsus, St. Palmatius, and St. Bonifatius. 62 Gregory of Tours, De gloria martyrum, Chapter 61 (page 80). Translation here taken from Raymond Van Dam, transl., Gregory of Tours: Glory of the Martyrs (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1988) 85. Gregory continues to tell the story of Bishop Ebergisil’s healing by St. Gereon (see Chapter 2, footnote 47). The cult of the Theban Legion’s would enjoy widespread popularity in Europe, still recounted centuries later in Jacob of Voraigne’s Golden Legend and in Foxe’s Book of Martyrs. 63 Bernd Päffgen, „Die Ausgrabungen in St. Severin zu Köln und ihre Bedeutung für die Christliche Archäologie im Rheinland,“ in Sebastian Ristow, ed., Neue Forschungen zu den Anfängen des Christentums im Rheinland [Jahrbuch für Antike und Christentum: Ergänzungsband, Kleine Reihe 2] (Münster: Aschendorff, 2004) 173-186.

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century.64 We cannot, however, rule out the possibility that the eventual church was dedicated to St. Severin and his relics because he had built the original chapel.65 According to archaeological excavations, a small late antique church also existed in yet another Roman graveyard just to the west of the north-south cardo maximus (Hohe Straβe) as it exited the north gate of the city. Either from the fourth or early fifth century, it appears to have had a similar cella memoriae function as the churches of St. Gereon and St. Severin. At some point between the fourth and ninth centuries the church was rebuilt from the ground up by Clematius, a vir clarissimus as we are told by an undated inscription unearthed and preserved in the current church on this site.66 The inscription indicates that the church was dedicated to the memory of Christian maidens who were martyred at some point between the years 300-450, though no names, dates, or numbers of martyrs are given. No other source mentions the story of these martyred virgins or their church until the ninth century.67 Nonetheless, it is noteworthy that even with the latest dating possible there still exists evidence of the veneration of female martyrs in Cologne, to whom this church had become dedicated. By the ninth century, names were offered for these virgin martyrs, yet St. Ursula does not emerge as their leader until the late tenth-century Passio Ursulae (ca. 969-76).68 This church had certainly come to be called the Church of 64 Ristow, „Frühes Christentum im Rheinland,“ 130-144. 65 The astonishing discoveries made at the 1999 opening of the tenth-century shrine of St. Severin included seven brightly colored linen and silk textiles (some of which of early Islamic provenance and one that contained a Hebrew inscription), the oldest and until now unknown seal of a Cologne bishop dated to 948 (see Joachim Oepen, “Die Siegel am Schrein des heiligen Severin in der Kölner Basilica St. Severin,” Annalen des historischen Vereins für den Niederrhein 202 [1999] 107-130), a bundle of tenth-century relics, the tiny bones of three harvest mice who died in the chest, and of course the venerated bones of Severin himself. For an analysis of these, as well as of the life and legacy of St. Severin and of a newly edited version of the saint’s vita, see Joachim Oepen, Bernd Päffgen, Sabine Schrenk, and Ursula Tegtmeier, eds., Der Heilige Severin von Köln. Verehrung und Legende, Befunde und Forschungen zur Schreinsöffnung von 1999 [Studien zur Kölner Kirchengeschichte 40] (Siegburg: Franz Schmitt Verlag, 2011). 66 Winfried Schmitz, „Zum Ursprung der Ursulalegende: Die Inschrift des Clematius,“ in Rosen and Wirtler, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln. Band I, 53-58; and Ristow, “Frühes Christentum im Rheinland,” 111-116. 67 This reference appears in King Lothar II’s confirmation of Archbishop Gunthar of Cologne’s Güterumschreibung of 866, which lists the conventual community of this church as the monasterium beatarum virginum). 68 For a readable English translation see Marcelle Thiebaux and Pamela Sheingorn, The Passion of Saint Ursula and the Sermon on the Birthday of Saint Ursula [Peregrina Translation Series 16] (Toronto: Peregrina Publishing, 1996).

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St. Ursula by then, and her legend would grow to extraordinary scale by the middle of the twelfth century. This survey of the founding Christian churches in late antique and early medieval Cologne should make obvious the fact that they were located outside the city walls, in the old Roman graveyards to the south, north, and northwest of the city that continued to be used. We should think of them then as cemetery churches, complete with patron saints who were remembered as the heroes of early Christianity in the city. Whether martyrs (St. Gereon and St. Severin) or saintly confessor bishops (St. Severin and St. Kunibert), they comprised the holy communion of saints upon whose witness, blood, and sacrificial service the church of Cologne was built and sustained. Of course we should have expected one more church in the mix, that of the bishop’s cathedral. No medieval church in the city has been more extensively excavated than the Cologne cathedral. What has become clear is that the first episcopal cathedral structure, a triple-nave, double-apse basilica located beneath today’s gothic cathedral, did not exist until the midninth century.69 There were two predecessor churches to this Carolingian basilica. The oldest identifiable one was a fourth-century structure some 28 meters long, fitted with floor heating and joined by a 40-meter long atrium and a baptismal chapel (a sure sign of episcopal presence) of some 48 meters. This construction lay east-west (with the church at the eastern end) along the Roman wall from towers 57 to 59 in the northeast corner of the city (exactly at the transept and apse/ambulatory of today’s gothic cathedral). The second structure at this site was a remodeled sixth-century Merovingian church, in which the baptismal chapel was overbuilt and the original church was extended some 90 meters in length into a doublechoir construction.70 Given the dating of this remodel, we see at work the patronage of Bishop Carentinus, which drew such praise from Venantius Fortunatus. Thus, although there was indeed a bishop’s church in Merovingian Cologne, we cannot describe it as a proper cathedral until the mid-ninth 69 Thomas Höltken, Dorothea Hochkirchen, and Ulrich Back, Der Alte Dom zu Köln. Befunde und Funde zur vorgotischen Kathedrale [Studien zum Kölner Dom 12] (Cologne: Kölner Dom Verlag, 2012); Sebastian Ristow, „Anmerkungen zur Kenntnis und Verbreitung der Ausgrabungsergebnisse zu den frühchristlichen Kirchen unter dem Kölner Dom,“ Geschichte in Koln. Zeitschrift für Stadt- und Regionalgeschichte 48 (2001) 187-192; and Sebastian Ristow, Die frühen Kirchen unter dem Kölner Dom. Befunde und Funde vom 4. Jahrhundert bis zur Bauzeit des Alten Domes [Studien zum Kölner Dom 9] (Cologne: Kölner Dom Verlag, 2002). 70 Wolff, Das Römisch-Germanische Köln, 198-199. The baptistry possessed an octogonal basin (piscina).

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century.71 Nonetheless, the building and remodeling of the churches of St. Gereon, St. Severin, St. Ursula (as it would become known), St. Kunibert, and the bishop’s cathedral church were costly, long-term investments. They functioned economically like major public works projects that kept many an artisan, merchant, and laborer gainfully employed. In this regard the Merovingian bishops of Cologne provided economic stimulus to the city during the transition into medieval political and religious forms of life. They thereby bequeathed a legacy of diocesan pastoral care, kingdom-wide political leadership, and urban renewal of the city’s infrastructure with a new type of public building. The current generation of research scholarship has documented clear evidence of the sustained urban life of Cologne during the transition between Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages.72 The city did not see destruction and collapse at the coming of the Frankish regime, which had been the view of scholars and the wider public alike for a long time.73 Archaeological excavations during the late 1990s, for example, have revealed that the Roman settlement area within the city walls was not only sustained well into the tenth century but also even expanded some 25 hectares, from 98.6 to about 123.6 hectares (1.236 square kilometers or 305 acres), by the thriving settlement of Frankish families and artisans in the Rhine suburb between the city wall and the shoreline with its former small harbor-island.74 Indeed, 71 It is instructive to note that early bishops were not buried in the bishop’s church. Severin and Kunibert were buried outside the city walls in their own churches, and it was not until the Carolingian archbishop Willibert (870-899) that a Cologne pontiff was buried in the bishop’s church (in this case, the original mid-ninth-century cathedral mentioned here). 72 Compare Michael Schmauder, „Transformation oder Bruch? Überlegungen zum Übergang von der Antike zum Frühen Mittelater im Rheinland,“ Rheinische Vierteljahresblätter 76 (2012) 34-52 with Werner Eck, „Köln im Übergang von der Antike zum Mittelalter,“ Geschichte in Koln. Zeitschrift für Stadt- und Regionalgeschichte 54 (2007) 7-26. Eck asserts (page 8) that “The city lived rather longer, and indeed with greater vitality, than one had assumed until a few years ago” (translation mine). Peter Clark, European Cities and Towns, 400-2000 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009) 27: “Cologne also appears to have enjoyed considerable prosperity as a trading and episcopal centre on the Rhine, with some measure of Roman continuity.” 73 For the earlier view see Heiko Steuer, Die Franken in Köln (Cologne: Greven Verlag, 1980). Though there were certainly moments of political violence and uncertainty, Werner Eck, “Köln im Übergang von der Antike zum Mittelalter,” 18 quite rightly asserts that “the city cannot have been untouched by all that [violence and dislocation accompanying the withdrawal of Roman military power in the Rhineland]. But complete chaos cannot also have occurred” (translation mine). 74 Marcus Trier, “Rheinfranken in Köln: Funde des 5. Jahrhunderts zwischen Dom und Rheinufer,“ Kölner Domblatt 76 (2011) 10-25; Hansgerd Hellenkemper, „Köln 260-355 A.D. – Ein unruhiges Jahrhundert Stadtgeschichte,“ in Anita Reiche, Hans-Joachim Schalles, and Michael Zelle, eds., Grabung, Forschung, Präsentation. Festschrift Gundolf Precht [Xantener Berichte 12]

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there is evidence in the Rhine suburb of continued production in metal and glassware, with remnants of at least two Merovingian-era glass ovens just like those unearthed from the late Roman era. Comb production in the area also suggests that even the intimate needs of the Frankish household were being addressed. The houses in the Haymarket area were 12.5 meters long, 9 meters wide, and divided into several rooms.75 Meanwhile, the city as a whole remained a politically powerful location where rulers were both made (Clovis and Theuderich II) and unmade (Sigibert the Lame, Chloderich, and Theudebert II). The Christian church did not experience a break in its institutional life during this transition period either, as evidenced in both the careers of its bishops and the enduring late antique and early medieval foundational churches. Indeed, Cologne’s religious vitality spread throughout Austrasia and even into the mission fields of Frisia and Saxony. Never a missionary region itself during the Merovingian period, Cologne possessed religious foundations reaching back into late Roman history. And even as the ethnic identity of the bishops transitioned from Gallo-Roman to Frankish, the institution itself continued to bind these two peoples together in a common enterprise of faith. By the second half of the sixth century, the (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2002) 43-53 esp. at 53. Previous scholarship had followed textual references for its dating of the island settlement and thus placed the Rhine suburb’s development in the tenth century under the aegis of Archbishop Bruno. However, Dietmar and Trier, Mit der U-Bahn in die Römerzeit, 17 have offered a corrected account based on this new archaelogical evidence: “The earlier island in the area of today’s Altstadt became landlocked after people had filled in the old silted Rhine gully since the second century through systematic dumping of earth, building rubble and urban refuse. Lateral walls between the Roman city wall and the Rhine shore secured the area in the north at the level of the cathedral [of today] and in the south at the level of Filzengraben [street]. The first extension of the [original Roman] city, long ascribed only to the tenth century, was thus the result of late Roman urban development. The urban settlement area was therefore expanded to 123.60 hectares. Around the mid-fifth century the city transitioned into the possession of Ripuarian Frankish regional kings. Many Romans – the offspring of the provincial Roman population – remained in Cologne alongside the Franks, and under the protection of the ancient walls the early medieval mercantile and artisan settlement developed between Hohe Straβe [cardo maximus] and the Rhine shore without visible interruption” (translation mine). Hellenkemper suggests that the lateral walls protecting the Rhine suburb were added during the emperor Julian’s recovery and rebuilding of the city in 355, while Eck, “Köln im Übergang von der Antike zum Mittelalter,” 11 suggests that they could have been added during the emperor Constantine’s construction of the Rhine bridge around 310. See also Marcel El-Kassem, „Archäologische Untersuchungen ‘Am Alten Ufer’ in Köln,“ Geschichte in Köln. Zeitschrift für Stadt- und Regionalgeschichte 61 (2014) 7-30. 75 Trier, “Köln im frühen Mittelalter,” 303-304; on page 306: “The rectangular oven made continual glass production from the f ifth/six to the tenth century on the Hay Market area possible” (translation mine).

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Christianization of the Ripuarian Franks reached a stage of consolidation reflected in the indigenous establishment in the early seventh century of sacred sites for the veneration of legendary Christian saints and martyrs, which reached from Xanten to Bonn.76 Latin continued as well, in both spoken and written forms, in Cologne and its environs.77 It is difficult to imagine a better example than this of stable continuity amid significant change. And out of the emerging equilibrium also emerged the vocational roles of early medieval bishops, all of which confirms that the Merovingian era was a seminal period in the history of European Christianity. Thus Merovingian Cologne was archetypical of the gradual assimilation between Frankish and Gallo-Roman peoples and cultures effected during this era, a familiar refrain given that the city originated from the melding of Ubians and Romans. The difference this time was that the Germanic Franks were the sovereign political power rather than the Gallo-Romans, yet the process itself looks quite recognizable in the history of the city. In these many ways, then, Cologne and its surrounding territory remained a frontier zone during the Merovingian period in which a fusion of diverse political, religious, and economic interests was fashioned that would prove defining for the whole of the Middle Ages.

76 The Cologne archbishops’ desire to sponsor major church building projects reflects the effectiveness of the late antique church’s evangelization of the Frankish ruling elite, whose descendents had now become the episcopal patrons. 77 The Gallo-Romans under Frankish lordship held on to their Latin in Cologne even more than in Trier, where the Mosel valley saw a Romance dialect emerge by the turn of the century: Groten, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter, 33.

3

The Imperial Project Redux Carolingian Cologne (686-925)

As a political ally and personal friend of the Austrasian major domus Pepin (I) of Landen, Bishop Kunibert of Cologne saw firsthand the transition underway from the Merovingian to the Carolingian dynasties. This sometimes violent transition in favor of the Austrasian aristocratic Arnulfing-Carolingian dynasty was all but secured de facto by Pepin (II) of Herstal through his unification of the three Merovingian royal offices of major domus (Austrasia, Neustria, and Burgundy) by 687.1 With the rise of this Austrasian prince to supremacy, the center of power in the Frankish Empire shifted back noticeably eastward from Paris, which would inevitably draw Cologne into the political events of the era. Pepin’s marriage to Plectrudis also assured that the early history of the Carolingians would involve Cologne in significant ways. She was one of the many daughters of Count Palatine Hugobert of Echternach and Irmina of Oeren, who possessed substantial estates in the Mosel region. Irmina’s family came from the environs of Trier, and it was she who donated land to St. Willibrord for the abbey of Echternach, a monastery that became a locus of pious patronage that drew the families of Plectrudis and Pepin together.2 Irmina also appears to have been heiress not only to lands throughout the Mosel region but also to a residence in Cologne. Plectrudis and Pepin visited the city numerous times, residing apparently in the capitol area where once

1 Pepin of Herstal began using the title of dux et princeps Francorum from this year onward and eventually placed his sons Drogo and Grimoald II into the major domus offices (Burgundy and Neustria respectively). Had these sons not predeceased their father, the Frankish Empire would have had a very different history. 2 The land of Echternach having been in the possession of the bishopric of Trier in the sixth century, Irmina donated land there in 698 to the Northumbrian missionary bishop of Utrecht, St. Willibrord, to build a larger abbey than the original foundation of the diocese and to serve as its first abbot. Pepin of Herstal also provided financial resources for construction of the abbey, which was opened in 700. Continued Carolingian family ties to Echternach abbey are evidenced by Charles Martel having his son Pepin III “the Short” baptized there in 714. Irmina then served as the abbot of St. Mary in Oeren (a suburb of Trier), where she was venerated as a saint after her death, while Willibrord was interred in Echternach abbey and venerated as well. In 751, Pepin III as Frankish king designated Echternach abbey, the first monastery on the continent containing many reform-minded and missionary Anglo-Saxon and Celtic monks as Bishop Kunibert would have preferred, as a royal abbey and granted it immunity from lay authority.

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stood the great temple to the Capitoline Triad.3 It was to this refuge that Plectrudis would flee during the succession conflict that arose at the death of Pepin (II) of Herstal in 714. Though Pepin’s two sons by Plectrudis did not survive him, Drogo and Grimoald II did leave three sons upon whom Plectrudis placed her hopes. In his last days she had persuaded Pepin to declare his grandson Theudoald (son of Grimoald II) as his legitimate heir and neglect Charles Martel and Childebrand, his sons by the concubine Chalpaida. As Theudoald was only eight years old, Plectrudis asserted herself as his regent. But the Frankish aristocracy opposed such a regency and turned increasingly either to Martel or to the Neustrian major domus Ragenfred as logical alternatives; the Austrasian magnates preferred Martel, given his drive and martial acumen. In response, Plectrudis succeeded in temporarily detaining Martel in Cologne, where she established her regency government (apparently at the family residence) after defeat at the hands of a Neustrian-Frisian alliance at the Battle of Compiègne (26 September 715). Martel made good use of Plectrudis’ weak position and managed to escape his confines. Quickly rallying the Austrasian aristocrats to his side, he drove the Neustrian major domus Ragenfred and his partisans (who had ravaged Cologne during Martel’s escape) back to Paris. After subjugating the Neustrian aristocracy, Martel then turned back to Cologne and forced his step-mother to yield both government and treasury to him. Yet in a decision highly unusual for Frankish politics, he allowed both Plectrudis and her grandson Theodoald to live in peace and even treated them kindly thereafter. Plectrudis was expected to retire from public life, of course, and so she settled on the grounds of the church she had built in 689 on the foundations of the old pagan temple, 4 which became known as St. Maria on the Capitol (St. Maria im Kapitol).5 3 Dietmar and Trier, Köln: Stadt der Franken, 180; Heribert Müller, „Köln und die Lande an Rhein und Maas zur Zeit Plektruds und Pippins des Mittleren: am Rande des Frankenreichs?“ Francia 44 (2017) 1-28 4 Markus Trunk, Römische Tempel in der Rhein und westlichen Donauprovinzen (Augst: Römermuseum, 1991) 196-200; Rudolf Schieffer, Die Karolinger, 4th ed. (Stuttgart and Berlin: Kohlhammer Verlag, 2006) 37. 5 Alexander of Roes, Memoriale de prerogativa imperii Romani, ed. Herbert Grundmann and Hermann Heimpel [Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Deutsches Mittelalter, Kritische Studientexte 4] (Weimar: Böhlau Verlag, 1949); reissued in the series Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Staatsschriften des Späteren Mittelalters 1, Part 1 (Stuttgart: Hiersemann, 1958; rpt. 1985) 42: “Pipini vero maioris domus principale domicilium erat in Colonia Agrippina in loco, ubi nunc est monasterium, quod dicitur sancte Marie in Capitolio. Hoc siquidem Plectrudis, dicti Pipini Grossi conjunx, fundavit in honore genitricis dei ibique conventum monialium congregavit et ipsum locum multis divitiis et ornatu regio sublimavit; [in quo etiam post mortem voluit

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She was interred there upon her death within a year after her re­t ire­ ment.6 Cologne’s importance among the new Carolingian rulers of Francia resided in its function as a staging point for the conquest and conversion of Saxony. Though Martel’s son and the first Carolingian king Pepin (III) “the Short” spent most of his time battling in Aquitaine, Septimania, and Italy, he did visit the city during his inconclusive Saxon campaigns. Yet the enterprise in Saxony proved immensely difficult and was only complicated further in 745 by papal intervention. Zacharias, the last Byzantine pope whose growing correspondence with Pepin and the Saxon missionary St. Boniface drew his attention to political and missionary matters north of the Alps, decided in that year to assert papal authority and raise Cologne to a metropolitan see and appoint St. Boniface its first archbishop. This plan quickly fell apart in the face of strong opposition by the Frankish magnates, both lay and clerical, since they preferred to maintain their independence from such papal intrusions. What a harbinger this was of future papal conflicts to come to the later German Empire.7 sepeliri].” Alexander of Roes was a canon of St. Maria on the Capitol, and wrote this work in 1281 in Viterbo, Italy. Chronica regia Coloniensis, ed. Georg Waitz [Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 18] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1880; rpt. 2003) 12-13 includes an account of the Neustrian assault on Cologne: “A.D. 689. Erat huic [Pepin] uxor nobilissima et sapientissima nomine Plectrudis. Que etiam Colonie in capitolio egregiam ecclesiam in honore sancte Dei genitricis Marie construxit, sanctimoniales ad serviendum Deo et beate virgine illic constituens, ditans etiam eam reditibus et prediis multis. Habuit etiam de Pippino duos filios Drocum et Grimoaldum. Drocus ducatum accepit Campanie, sed pauco supervixit tempore. Grimoaldus quoque in aula regis Hyldeberti maior domus effectus est. Qui postea, egrotante Pippino, patre suo, cum visitandi gratia ad eum accessisset, Leodii a quodam Carantario gentili, filio Belyal, peremptus est […] A.D. 715. Pypinnus senior maior domus obiit; pro quo filius eius Karolus successit. Qui Karolus a Plectrude postea captus custodie mancipatur, sed auxiliante Deo per fugam elapsus liberatur […] A.D. 716. Qui [Neustrians] ad Mosam venientes, deinde usque Renum progredientes, Coloniam hostiliter intrant, plurimos civium trucidant, multos capiunt, et maximam predam ibi cum Plectrude matrona acciepentes, in Ardennam silvam revertuntur.” Roes was writing in the thirteenth century and mistook the church she founded for the Benedictine cloister and then conventual foundation for noble women it later became. 6 For the history of Plectrudis see Liber historiae Francorum, ed. Bruno Krusch [MGH SS rer. Merov. 2] (Hanover 1888; rpt. 1984) 238-328. For the role of Merovingian aristocratic women such as Plectrudis see Silvia Konecny, Die Frauen des karolingischen Königshauses: Die politische Bedeutung der Ehe und die Stellung der Frau in der fränkischen Herrscherfamilie vom 7. bis zum 10. Jahrhundert (Vienna: Verband der Wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaften Österreichs, 1976). 7 Schieffer, Die Karolinger, 55. The irony here is that St. Boniface was then installed as the new archbishop of Mainz, whose future archdiocese would encompass most of the new territories conquered under Charlemagne. This would ultimately produce a massive Mainz archdiocese of fifteen dioceses extending from the Swiss diocese of Chur to the Saxon diocese of Verden, approximately twice the size of the Cologne archdiocese with almost three times the number of

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In this case Zacharias deferred to Frankish wishes, and Austrasian aristocrats continued to hold their influence over the Rhineland see. The bite of Saxon resistance though came sharply upon Bishop Hildegar of Cologne when in 753 he was slain just south of Osnabrück at Iburg Castle while accompanying the newly anointed King Pepin on yet another expedition into Saxony. 8 Pepin’s royal anointment, ironically at the hands of St. Boniface as legate of Pope Zacharias the previous year, while able to sanction a momentous dynastic transition proved incapable of protecting his bishop in the fray of battle. Both Pepin and his wife Bertrade were interred in the church of Saint Denis in Paris, which was fast becoming the Frankish royal sepulcher. And one could have easily expected Paris to loom large once again while Cologne receded back to provincial border town status. Yet Pepin’s son Charlemagne’s decision to establish his imperial capital in nearby Aachen and his own definitive military success in Saxony combined to fashion a decisive Carolingian reorientation for Cologne.9 The late fifteenth-century Koelhoffschen Chronik (Die Cronica van der hilliger Stat van Coellen by Johann Koelhoff the Younger) preserves a later popular legend that still offers a core insight into the special relationship enjoyed between Charlemagne and Hildebold of Cologne (bishop from 784/87 to 818).10 After the death of Bishop Ricolf, the Cologne clergy could dioceses. Of course the archbishopric of Mainz was also ennobled by St. Boniface’s martyrdom in Frisia (754), which held much more resonance than Bishop Hildeger of Cologne’s murder in Saxony the year before. Subsequent competition between the archbishops of Cologne and Mainz for preeminence in the German church would turn on their respective claims to Carolingian authority. 8 Annales regni Francorum 741-819 qui dicuntur Annales Laurissenses maiores et Einhardi, ed. Friedrich Kurze [Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi 6] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1895; rpt. 1950) 10: „753. Pippinus rex in Saxonia iter fecit, et Hildegarius episcopus occisus est a Saxonibus in castro, quod dicitur Iuberg; et tamen Pippinus rex victor extitit et pervenit usque ad locum, qui dicitur Rimie“; 11: „Hoc anno [753] Pippinus rex cum exercitu magno Saxoniam ingressus est; et quamvis Saxones ei obstinatissime restiterent, pulsi tamen cesserunt, et ipse usque ad locum, qui dicitur Rimi, qui est super fluvium Wisuram [i.e., Weser River], accessit. In qua expeditione Hildegarius archiepiscopus [sic] interfectus est in monte, qui dicitur Iburg.“ 9 Caspar Ehlers, Die Integration Sachsens in das fränkische Reich (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 2007). 10 It was supposed by Cologners that Kunibert’s church was that of St. Stephanus in Kriel, a village just outside the Roman walls, now in the western neighborhood of today’s metropolitan city of Cologne named Lindenthal. Johann Koelhoff the Younger, Koelhoffische Chronik, ed. Hermann Cardauns [Die Chroniken der deutschen Städte 13] (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1876) 414; Georg Mölich, Uwe Neddermeyer, and Wolfgang Schmitz, eds., Spätmittelalterliche städtische Geschichtsschreibung

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not agree on a new bishop, which produced such discord that the emperor himself decided to make the short trip from Aachen to Cologne and arbitrate. While en route with a small entourage, Charlemagne decided to hear mass in a humble chapel just outside the gates of the city and make an offering of one guilder. The priest, our Hildebold, thought the emperor was a hunter and so asked him to take back the coin, claiming that “one does not make offerings here with money.” However, the priest suggested that, since he was a hunter, Charlemagne might instead be able to offer him the hide of the first roe deer he felled, so that Hildebold might have a cover for his prayer books. The emperor was deeply impressed with the priest’s humility, and once having rode to the Cologne assembly and heard from the conflicting factions, Charles declared that he would give them a new bishop and ordered his retainers to fetch Hildebold. How much of this pleasant story actually happened remains obscure, yet it does capture the very personal bonds of affection, patronage, and trust that existed between these two lifelong friends.11 In 794 the emperor personally appointed Hildebold additionally to the office of archchaplain and chancellor (summus sacri palatii capellanus), which gave Hildebold the same responsibility over the royal chancery and court clergy that his predecessor Kunibert had held. At the same time Charlemagne also gave Hildebold the honorary title of archbishop. Such status would be institutionalized with a formal raising of the see to an archbishopric about the year 800, at the point when Charlemagne himself was raised to the imperial title in Rome. No doubt the archiepiscopal role emerged in tandem with Charlemagne’s bloody yet finally successful subjugation of the Saxons.12 As part of integrating the Saxons into the Frankish Empire, new bishoprics were needed, as in Köln und im Reich. Die „Koelhoffsche“ Chronik und ihr historisches Umfeld [Veröffentlichungen des Kölnischen Geschichtsvereins 43] (Cologne: S-H Verlag, 2001). 11 For details on Hildebold’s career see Donald A. Bullough, “Charlemagne’s ‘Men of God’: Alcuin, Hildebald and Arn,” in Joanna Story, ed., Charlemagne: Empire and Society (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2005) 142-146; and Philippe Depreux, Prosopographie de l’entourage de Louis le Pieux (781-840) (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbeke, 1997) 246-247. 12 Rosamond McKitterick, Charlemagne: The Formation of a European Identity (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008) 253: “The impression is of ad hoc arrangements made when the political situation was favourable. A lot depended on the support of the Rhineland bishops, who were not necessarily working in any co-ordinated fashion. During Charlemagne’s reign it appears to have been the bishoprics within the metropolitan province of Cologne, especially Münster, Minden, and Bremen, which were more active. That this coincided with Hildebold’s incumbancy of the office of capellanus at the palace (from 794) is surely no coincidence.” As the Frankish Royal Annals make clear, Charlemagne used Cologne as his launching point for Saxon campaigns: Annales regni Francorum, 58-59 (for the year 782); 84-85 (for the year 789); 94-95 (for the year 794); 119 (for the year 804).

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was an ecclesiastical overseer of the dioceses. Therefore, in addition to his responsibilities at the imperial court, Hildebold was assigned the following suffragan bishoprics to supervise in addition to his own diocese: Bremen (later subordinated to Hamburg in 864), Münster, Minden, and Osnabrück in addition to the already assigned dioceses of Liège and Utrecht. It comes as no surprise, given all these duties, that the emperor also obtained for the new archbishop at the Synod of Frankfurt in 794 a release from the canonical obligation to reside in his own diocese propter utilitates ecclesiasticas so that he could reside at the royal court.13 Thereafter, his ecclesiastical duties in the Cologne diocese were carried out by an auxiliary bishop (chorepiscopus). Thus Hildebold spent much time in the imperial court at Aachen, where he bore the nickname of “Aaron” after the high priest and older brother of Moses. Hildebold was accustomed to sit next to “David” (i.e, Charlemagne), and like other court favorites he was showered with many offices and incomes by the emperor: the provostship of the collegiate church of Saints Cassius and Florentius in Bonn and the abbacy of Mondsee in Austria to name but two. He was a continual travel companion for Charlemagne, meeting Pope Leo III several times as well as attending many imperial assemblies and church synods. He was even present to administer the sacrament to a dying Charlemagne, to whom he sang Psalm 31: 5, “Into thy hands O Lord I commend my spirit.” Hildebold was also the first of those who signed the witness list to the late emperor’s testament. Hildebold did much to replicate the court literacies of the Carolingian Renaissance by founding and nurturing a cathedral school and library in Cologne.14 A man of learning and culture himself, Hildebold may well have been at least partly responsible for both the early ninth-century New 13 McKitterick, Charlemagne, 241; Wolfgang Georgi, „Ein Synodenbeschluβ: Hildebald wird Erzbischof, 794,“ in Rosen and Wirtler, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln. Band I, 81-84. 14 Charlemagne had decreed in his Admonitio Generalis of 789 the establishment of schools in monasteries and episcopal churches, so that “children can learn to read; that psalms, notation, chant, computation, and grammar be taught.” See Hubert Mordek, Klaus Zechiel-Eckes, and Michael Glatthaar, eds., Die Admonitio Generalis Karls des Groβes [Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Fontes Iuris Germanici Antiqui in usum scholarum separatim editi 16] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 2012). Thirteen of the manuscripts he placed in the library are still extant in the cathedral library today, such as Handschriften 83 and 103, which contain etymological texts by Isidore of Seville and computational texts by the Venerable Bede. See Joachim M. Plotzek, “Zur Geschichte der Kölner Dombibliothek,” in Joachim M. Plotzek and Ulrike Surmann, eds., Glaube und Wissen im Mittelalter: Die Kölner Dombibliothek (Munich: Hirmer, 1998) 15-64; and Anton Dekkar, “Die Hildebold’sche Manuskriptensammlung des Kölner Domes,” in Rodulf Schultze, Heinrich Nissen, and Carl Steuermagel, eds., Colonia Agrippinensis: Festschrift der 43. Versammlung deutscher Philologen und Schulmänner (Bonn: C. Georgi, 1895) 215-253.

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Hymnary as well as the beautiful “Golden” or “Dagulf Psalter.”15 He also remodeled his cathedral church to widen the west choir with a circular vaulted apse whose design may well have come from St. Gall’s planned cloister remodel and to add a schola cantorum modeled after Roman churches. Already around the year 795, the high altar of St. Peter had been richly endowed with gifts from Charlemagne, which suggests that the emperor had early on formulated plans (perhaps in tandem with Hildebold) to promote the see to metropolitan status.16 Just as Kunibert was active as a court bishop at the highpoint of the Merovingian era, so Hildebold enjoyed the same yet much more expansive role at the highpoint of the Carolingian era. An intimate member of the emperor’s household, he continued to serve in the government of Charlemagne’s heir, Louis the Pious. Hildebold died on 3 September 818 and was interred in the venerable church of St. Gereon, some four years after Charlemagne had died. With the passing of this generation the future of Cologne looked as uncertain as that of the Carolingian Empire. Fraternal battles within the royal family returned as their father’s empire was parceled out among the heirs. Their disputes over boundaries proved crucial for Cologne’s future identity, with the city initially landing in the newly created yet untenable Middle Kingdom of Lothar I in the Treaty of Verdun (843). And once the Middle Kingdom, with its lengthy, vulnerable borders and division by the Alps, was further subdivided for his three sons by Lothar I in 855 (Treaty of Prüm), Cologne found itself in the odd circumstance of being a part of Lothar II’s “Lotharingian” kingdom while its own archdiocese reached well into the Saxon lands of the East Frankish Kingdom. The ancient question of whether Cologne was Gallic or Germanic had arisen again because the Rhine River was still employed as the natural frontier between the two kingdoms. To complicate matters even more, Lotharingia soon became the object of desire by both West and East Frankish rulers. Since Lothar II had no legitimate heirs, when he died in 869 his uncles (Ludwig “the German” of East Francia and Charles “the Bald” of West Francia) and their heirs would fight over Lotharingia in combinations too complicated to rehearse here,

15 McKitterick, Charlemagne, 342; Bullough, “Charlemagne’s ‘Men of God,” 145; Leslie Webber Jones, The Script of Cologne from Hildebald to Hermann (Cambridge: The Medieval Academy of America, 1932); Verna Zell, Erzbischof Hildebald von Köln: Untersuchungen zur seiner Rolle im Reformprogramm Karls des Groβen [Studien zur Geschichtsforschung des Mittelalters 33] (Hamburg: Kovac Verlag, 2016). 16 Wolff, Das Römisch-Germanische Köln, 200-201.

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until 939 when Ottonian conquest of Lotharingia 17 would set Cologne and its environs on a new and momentous political destiny.18 Obviously almost a century of political confusion created problems for both the archbishops as well as the clergy and laity alike in Cologne. The whirlwind began with a 29-year span (841-70) in which the Cologne see was often vacant or disputed, primarily because diocesan electoral plans often ran into Carolingian sibling rivalries over the royal control of Lotharingia. To begin with, the episcopal election of Liutbert (842), nephew of the recently deceased Archbishop Hadebald and Ludwig the German’s preferred candidate, was never confirmed.19 A second election of Hilduin, the candidate of Charles the Bald, likewise went unconfirmed while Lothar II and his uncle Ludwig the German jockeyed for control of the archdiocese.20 Finally, a nephew of Hilduin named Gunthar was elected archbishop of Cologne in a victory for both his local aristocratic family and for King Lothar II. This promising start, however, collapsed under Lothar II’s plan to end his own childless marriage with Theutberga and marry his mistress Waldrada. Though affirmed by cooperative synods of Lotharingian bishops and abbots at Aachen in April 862 and with papal legates at Metz in 863, the annulment and remarriage was overruled by Pope Nicholas I in October of that year, after intercession by Charles the Bald on behalf of Theutberga. Archbishop Gunthar of Cologne was not merely among those affirming ecclesiastics at Aachen and Metz; as 17 In Anglophone and Francophone literature, Lotharingia often is known as Lorraine, though this is usually reserved for what was then Upper Lotharingia. So one is forced to make a choice with historiography that bridges regions of Europe and their conventions. Given the Germancentered nature of Cologne’s history, German usages are used primarily in this volume (e.g., Aachen will not be Aix-la-chapelle). 18 That Ludwig “the German” had designs on Cologne as part of his East Frankish kingdom is evident as early as 852, when the Annals of Fulda indicate that he met there with “some of the leading men of Lothar’s kingdom.” This may have been a part of the negotiations that led to Ludwig’s support of his nephew Lothar II’s succession to the Lotharingian kingdom in 855: Timothy Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages, c. 800-1056 (New York: Longman, 1991; rpt. Routledge, 2013) 85. 19 Hadebald, like Liutbert, belonged to the same aristocratic family as his predecessor Hildebold, the favorite of Charlemagne. Liutbert was later elected bishop of Münster, where he died in 870. 20 Eric Knibbs, Ansgar, Rimbert, and the Forged Foundations of Hamburg-Bremen (Burlington: Ashgate, 2011) 131: “The succession of Cologne had been in confusion since Hadebald’s death in 841; the root issue was almost certainly the opposing interests of Louis [i.e., Ludwig] the German and Lothar. Because Cologne’s suffragans were divided between the middle and eastern kingdoms, both rulers were in a position to support their own candidate. A certain Luitbert [nephew of Archbishop Hadebald] ascended the archbishopric briefly in 842 and Louis celebrated Easter with him in Cologne. Other sources from around that same time give Lothar’s archchancellor Hilduin as vocatus archiepiscopus. Neither Luitbert nor Hilduin gained any foothold and the archdiocese was considered vacant for the remainder of the decade.”

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Lothar II’s archchaplain, he was the driving force behind the initiative. And so he found himself summarily excommunicated and deposed from office by Pope Nicholas I in 863.21 A trip to Rome for appeal before Nicholas’ successor Adrian II shortly thereafter did lift the excommunication, but Adrian did not restore Gunthar to the Cologne see. As a result, the archdiocesan clergy wrestled with its conscience for several years while Gunthar continued as archbishop with Lothar II’s support, despite the papal deposition. While at best suspended yet still acting as archbishop, Gunthar would perform a major service for the anchor churches of the diocese along the Rhine, which Lothar II readily endorsed by royal charter on 15 January 866. Identified not as archbishop but rather as the “venerabilis Agrippinensis ecclesie gubernator et pius rector,” Gunthar listed in a Güterumschreibung the cathedral church and the collegiate and conventual churches of Cologne, which were to be given properties and incomes from the archiepiscopal assets in perpetuity as independent endowments.22 The collegiate and conventual churches listed for such endowments (referred to as monasterii as an indicator of their collegiate status) were St. Gereon, St. Severin, St. Kunibert, the Blessed Virgins (later St. Ursula), and St. Pantaleon23 in Cologne, St. Cassius & St. Florentius in Bonn, and St. Victor in Xanten.24 This endowment initiative surely had its origins in the archbishop’s papal deposition, as he definitely needed the good graces of the Cologne clergy in his fight for restoration. Conversely, the cathedral clergy’s approval of the endowment scheme appears at the outset of the document, which could also reflect clerical anxiety about securing the mensa episcopalis during a conflict with the papacy. And thus 21 Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages, 103; Wickham, The Inheritance of Rome, 421-422. 22 Oediger, Regesten der Erzbischöfe von Köln im Mittelalter. Erster Band: 313-1099, 213; Leonard Ennen and Gottfried Eckertz, eds., Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln (Cologne: DumontSchauberg’schen Buchhandlung, 1860; rpt. 1970) 1: 447-449 no. 2: „id est monasterium martyris sancti Gereonis et sanctorum sociorum eius, sed et sancti Severini christi confessoris, monasterium quoque sancti Cuniberti, monasterium beatarum virginum, monasterium sanctorum Cassii et Florentii martyrum, monasterium sancti Victoris christi martyris, nec non et ecclesia sancti Pantaleonis, qui ad thesaurum et luminaria eiusdem matris ecclesie pertinere dignoscuntur, sed et hospitale inibi ob pauperum receptionem constructum deinceps absque alicuius sumptuum indigentia perennibus temporibus consistere quivissent deprecans nostram pietatem.“ Gunthar also contributed his own building phase to the Old Cathedral previously attributed to Bishop Hildebold: Georg Hauser, “Abschied vom Hildebold-Dom: die Bauzeit des Alten Domes aus archäologischer Sicht,” Kölner Domblatt 56 (1991) 209-228. 23 This collegiate church is listed not as a monasterium but as “ecclesia, que ad thesaurum et luminaria eiusdem matris ecclesie pertinere dignoscuntur, sed et hospitale inibi ob pauperum receptionem constructum deinceps.” We shall consider this church in the next chapter. 24 Helmut Fuβbroich, “Zur Güterumschreibung Erzbischof Günthers,” Kölner Domblatt: Jahrbuch des Zentral-Dombau-Vereins 47 (1982) 181-184.

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we might well be reading the Cologne clergy’s strategy for sequestering diocesan assets from alienation by either deposed bishops needing resources for trips to Rome or by the lengthening reach of the papal curia.25 In any case, the long-term impact of the endowment decision proved more significant than its impetus. This document is the first surviving record of the existence of significant canonical clerical communities in the BonnCologne-Xanten corridor, whose provosts came to form the archiepiscopal electoral college in partnership with the cathedral chapter at some point in during the ninth century. And now that these collegiate churches were given endowments, not only the institutions as such but also their canons would gain increasing independence from the archbishop’s pastoral authority.26 An electoral college comprised of the leading aristocratic canons whose life in the church was one of material comfort and personal freedom could make for complicated archiepiscopal elections, and of course the episcopal candidates eventually proffered and selected also came from their own ranks. Thus by the late ninth century we see the contours of the job description and personal profile for all subsequent medieval archbishops of Cologne. Upon the death of Lothar II in 869, Charles the Bald moved with haste to finally rid the archdiocese of his dead nephew’s candidate and install his own, but he was simply outmaneuvered by his brother, Ludwig the German. The East Frankish king first secured the aid of Archbishop Liutbert of Mainz, who pushed through the election and consecration of Ludwig’s own chaplain Willibert,27 and then he sent off letters to his nephew and namesake Ludwig II 25 Ingo Runde, Xanten im frühen und hohen Mittelalter: Sagentradition, Stiftsgeschichte, Stadtwerdung [Rheinisches Archiv 147] (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 2003) 298-300. 26 According to the Carolingian Institutio Canonica for collegiate and conventual communities promulgated at the Aachen synod of 816, the canons and cannonesses were to celebrate mass and hourly prayers together according to a fixed daily schedule, eat common meals, and sleep in a common dormitory. But they did not have to wear monastic clothing and, most significantly, were allowed to possess private property and income (i.e., no vows of poverty or obedience). The head of the foundation was a provost/abbess, the head of religious matters was a dean, and the head of the school was the scholaster. Thus Cologne collegiate and conventual church foundations came to own vast lands, farms, vineyards, houses, and real estate (both corporately alongside the individual canon’s/cannoness’ own private wealth) both within the city and throughout the wider Rhineland region. By the High Middle Ages the collegiate and conventual churches provided canonries with class-appropriate living for the non-inheriting, unmarried children of the Rhineland aristocracy. 27 The Chronica regia Coloniensis, 20 is quite clear about the impetus for Willibert’s election: „A.D. 870. Lotharius Romam profectus est [with an army to pressure the pope regarding his marriage] – [Charles the Bald, who was in Aachen at the time] deinde Coloniensibus Hilduinum abbatem [nephew of Gunthar and abbot of St. Bertin-St. Omer] preponere [as the new archbishop] temptavit. Quod audiens Ludewicus imperator, frater eius, iratus misit Luitbertum Mogoncie

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of the Regnum Italicum and wife Engelberta, asking them both to employ their new imperial standing at the papal curia so that Pope Adrian II might send the pallium as soon as possible to Willibert in Cologne. Though Carolingian imperial intercession combined with Ludwig‘s own epistolary plea to the pope could not move Adrian in 870, unstinting diplomacy finally paid off when his successor Pope John VIII granted the pallium four years later.28 Gunthar was now a deposed archbishop without any royal support once Willibert was installed as the new archbishop of Cologne in January of 870. And so he accepted his lot and retired to Xanten where he died within three years.29 Thus the constant instability in relations between the later Carolingian monarchs and their continual and competing efforts to control Lotharingia (particularly at the extinction of Lothar II’s line) damaged the stability of the archdiocese for an entire generation.30 The Cologne archbishops continued to build, however, even during this period of political fragmentation and archiepiscopum Coloniam et Willibertum venerabilem virum eis prefecit, mandans fratri, ut unum e duobus eligeret: aut cito a regno recederet, aut sibi pugnandum cum fratre foret.“ See also Günther Ulrich, „Die Kölner Bischofswahl von 870 und die Praxis der Bistumsbesetzung im Karolingerreich,“ Rheinische Vierteljahresblätter 11 (1941) 254-262. 28 Epistolae Colonienses 7 (to Ludwig II), 8 (to Engilberga), and 9 (to Hadrian II) in Ernst Dümmler, MGH Epistolae [Epistolae Karolini Aevi IV] (Berlin: Weidmann, 1895) 249-253. On the importance of patrocinial intercessions like this in Carolingian and Ottonian society see Sean Gilsdorf, The Favor of Friends: Intercession and Aristocratic Politics in Carolingian and Ottonian Europe [Brill’s Series on the Early Middle Ages 23] (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2014) 57-59. 29 Oediger, Das Bistum Köln, 89-94; Wolfgang Georgi, „Erzbischof Günther von Köln und die Konflikte um das Reich König Lothars II. Überlegungen zum politischen und rechtlichen Kontext der Absetzung durch Papst Nikolaus I. im Jahre 863,“ Jahrbuch des Kölnischen Geschichtsvereins 66 (1995) 1-33; Wolfgang Georgi, „Erzbischof Gunthar von Köln (850-863 †nach 871). Tyrann oder piisimus doctor?“ Geschichte in Köln. Zeitschrift für Stadt- und Regionalgeschichte 36 (1994) 5-31; Karl Josef Heidecker, The Divorce of Lothar II: Christian Marriage and Political Power in the Carolingian World (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2010). The author of the Annales Xantenses, who was critical of Gunthar’s support of Lothar II, was righteously gleeful at the final withdrawal of the deposed archbishop upon the election of the new archbishop Willibert: “Anno DCCCLXXI […] His omnibus ita peractis in conspectu gentium revelavit Dominus iusticiam suam, et mercenarius [i.e., Gunthar] abiit et recessit, verus autem pastor [i.e., Willibert] supra gregem suum sollicite vigilavit. Tunc videns Güntherius, quod nullam spem pertinatiae suae ibidem ultra infigere posset, relicta Colonia victus et confusus inde discessit et amplius non est reversus ad eam»: Annales Xantenses et Annales Vedastini, ed. Bernhard von Simson [Monumenta Germania Historica, Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum in Usum Scholarum Separatim Editi XII] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1909; rpt. 2003) 29-30. 30 As a measure of the decline of royal political authority in Lotharingia during this troubled period, the Cologne mint continued to produce coins through the reign of Lothar I (signed rex imperator) and into the reign of Lothar II (signed Hlotharius rex), though the latter’s currency was debased and bore very degenerate legends: Simon Coupland, Carolingian Coinage and the Vikings: Studies on Power and Trade in the 9th Century (Burlington, Vt.: Ashgate, 2007) 171-172. Similar confusion took place within the archbishopric of Trier and for the same reasons, given

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dislocation.31 On 27 September 870, Archbishop Willibert dedicated a new Carolingian cathedral church (now known as the Old Cathedral) during a provincial synod convened there by King Ludwig the German, as likely his first public act as the newly consecrated archbishop.32 The synod convened within a month of the Treaty of Meersen, which partitioned Lothar II’s kingdom upon his death and thus transferred Cologne and much of Lotharingia to Ludwig’s East Frankish Kingdom. We owe the construction of this first proper episcopal cathedral in the city’s history, however, to the troubled Archbishop Gunthar,33 though its origins may reach back into the equally complicated pontificate of his predecessor and uncle Archbishop-elect Hilduin34 or even

its location in the Middle Kingdom; its own Archbishop Theitgaud was deposed along with Gunthar for supporting Lothar II’s divorce and remarriage scheme. 31 For a general overview of the political dislocation in the Lothargian kingdom during this period see Simon MacLean, “Shadow Kingdom: Lotharingia and the Frankish World, c. 850-c. 1050,” History Compass 11: 6 (June 2013) 443-457; and Charles West, “Legal Culture in Tenth-Century Lotharingia,” in R. Rollason, Carl Leyser, H. Williams, eds., England and the Continent in the Tenth Century. Studies in Honour of Wilhelm Levison (1876-1947) [Studies in the Early Middle Ages 37] (Turnhout: Brepols, 2010) 351-375. 32 Annales Fuldenses sive Annales Regni Francorum Orientalis, ed. Friedrich Kurze [Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi 7] (Hanover, Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1891; rpt. 1993) 72. The presence of the bishops from Saxony at the synod is significant: their sees were located in the East Frankish kingdom of Ludwig the German, and so they had not met together in synods until this year. Furthermore, the presence of the archbishop of Mainz carries the same significance, whereas the presence of the archbishop of Trier carries a different resonance, given that, like the archbishopric of Cologne, his see was located in Lotharingia. Thus we have evidence here of the emerging assimilation of Cologne and Trier into the East Frankish kingdom. 33 Hauser, „Abschied vom Hildebold-Dom: die Bauzeit des Alten Domes aus archäologischer Sicht,“ 209-228; Frank G. Hirschmann, Stadtplanung, Bauprojekte und Groβbaustellen im 10. und 11. Jahrhundert. Vergleichende Studien zu den Kathedralstädten westlich des Rheins [Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 43] (Stuttgart: Anton Hiersemann, 1998) 19-20. Only in the late twentieth century has scholarship such as this undermined the centuries-long tradition of ascribing the Old Cathedral’s building to Archbishop Hildebold; indeed, it has always been referred to as the Hildebold Cathedral. 34 Scion of a prominent Frankish family, educated in the school of Alcuin, friend of Rabanus Maurus, and teacher to Hincmar of Rheims, Hilduin was elected but never confirmed as archbishop of Cologne, though he remained in office as archbishop-elect from ca. 842 to 848/49. Emperor Louis the Pious began his ecclesiastical career by appointing him abbot of St. Denis in 815, to which were quickly added St-German des Prés in Paris, St-Médard in Soissons, and St-Ouen in Rouen, and then appointment as archchaplain ca. 819-822. When he sided with the sons of Emperor Louis in their dispute of 830, he lost all his abbeys and was banished first to Paderborn and then to Corvey. But he was personally rehabilitated and spent the remainder of his life as a scholar and writer. Hilduin is famous for popularizing the identification of Pseudo-Dionysius with St. Dionysius of Paris.

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to Bishop Hildebold’s original remodeling initiative.35 The cathedral itself retained its original Carolingian length of some 90 meters, as well as the St. Peter choir in the west and the St. Mary choir in the east. But two round bell towers were added on the west transept wing over which wooden crossing steeples were hung. An almost 100-meter long atrium was also added to the west end of the cathedral, which extended the edifice to the cardo maximus (Hohe Straβe) and the north gate of the city wall.36 Willibert began the building of his own legacy church during the 870s in the female conventual church dedicated to the Roman virgin martyr St. Caecilia, which he located within the agrarian southwestern quarter of the city walls on the ruins of the former Roman complex of thermal baths.37 Perhaps Cologne would have successfully muddled along on the edge of two kingdoms through the constant political turmoil and gradually found a place within either the West or East Frankish realm. But the arrival of invaders from beyond the Frankish territory forced the city into a boiling crucible of change. Only seven years after Archbishop Willibert dedicated the Old Cathedral, a formidable Norman fleet (the Great Host) arrived at the mouth of the Scheldt River, from which it quickly dispersed up the Maas and Rhine. After assaults on Nijmegen, Liège, Utrecht, and Maastricht, the pillaging host finally threatened the Cologne Bight. From November 881 to January 882 the Vikings ravaged Tongres, Cologne, Bonn, Zülpich, Neuβ, and the palace in Aachen along with the monasteries of Inden, Prüm, Malmédy, and Stavelot, finally reaching Trier on 5 April. The Vikings had benefited greatly from the political flux in northwestern Europe unleashed by the 35 Dietmar and Trier, Köln: Stadt der Franken, 191. 36 Wolff, Das Römisch-Germanische Köln, 201-202. 37 Elisabeth Maria Spiegel, „St. Cäcilien: Die Ausgrabungen. Ein Beitrag zur Baugeschichte,“ in Hiltrud Kier and Ulrich Krings, eds., Köln: Die Romanischen Kirchen. Band 1: Von den Anfängen bis zum Zweiten Weltkrieg [Stadtspuren: Denkmäler in Köln 1] (Cologne: Bachem Verlag, 1984) 227; Toni Diederich, „Stift-Kloster-Pfarrei. Zur Bedeutung der kirchlichen Gemeinschaften im Heiligen Köln,“ in Kier and Krings, Köln: Die Romanischen Kirchen, Band I, 37 who dates its building shortly before the Viking assaults. For the undeveloped, agricultural nature of this region of the old Roman city see Hermann Jakobs, “Verfassungs-topographische Studien zur Kölner Stadtgeschichte des 10. bis 12. Jahrhunderts,“ in Köln, das Reich, und Europa. Mitteilungen des Stadtarchivs von Köln 60 (1971) 65-66. There is some speculation that Archbishop Bruno may have been the instigator of the women’s religious community that formed here and that Willibert was the builder of the cloister: Hirschmann, Stadtplanung, Bauprojeckte und Grossbaustellen, 29. Archaeological excavations confirm the aristocratic populace of this female conventual community from finds of abundant bones of suckling pigs, chicks, geese, roe and red deer, and rare aurochs – all suggestive of the luxury meat-laden diet of the ladies: Dietmar and Trier, Colonia: Stadt der Franken, 235-236.

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successive deaths of the Carolingian kings Lothar II (August 869), Ludwig the German (August 876), and Charles the Bald (October 877).38 By the winter months of 881-882 the new Cologne cathedral and the collegiate churches of St. Severin and St. Gereon were said to have been among the few buildings that survived the plundering assault of the Vikings with only partial damage. The Annals of Fulda record that the churches and other buildings of Cologne and Bonn were set ablaze, while canons and monks fled to Mainz with church treasuries and relics in hand.39 Yet the Fulda source also indicates that within a year and a half to two years the entire city – apart from its churches and monasteries – was rebuilt and its walls were secured once again with gates, bars, and locks. 40 Could the rebuilding process have been completed so quickly, with the churches and monasteries in particular lagging behind in the restoration process, after the city had experienced such a total conflagration? Curiously enough, regional archaeological investigations have found evidence of such burnings in only a few places, Duisburg being the closest to Cologne. Indeed, to date no archaeological evidence of city-wide fire damage or layer of detritus from this period has ever been found to confirm a devastating conflagration, even in the exposed harbor suburb at today’s Hay Market (Heumarkt) and Old Market (Alter Markt). 41 However, there does remain a reply letter of Pope Stephen VI in May 891 to the new Cologne archbishop Hermann I “the Pious” (Willibert having died in 889). The pope responded affirmatively to the archbishop’s request for replacement relics for

38 Janet L. Nelson, “The Frankish Empire,” in Peter Sawyer, ed., The Oxford Illustrated History of the Vikings (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997; rpt. 2001) 34. 39 Annales Fuldenses sive Annales Regni Francorum Orientalis, 97: «Preterea Agrippinam Coloniam et Bunnam civitates cum aecclesiis et (caeteris) adificiis incenderunt. Qui autem inde evadere potuerunt, sivi canonici sivi sanctimoniales, Mogontiacum fugerunt, thesauros aecclesiarum et sanctorum corpora secum portantes.» 40 Ibid., 100: «Agripina [sic] Colonia absque aecclesiis et monasteriis reaedificata et muri eius cum portis et vectibus et seris instaurati.» 41 Dietmar and Trier, Köln: Stadt der Franken, 226: “In no places of early medieval Cologne have large fire damage or fields of destruction been found down to today. And in the especially endangered merchant and artisan quarter near the shore, at Hay Market and at Old Market and at Kurt-Hackenberg-Plaza, which was recently extensively studied archaeologically, no evidence has turned up” (translation mine). Trier, “Köln im frühen Mittelalter,” 306-307: “The houses on Hay Market stood without discernable disruption from the eighth to the 10th century. Consequences of the Norman invasion of the winter 881/882 textually preserved cannot be detected. And in the contemporary churches of Cologne no archaeological evidence for this [invasion] have thus far been found. The ramifications [of the Normans] for the development of Cologne have indeed been overestimated for a long time” (translation mine).

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Cologne’s looted churches, and he reiterated Hermann’s demonic narrative of destruction: by the plotting enemy of humankind the basilicas and all the edifices of the buildings of Cologne, consumed by fire, perished together with the churches mentioned before by name […] since the city, which was burned to ashes by fire through the ambushes of the devil. 42

Given the rhetorical requirements of the fire of judgment in a request for new relics (one had to account for why the original patron saints did not protect the city), the fact that most of the great churches of Cologne still lay outside the city walls, and our clerical authors’ natural and proper focus on the church fabric taken as Viking booty, it would be reasonable to conclude that, like rural monasteries, the suburban collegiate/conventual churches outside the walls of Cologne bore the brunt of the pillaging though the city itself was not as consumed by flames as the few written sources have asserted.43 In yet another case of archaeological evidence challenging written sources, we have to discern how much rhetorical content the text contains; however, it surely was terrifying the day the Vikings came to Cologne and no doubt the city paid heavily in lives and lost treasure. 44 We do know that a Benedictine cloister in Gerresheim (today a borough of Düsseldorf) was burned to ashes in 922, though at the hands of the Magyars, whose incursions came hard throughout all of East Francia on the heels of the Vikings, because Archbishop Hermann I took the nuns of Gerresheim into the conventual church of the Holy Virgins after they had fled as refugees to

42 Ennen and Eckertz, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln, 456-457: “Igitur quia insidiante humani generis inimico basilice et omnes fabrice domorum Coloniensium civitatis una cum nomina predicte ecclesie igne conbuste perierunt, convenit fraternitas tua nos implorasse, ut reliquias sancte dei genetricis semperque virginis Marie domine nostre et sanctorum ei mittere deberemus, quatenus urbs, que per diaboli insidias igne cremata est, patrocinia sanctorum mereatur consequi, atque ut prefate ecclesie sancti Petri in prefato loco constitute apostolice auctoritatis privilegium muniremus, et omnia ei iuste pertinentia perenni iure ibidem inviolabiliter premanenda confirmaremus.” Archbishop Hermann I was a direct descendent of Carolingian emperor Lothar I, and son of the Saarland count Erenfried I of Bliesgau. 43 The late antique collegiate/conventual churches of St. Kunibert, St. Ursula (Holy Virgins), St. Gereon, St. Severin, and perhaps a precursor church of St. Pantaleon all lay outside the city walls. 44 Eduard Hegel, „Die Kölner Kirchen und die Stadtzerstörungen der Jahre 355 und 881,“ in Walther Zimmerman, ed., Kölner Untersuchungen. Festgabe zur 1900-Jahrfeier der Stadtgründung [Die Kunstdenkmäler im Landesteil Nordrhein 2] (Ratingen: Henn Verlag, 1950) 41-53.

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Cologne.45 And so the archdiocese spent many years responding to damage wrought by Vikings, Magyars, and an ineffective royal government in the final days of the Carolingian East Frankish Kingdom. 46 Once again, however, in spite of these political upheavals, the socioeconomic history of Cologne remained strong and steady during the whole of the Carolingian era. Indeed, the Viking raid is evidence of the growing prosperity that saw quick recovery after they departed with their booty. Recent excavations have confirmed that area between the cardo maximus (Hohe Straβe) and the Rhine shore remained thoroughly built up with well-defined housing parcels and that the mercantile/artisanal center at the Hay Market (Heumarkt) area continued to expand its in-migration, population, dwellings and production.47 Numerous ceramic finds, especially of container pottery, as well as metalwork and glasswork reflect a renewal in ceramic production alongside the steady manufacture of metal and glass objects. 48 In addition, the Vorgebirge villages of Pfingsdorf, Badorf, and 45 Ennen and Eckertz, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln, 458-460. The male canons associated with the collegiate church seem to have left after the Norman assault in 881. Evidence of the integration of the Gerresheim patron St. Hippolytus with the conventual church’s virgin patrons, the seal of the convent dated ca. 1198 bears the inscription: “Sigill(um) Ecclesie Sanctaru(m) Virginu(m) I(n) Colonia” surrounding the images of St. Ursula and St. Hippolytus: Anton Legner, ed., Ornamenta Ecclesie. Kunst und Künstler der Romantik, 3 vols. [Katalog zur Ausstellung des Schnütgen-Museums in der Josef-Haubrich-Kunsthalle] (Cologne: Greven & Bechtold, 1985) 2: 52-53. Regarding the refounding of the conventual church of the Holy Virgins by Archbishop Hermann I see Georg Gresser and Edmund Tandetzki, „Klosterlandschaft: Wiederbegründung des nachmaligen Ursulinenstiftes durch Erzbischof Hermann I. am 11. August 922,“ in Rosen and Wirtler, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln. Band I, 85-93. 46 The marginal status of Cologne during this difficult time of transition is reflected in its disappearance from the royal itinerary from 876-950: Edith Ennen, “Kölner Wirtschaft im Früh- und Hochmittelalter,” in Hermann Kellenbenz, ed., Zwei Jahrtausende Kölner Wirtschaft, 91. 47 Dietmar and Trier, Köln: Stadt der Franken, 203-236. Trier, “Köln im frühen Mittelalter,” 307: “The city was thickly settled in the ninth and tenth century from the Rhine shore at least to the cardo maximus – and partially beyond (around the churches of St. Caecilia and St. Columba). This would correspond to a settlement area of roughly 40 hectares. With an average-sized parcel of 50 x 100 feet (i.e., 16 x 32 meters = 512 square meters), as Heiko Steuer assumed for the eleventh century, it would appear, even with consideration of larger settlement-free parcels like the Sandkaul area [i.e., St. Alban parish] or the swampy patches, more than 500 plots and several thousand dwellers. The Translatio of St. Maritius from the year 967 says that the city was ‘heavily populated’ (populosa civitatis) and thus evidently reflected the actual conditions” (translation mine). See also Marcus Trier, „Köln am Übergang von der Antike zum Mittelalter im Spiegel der Ausgrabungsergebnisse auf dem Heumarkt,“ in Susanne Biegert, Andrea Hagedorn, and Andreas Schaub, eds., Kontinuitätsfragen. Mittlere Kaiserzeit – Spätantike – Frühmittelalter [British Archaeological Reports International Series 1468] (Oxford: Archaeopress, 2006) 89-98. 48 The typical Rhineland ceramic work during the Carolingian era produced red painted container vessels with roll-stamp style decoration and relief-band amphora like those produced in Pfingsdorf.

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Walberberg southwest of Cologne (now suburbs of Brühl) had reemerged as significant centers of ceramic production. 49 Cologne crockery in the form of the so-called Tating Jugs have been found as far afield as England, the North Sea coast, Scandinavia, and the Mediterranean region.50 An uninterrupted Jewish presence in the city extending from the fourth century has not yet been proven, given the lack of certain and direct evidence; nonetheless, the role of Jews in Carolingian commerce makes it quite reasonable to expect that they were a significant percentage of the merchants transporting these manufactured goods throughout Europe.51 Expanding trade relations with Frisia in turn also brought its merchants to Cologne from the emporia of Haithabu and Dorestad, who then transported Cologne wares throughout the North Sea regions.52 Carolingian Cologne 49 Adriaan Verhulst, The Carolingian Economy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002) 79-80, 103; Wickham, The Inheritance of Rome, 546. 50 Heiko Steuer, „Der Handel der Wikingerzeit zwischen Nord- und Westeuropa aufgrund archäologischer Zeugnisse,“ in Klaus Düwel, ed., Untersuchungen zu Handel und Verkehr der Vor- und Frühgeschichtlichen Zeit in Mittel- und Nordeuropa (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1987) 113-197 at 134-142; Christoph Keller, „Karolingerzeitliche Keramikproduktion am Rheinischen Vorgebirge,“ in Luta Grunwald, Heidi Pantermehl, and Rainer Schreg, eds., Hochmittelalterliche Keramik am Rhein. Eine Quelle für Produktion und Alltag des 9. bis 12. Jahrhunderts [RGZM Tagungen 13] (Mainz: Römisch-Germanisches Zentralmuseum, 2012) 209-224; Christoph Keller, „Badorf, Walberberg und Hunneschans. Zur zeitlichen Gliederung karolingerzeitlicher Keramik vom Köln-Bonner Vorgebirge,“ Archäologisches Korrespondenzblatt 34: 1 (2004) 125-137; Markus Sanke, Die Mittelalterliche Keramikproduktion in Brühl-Pfingsdorf. Technologie – Typologie – Chronologie [Rheinische Ausgrabungen 50] (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 2002). 51 The massive archaeological work begun in August 2007 at Cologne’s city hall square, where the medieval Jewish Quarter existed, has been complicated by the highly controversial excavation director Sven Schütte’s claim to have unearthed the oldest known synagogue north of the Alps, dated to just before 800 and built on foundations dating back to Late Antiquity. Amid charges by him of antisemitism and against him of unprofessional work and headline-hunting public politicking, Schütte was dismissed from his post in April 2013, with a disciplinary hearing and countering lawsuit ensuing. Yet the vast numer of artifacts recovered in the dig provides us with confidence, apart from the debate about the synagogue’s continuous existence, that Cologne was home to Jewish families during the Carolingian era. For the status of Jews in Carolingian Europe see Esther Benbassa, The Jews of France: A History from Antiquity to the Present (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1999) 3-13; and Bernard S. Bachrach, Early Medieval Jewish Policy in Western Europe (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1977). 52 Permanent Frisian settlement in Cologne began during this time period, perhaps in the part of the city known today as the Frisian quarter (Friesenviertel) after the street running through it variously named inter Frisones and platea Frisonum (Friesenstraβe). During the Carolingian era this area was just outside the northwestern city wall in the neighborhood of St. Gereon’s church. Frisians settled outside the Roman wall at Worms as well as at Cologne: Nicholas, The Growth of the Medieval City, 69.

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therefore played a major role as an inter-regional ceramic manufacturing and trading center. The harbor area was in fact so populated that at the south end of today’s Old Market (Alter Markt) plaza a cemetery of at least 800 square meters (or 8,611 square feet) existed, in which wooden oak sarcophagi have been discovered dated to ca. 890-910. Subsequently this graveyard was abandoned and covered over with a gravel layer for a market (simply known then as the forum). Over two generations the market gradually expanded toward today’s Hay Market (Heumarkt) plaza, which in 992 was referred to as the mercatus Colonie. These eventually separated into two market zones with their meeting point near the Gate of Mars (porta Martis).53 The Old Market (Alter Markt) area was continually raised with dirt and improved as the marketplace zone expanded through the tenth century.54 The mint in Cologne, apparently located in the northwest corner of the city between the Old Market and Hay Market areas, even showed signs of revival under the last Carolingian ruler in East Francia, Louis IV the Child (893-911). These new coins bore the traditional Roman name for the city (claudia ara a[ggipinensium]) on the obverse side, yet the reverse side’s inscription revealed an emerging self-perception of Cologners about their city as a result of the growing collection of churches laden with patron saints: “sancta colonia.”55 Thus even in a painful time of political and ecclesiastical transition, the economic productivity and social vitality of Cologne remained assets that would provide necessary capital to the city 53 Jakobs, “Verfassungstopographische Studien,” 67 asserts that the name of Haymarket (Heumarkt) derived from the germanic homen (= marsh, as this shoreline region had been before being filled in to create the market site; only toward the end of the tenth century was the swampy area between the Haymarket site and the city wall actually raised with landfill). Then once the word homen was no longer understood, it morphed into heu. Whatever the case may be, this market was simply known as the forum ubi pabulum vendebatur until the mid-thirteenth century when it was finally referred to as forum feni or Haymarket (ibid., 90). 54 Trier, “Köln im frühen Mittelalter,” 308-309: “Roman Cologne had experienced the transition from antiquity to the Middle Ages without a discernable break. The city proved itself as a central place, blessed by its linkage to the Rhine as a significant traffic artery and by the confluence of important long-distance roads. The city preserved its political, economic and presumably also its social pre-eminence after the passing of the Roman Empire through interaction with its vast hinterlands. Archaelogical findings do not evidence signs of a stagnation in the Carolingian era or of devasting repercussions from the Norman invasion. Positive economic development led rather to strong population growth. Around the turn of the millennium the east of the former Roman city was extensively settled. This rich townscape must have already gotten Archbishop Bruno’s attention at the outset of his rule” (translation mine). 55 Walter Hävernick, Die Münzen von Köln vom Beginn der Prägung bis 1304 [Die Münzen und Medallion von Köln I] (Cologne: Olms Verlag, 1913; rpt. 1935; rpt. Hildesheim, 2013) 24.

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when the hard times had passed. In the near future the producers of this economic and social capital, the merchants and artisans of the city, would also seek to join in the shaping of the city’s administration and religious life. Once again we reach an historical break. The old Carolingian imperial order had finally dissolved and a new order emerged, shaped and redefined (ironically) by the influence of Saxon leadership. Yet the Carolingian era had already shaped and redefined Cologne. A recipient once again of imperial patronage, the city was expected in return to serve first as a staging point for conquests beyond the Rhine River and then as an administrative center for the newly conquered and organized territories. It is a significant historical irony that a Frankish Empire accomplished expansion eastward beyond the Rhine via Cologne and into Germania Magna in a manner only dreamt of by the Romans. And so the long-emerging reorientation of the city from an eastern frontier outpost to a central location in a greater Frankish Empire was achieved, which in turn produced a second significant historical irony. Being in the middle proved to have its own complications, given the lack of symmetry between the fluid boundaries of Carolingian successor kingdoms and the new eastern ecclesiastical provinces. And it would never prove easy in the future to combine Saxony and Lotharingia. As a result of this Carolingian reorientation of the city, its archbishop’s functions and pedigree became sharply redefined around the new mission of supporting both church and empire simultaneously. Thus learning and piety combined with administrative and diplomatic savvy now defined the preferred combination of capacities for the incumbent. Cologne archbishops learned early on both the benefits and costs of serving monarchs in the context of an increasingly interventionist papacy. And it would never prove easy in the future to combine church and empire, let alone contemplative and active living. With an ecclesiastical administrative identity transformed from a relatively small diocese into a far-flung enterprise of six dioceses (Cologne, Liège, Utrecht, Münster, Osnabrück, Minden) spread across two distinct stem duchies (Lotharingia, Saxony), a pastoral role in the spiritual lives of his flock simply had to be abandoned because of sheer size of scale. This key function of Christian ministry was now left to parish priests and chorbishops (then to archchancellors by the twelfth century), while personal piety in an archbishop would become an optional capacity when necessary.

4

The Age of Imperial Bishops I Ottonian Ducal Archbishops and Imperial Kin (925-1024)

The Transition from Carolingian to Ottonian Rule The hybrid role of the episcopacy in medieval Germany has long puzzled those from regions further west. As the Cistercian monk Caesarius of Heisterbach (ca. 1180-1240) makes clear in his treatise of edification for his community’s novices, the Dialogue of Miracles, medieval observers no less than modern Western scholars found it difficult to imagine a bishop as a military leader (Dux) and urban lord (Stadtherr) in addition to his ministry as a spiritual shepherd. Monk: A few years ago this terrible saying was uttered against bishops by a clerk in Paris: “I can believe a great deal,” he said, “but there is one thing I can never believe, namely, that any bishop in Germany can ever be saved!” Novice: Why should he condemn the bishops of Germany rather than those of France, England, Lombardy or Tuscany? Monk: Because all the bishops of Germany have both swords committed to them; I mean the temporal power as well as the spiritual; and since they hold the power of life and death, and make wars, they are compelled to be more anxious about the pay of their soldiers than the welfare of the souls committed to their charge. Nevertheless we find among the bishops of Cologne, who were both pontiffs and temporal princes, some who were also saints; for instance, the blessed Bruno, St. Heribert and St. Anno.1

Caesarius’ supply of only three bishops who had successfully combined piety, priesthood, and princely rule suggests an awareness of the rarity with which this ideal was ever achieved. And the point is especially poignant when one notes that Caesarius nestled this passage as a chapter (27) within a Distinctio on repentance, which he earlier (in Chapter 1) celebrates with the aphorism: “The least contrition obliterates the greatest guilt, and perfect

1 Caesarius of Heisterbach, Dialogus Miraculorum, ed. Joseph Strange, 2 vols. (Cologne, Bonn, and Brussels: Heberle, 1851; rpt. 1966) 1: 99, Distinctio Secunda, Capitulum 27. I have taken the English translation from Lawrence G. Duggan, Armsbearing and the Clergy in the History and Canon Law of Western Christianity (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2013) 69-70.

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contrition certainly removes guilt and punishment simultaneously.”2 The monks of Heisterbach surely recognized the risks their bishops took in assuming temporal power, with most of the pontiffs hoping at best for divine forgiveness of their guilt with expiation still to come in the next life and at worst risking the loss of salvation for failing to even repent. Yet historical reflection requires us to think of the German episcopacy’s unique fusion of institutional roles of ecclesiastical and royal government as a product of the Carolingian polity designed to serve eastward expansion beyond the Rhine River. Above all it is impossible to imagine either episcopal princes or their urban sees in the East Frankish Kingdom apart from the Carolingian system of missionary bishop-cities. As the combination of missionary and military expansion eventually succeeded by the late eighth and early ninth centuries among the Alemanni, Bavarians, Thuringians, and Saxons, these regions required bishoprics where none had ever existed. So while the late eighth- and early ninth-century Carolingians requisitioned the old Roman fortress locations at Regensburg (Castra Regina) and Passau (Castra Batava) and the former (though completely destroyed) Roman municipia of Salzburg as episcopal sees, for the most part the new bishop-cities were located in non-Roman territory: the Saxon and Bavarian bishoprics as well as those of Constance, Augsburg, and Würzburg in particular came in the course of the late Carolingian decades to resemble their western counterparts in Cologne, Worms, Speyer, Metz, and Verdun as small core settlements of merchants and artisans formed around the cathedral precincts to provide goods and services to the religious community at the bishop’s court.3 Though still centers of consumption rather than of markets, the very origins of these new German cities emerged directly out 2 Ibid., 1: 55: “minima contritio maximam delet culpam, perfecta vero culpam simul tollit et poenam.” For historical reflections on the tensions inherent in the German prince-bishop amalgam see Wilhelm Janssen, “‘Episcopus et dux, animarum pastor et dominus temporalis,’ Bemerkungen zur Problematik des geistlichen Fürstentums am Kölner Beispiel,” in Marlene Nikolay-Panter, Wilhelm Janssen, and Wolfgang Herborn, eds., Geschichtliche Landeskunde der Rheinlande. Regionale Befunde und raumübergreifende Perspektiven. Georg Groege zum Gedenken [Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für geschichtliche Landeskunde der Rheinlande an der Universität Bonn] (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1994) 216-235; and Andreas Bihrer, “Forms and Structures of Power: Ecclesiastical Lordship,” in Graham A. Loud and Jochen Schenk, eds., The Origins of the German Principalities, 1100-1350: Essays by German Historians (New York: Routledge, 2017) 83-100. 3 Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages, 96-97. Here are the bishop-cities and the dates of their establishment in the Carolingian church structure: Archdiocese of Cologne (784): Münster (795), Osnabrück (795), Hamburg/Bremen (795), Minden (803); Archdiocese of Mainz (780-782): Eichstätt (741), Büraburg [near Fritzlar] (742, added to Mainz 748), Erfurt (742, added to Mainz 755), Würzburg (743), Augsburg (746), Strasbourg (775), Constance (782), Paderborn

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of service to the bishop’s cathedral immunity. 4 Carolingian bishops were definitely prepared for temporal rule on behalf of the empire. Much has been written about Carolingian efforts from the Council of Soissons (744) onward to fashion a reformed episcopacy submissive to an ideology of sacral kingship, in which the king was considered the “rector of the kingdom of the Franks and devout defender and humble adjuvant of the holy Church” (as declared in the famous Admonitio Generalis of 789).5 But lest we think that sacral kingship overawed Carolingian prelates we should note the countervailing efforts at shaping a royal priesthood supported by a properly educated monarch. The reforming Council of Soissons was in fact a critical beginning to this latter development. Led by St. Boniface, who as papal legate would anoint Pepin (III) the new king only seven years hence, the Council deposed several errant prelates, enacted clerical reform measures, and then decreed something quite remarkable and innovative it its final canon: that in future, all decisions of episcopal councils would be enforced by the king, bishops, and counts of the realm. According to this ecclesiastical legislation, monarch and aristocracy were also to enforce the decrees of clerical conventicals, with the corollary that conciliar legislation was analogous to royal power.6 Indeed, the passage from the Admonitio Generalis quoted above could just as easily be read as envisioning the king as the servant of the church.7 Thus a new-styled Carolingian sacralized monarchy was actively buttressed by a new-styled reforming episcopacy that was fully ready to anoint (799), Verden an der Aller (ca. 800), Halberstadt (804), Hildesheim (815); Archdiocese of Salzburg (798): Regensburg (739), Freising (739), Passau (722). 4 Groten, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter, 36-37. 5 Marios Costambeys, Matthew Innes, and Simon Maclean, The Carolingian World (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011) 141-142 state that “the aim [of the reform agenda embodied in the Admonitio Generalis] was nothing less than control over the moral conduct of the laity.” Friedrich Prinz, “King, Clergy, and War at the Time of the Carolingians,” in Margot H. King and Wesley M. Stevens, eds., Saints, Scholars, and Heroes: Studies in Medieval Culture in Honor of Charles W. Jones, 2 vols. (Collegeville: Hill Monastic Manuscript Library, 1979) 2: 315 declared quite bluntly that “the Frankish clergy was nothing other than the imperial aristocracy in ecclesiastical vestments and part of the Carolingian ruling structure both by birth and by function.” 6 Michael Edward Moore, A Sacred Kingdom: Bishops and the Rise of Frankish Kingship, 300-850 [Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Canon Law 8] (Washington, D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press, 2011) 229. 7 Rosamund McKitterick, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms, 789-895 (London: Royal Historical Society, 1977) 15: “the bishops not only assumed the initiative and defined their own role in their society, they now took it upon themselves to define the role of the king, rather than have the king by his own legislative action defining his role in the community.”

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and share in the expansion, settlement, and governance of a Christian Empire. Bishops participated with Carolingian monarchs, Charlemagne foremost among them, in missionary and military actions east of the Rhine (for example, we have already seen Bishop Hildeger of Cologne slain in 753 near Osnabrück during one of King Pepin’s Saxon expeditions). And they provided the religious mandate as well as a prophetic vision for such conquests as a preordained salvific force.8 As they did so, the newly established bishop-cities soon became the centers of missionary and ecclesiastical presence. Hence it is not too much to say that urbanization east of the Rhine resulted from the missionary bishop-cities founded in the Carolingian era, in which the bishops functioned as municipal lords and military leaders alongside of their spiritual duties in this frontier zone. And this accounts for the seemingly peculiar tradition of German prince-bishops with their own temporal territories as well as dioceses and archdioceses, with their formative influence felt not only at the Sacred Palace in Aachen under the leadership of chaplains like Bishop Hildebold of Cologne but also throughout the eastern and northern frontiers of the Eastern Frankish Kingdom.9 The Ottonian royal successors would only further intensify the use of this prince-bishop model when establishing new Saxon bishoprics and would look to Cologne as well with special attention, as we shall soon see.10 One final point remains in characterizing the origins of German princebishops. We noted above the great challenge for such German bishops and archbishops in effectively administering both diocesan and territorial authority, as they formed the necessary nexus between the institutions of church and empire in their very persons. Vast lands in particular required direct management, which pushed most bishops beyond their capacities, and so these lands – though in principle inalienable as donations from 8 Moore, A Sacred Kingdom, 241 9 Ibid., 284: “The alliance of missionary bishops with their king was based on his inclusion within the church, and on his promotion of episcopal projects and ideals. The larger goal of evangelizing and reforming the kingdom begun by the ‘episcopal revolution’ of Boniface and Pippin had seemed, under Charlemagne, on the point of transforming the world. Frankish conquests allowed a vast expansion of episcopal activity east and north. The power and reach of bishops expanded along with the Empire, giving them a highly visible role in the intellectual life of the universal church. The round of assemblies held in 813 attempted to further bind episcopal power to the leadership of the Sacred Palace.” 10 The new Ottonian bishoprics were placed under the also new archbishopric of Magdeburg (968): Schleswig, Havelberg (946), Brandenburg (948), Merseburg (967), Zeitz-Naumburg (968), Meissen (968); and the new Archbishopric of Hamburg-Bremen: Oldenburg (970, diminished by Ratzeburg and Schwerin in 1052, removed to Lübeck in 1160); Schleswig (948), Århus (948), and Ribe/Ripen (948).

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kings, queens, and nobles – were ironically obtained by other regional aristocrats in the form of precaria or beneficia as recompense for defending and administering them in the name of the bishopric. Of course, after long periods of occupation many local nobles came to consider these lands their own allods, but even in the best of arrangements the bishops became enmeshed in very complicated political and economic relationships with secular nobles over such church lands.11 Thus the German prince-bishops were precariously located between the monarch, the regional aristocracy, the local nobility, and the papacy as the linkage point between these several yet individual interests. And we have not yet added the interest of the future burghers in their cities, which will be a major force in the Central and Later Middle Ages. The subsequent history of medieval Cologne and its archbishops can only be understood within this formative eighth- to tenth-century Carolingian-Ottonian context. The era of Viking and Magyar invasions further contributed to the already well-advanced breakup of the Carolingian Empire into three units (Western Frankish Kingdom, Eastern Frankish Kingdom, and Kingdom of Italy), all of which went their own way. Cologne’s destiny eventually wound up firmly affixed to the eastern kingdom and the emerging Saxon royal dynasty. This kingdom was less severely disturbed by the invasions and thus maintained the greatest continuity with the old Carolingian past. When the last of this illustrious line, Ludwig the Child, died in 911 after only holding the royal office from age six to eighteen, a leadership vacuum amid the expanding Magyar incursions was poorly filled by Duke Conrad of Franconia, chosen to provide military leadership by his peers of the stem duchies (Franks, Saxons, Alemans/Swabians, and Bavarians) though he warred more with his ducal peers than with the Magyars. The Lotharingian nobility would not, however, accept a Franconian over a Carolingian candidate, and thus the county rose up against Conrad. Always a thorn in Conrad’s side, Duke Reginar I of Lotharingia (maternal grandson of Lothar I and nephew of Lothar II) refused to acknowledge the Franconian and turned instead to Charles III (the Simple) of the West Frankish Kingdom.12 This brief quarrel was a profoundly important juncture in the history of Cologne, for a return of Lotharingia to the West Frankish 11 Moore, A Sacred Kingdom, 285. 12 As a sign of the brief reign of Charles III the Simple in Lotharingia, he minted silver pennies in Cologne using Ludwig the Child’s inscription “sancta colonia.” See Walter Hävernick, Die Münzen von Köln, 24; and Andreas Kaiser, The De Wit Collection of Medieval Coins: 1000 Years of European Coinage, 4 vols. (Osnabrück: Numismatiker Verlag Küncker, 2007) 1: 81 no. 221.

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sphere of influence would have drastically redefined the life of the city, and this now seemed likely to come to pass. Conrad spent his entire seven-year “reign” in battle as much against ducal factions as against the Magyars, and then suddenly, after being badly injured in one of his clashes with Duke Arnulf of Bavaria, he died on 23 December 918 at his residence in Weilburg Castle. In what was likely a nod to Sallust, Widukind of Corvey tells us in his Res gestae saxoniae that Conrad found enough strength on his deathbed to give his younger brother and ducal heir Eberhard some wise advice: engineer the election of Duke Henry I of Saxony to replace him as king. Although Henry was his foe, Conrad felt that he was still the only leader capable of corralling the dukes and uniting them against their common threat, the Magyars.13 At Fritzlar in May 919, Henry I was indeed duly elected as the new East Frankish king, apparently with only the Franconian and Saxon magnates present.14 That he was a Saxon is an irony that should not be missed here, given Charlemagne’s brutal efforts at subjecting the Saxons within his own Frankish Empire. This Saxon Liudolfing dynasty began with Henry’s rule (919-936) and lasted until 1002 through three of his direct heirs, all named Otto, and these “Ottonians.” as they were later named. would succeed to an astonishing degree in restoring East Frankish kingship to the once-lofty sacral status of the early Carolingians. One of the first achievements of Henry I was taking advantage of the growing internal chaos of the West Frankish Kingdom in order to bring Lotharingia to heel. After two campaigns and the conquest of Metz, Duke Giselbert of Lotharingia (son of Reginar) submitted along with his magnates – among whom had been none other than the pious Archbishop Hermann I of Cologne – and recognized Henry as their lawful king by 925. To secure the return of Lotharingia to the East Frankish orbit, Giselbert married Henry’s daughter Gerberga of Saxony in 928, and amicitia between the two princes appeared ascendant. Yet Giselbert rebelled once again at the death of Henry I in July 936 and returned his allegiance to the West Frankish king, the weak Carolingian Louis IV newly crowned only one month before. Giselbert thereby continued to rule as independently as ever until the new and formidable Saxon king rose up against him three years later. The youthful Otto I had no intentions of reestablishing a friendship between equals with his brother-in-law but, rather, sought nothing less than the full submission of Giselbert to his own kingship. Otto I had an exalted 13 Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages, 136. 14 For a time Duke Arnulf of Bavaria was proclaimed king by his ducal partisans, though by 921 Arnulf accepted Henry as his king and became the Saxon’s “friend.”

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view of his royal status, which had only been reinforced by his father’s arranged marriage for him with the Anglo-Saxon princess Eadgyth of Wessex in 929. Giselbert, however, was contented to stir rebellion alongside Duke Eberhard III of Franconia and his own chosen king, Louis IV of France, in support of Otto’s brother Henry. Otto’s skillful military counter-alliance with another brother-in-law, Robertine rival Count Hugh of Paris (husband of Otto‘s sister Hedwige), not only reduced Henry to submission but ultimately cost Giselbert his life. The combined Ottonian forces surprised Giselbert and Eberhard at the Battle of Andernach on 2 October 939, in which Eberhard III was killed and Giselbert drowned while attempting to escape across the Rhine. Otto’s occupation of Lotharingia provided him powerful leverage to affect a diplomatic resolution through which he not only secured the duchy permanently to the East Frankish Kingdom by treaty with Louis IV (to whom in return he married his sister Gerberga, now available after the death of Giselbert) but also assumed direct control of the duchy of Franconia. Otto also further strengthened his successful alliance with Duke Hermann I of Swabia by marrying his own son Liudolf to Hermann’s daughter Ida, through whom Liudolf would inherit the duchy in 950. And though his reconciliation and subsequent relationship with his brother Henry remained uneasy, Otto I had achieved a master stroke of political and military savvy that gave him control over the stem duchies of the East Frankish Kingdom and even extended his influence into the West Frankish Kingdom.15

Cologne under Ottonian Rule Let us now refocus our attention to the Cologne region and consider Ottonian policy there in particular. In order to retain the duchy of Lotharingia as a permanent territory of the East Frankish Kingdom, Otto I pursued two major goals: the elevation of Aachen as the transcendent capital of sacral kingship and royal coronation,16 and the administrative integration of the 15 Ibid., 137-141. Otto I would play a mediating role between the Robertine and Carolingian royal claimants, not only through his ascendant political position but also through his kinship ties with both brothers-in-law Hugh the Great and Louis IV (who had married Otto I’s sisters Hedwige and Gerberga respectively). For the significant roles played by Ottonian queens from Gerberga to Adelheid, Theophano, and Cunigunde see Simon MacLean, Ottonian Queenship (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017). 16 For an excellent account of the Ottonian transformation of Aachen see Franz-Reiner Erkens, „Aachener Geschichte zwischen Karolingern und Staufern: Entwicklungen – Prägungen – Formierungen (911-1137),“ in Thomas R. Kraus, ed., Aachen von den Anfängen bis zur Gegenwart.

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Lotharingian duchy with the archdiocese of Cologne. Ottonian archbishops of Cologne would play a key role in linking these two enterprises. Archbishop Hermann I of Cologne, though a pious pastoral influence in his archdiocese, had shown a typically Lotharingian antipathy toward the Liudolfinger dynasty’s royal claims. The son of Erenfried I of the Maasgau and thus an early scion of the Lotharingian Ezzonid dynasty, he had served as the court chaplain and archchancellor in the abortive kingship of his third cousin (through his mother Adelgunde of Burgundy) Zwentibold of Lotharingia (870-900). And though he helped mediate the similarly short-lived Treaty of Bonn between the kings Charles the Simple of the West Franks and Henry I of the East Franks (7 November 921), that the ceremony took place on a ship in the middle of the Rhine River was intended by Hermann to signify the recognition of the river as the boundary between the West and East Frankish Kingdoms, and let us not forget on which side of the river Cologne lay. In the midst of this struggle for Lotharingia, Henry I was careful to see that the next archbishop of Cologne was more aligned with Ottonian interests. Wichfried, a member of the Cologne cathedral chapter, proved to be just the man for election in 924. Wichfried was the son of Count Gerhard I of Metz and Oda of Saxony (daughter of the Liudolfing Duke Otto “the Illustrious” of Saxony and sister of King Henry I) and thus the perfect mix of Lotharingian and Saxon connections; indeed, he was the nephew of King Henry I and hence first cousin of his successor Otto I. Furthermore, his paternal Lotharingian origins trace back through the counts of Metz to his great grand aunt, Richildis of the Ardennes, who was the wife of Emperor Charles the Bald, grandson of Charlemagne; and his matrilineal ancestry made him the fourth great grandson of Charlemagne via Louis the Pious. Only 25 years old at his archiepiscopal election, Wichfried was already wise enough to identify more with his Saxon rather than his Carolingian ancestry, twelve years later joining with Archbishop Hildebert of Mainz in the royal coronation ceremony of his equally young cousin Otto I in Aachen on 7 August 936, a ritual whose coronation role would in time become the private prerogative of the archbishops of Cologne.17 In order to demonstrate his suzerainty over Lotharingia, Otto I himself was also careful to wear Frankish rather than Saxon attire at his Aachen Band 2: Karolinger – Ottonen – Salier, 765-1137 [Veröffentlichungen des Stadtarchivs Aachen 14, Beihefte der Zeitschrift des Aachener Geschichtsvereins 8] (Aachen: Mayersche Buchhandlung, 2013) 472-537. 17 At this point the archbishop of Mainz, as successor of St. Boniface, took the lead in the anointment and coronation of the king: Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages, 148.

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coronation. One wonders if his archiepiscopal cousin advised him here on ritual dress, but in any case Otto I kept Wichfried close at hand, appointing him as his own archchaplain and archchancellor and thus renewing a by-now well-established royal administrative role for the archbishops of Cologne. Wichfried did, however, find the time to assume another traditional role of patron for his own archdiocese: drawing from his office as archchancellor, Wichfried was the first German bishop to issue parchment charters with his own seal in the fashion of kings, and he proved generous in doing so. He was abundantly generous with endowments of churches, tithes, and agricultural incomes to female religious houses, foremost among them the Cologne conventual churches of St. Ursula and St. Caecilia, even providing wine and winestocks from as far away as Rhens (between Koblenz and Boppard). He also favored the venerable yet aged collegiate church of St. Severin to the south of the city with patronage support, replacing the shabby shrine of the saint with a new wooden one. Wichfried died on 9 July 953 after a long illness, but it was clear by that time that, after a lengthy interlude of disruption caused by the breakup of the Carolingian Empire and foreign invasions, Cologne was tracking again toward peace and prosperity under the sure hand of its prince-bishop and patron.18 Ottonian control of Cologne proved to be the key to retention of Lotharingia in light of continual ducal rebellions against Otto I’s centralizing royal power. As Archbishop Wichfried lay dying in 953, Duke Conrad the Red of Lotharingia – scion of the Salian counts of Nahe, Speyer, and Worms and the Conradine (Franconian) dynasty through his father Werner, as well as of the Swabian Erchanger dynasty through his mother – had joined an extensive rebellion of Lotharingian magnates. Conrad the Red proved a disappointment to Otto I, who had rightly seen him as an impressive and powerful leader, such that he had granted Conrad (and thereby his Salian comital family) with the former Conradine authority in the middle Rhine after Duke Eberhard III’s defeat at the Battle of Andernach in 939. Indeed, Conrad the Red was the king’s own invention, having raised him up from his inherited comital office to that of the duke of Lotharingia in 944-945 and then married him to his own daughter, Luitgard, in 947. The king had even entrusted Conrad with the regency of his newly acquired Italian Kingdom upon Otto’s hasty return to his German Kingdom in 952 with a new bride, Adelaide of Burgundy. While the king redirected his 18 Friedrich Wilhelm Oediger, ed., Geschichte des Erzbistums Köln, 97-99; Winfrid Glocker, Die Verwandten der Ottonen und ihre Bedeutung in der Politik: Studien zur Familienpolitik und zur Genealogie des sächsischen Kaisershauses (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1989) 276.

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army against new Danish, Slavic, and Magyar incursions, Conrad’s regency was poorly treated at court by Adelaide and Otto’s powerful brother Duke Henry of Bavaria, and he felt himself deeply humiliated at the final settlement of the Italian Kingdom rendered at Diet of Augsburg in August 952, in which his negotiated treaty with Berengar II was rejected. The dishonor Conrad felt from his new royal in-laws found alliance with Otto’s own son Liudolf (by his first wife, Eadgyth), who, though appointed duke of Swabia 948, found his worst fears of an usurping step-brother realized when Queen Adelaide gave birth to a son in the winter of 952 (whom she named after her favored brother-in-law, Duke Henry of Bavaria).19 The rebellion of 953 was a major threat to Otto’s kingship, in no small measure because it not only encompassed the entirety of Lotharingia but also the duchy of Swabia, whose dukes felt they were resisting the undue influence on Otto I of a foreign-born Italian consort and a power-hungry brother.20 Their rebellion quickly expanded to include Bavarian magnates, who had also found Duke Henry an unwelcome presence, and this quickly emerging coalition forced the king to a quick peace treaty at Mainz which both acknowledged Liudolf as his royal heir and also accepted Conrad’s original settlement with Berengar II. Upon his return to Saxony, however, Otto I’s wife Adelaide and brother Henry persuaded him to convene a diet at Fritzlar at which he declared both Liudolf and Conrad as outlaws in absentia. Such heavy-handed and jolting turnabout in royal policy only confirmed the conspirators’ fear of Adelaide and Henry‘s control of the royal court, and civil war broke out throughout Lotharingia, Franconia, and Bavaria during the spring and summer of 953.21 It was in the midst of this chaos that Archbishop Wichfried of Cologne died, and since Otto I could not afford to lose this archbishopric he looked even closer within the Ottonian family than his late cousin for someone to lead it. Indeed, in a distinctive move away from previous archbishops drawn from Lotharingia, he appointed his own Saxon brother Bruno, who along with him would be memorialized with the sobriquet “the Great,” in July 953 and quickly brought him into the peace negotiations that began to emerge in the fall of that year. 19 Stefan Weinfurter, The Salian Century: Main Currents of an Age of Transition (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999) 6-9; Karl Leyser, Rule and Conflict in an Early Medieval Society, Ottonian Saxony (London: Edward Arnold, 1979) 17-29; Benjamin Arnold, Medieval Germany 500-1300 (London: Palgrave MacMillan, 1997) 48-51. 20 Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages, 155. 21 Weinfurter, The Salian Century, 9-11.

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Bruno had been groomed all his life for just such a role. Placed by his father King Henry I into the cathedral school of the Bishop Balderich of Utrecht at four years of age, he was nurtured for a decade on a classical Latin education of grammar, rhetoric, and philosophy. In the year 939 at the age of fourteen, his brother and new king Otto I recalled him to the royal court, after which he was tutored in Greek by the famous scholar Israel the Grammarian at the cathedral school of Archbishop Rotbert of Trier and in the ideals of episcopal leadership by the reform-minded (and thus often in monastic exile near Liège) bishop Ratherius of Verona. By then already one of the most learned men of the kingdom and an acknowledged prodigy, his regal brother appointed him the royal chancellor in 940 at the age of only sixteen years. After a decade of successfully reorganizing and managing the chancery, he was then ordained a priest in 950 and further elevated by his fraternal king to the office of archchaplain in 951 while he accompanied the king to Italy. By the summer of 953, therefore, Bruno was a rising star at the Ottonian court and recognized for his learning, piety, credibility, and skill at reconciling both ecclesiastical and secular demands of life.22 As a sign of his growing importance, Otto appointed him the abbot of both Lorsch and Corvey, where Bruno became a leader in monastic reform. Yet even Bruno would find his mettle tested by the whirlwind of such challenges that came into his life over the next few years. Otto I hastily arranged for his brother’s archiepiscopal election in Cologne, followed by his consecration as archbishop in August. Throughout all these ecclesiastical processes, however, Bruno also interceded with his rebellious nephew Liudolf and his niece’s husband Conrad the Red to broker a September meeting between the three of them and his brothers King Otto and Duke Henry of Bavaria. At the summit, however, the rebels would not budge from their demand that Conrad’s original treaty with Berengar and Liudolf’s status as royal heir be reinstated, and at the same time Duke Henry’s continued undiplomatic manner led to a collapse of this first round of negotiations. In his own display of exasperation, Otto I announced a stunningly innovative order, one that would define the history of the Cologne archdiocese as well as the duchy of Lotharingia for centuries to come. The king not only stripped the rebel dukes of their duchies but also unexpectedly appointed his own archchaplain and brother Bruno as the duke of 22 For overviews and studies of Bruno’s career see Josef Fleckenstein, “Brun I. (Brun),” in Lexicon des Mittelalters, Band 2 (Munich: DTV Verlagsgesellschaft, 2003) cols. 753-754; Oediger, Geschichte des Erzbistums Köln, 100-105; and Peter Schwenk, Brun von Köln (925-965): sein Leben, sein Werk und seine Bedeutung (Espelkamp: Leidorf Verlag, 1995).

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Lotharingia. Never before had an ecclesiastical office been bound to a ducal office, yet now Bruno was being asked to serve both duties simultaneously at the age of 28. A new hybrid prince-bishop emerged, which Bruno’s biographer Ruotger of Cologne called the archidux, or archiepiscopal duke,23 whose uniqueness was further enhanced by having as its incumbent the brother of the king.24 So while prince-bishops who shared in the governance of the kingship had clear Carolingian origins (as seen in the history of Cologne itself), that a prince-bishop would hold a ducal office is an innovation in scope rather than in nature.25 With the death of his Ottonian wife Luitgard amid a rebellion in decline the following year, Conrad the Red began negotiations that led to his reconciliation with the king at the June diet in Langenzenn. Liudolf, however, continued to wage war until a costly battle near Illertissen while on retreat to his Swabian lands forced him to sue for peace. Archbishop-duke Bruno arranged the negotiations once again, which led ultimately to the following agreement at the diet in Arnstadt in December 954: (1) Liudolf accepted the loss of the duchy of Swabia to Burchard III (son of the former Erchanger, duke of Swabia), and received in turn regency over the Italian Kingdom and an army to dislodge Berengar II there; (2) Conrad the Red accepted his loss of the Lotharingian duchy and likewise was given a compensatory military command, in this case against the Magyars; (3) Archbishop Bruno was 23 Ruotger of Cologne, Ruotgers Lebensbeschreibung des Erzbischofs Brun von Köln (Ruotgeri Vita Brunonis archiepiscopi Coloniensis), ed. Irene Ott [MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, Nova Series 10] (Weimar: Böhlau Verlag, 1951; rpt. Cologne 1958) 19; Odilo Engels, „Ruotgers Vita Brunonis,“ in Anton von Euw and Peter Schreiner, eds., Kaiserin Theophanu. Begegnung des Osten und Westens um die Wende des ersten Jahrtausends. Gedenkschrift des Kölner Schnütgen-Museums zum 1000. Todesjahr der Kaiserin, 2 vols. (Cologne: Schnütgen Museum, 1991) 2: 33-46. 24 Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages, 157 emphasizes the sui generis nature of this lordship construct as the creation of a king in dire straights. 25 The latest generation of scholarship has reassesed the contours of the “Ottonian Imperial Church System” (Reichskirchensystem) of previous generations, the result being a sense of less systemic organization (e.g., there is no evidence of kingdom-wide royal control over bishoprics until Emperor Henry II), and more continuity than change between Carolingian and Ottonian eras: Timothy Reuter, “‘The Imperial Church System’ of the Ottonian and Salian Rulers. A Reconsideration,” The Journal of Ecclesiastical History 33 (1982) 347-374; rpt. in Janet Nelson, ed., Medieval Polities and Modern Realites (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006) 325-354; Eduard Hlawitschka, Vom Frankreich zur Formierung der europäischen Staaten- und Völkergemeinschaft 804-1016. Ein Studienbuch zur Zeit der späten Karolinger, der Ottonen, und der frühen Salier in der Geschichte Mitteleuropas (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1986) 212-215; John W. Bernhardt, Itinerant Kingship and Royal Monasteries in Early Medieval Germany, c. 936-1075 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993) 27-35; Weinfurter, The Salian Century, 56-57; Karl Leyser, “Ottonian Government,” English Historical Review 96: 381 (October 1981) 721-753.

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confirmed as duke of Lotharingia and his brother Henry as duke of Bavaria; (4) King Otto I retained his personal control over the duchies of Saxony and Franconia; and (5) Otto I’s illegitimate son William (of a Slavic concubine) was appointed the archbishop of Mainz. Thus, though the civil war had threatened to dissolve Ottonian royal power in the German Kingdom, it ultimately actually strengthened it. Now Ottonian family members directly controlled the duchies of Saxony, Franconia, Lotharingia, and Bavaria. And even the duchy of Swabia was in the hands of Burchard III, an Ottonian court intimate and son-in-law of Duke Henry I of Bavaria (by virtue of his marriage to Hedwige of Bavaria); indeed, Burchard III would be the one who eventually defeated Berengar II at the Battle of the Po on 25 June 965, finally restoring Ottonian control of the Italian Kingdom in Lombardy.26 Duke Burchard III of Swabia had also served Otto I well at the Battle of Lechfield (10 August 955), in which a reunified German Kingdom rallied to finally crush the Magyars. This battle cost Otto I dearly, however, as his brother Duke Henry was mortally wounded there and his son-in-law and reformed rebel Conrad the Red was slain after providing decisive military assistance. Conrad, to his credit, had chosen to serve his king despite his earlier rebellion and resulting loss of a duchy, and Otto I therefore honored his son-in-law with a magnificent public funeral in Worms in which he was entombed in the cathedral’s Salian family crypt.27 With the death of his son Liudolf two years later, Otto I had lost three of the leading members of his family, including his heir apparent. With such losses as these, the king came to rely even more heavily on his brother Bruno. So, as duke of Lotharingia, Bruno took up Conrad the Red’s role of Ottonian representative to the West Frankish Kingdom: at the deaths of the Carolingian king Louis IV (954) and Robertian duke Hugh the Great (956), their widows (Bruno’s sisters Gerberga and Hedwige) relied on his assistance as “tutor and guide of the west” for their sons and future French kings, Lothar (IV) and Hugh Capet. Bruno did indeed intervene regularly as regent, even with an army in 958, and shortly before his own death he arranged a meeting in Cologne with his brother the emperor, their two sisters, and the sisters’ sons King Lothar IV and Hugh Capet on 2 June 965, at which plans were made for the marriage of King Lothar to Emma of Italy (daughter of Empress Adelaide by her first husband King Lothar II of Italy, 26 Liudolf died unexpectedly of a fever in 957 while in the Piedmont region and just at the point of driving Berengar II out of the Italian kingdom. His son Otto eventually succeded as the duke of Swabia upon the death without heirs of Duke Burchard III in 973. 27 Weinfurter, The Salian Century, 10-11.

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and thus step-daughter of Otto I).28 Bruno also intervened in West Frankish affairs by denying Hugh of Vermandois’ claim to the archbishop’s see in Reims in favor of his old friend Odalric, canon of Metz cathedral. For the next 30 years the see of Reims, central to the West Frankish Kingdom, was held by a Lotharingian, as Odalric was succeeded in 969 by Adalbero, a learned and skillful scion of the Ardennes dynasty (nephew of both Count Adalbert I of Metz and Frederick, Count of Bar and Margrave of Upper Lotharingia) and brother of Count Godfrey I of Verdun.29 It may not surprise by this point to note that, given these kinship ties, Archbishop Adalbero of Reims was the first cousin of Archbishop Bruno I of Cologne. It was only after the deaths of Bruno and Hedwige in 965, followed by that of Gerberga in 969, that the West Frankish Kingdom began its gradual emancipation from Ottonian hegemony, culminating in a transfer to Capetian rule in 987 during the minority of Emperor Otto III.30 Such was the trust in the personal power, administrative capacity, and reputation for mediation and peacemaking possessed by Bruno.31 As duke he moved quickly to reform governance in his own duchy. After five years of personal rule, Bruno realized the need for more permanent regional administrative structures. And so he divided Lotharingia into two territories. In 959 he gave Upper Lotharingia (or Lorraine) as a margraviate to Count Frederick I of Bar, husband of his niece Beatrice (daughter of his sister Hedwige and Duke Hugh the Great Capet) and also a Carolingian descendant 28 Bruno was called tutor et provisor occidentis in addition to archidux: Johannes Laudage, “Liudofingisches Hausbewuβtsein. Zu den Hintergrunden eines Kölner Hoftages von 965,“ in Vollrath and Weinfurter, Köln. Stadt und Bistum in Kirche und Reich des Mittelalters, 23-59; Pierre Riché, The Carolingians: A Family Who Forged Europe (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993) 275-276; Wickham, The Inheritance of Rome, 442. 29 Count Godfrey I of Verdun was enfoeffed with Lower Lotharingia in 964 upon the death of his maternal third cousin, Margrave Godfrey of Lower Lotharingia, who died in Rome while on campaign with Emperor Otto I: Eleanor Shipley Duckett, Death and Life in the Tenth Century (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1988) 157-158. 30 Joachim Ehlers, “Carolingiens, Robertiens, Ottoniens: politique familiale ou relations franco-allemandes,” in Michel Parisse and Xavier Barrel i Altet, eds., Le roi de France et son royaume autuor de l’an mille (Paris: Picard, 1992) 39-45; rpt. in Bernd Schneidmüller and Martin Kintzinger, eds., Ausgewählte Aufsätze [Berliner historische Studien 21] (Berlin: Ducker und Humblot, 1996) 274-287; Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages, 168; Gerd Althoff, Otto III (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2003) 43-46. 31 According to Gilsdorf, The Favor of Friends: Intercession and Aristocratic Politics in Carolingian and Ottonian Europe, 89 and 95 Archbishop Bruno with his half-brother Archbishop William of Mainz were by far the leaders among Ottonian mediators, with 49 documented instances of intercession – 25 of which Bruno alone had accomplished as archchancellor even before his career as archbishop.

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on both sides of his own family. Lower Lotharingia (or Lorraine) went to Count Godfrey I of Hainault, with whose military assistance Bruno had defeated and exiled Count Reginar III of Hainault in 953.32 Count Godfrey was closely related to Bruno as both paternal and maternal first cousin: a Carolingian through both Godfrey‘s matrilineal and patrilineal lines while a Saxon Liudolfing through his paternal grandmother Oda (sister of King Henry I). Indeed, Godfrey was no less than the paternal nephew of Archbishop Wichfried of Cologne, while his father and namesake had served the Ottonian cause well as count palatine of Lotharingia. Bruno gave Godfrey the county of Hainault in 958 and then the margraviate the following year. Like his father and brother before him, Bruno thus raised trusted local counts to regional status who were bound to him by Liudolfinger kinship ties yet with enough of a Carolingian pedigree in order to ease the transition from the last vestiges of ancient Carolingian dynasties in Lotharingia. Only in the years after Bruno’s death did the margraves of Upper and Lower Lotharingia begin to style themselves as dukes (in the style of the Billung margraves in Saxony), and the two new duchies would go their separate ways in terms of historical orientation and development. Lower Lotharingia, encompassing as it did the dioceses of Cambrai, Cologne, Liège, Tournai, and Utrecht, would continue to be critical to both the new Ottonian Empire as well as to the archbishops and city of Cologne.33 In addition to being a successful military leader, diplomat, and administrator, Archbishop Bruno was a learned and genuinely pious churchman. A firm supporter of the Lotharingian monastic reform movement emanating from Gorze abbey, he diligently fulfilled his spiritual role as a builder of the Cologne church and advocate for Benedictine life by establishing religious foundations endowed with many sacred relics. He also expanded his own Carolingian-era cathedral from side naves into a five-aisle basilica rivaling St. Peter’s in Rome, and then endowed it with relics of St. Peter himself to assure its patron saint was resident there.34 He also completed renovations 32 He was the last Reginarid claimant to the duchy of Lotharingia, the title of margrave having been given to his grandfather Reginar I by the Carolingian king Charles III (the Simple) in 915 during the latter’s bid to rule in Lotharingia. Reginar III was the nephew of Duke Giselbert of Lotharingia (the brother of his father Reginar II). 33 Ducal authority in Lower Lotharingia would fragment in the twelfth century, resulting in the duchies of Limburg and Brabant, whereas Upper Lotharingia would maintain the territorial name of Lotharingia/Lorraine within the Holy Roman Empire. 34 In a bid to raise Cologne’s episcopal standing through its patron saint – both within as well as beyond the city – Bruno installed in the cathedral treasury the relic of St. Peter’s staff, somehow

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to the collegiate church of St. Severin that Archbishop Wichfried had begun, and having obtained the relics of St. Patroclus of Troyes in 950 during a diplomatic trip to the French court, he first placed them in the Cologne cathedral but then translated them four years later into the crypt of the Church of St. Patroclus in the Westphalian town of Soest, which became thereafter a favorite collegiate church for archiepiscopal patronage.35 To advance Cluniac reformed Benedictine monasticism, Bruno transformed the Carolingian-era collegiate church dedicated to the Greek saint Pantaleon, located on a hill just outside Cologne’s southwestern city wall at the site of a former Roman villa, by joining it to a new monastic foundation in 955. A complete rebuild of the church along with the new monastery of St. Pantaleon was begun with imperial funding in 966 (the year after Bruno’s death), and final consecration took place in 980, complete with saint’s relics translated from Rome and an architectural program intentionally expressing Ottonian ideals of a revived Christian Roman imperium.36 Bruno obtained from the Trier cathedral also dedicated to St. Peter (according to Lotharingian legend St. Eucharius, first bishop of Trier, used this staff to raise his subdeacon Maternus from the dead with its touch) and a few links of St. Peter’s prison chains in a reliquary from the papacy. For a careful study of Bruno’s contributions to Cologne’s intellectual, religious, and cultural life see Hans Mayr-Harting, Church and Cosmos in Early Ottonian Germany: The View from Cologne (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007) 37-63; and Mayr-Harting, “Ruotger, the Life of Bruno and Cologne Cathedral Library,” in Lesley Smith and Benedicta Ward, eds., Intellectual Life in the Middle Ages: Essays Presented to Margaret Gibson (London: Hambledon Press, 1992) 33-60. Regarding Bruno’s efforts to make Cologne a Rome of the north see Walter Schulten, “Kölner Reliquien,” in Anton Legner, ed., Ornamenta Ecclesiae. Kunst und Künstler der Romanik in Köln, Katalog zur Ausstellung des Schnütgen-Museums in der Joseph-Haubrich-Kunsthalle, 3 vols. (Cologne: Greven and Bechtold Verlag, 1985) 2: 64; Irmengard Achter, „Die Kölner Petrusreliquien und die Bautätigkeit Erzbischofs Brunos (935-965) am Kölner Dom,“ in Kurt Böhner and Victor Heinrich Elbern, eds., Das erste Jahrtausend. Kultur und Kunst im werdenden Abendland an Rhein und Ruhr, 3 vols. (Düsseldorf: Schwann Verlag, 1962) 2: 948-991; and Peter Neuheuser, „Der Kölner Dom unter Erzbischof Bruno,“ von Euw and Schreiner, Kaiserin Theophanu, 1: 299-310. 35 De translatione sancti Patrocli martyris (Hauptstaatsarchiv Düsseldorf, Handschrift GV2) recounts the joyous reception of the saint’s relics by the townspeople of Soest, where Bruno established a canonical foundation (at his death he bequeathed to the church 100 pounds of silver, liturgical plate, and wall hangings). Archbishop Anno II of Cologne (1056-1075) would see his brother Walther buried in its crypt in 1075, a new altar was consecrated on 11 July 1118 by Archbishop Frederick I of Cologne (1100-1131), and Archbishop Rainald of Cologne (1159-1167) reconsecrated the entire church on 8 July 1166 after a major phase of expansive construction was completed: Eberhard Linnhoff, St. Patrokli, Nikolai-Kapelle und Dom-Museum in Soest (Westfalen) (Königstein im Taunus: Langewiesche Verlag, 1984). 36 Sebastian Ristow, „Kirchengrabung Sankt Pantaleon in Köln. Von der römischen Villa suburbana zur ottonischen Stiftskirche,“ in Thomas Otten, Hansgerd Hellenkemper, Jurgen Kuno, and Michael Rind, eds., Fundgeschichten. Archäologie in Nordrhein-Westfalen (Mainz: Philipp von Zabern Verlag, 2010) 210-213; Sebastian Ristow,“Ausgrabungen unter der Kirche St.

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likewise reformed Plectrudis’ original church of St. Maria on the Capitol into a Benedictine cloister for noblewomen,37 and then on a portion of the former Rhine island just below the Old Market he built a new canonical foundation for men dedicated to St. Martin of Tours that became a Benedictine house before the end of the tenth century.38 Finally, he began renovation of the St. Matthew chapel just outside the northern Roman wall into a new canonical foundation that was finally dedicated to the apostle Andrew in 974. With these contributions to the development of Cologne’s ecclesiastical topography, Bruno laid the foundations for parochial organization.39 His remarkable legacy also left its mark in the areas of education and ecclesiastical leadership development. A linguistic and literary scholar in his own right, Bruno developed the cathedral school into the primary intellectual and cultural center of the kingdom that drew students from its furthest reaches.40 Several alumni of the cathedral school went on to become Pantaleon zu Köln. Zur Erkenntbarkeit frühchristlicher Kirchenbauten,“ in Olof Brandt, ed., Acta XV Congressus internationalis archaeologiae christianae: Toleti, 8-12, 2008: episcopus, civitas, territorium [Studi di antichità cristiana 65] (Vatican City: Pontif icio Istituto di Archeologia Cristiana, 2013) 151-162; Hans Joachim Kracht, Geschichte der Benediktinerabtei St. Pantaleon in Köln, 965-1250 [Studien zur Kölner Kirchengeschichte 11] (Siegburg: Verlag Franz Schmitt, 1975) 4-51; Anne Behrend-Krebs, Die ottonischen und romanischen Wandmalereien in St. Gereon, St. Maria im Kapitol und St. Pantaleon in Köln (Münster: Verlag Tebbert KG, 1994) 272-344; Sebastian Ristow, Die Ausgrabungen von St. Pantaleon in Köln: Archäologie und Geschichte von römischer bis in karolingisch-ottonische Zeit [Zeitschrift für Archäologie des Mittelalters, Beiheft 21] (Bonn: Habelt Verlag, 2009); and Warren Sanderson, „The Sources and Significance of the Ottonian Church of Saint Pantaleon at Cologne,“ Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians 29: 2 (May 1970) 83-96. Hirschmann, Stadtplanung, Bauprojekte und Groβbaustellen, 31: “St. Pantaleon was by all means conspicously embedded in the imperial tradition, which Bruno embodied like hardly any other archbishop” (translation mine). 37 Bruno recruited Benedictine nuns from the abbey of Remiremont in the Vosges region to inhabit the new convent, and at his death he bequeathed 100 pounds and other gifts for the completion of the monastery (monasterio et claustro perficiendo), which was apparently not finished by 965: Ulrich Krings, “St. Maria im Kapitol: Die Bautätigkeit des Mittelalters und der Neuzeit bis zum Zweiten Weltkrieg,” in Kier and Krings, Köln: Die Romanischen Kirchen, 1: 345. 38 It would be known as Great St. Martin to distinguish it from the church of St. Martin parish, referred to accordingly as Little St. Martin. Perhaps Bruno also intended the location of this new religious institution as an extension of archiepiscopal presence within the growing Rhine suburb, which also assured continual access to the shoreline from the cathedral immunity area: Jakobs, “Verfassungstopographische Studien,” 80. 39 Bruno’s spinning off the new parishes of St. Alban, St. Lawrence, St. Peter, and St. Paul from the original cathedral jurisdiction began the development of what would ultimately result in nineteen parishes by the year 1500: Jakobs, “Verfassungstopographische Studien,” 110; Hirschmann, Stadtplanung, Bauprojekte und Groβbaustellen, 33. 40 Concerning recent scholarship on Bruno’s cathedral school and its rich liberal arts tradition see Mayr-Harting, Church and Cosmos, 131-139. Bishop Thietmar of Merseburg recounted a

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the episcopal leaders of the next generation, such as the Lotharingian Wigfrid (bishop of Verdun, 959-83), the Saxon Eraclus (bishop of Liège, 959-71), the Frisian Egbert (archbishop of Trier 977-93), the Cologner St. Gerard (bishop of Toul, 963-94), and even his own Saxon first cousin and future archbishop of Cologne, Gero (969-76). 41 Bruno did not neglect the development of his episcopal city in the midst of such multifarious obligations. To the contrary, he stimulated economic expansion and set the urban community on a distinctive course for centuries to come. As part of his remodeling of the city’s landscape he extended the city walls and battlements during the 940s to offer protection to the 25-hectare harbor and mercantile area of the Rhine suburb (i.e., Old Market, Hay Market, the former Rhine island on which he built Great St. Martin’s abbey), which as a result increased the enclosed space of the city to 123.6 hectares (or 1.236 square kilometers or 305 acres). Thus Cologne was the first city in Germany to have a walled suburb, which became its commercial nucleus. 42 In the late 950s Bruno had some 16,000 square meters at the Haymarket area cleared of its Carolingian-era buildings and leveled to become a southern extension of the Old Market area, and the houses have curious story regarding Bruno’s scholarly life: Ottonian Germany: The Chronicon of Thietmar of Merseburg, ed. and transl. David Warner (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2001) 103-104: “Here I cannot omit something noteworthy that I heard from [Emperor Otto I’s] priest Poppe, the brother of Count William. After serving the emperor long and faithfully, he became very ill and had a vision in which he was led to a high mountain where he saw a great city with beautiful buildings. Then he came to a high tower which he ascended with great difficulty. On its large top level, he was favoured with the sight of Christ sitting with all the saints. There, Archbishop Bruno of Cologne stood accused by the highest judge because of his useless devotion to philosophy. But he was defended and again enthroned by St. Paul.” 41 Gunther Wolf, „Erzbishof Brun I. von Köln und die Förderung der gelehrten Studien in Köln,“ in Albert Zimmerman, ed., Die Kölner Universität im Mittelalter: Geistige Würzeln und soziale Wirklichkeit [Miscellanea Mediaevalia 20] (Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 1989) 299-311; Ludwig Vones, „Erzbischof Brun von Köln und seine ‘Schule,’“ in Hanna Vollrath, ed., Köln – Stadt und Bistum in Kirche und Reich des Mittelalters (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1993) 125-137; Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages, 157. 42 Heiner Jansen et al., Der historische Atlas Köln. 2000 Jahre Stadtgeschichte in Karten und Bildern (Cologne: Emons Verlag, 2003) 40, 42; Edith Ennen, Frühgeschichte der europäischen Stadt [Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für geschichtliche Landeskunde der Rheinlande an der Universität Bonn] (Bonn: Röhrscheid Verlag, 1953) 156-158; Nicholas, The Growth of the Medieval City, 71. The wall extension must have taken place about 950, but mention of the enclosure of the Rhine suburb does not appear in writing until 998: Franz-Josef Verscharen, „Köln im Zeitalter der Ottonen,“ in von Euw and Schreiner, Kaiserin Theophanu, 1: 86; Alfred Schäfer and Marcus Trier, „Zur Bedeutung des römischen Hafens Kölns während des Stadtmauerbaus,“ in Thomas Schmidts and Martin Marco Vučetić, eds., Häfen im 1. Millenium AD. Bauliche Konzepte, herrschaftliche und religiöse Einflüsse (Mainz: Verlag des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums, 2015) 119-132.

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stood on the edges of the Haymarket square since that time. The market’s ground surface would be raised several more times to place it above the river’s waterline until it received a fixed stone pavement. 43 Such attention to the mercantile sector stimulated the development of three annual trade fairs by the year 1000: a spring exhibition at Easter, a summer market on the Feast of St. Peter in Chains (1 August), and an autumn one on the Feast of St. Severin (23 October). 44 With the revenue generated from expanding mercantile activity, Bruno likely at least remodeled if not rebuilt the episcopal palace area near the cathedral, given that he staged impressive court assemblies in 956, 958, and 965 alongside members of his royal family. He functioned in this administrative fashion as city lord (Stadtherr) because as archbishop-duke he possessed delegated regalian rights (iura regalia) to build fortifications, establish and regulate markets, mint and exchange coins, 45 collect transit tolls, customs dues, 43 Dietmar and Trier, Köln: Stadt der Franken, 243-244; Trier, “Köln im frühen Mittelalter,” 307: “The two-centimeter thin gravel cover on the Hay Market was underpinned with a densely compacted, 5-centimeter-thick lime layer, which was supposed to deter the softening of the soil beneath it. The drainage of the undeveloped south market area ran over an open excavation pit of a late Roman great house now used as a trench. Three oak beams, which were laid into a depresssion to level the area, date the building project to the year 957 or shortly thereafter. The construction of the market therefore belongs to the rule of Archbishop Bruno (953-965). There can be no doubt that the reorganization of the Rhine city happened at the behest of the city lord in whose possession the entire site virtually belonged” (translation mine). Cologne’s portus inclusion into the original bishop’s-city area was typical of early German town development, yet this was one of the earliest examples of a suburban market area astride the original city walls: Nicholas, The Growth of the Medieval City, 50. 44 Franz-Josef Verscharen, „Köln im Zeitalter der Ottonen,“ in von Euw and Schreiner, Kaiserin Theophanu, 1: 82; Ennen, „Kölner Wirtschaft un Früh- und Hochmittelalter,“ 113; Edith Ennen,“Europäische Züge der mittelalterlichen Kölner Stadtgeschichte,“ Köln, das Reich und Europa. Mitteilungen aus dem Stadtarchiv von Köln 60 (1971) 10-12; Edith Ennen, „Erzbischof und Stadtgemeinde in Köln bis zur Schlacht von Worringen (1288),“ in Franz Petri, ed, Bischofs- und Kathedralstädte des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit [Städteforschung, Reihe A: Darstellungen 1] (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1976) 27-46; rpt. in Georg Droege et al., eds., Gesammelte Abhandlungen zum europäischen Städtewesen und zur rheinischen Geschichte, 2 vols. [Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Geschichtliche Landeskunde der Rheinlande an der Universität Bonn] (Bonn: Röhrscheid Verlag, 1977-1987) 1: 388-404; Jakobs, „Verfassungstopographische Studien,“ 61. The first mention of the Easter trade fair is dated 967, and surely Archbishop Bruno selected the feast of St. Peter in Chains for the summer market date in conjunction with his acquisition from the pope of a few links of St. Peter’s prison chains for the cathedral relic treasury. At these fairs, both luxury goods from afar as well as bulk volumes of daily consumables produced locally were bought and sold. 45 Bruno continued the late Carolingian tradition of minting Cologne silver pennies with the reverse side inscription of sancta colonia, but he added his own name as archiepiscopal lord of the mint, “Bruno Archiep[i]s[copus]“ to the obverse side. See Hävernick, Die Münzen

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and taxes including fees from Jews in return for royal protection as imperial “property” with Kammerknechtschaft status, and administer justice through policing and the courts (iura bannaria). Though the exercise of these powers were in their formative stages at this time, such regalian rights would form the basis for the core foundational institutions of civic governance in Cologne. For example, Bruno removed the city from the traditional county court jurisdiction (Bannmeile) of the count (Kölngau) and created its own urban jurisdiction (Burgbann) complete with urban courts. This reform indicates the rapidly increasing volume of legal business before the beleaguered county court (which normally only met three times a year), but it also heralds the age of prince-bishops with their own urban legal organization. Archbishop Bruno’s powerful career reached it apogee during his regal brother’s Italian campaigns between the years 961-965, during which he and his nephew Archbishop William of Mainz (to whom Otto I gave the title of archchaplain of the empire) governed the East Frankish Kingdom as co-regents. To assure Ottonian royal succession before the first expedition, Bruno and William first anointed and crowned their six-year-old nephew Otto II in Aachen on 26 May 961 as joint monarch with his father, and thereafter the two archbishops served as the child-king’s tutors and protectors. 46 Otto I’s return campaign in Italy culminated in his imperial coronation in Rome on 31 January 962 by Pope John XXII, while his native kingdom and heir were both in the safe hands of Bruno and William. The regency concluded in January of 965 upon the return from Italy of the new emperor, as the entire Ottonian family celebrated Otto’s seeming victory south of the Alps during Pentecost (14 May) in Cologne: Bruno and his imperial brother were joined by their saintly mother Matilda, their West Frankish royal sister Gerberga and her sons King Lothar IV and Duke Charles (of Lower Lotharingia), and the youthful co-ruler of the East Frankish Kingdom, Otto II.47 There could be no better testament to Bruno’s reputation von Köln, 55; Hermann Dannenberg, Die Deutschen Münzen der Sächsischen und Fränkischen Kaiserzeit (Berlin: Weidmannsche Buchhandlung, 1876) 164-165. 46 Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages, 170. Archbishop Henry I of Trier (the Babenberg brother of Bishop Poppo I of Würzburg) also participated in Otto II’s coronation at Aachen. He then accompanied Otto I into Italy, where both he and Duke Godfrey I of Lower Lorraine died of a plague epidemic ravaging the imperial army during the summer of 964. Buried first at Parma, Archbishop Henry’s remains were later transferred back to the cathedral in Trier. 47 Ruotger of Cologne, Ruotgers Lebensbeschreibung, 44-45; Letha Böhringer, „Bruns Bedeutung für die Entwicklung der Stadt Köln – der Hoftag von 965,“ in Rosen and Wirtler, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln. Band I, 101-105.

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for bringing together the ruling elites of two kingdoms and bridging the Lotharingian gap between them. Perhaps as an extension of this Pentecost court, Bruno departed for further diplomatic mediation in the West Frankish Kingdom between his nephews Lothar IV and the Capetian brothers Hugh and Otto (sons of Duke Hugh Capet the Great and Bruno’s sister Hedwige, themselves maternal first cousins of Lothar IV) in the autumn of that year. During his return from Compiègne he suddenly fell ill, and after only five days died at the age of 40 in Reims on 11 October 965. Amid great public sorrow, his corpse was returned to Cologne, and in a final expression of his monastic sensibilities he was buried in his beloved abbey of St. Pantaleon rather than in the cathedral crypt. 48 It would be quite understandable if Bruno simply succumbed to exhaustion, given all that he had accomplished or set into motion in a mere twelve years as archbishop and duke. He had advanced clerical learning, monastic reform, and political stability in Lotharingia so often caught between the East and West Frankish interests, and instilled dynastic stability within his brother’s kingdom as both archchaplain and regent. But Bruno did not accomplish these significant tasks to the neglect of his own cathedral city. Through massive amounts of Ottonian patronage he laid the foundations in Cologne for vibrant economic life, urban legal and administrative authorities, 49 and a parochial system. His massive building projects alone infused astonishing amounts of capital into the urban economy of Cologne, out of which an urban community began to emerge that extended beyond the cathedral community of Carolingian vintage designed only to meet the consumption needs of the archbishop’s household and ecclesiastical functions. Estimates for Cologne’s population at Bruno’s death are set at several thousand, and the city was remembered in the vita of St. Maurinus of Cologne50 (dated ca. 967) as a populosa civitas.51 For all these achieve48 Roswitha Neu-Kock, „Secundum postulationem et desiderium cordis eius … – Das Grab Erzbischof Brunos in St. Pantaleon,“ in von Euw and Schreiner, Kaiserin Theophanu, 1: 311-324. 49 Toni Diederich, „Die Siegel der Kölner Erzbischöfe von Bruno I. bis zu Hermann,“ in Anton von Euw and Peter Schreiner, eds., Kaiserin Theophanu, 1: 89-108. 50 St. Maurinus of Cologne was supposedly an abbot of St. Pantaleon (the abbey was only founded by Bruno in 964) who was martyred, perhaps during the Viking incursions of 881-882. During the completion of St. Pantaleon’s new church, his sarcophagus was identified near that of Archbishop Bruno’s (on 13 October 966), and a monk named Stephen wrote a sermon in honor of Maurinus which detailed his life and told of the saint’s miracles. His bones have rested in an elaborate reliquary in the treasury of St. Pantaleon since the late twelfth century. 51 Dietmar and Trier, Köln: Stadt der Franken, 246. On page 247 Dietmar/Trier conclude that archaeological excavations of the Old Market and Haymarket areas of the Rhine suburb have

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ments while still maintaining a pronounced Christian piety, Bruno was remembered along with his brother as “the Great” and even venerated as a saint like his mother.52 In terms of the subsequent institutional history of Cologne, Bruno can surely be considered its founding father. In fact, Ruotger’s panygyric depiction of Bruno has led some modern scholars to overemphasize his archetype as an imperial system of bishopprinces as fulcrum between church and state. Ruotger‘s purpose, after all, was to prove that a bishop with secular power could still lead a holy life as if he were a monk.53 While no more the prototype for an Ottonian imperial church system than his half-brother William of Mainz, Bruno still proved to be the prototype for Cologne archbishops. Having established a ducal archbishop’s office possessing both spiritual and secular authority, his successors would remain secular lords as prince-bishops until the French secularization under Napoleon in 1801. Though they remained important figures in the East Frankish Kingdom, Bruno‘s successors were unlikely to match his achievements. They did not, yet the remaining years of the Ottonian dynasty were not the sort that could produce such results. His immediate successor was another Saxon, Archbishop Folkmar, who served only three years (965-969). By this point in time, Emperor Otto I was the most powerful man in Europe, yet he died soon thereafter in 973. Folkmar’s successor, Archbishop Gero (969-976), whose election was initially opposed by Otto I, nonetheless provided the emperor one last signal service in early 972 when he led the embassy that brought Princess Theophanu from Constantinople to Rome as bride for Otto II. As part of a settlement between Otto I and Nikephoros over their respective empires’ boundaries in the Italian peninsula, their two children were joined in matrimony on 13 April 972. Born of a powerful Saxon comital and margravial family and f irst cousin to Otto I and Archbishop Bruno,54 Gero had served as the emperor’s provided conclusive evidence “of the dynamic economic development of Cologne in the transition from the early to the high Middle Ages” (translation mine). 52 St. Bruno the Confessor’s feast day (11 October, the day of his death) was celebrated first by the monks of St. Pantaleon but was soon observed throughout the entire archdiocese. 53 Hartmut Hoffmann, „Politik und Kultur im ottonischen Reichskirchensystem. Zur Interpretation der Vita Brunonis des Ruotger,“ Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter 22 (1957) 31-55; Friedrich Lotter, „Das Bild Brunos I. von Köln in der Vita des Ruotger,“ Jahrbuch des Kölnischen Geschichtsvereins 40 (1966) 19-40; Mayr-Harting, „Ruotger, the Life of Bruno and Cologne Cathedral Library,“ 33-60; Ivo Gebert, Mächtig heilig? Überlegungen zu Ruotgers Lebensbeschreibung des heiligen Brun, Erzbischof von Köln (Munich: GRIN Verlag, 2007). 54 His father Christian, who may have had Billung ancestry, accumulated several counties in Eastphalia, northern Thuringia, and the Ostmark, while his mother Hidda was the daughter

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chaplain and was rewarded with canonries in Cologne and Hildesheim. As archbishop he was among those who buried Otto I in Magdeburg and thereafter facilitated a smooth transition to the new, seventeen-year-old Otto II. Gero, however, is better remembered as the founder of the abbeys of St. Vitus in Mönchen-Gladbach and Dammersfeld and the patron of the famous life-sized Gero Crucifix.55 The diminution of Cologne’s centrality to the imperial project developed quickly amid the short reigns of Otto II and Otto III. The former died suddenly in 983 while in Rome amid growing troubles with his reign and was quickly buried in St. Peter’s basilica. A planned royal coronation for the three-year-old Otto III, who until then had lived only in Italy, took place in Aachen on Christmas day, only three months after his father’s death in Italy. News of his father’s death did not reach Aachen until after the coronation ceremony, and suddenly everyone realized that the political crisis they had hoped to avoid was now fully upon them. That the child-king’s coronation was performed by Archbishop Willigis of Mainz and Archbishop John of Ravenna should not be missed, because Archbishop Warin of Cologne (976-985) was supplanted in his traditional coronation role. And although Warin had been given the role of tutor and guardian of Otto III, Duke Henry II “the Quarrelsome” of Bavaria (recently released from the bishop of Utrecht’s prison) forcibly took Otto III’s guardianship from him, claiming this right as the closest adult relative of the boy king because they were cousins. It appears that Archbishop Warin was unable to prevent this second political humiliation.56 Ultimately the Quedlinburg faction of Otto III’s mother, of Count Thietmar of Merseburg. Hence Gero was named after his maternal uncle, Margrave Gero the Great of the Ostmark, and his own brothers were the margraves Thietmar of Meissen and Otto of the Ostmark. 55 Bishop Thietmar of Merseburg in his Chronicon, Robert Holtzmann, ed. [MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum, Nova Series 9] (Berlin: Wiedmannschen Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1935; rpt. 1996) 99 recalled that this remarkable work of art, which Gero commissioned, hung upon his own death in the center of the cathedral near his own tomb: “Hic crucifixum, quod nunc stat in media ecclesia, ubi ipse pausat, ex ligno fabricari studiose fecit.” The life-size crucifix is the earliest surviving monumental sculpture and the oldest representation of Christ hanging lifeless on the cross: Christa Schulze-Senger, Bernhard Matthäi, Ernst Hollstein, and Rolf Lauer, “Das Gero-Kreuz im Kölner Dom. Ergebnisse des restauratorischen und dendrochronologischen Untersuchungen im Jahre 1976,“ Kölner Domblatt 41 (1976) 9-56; printed also as „The Gero Crucifix in Cologne Cathedral,“ Jahrbuch des rheinischen Denkmalpflege 32 (1987) 11-54. 56 Thietmar of Merseburg, Chronicon, 130; Dominik Waβenhoven, „Swaying Bishops and the Succession of Kings,“ in Ludger Körntgen and Dominik Waβenhoven, eds., Patterns of Episcopal Power: Bishops in Tenth- and Eleventh-Century Western Europe/Strukturen bischöflicher Herrschaftsgewalt im westlichen Europa des 10. und 11. Jahrhunderts [Prinz-Albert-Forschungen 6] (Berlin: Walter De Gruyter Verlag, 2011) 90.

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Empress Theophanu, the Dowager Empress Adelaide, and his aunt Abbess Matilda of Quedlinburg ultimately succeeded in removing the difficult Duke Henry and taking on the regency,57 but the fundamental roles of the archbishop of Cologne in royal coronations at Aachen and as royal tutors and guardians were rapidly eclipsed by others. In yet another sign of diminishing power relative to the archbishops of Mainz and Trier, in 980 Warin agreed to return the top portion of St. Peter’s Staff to Archbishop Egbert of Trier, who himself was a keen patron of relics and elaborate goldwork.58 Warin appears to have been more active and successful within the city of Cologne, where he built the parish churches of St. Paul and St. Brigida.59 While Archbishop Willigis of Mainz held major sway during the regency government as archchancellor of the German Kingdom, the only visible contribution made by Warin or his successor Everger of Cologne (985-999) to the regency was the latter’s burial of the Empress Theophanu in the crypt of St. Pantaleon’s abbey church upon her death in 991 at the young age of 36. She at least had the comfort of resting in the crypt alongside the Greek saint Pantaleon and her husband’s uncle the sainted Bruno the Great.60 Although the Cologne school of painting reached its golden age during the episcopate of Everger,61 it seemed as though the power of the archbishop as a German prince-bishop had been reduced to burying the last of the generation that had given its office such influence in an earlier time.62 Certainty about whether the ducal archiepiscopacy of Cologne was actually sustainable without participation of a member of the imperial 57 Althoff, Otto III, 31-40. 58 Walter Schulten, „Kölner Reliquien,“ 2: 64; Egon Boshof, „Köln, Mainz, Trier – Die Auseinandersetzung um die Spitzenstellung im deutschen Episkopat in ottonischer-sälischer Zeit, Jahrbuch des Kölnischen Geschichtsvereins 49 (1978) 32; Hiltrud Westermann-Angerhausen, Die Goldschmiedarbeiten der Trierer Egbertwerkstatt (Trier: Spee-Verlag, 1973). 59 Hirschmann, Stadtplanung, Bauprojekte und Groβbaustellen, 33. 60 Theophanu had been significantly involved in the building and endowment of St. Pantaleon, herself having had the supposed relics of the British protomartyr St. Alban brought there from Rome, for whom an altar was built. She affirmed the identity of relics as being of St. Alban of Britain before Archbishop Willigis of Mainz, to compete with the martyr St. Alban of Mainz, in yet another competition between the archbishops of Cologne and Mainz: Hirschmann, Stadtplanung, Bauprojekte und Groβbaustellen, 34. 61 Anton von Euw, „Ottonische Kölner Malerschule. Synthese der künstlerischen Strömungen aus West und Ost,“ in von Euw and Schreiner, Kaiserin Theophanu, 1: 251-280. 62 Archbishop Everger did have a major impact on the subsequent development of the Rhine suburb when in 989 he granted to the Benedictine abbey of Great St. Martin the annual ground rent income (Hofzins) from the area lying just north Hay Market, thus creating an immunity zone apart from the cathedral zone complete with an income for the possession of the abbey: Jakobs, “Verfassungstopographische Studien,” 79.

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family remained in doubt upon the consecration of the next archbishop of Cologne. Heribert (999-1021) was a scion of the powerful Conradiner dynasty,63 whose education at the cathedral school in Worms (where he studied alongside his third cousin, the future Pope Gregory V) and then in the Lotharingian reformed abbey of Gorze seemed to have destined him for a monastic life; but his father preferred him as a cathedral prior back home in Worms.64 Around 990 Bishop Hildebold of Worms, then serving as the royal chancellor for Germany, inducted Heribert into the royal chapel, where he served first as a tutor to the youthful king Otto III, his fifth cousin, and soon became a trusted friend and advisor. One of Otto III’s first regal acts upon attaining his majority at age fourteen (in 994) was the appointment of Heribert as his royal chancellor for Italy – a remarkable move given that this office had hitherto only been given to an Italian prelate, whereas Heribert would not even be ordained a priest until the following year.65 Yet Heribert proved himself a skillful mediator of conflict, such as that between Bishop Gebhard of Regensburg and Abbot Ramwold of St. Emmeram, through controlling access to the young king’s ear.66 And so upon Bishop Hildebold of Cologne’s death in 998, Otto III combined the chancellorship for Germany with that of Italy to make Heribert a most powerful figure at court. Indeed, Heribert would provide key leadership in the formulation and implementation of Otto III’s plans for a renovatio imperii Romanorum from his headquarters in Ravenna. Together they swiftly achieved their initial goal of restoring Ottonian power in Italy when, during his first Italian campaign in 996, Otto III recovered the crown of Lombardy and then occupied Rome to assure the installation of his chaplain Bruno (a cousin of both Otto and Heribert) as the first German pope with the name Gregory V. Gregory’s own youthful vigor at 24 years complemented that of the sixteen-year-old Otto III and the 26-year-old Heribert, and so a new generation of rulers had begun their joint era when 63 Based on his name as well and the lands with which he was associated, Heribert almost certainly belonged to the Konradiner comital branch of the Wetterau. His own father Hugo was perhaps the count of the Einrichgau and a son of Count Udo of Wetterau. If so, then Heribert also descended from the Carolingian counts of Vermandois, and Duke Conrad “the Elder” of Thuringia would have been his great great granduncle and Duke Conrad of Swabia his uncle. See Heribert Müller, „Heribert von Köln (um 970-1021),“ Rheinische Lebensbilder 8 (1980) 7-20. 64 For Archbishop Heribert of Cologne’s life and career see Heribert Müller, Heribert, Kanzler Ottos III. und Erzbischof von Köln [Veröffentlichungen des Kölnischen Geschichtsvereins 33] (Cologne: Wamper Verlag, 1977); and Heribert Müller, „Heribert, Kanzler Ottos III. und Erzbischof von Köln,“ Rheinische Vierteljahresblätter 60 (1996) 16-64. 65 Althoff, Otto III, 56. 66 Ibid., 57-58; Bernhardt, Itinerant Kingship, 101.

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Gregory solemnly crowned Otto as emperor in St. Peter’s basilica on 21 May 996. Having had to return to Rome in 998 to restore Gregory V to the throne of St. Peter, Otto III simply remained in the eternal city to reign as Roman emperor from his palace on the Palatine Hill. Heribert continued as an active supporter of his imperial cousin, friend, and patron throughout this period, and when Archbishop Everger died in November of 999 he was rewarded for his services when Otto invested him in Benevento with the regalia of the Cologne archbishopric. Though the lower Rhineland was rather foreign territory to Heribert, his appointment served as an effort to sustain Ottonian authority there once the center of imperial authority had been recentered from Saxony to Rome. A sign of this imperial ligature emerges from Otto III’s pilgrimage to Aachen in the year 1000, where he and a few close companions found and opened the tomb of Charlemagne. As part of the ritual of restoration and veneration, Otto removed a tooth from his fabled predecessor’s mouth as a relic, which he took back with him to Rome.67 As a sign of Heribert’s characteristic diplomatic sensitivity, his awareness of the risks of imposing himself as an outsider on the city and diocese of Cologne resulted in his own grand public gesture of humility upon entering the episcopal city for the first time: on Christmas Eve of 999 he walked through its gates in the train of the archiepiscopal insignia and pallium, a barefoot penitent aware of his unworthiness for such office. Under this guise, humble yet unmistakably anchored in papal approbation rather than any imperial pomp, he was consecrated as the new archbishop.68 Otto III evinced a completely different attitude, however, in his earlier letter to Heribert in Ravenna announcing the latter’s appointment as archbishop of Cologne. The young emperor stated in ironic and rather absolutist words, “Otto, emperor by God’s grace alone, declares to the archilogothete [i.e., chancellor] Heribert his favor and presents to him Cologne and a yard of pallium.”69 Yet imbedded in this formal imperial discourse was reference 67 Otto III seems to have been making preparations to canonize Charlemagne as an imperial saint. See Knut Görich, „Otto III. öffnet das Karlsgrab in Aachen: Überlegungen zu Heiligenverehrung, Heiligsprechung und Traditionsbildung,“ in Gerd Althoff and Schubert, eds., Herrschaftsrepräsentation im ottonischen Sachsen [Vorträge und Forschungen 46] (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1998) 381-430; and Althoff, Otto III, 104-106. 68 Althoff, Otto III, 94-95, 136; Lantbert of Deutz, „Vita Heriberti archiepiscopi Coloniensis,“ in Georg Heinrich Pertz, ed., Annales, Chronica et Historae Aevi Carolini et Saxoni [MGH Scriptores 4] (Hanover: Hahn, 1841; rpt. Hiersemann, 1963) 744; Müller, Heribert, Kanzler Ottos III. und Erzbischof von Köln, 199-200. 69 The title of archilogethe is an example of the Byzantine customs inserted by Otto III in his government. See Lantbert of Deutz, “Vita Heriberti archiepiscopi Coloniensis,” 743; Althoff,

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to a pallium of absurdly short length, and so this notice also contained a jest between close friends.70 Necessarily an often absent archbishop of Cologne during these years, Heribert was again in Italy on 11 January 1002, as both duke and archchancellor of Italy with a large army of his own to aid Otto III in quashing yet another rebellion in Rome.71 Yet the golden age came suddenly to an end when Otto III died of a fever near Civita Castellana on 24 January 1002 . He was only 21 years old, and so of course there were no succession plans in place. There would be no succession of imperial privileges for Heribert or the city of Cologne under the new regime either. As imperial archchancellor, Heribert led the funeral cortege across the Alps with a heavy heart en route to Aachen cathedral, the burial site requested by Otto III, yet he lost control of the succession process upon reaching the German Kingdom. Duke Henry of Bavaria, son of Henry II “the Quarrelsome” and Otto’s second cousin, took control of the coffin at Polling and demanded the imperial insignia from Heribert in order thereby to lay claim to the royal succession.72 The archchancellor and ducal archbishop of Cologne had adroitly sent the most important piece of the regalia, the Holy Lance, on ahead to his paternal Conradiner first cousin, Duke Hermann II of Swabia, whose royal election he had been advocating among the entourage. Yet he found himself outmaneuvered and ultimately imprisoned by Duke Henry until he swore an oath to support the duke’s claim to the throne; indeed, he had to leave behind his own brother, Bishop Henry of Würzburg, as hostage to assure his neutrality and recovery of the Holy Spear.73 Heribert Otto III, 93-94, 144; and Heinrich Fichtenau, Living in the Tenth Century: Mentalities and Social Orders (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991) 195-196. 70 Percy Ernst Schramm, Kaiser, Rom und Renovatio: Studien zur Geschichte des römischen Erneuerungs-gedankens vom Ende des karolingischen Reiches bis zum Investiturstreit (Leipzig and Berlin: G. B. Teubner, 1929; 4th ed. (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1984) 134 considered this mini-pallium a “parody of the pomposity of diplomatic style.” 71 The Chronicon of Thietmar of Merseburg, ed. Warner, 186: “The emperor rejoiced when Archbishop Heribert of Cologne arrived with a large retinue.” Heribert’s army was joined by contingents from the archbishop of Mainz, the bishops of Worms and Würzburg, and the abbot of Fulda: Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages, 198. 72 In this effort to secure the German crown, Duke Henry of Bavaria proved more successful than his father, Duke Henry I the Quarrelsome of Bavaria (younger brother of Otto I), had been upon the death of Otto II. The Bavarian branch of the Ottonian dynasty therefore finally overcame its Saxon competition: Anna-Maria Frings, “Erzbischof Heribert von Köln und die Thronerhebung Heinrichs II.,” Geschichte in Köln. Zeitschrift für Stadt- und Regionalgeschichte 62 (2015) 19-42. 73 Regesta Imperii II. Sächsisches Haus 919-1024, 3: Die Regesten des Kaiserreiches unter Otto III., ed. J. F. Böhmer and Mathilda Uhrlirz (Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 1956) 831 no. 1450/iv a; Reuter,

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departed for Cologne, where he made preparations for Otto III’s burial in Aachen, and once the cortege finally reached his episcopal city the coffin was ritually stationed in the leading foundation churches encircling the city during the subsequent days of Holy Week – St. Severin (Monday 30 March), St. Pantaleon (Tuesday 31 March), and St. Gereon (Wednesday 1 April) – before entering the cathedral church of St. Peter on Maundy Thursday (2 April), where Heribert offered absolution to all penitents who knelt before the casket. On Good Friday the body was placed publicly in the cathedral, only to be taken to Aachen on Holy Saturday (4 April) and then buried on Easter Sunday (5 April) in the choir of Charlemagne‘s Marienkirche.74 There could have been no more theatrical display of Heribert‘s imperial authority and Königsnähe, though alas his monarch was now dead and so his exhibition had the nostalgic air of an act in memoriam.75 More than a century would pass before another archbishop of Cologne would enjoy an intimate relationship with the German emperor and thus wield power as had their predecessors during the Carolingian and Ottonian eras. This funereal display seems to have consolidated resistance against the royal candidacy of Duke Henry of Bavaria, given the contrast between his strong-arm tactics and Heribert’s public generosity. Yet Heribert, mindful of his brother, had been neutralized as a countervailing force. Indeed, the Bavarian duke maintained the political momentum during the busy summer of 1002. Henry forced through his own royal coronation as rex Romanorum, though not at Aachen but in Mainz by the hand of Archbishop Willigis on 9 July 1002. This was the second time Willigis of Mainz had presumed sole authority to crown German kings to the exclusion of the archbishop of Cologne, but it was also the first time a German king was not crowned in Aachen cathedral since Emperor Otto I had begun the tradition in 936.76 Germany in the Early Middle Ages, 186; Althoff, Otto III, 108, 129-131; Ernst-Dieter Hehl, „Bedrängte und belohnte Bischöfe. Recht und Politik als Parameter bischöflichen Handelns bei Willigis von Mainz und anderen,“ in Körntgen and Waβenhoven, eds., Patterns of Episcopal Power: Bishops in Tenth and Eleventh Century Western Europe/Strukturen bischöflicher Herrschaftsgewalt im westlichen Europa des 10. und 11. Jahrhunderts, 71-72. 74 The Chronicon of Thietmar of Merseburg, ed. Warner, 187-189. 75 Hehl, „Bedrängte und belohnte Bischöfe,“ 75-76. 76 Frings, „Erzbischof Heribert von Köln und die Thronerhebung Heinrichs II Müller,“ 19-42; Müller Heribert, Kanzler Ottos III. und Erzbischof von Köln, 142-159; Müller, „Heribert, Kanzler Ottos III. und Erzbischof von Köln,“ 33-35. For Archbishop Willigis’ efforts at locating royal coronation authority in Mainz see these studies by Ernst-Dieter Hehl: „Herrscher, Kirche und Kirchenrecht im spätottonischen Reich,“ in Bernd Schneidemüller and Stefan Weinfurter, eds., Otto III. – Heinrich II. Eine Wende? [Mittelalter Forschung 1] (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 1997) 193-199; and „Ein Dom für König, Reich und Kirche. Der Dombau des Willigis und

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But despite weak initial favor among the nobility, he nevertheless won over Duke Bernard I Billung of Saxony over the next two weeks at the Merseburg assembly by recognizing the latter’s right to rule Saxony; a separate election by the Saxon nobles ensued on 24 July at which Bernard invested him with the coveted Holy Lance. Thus fortified with Saxon support, Henry II then turned once again to the archbishop of Mainz to have his wife, Cunigunde of Luxembourg, crowned as queen in Paderborn on 10 August, 1002. On 8 September Henry was sitting in Aachen cathedral on the throne of Charlemagne, and on 1 October the lengthy process of his accession was completed when even his rival Duke Hermann II of Swabia abandoned armed resistance and acknowledged Henry as king.77 His imperial power under rapid eclipse, Archbishop Heribert of Cologne resigned the offices of archchancellor of Italy and Germany upon the new king’s comprehensive acquisition of royal power.78 Turning all his energies now to the needs of his own diocese and episcopal city, he responded in a devout manner that would secure his future veneration as a saint.79 Over the following two decades as Stadtherr, Heribert patronized both spiritual and artistic life in Cologne, built the cathedral church’s palatial chapel,80 and charitably established an urban hospice and food distribution network for the growing numbers of poor and pilgrims of modest means seeking the shrines of the city. He crowned these pious achievements by fulfilling die Mainzer Bautätigkeit im 10. Jahrhundert,“ in Felicitas Janson and Barbara Nichtweiβ, eds., Basilica nova Moguntina. 1000 Jahre Willigis-Dom St. Martin in Mainz. Beiträge zum Domjubiläum 2009 [Neues Jahrbuch für das Bistum Mainz 2009-2010] (Mainz: Publikationen Bistum Mainz, 2010) 45-78. 77 Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages, 186-189. 78 Though Heribert publically reconciled with Henry II and even accompanied the king on the latter’s first Italian campaign in 1004, their relationship remained quite cool at best. At the Frankfurt synod of 1007 he refused to add his signature to the charter fulfilling the king’s wish to create the bishopric of Bamberg, which directly diminished the authority of his brother Bishop Henry of Würzburg: Hehl, “Bedrängte und belohnte Bischöfe,” 79-80. Lantpert of Deutz, Vita Heriberti, ed. Bernhard Vogel [Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi 73] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 2001) 179 tells of a simulatae pacis longa discordia between the archbishop and king. 79 Heribert Müller, „Die Vita Sancti Heriberti des Lantbert von Lüttich,“ in von Euw and Schreiner, Kaiserin Theophanu, 1: 47-58. 80 The chapel, dedicated to the St. John the Evangelist, was located before the southern transept of the cathedral: Arnold Wolff, “S. Johannis in curia. Die erzbischöfliche Pfalzkapelle auf der Südseite des Kölner Domes und ihre Nachfolgerbauten,“ Kölner Domblatt 33/34 (1971) 125-174. The chapel’s similarity to the royal chapel in Goslar has led Beuckers to conclude that the later archbishop Hermann II of Cologne was its patron: Klaus Gereon Beuckers, Die Ezzonen und Ihre Stiftungen. Eine Untersuchung zur Stiftungstätigkeit im 11. Jahrhundert (Münster: LIT Verlag, 1993) 191.

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a covenant made with Otto III to build a Benedictine monastery dedicated to the Virgin Mary in the vicinity of Cologne that would further the ideals of the Gorze reform movement he had embraced during his own youthful sojourn there.81 The abbey’s construction across the river in Deutz began in 1002, and like Bruno’s St. Pantaleon, so too Heribert’s abbey embodied imperial Roman style – in this case perhaps the Pantheon with its dome and seventh-century dedication to St. Mary.82 He gave the office of advocate to the rising Ezzonid dynasty of Rhineland counts in order to assure protection for the abbey and its pilgrims, given Deutz’s exposed location along the right shore of the Rhine and the close bonds between the Ezzonid household and the new Salian royal house.83 Upon his death of a sudden fever on 16 March 1021, Heribert was laid to rest in his beloved abbey. His successor Archbishop Pilgrim quickly declared him a saint, which was formally recognized by Pope Gregory VII in 1073-74. In 1147 his bones were raised to the high altar of the abbey church of St. Mary (thereafter the abbey church was renamed after St. Heribert, an ironic move since he himself had dedicated the abbey to the Virgin), which the subsequent generation would further enshrine in a beautiful gilt casket. In death as in life he contributed to the ever growing stream of pilgrims arriving to see the holy city of saints gathered along the Rhine in Cologne and Deutz.84 Heribert’s era was one of transition and represents a realignment of Cologne from its longstanding Lotharingian orientation to the southeast in service to the Ottonian fixation on imperial triumph in Italy. Such an orientation was further intensified by the new Bavarian branch of the Ottonian monarchy. Henry II’s choice for Heribert’s successor was Archbishop 81 Althoff, Otto III., 142. 82 Barrie Singleton, “Köln-Deutz and Romanesque Architecture,” Journal of the British Archaeological Association 143: 1 (January 1990) 54; Müller, “Heribert, Kanzler Ottos III.,” 55 was less convinced of the connection with the Pantheon. See also Ursula Lewald, „Zum Verhältnis von Köln und Deutz im Mittelalter,“ in Werner Besch et al., eds., Die Stadt in der europäischen Geschichte. Festschrift für Edith Ennen (Bonn: Röhrscheid Verlag, 1972) 378-390. 83 Ludwig Vones, „Klöster und Stifte – Geistige und geistliche Erneuerung. Reform – Gedanke,” in von Euw and Schreiner, Kaiserin Theophanu, 1: 137-152. 84 Ruper of Deutz reports that Bishop Eberhard of Bamberg, whose bishopric Heribert had opposed, after learning of the archbishop’s death had a vision of him in heaven in full regalia yet lacking a cincture. An admiring bystander explained that it had been taken from Heribert by the king. Eberhard told the king about this vision, and Henry II admitted that he had honored the archbishop less than was fitting while he was alive and thus performed penance for this sin: Peter Dinter, ed., Vita Heriberti, Kritische Edition mit Kommentar und Untersuchungen [Veröffentlichungen des Historischen Vereins für den Niederrhein 13] (Bonn: Röhrschied Verlag, 1976) 80-82.

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Pilgrim of Cologne (1021-1036), a member of the Bavarian comital family of the Aribonids of the Isengau. His great uncle Archbishop Hartwig of Salzburg had provided him an education and appointment as cathedral canon, and then another to the royal chapel in 1015.85 Within a year, Pilgrim was selected as provost of Bamberg cathedral while serving the emperor as a personal chancellor for Italy. Upon receiving this new assignment, he immediately traveled into northern Italy to successfully reconcile the emperor with those magnates who had supported Arduin as king of Italy at the death of Otto III. On 17 April 1020, Pope Benedict VIII celebrated Easter in Bamberg, where no doubt reward for Pilgrim’s diligent and ongoing service to the emperor in Italy was broached. Even as the saintly archbishop Heribert of Cologne was on his deathbed (he died 16 March 1021), the emperor had already selected Pilgrim as successor, whose episcopal consecration he attended on 29 June 1021 in the Cologne cathedral. Pilgrim was henceforth empowered with new and substantial resources to assist the emperor in Italy. The new archbishop fulfilled his role as imperial advocate for Italian affairs with vigor, leading a contingent of the imperial army into southern Italy in 1022 and forcibly extricating the principalities of Capua and Salerno from Byzantine control. Though Pilgrim’s own campaign was a successful admixture of military ferocity and pastoral mercy,86 Henry II’s third Italian campaign as a whole proved ultimately too costly to sustain, and the imperial army eventually withdrew. But before he crossed the Alps back into Germany, Pilgrim sojourned in Rome to receive his episcopal pallium from Pope Benedict VIII, who also gave him the honorary title of Apostolic Librarian (bibliothecarius). Though Henry II was now in eclipse, Pilgrim’s star was just rising to prominence among the imperial princes, and what was more he also held a vote as archbishop of Cologne in the royal election that ended the Ottonian era in 1024 upon the death of Henry II.

85 For Archbishop Pilgrim’s life and career see Hubertus Seibert, “Pilgrim, Erzbischof von Köln,” in Lexicon des Mittelalters (Munich and Zürich: Artemis and Winkler, 1993) 6: col. 2157; Hubertus Seibert, “Pilgrim, Erzbischof von Köln,” Neue Deutsche Biographie, Band 20 (Berlin: Duncker & Humbolt Verlag, 2001) 440-441; Heribert Müller, “Die Kölner Erzbischöfe von Bruno I. bis Hermann II. (953-1056),” in von Euw and Schreiner, Kaiserin Theophanu, 1: 28-29. 86 Pilgrim intervened to assuage Henry II’s wrath toward Pandulf IV of Capua, whom the archbishop had captured and handed over to the emperor. Instead of executing him on the spot, Henry II sent him into Germany in chains.

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The Age of Imperial Bishops II Early Salian Archchancellors and Urban Patrons (1024-1056)

Pilgrim’s relationship to the new ruling Salian house did not begin well, though in time he was able to navigate it so deftly that he secured three undisputed anchors of imperial power for the archbishops of Cologne for the remainder of the Middle Ages: the increasingly exclusive right to cast a vote in royal elections; the right to crown the newly elected king in Aachen cathedral; and the office of archchancellor of Italy. This shift of focus from Lotharingian to Italian concerns would profoundly shape the future development of both the archbishop’s office as well as the city of Cologne itself. Pilgrim sought one last time to sustain both interests during the election of Henry II’s successor, but quickly discerned where the Salian future lay. At the election of the new German king on 4 September 1024,1 Pilgrim felt it incumbent upon him to lead the traditional Lotharingian faction alongside the dukes of Upper and Lower Lotharingia, who did not support the Salian Conrad (II) the Elder but, rather, selected Conrad’s paternal cousin and nephew of his wife Gisela of Swabia, known as Conrad the Younger. Not only did Pilgim therefore make public his rejection of Conrad the Elder’s candidacy but he further offended the latter by departing before the election began and without even bidding the newly elected king farewell.2 Pilgrim even effected a falling out with his own uncle, Archbishop Aribo of Mainz, who had presided over the electoral proceedings, had cast the first vote for Conrad (II) the Elder, and had even crowned him in Mainz cathedral on 8 September 1024. Indeed, Aribo outpaced Pilgrim as the most powerful imperial prince when Conrad rewarded him with the office of archchancellor of Italy along with his traditional office of archchancellor of Germany. It seemed at this juncture that Pilgrim’s imperial career was destined to repeat that of his predecessor Archbishop Heribert. Yet the archbishop of Cologne’s commitment to Lotharingian politics was much less firm than his Rhineland Ezzonid ties to imperial affairs. He shrewdly found an opening for reconciliation with the Salian monarch by virtue of Aribo’s firm (and in hindsight rather puzzling) refusal to crown 1 The election took place in Kamba (or Chamba), on the east shore of the Rhine River across from Oppenheim. 2 Herwig Wolfram, Conrad II 990-1039: Emperor of Three Kingdoms, transl. Denise A. Kaiser (University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 2006) 44-45.

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Conrad’s wife Gisela of Swabia as queen. What Aribo of Mainz considered a moral issue of consanguinity according to canon law (though we have no evidence of anyone else holding such a position), his nephew Pilgrim understood as a means of returning to the center of imperial politics.3 Thirteen days after Conrad II’s royal coronation in Mainz, Archbishop Pilgrim extricated himself from the Lotharingian coniuratio and crowned Gisela of Swabia as queen of Germany in Cologne Cathedral. At the expense of his kinship bond with his archiepiscopal uncle Aribo of Mainz, 4 Pilgrim had gained the support of Conrad II, which soon proved critical to reifying the archbishop of Cologne’s coronation claim.5 Upon the election of Conrad II’s son Henry (III) as king of Germany (in order to replace him as king after his own imperial coronation by the pope), Pilgrim crowned young Henry on Easter Sunday, 14 April 1028, in Aachen cathedral. From this point onward it became a widely acknowledged convention that the archbishops of Cologne held the right both to cast a vote for and also to crown any new king in Aachen cathedral. Pilgrim recovered from the archbishopric of Mainz not only the moribund coronation claim but also the office of archchancellor of Italy, when Conrad II appointed him in June 1031 at the death of Aribo. These privileges would also remain the official right of the archbishops of Cologne throughout the remainder of the Middle Ages.6 Archbishop Pilgrim was therefore remarkably successful at restoring the lost prestige and imperial standing of the archbishopric of Cologne during his pontificate, and thenceforth served as an influential power broker and advisor at court.7 He also strengthened the archiepiscopal role as lord, 3 Archbishop Aribo considered the marriage of Conrad II to Gisela of Swabia as illegitimate because the two were too closely related, both being direct descendants of the Ottonian king Henry I: ibid., 46-49, 159; Weinfurter, The Salian Century, 24; Dominik Waβenhoven, “Swaying Bishops and the Succession of Kings,” 103-104, 106. 4 Herbert Zielinski, Der Reichsepiskopat in spätottonischer und salischer Zeit (1002-1125) (Stuttgart: Franz Steiner Verlag, 1984; rpt. 1998) 33. 5 Within a year, the Lotharingian bishops and nobility followed Archbishop Pilgrim’s lead in accepting Conrad II’s kingship, the bishops doing homage to the new king after a consultative meeting in Aachen in November 1025 that Pilgrim may well have attended: Wolfram, Conrad II, 57, 74. 6 Given Pilgrim’s expertise in political affairs, papal diplomacy, and military campaiging in Italy as the former chancellor and archchancellor of Italy under Emperor Henry II, it seems rather odd that Conrad II allowed the alienated Archbishop Aribo of Mainz to continue until his death as the imperial archchancellor of Italy. There is some evidence, however, that Archbishop Pilgrim did (along with Archbishop Aribo) depart amid their armies with Conrad II in February 1026 for the king’s first Italian campaign, which lasted fifteen months: Wolfram, Conrad II, 95, 104-105. 7 Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages, 197.

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patron, and pastor of the city of Cologne and its environs. He began the development of the western suburb of the city by establishing a canonical foundation in the new double-choir basilica with a western transept dedicated to the Holy Apostles,8 around which he also inaugurated a new market (Neumarkt) that was perhaps anticipated as an agricultural market for regional produce on contrast to the port-based markets of the shoreline (Old Market and Hay Market). But this former meadow, still somewhat swampy and inhabited by both sheep and swine, actually became a rather noisy and dirty cattle market by the fourteenth century.9 Pilgrim had overestimated the eleventh-century capacity of the furthest reaches of the west suburb for colonization and commercial development, yet in time the west suburb would indeed become an important destination for commercial and pilgrimage traffic from Aachen, Lotharingia, and the North Sea coastline, just as Deutz became for mercantile and manufacturing interests in the east.10 Pilgrim further advanced both the economic activity of the city as well in as his own lordship in 1027 by obtaining from Conrad II the regalian right to possess royal mints both at Andernach as well as Cologne.11 During his pontificate the Cologne mint continued to produce silver pennies with the traditional sancta colonia reverse side inscription, yet the obverse side now depicted crowned busts of both Henry II and Conrad II in lieu of the previously depicted cross. These were the first such Cologne coins 8 Gottfried Stracke, „Pilgrim – Bauherr von St. Aposteln zu Köln,“ Archäologie in Deutschland 9 (1992) 6-9. For the debate about whether Pilgrim or Heribert had initiated the building of Holy Apostles see Müller, Heribert, Kanzler Ottos III. und Erzbischof von Köln, 285; Hirschmann, Stadtplanung, Bauprojekte und Groβbaustellen, 44; Jakobs, „Verfassungstopographische Studien,“ 105; Hugo Stehkämper, „Die Stadt Köln in der Salierzeit,“ in Odilo Engels et al., eds., Die Salier und das Reich, Band 3: Gesellschaftlicher und ideengeschichtlicher Wandel im Reich der Salier (Sigmaringen: Jan Thorbeke Verlag, 1991) 81; rpt. in Hugo Stehkämpter, ed., Köln – und darüuber hinaus. Ausgewählte Abhandlungen. Mitteilungen aus dem Stadtarchiv von Köln 93-94 (2004) 1: 360. 9 Johann Palm, Neumarkt im Wandel der Jahrhunderte (Cologne: Mayerschen Buchandlung Verlag, 1989). 10 Jakobs, „Verfassungstopographische Studien,“ 95; Stehkämper, „Die Stadt Köln in der Salierzeit,“ 1: 362. 11 The royal mint in Cologne appears to have gone into significant decline during the roughly 50 years of Archbishop Bruno’s successors from Folkmar to Heribert (965-1021), and based on this 1027 royal grant the regalian right to the royal mint was exercised by Archbishop Bruno only as a personal privilege that was not inherited by later archbishops of Cologne until the permanent regalian grant to Pilgrim. The mint in Cologne remained at its traditional location where Seidenmachergäβchen (Silkmakers Lane) meets Salzgassen (Salt Lane) at the north end of Hay Market’s intersection with the Old Market area: Hävernik, Die Münzen von Köln, 56.

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struck with an imperial bust since the Merovingian era, yet Pilgrim and his successor Hermann II also included their names on the reverse side along with the sancta colonia inscription and a domed-roof church. In some issues, though, Pilgrim and Hermann II also inscribed their own name with the emperor’s name and image on the obverse side, and by the reign of Henry III, the Salian monarch’s name and bust on the obverse side were supplanted entirely by with the archbishop’s name (in this case, Archbishop Hermann II) and the traditional cross.12 Pilgrim also boldly communicated his vision of the archdiocese’s predominance in the German Kingdom through the use of two lead seals with the inscription “sancta coloniensis religio“ surrounding a set of personifications of the Christian virtues fides, spes, and caritas. He was the only archbishop or bishop north of the Alps with two lead seals, on par with royal and papal chancery practices.13 Pilgrim proved himself the regional master of both politics and religious life within his diocese and among the region’s secular nobility. Though a foreigner to the Rhineland, he deftly drew the rising regional power of the Ezzonid dynasty as counts palatine of Lotharingia into his ecclesial and political orbit by patronizing Ezzo’s proprietary abbey at Brauweiler and appointing Ezzo’s son Ludolf of Brauweiler as the standard bearer of the Cologne archbishop’s army.14 The archbishop also moved to restrict the long-standing presence of Gaelic monks in Cologne who had served as abbots of the abbeys of Great St. Martin and St. Pantaleon since the mid-tenth century.15 A strong supporter 12 Hävernick, Die Münzen von Köln, 170, 222, 232; Kaiser, The De Wit Collection of Medieval Coins, 2: 167 nos. 1972; 168 nos. 1974-1976; Dannenberg, Die Deutschen Münzen der Sächsischen und Fränkischen Kaiserzeit, 166-168. 13 Toni Diederich, “Sancta Colonia – Sancta Coloniensis Religio. Zur ‘Botschaft’ der Bleibullen Erzbischof Pilgrims von Köln (1021-1036),“ Rheinische Vierteljahresblätter 75 (2011) 1-49. For the history of the abbey of Brauweiler see Peter Schreiner, Franziskus Berzdorf, and Heinz Binsfeld, Die Geschichte der Abtei Brauweiler bei Köln: 1024-1802 [Pulheimer Beiträge zur Geschichte und Heimatkunde 30] (Pulheim: Verein für Geschichte und Heimatkunde, 2009). 14 Ezzo (955-1034) had married Matilda of Saxony, sister of Emperor Otto III, and rose to dominance along the Rhine basin as a result of repeated grants of Ottonian territories as Matilda’s dowry or as concessions from Henry II for Ezzo’s renouncing his claim to the German throne. See Ursula Lewald, „Die Ezzonen. Das Schicksal eines rheinischen Fürstengeschlechts,“ Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter 43 (1979) 120-168; Timothy Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages, 192. 15 Monastic activity of Gaelic monks (Scotti vagantes) in Lotharingia was well established by the mid-tenth century. The monk Israel Scottus (ca. 900-968) was a tutor and confidant of Archbishop Bruno of Cologne, and either archiepiscopal successor Gero or Warin installed Mimbrinus as the first of a series of Gaelic abbots at the abbey of Great St. Martin: Mimbrinus (d. 986), Killian (by Archbishop Everger), Helias, Maiolus, Hezelin, Isaak, and Alvold, the last

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of contemporary monastic reform movements, Pilgrim willingly placed Brauweiler abbey under the care of the Cluniac reformer Abbot Poppo of Stavelot-Malmédy (thereby drawing monks from Stavelot for the new of whom died in 1103. From Late Antiquity onward, the Latin term Scottus was an generic reference to any Gaelic-speaking person from either modern Ireland or the old kingdoms of Dàl Riata and Alba in modern western Scotland. See T. M. Charles-Edwards, Early Christian Ireland (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Martin Elsasser, Germany and Ireland – 1000 Years of Shared History/Deutschland und Irland – 1000 Jahre gemeinsamer Geschichte (Dublin: Brookside Books, 1997); and Philip Rance, “Epiphanius of Salamis and the Scotti: New Evidence for Late Roman-Irish Relations,” Britannia 43 (November 2012) 227-242). Earlier German scholarship (based on primary sources that, unfortunately, were destroyed in World War II and thus no longer exist) generally considered the monks of Cologne as Gaelic Scotsmen (i.e., from the Scottish side of the Irish Sea), whereas more recent scholarship has identif ied several of the Benedictine abbots of Great St. Martin as being born in modern Ireland. See, for example, Helmut Flackenecker, Schottenklöster. Irische Benediktinerkonvente im hochmittelalterlichen Deutschland (Paderborn: Schöningh Verlag, 1995). In order to avoid modern national categories and boundaries when considering tenth-century Europe, I have chosen simply to abide by the common ethnic and linguistic identity of Gaels, as there appear to have been both Gaelic Irish and Gaelic Scottish in Lotharingia and Germany during this time period and all were referred to as Scotti. In fact, still today these Gaelic monasteries are referred to in German-language scholarship as Schottenklöster. The best example of the complexity of discerning Gaelic monastic identity is Israel Scottus (sometimes called Israel the Grammarian): he was neither a Gaelic Irishman nor Gaelic Scotsman but a Breton Gael, whose Greek studies led him to the work of the famous Gaelic Irishman John Scottus Eruigena (i.e., “John the Irish-born Gael,” though in some manuscripts he is also confusedly named as “Scottigena” or “Scot-born”). He studied for a time in Rome and then taught at the Anglo-Saxon court of Aethelstan, upon whose death he relocated to the cathedral school of Archbishop Rotbert of Trier, where he tutored the future Archbishop Bruno of Cologne (Ruotger in his biography of Bruno described Israel as Irish) and passed his last years at the Benedictine monastery of St. Maximin in Trier. Michael Lapidge, in Anglo-Saxon Literature 900-1066 (London: The Hambledon Press, 1993) 2: 87-103 and “Israel the Grammarian,” in Michael Lapidge, John Blair, Simon Keynes, and Donald Scragg, eds., The Blackwell Encyclopedia of Anglo-Saxon England (Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2001; 2nd ed. 2014) 255-256 concludes that Israel was indeed a Breton Gael, whereas Michael Wood, “A Carolingian Scholar in the court of King Aethelstan,” in David Rollason, Conrad Leyser, and Hannah Williams, eds., England and the Continent in the Tenth Century: Studies in Honor of Wilhelm Levison (1876-1947) (Turnhout: Brepols, 2010) 141-142 has revived the view that Israel was an Irish-born Gael. To make matters more complex, R. Reiche, „Iren in Trier,“ Rheinische Vierteljahresblätter 40 (1976) 1-16 concludes in a study of Israel in Trier’s necrologies that „Erstaunlicherweise wird Israel kein einziges Mal als scottus bezeichnet“ (page 10). Hirschmann, Stadtplanung, Bauprojekte und Groβbaustellen, 31 even uses the term Iroschotten for the monks in St. Pantaleon and Schottenmönche at page 35 for those at Great St. Martin. For Great St. Martin compare Peter Opladen, Gross St. Martin. Geschichte einer Stadtkölnischen Abtei [Studien zur Kölner Kirchengeschichte 2] (Düsseldorf: Schwann Verlag, 1954), 18 and Rolf Lauer, „Groβ St, Martin,“ in Kier and Krings, Köln: Die Romanischen Kirchen, 1: 415. Manfred Groten, „Köln, Stadt,“ Lexikon des Mittelalters, Band 5 (Munich: Artemis Verlag, 1991) col. 1257 uses the term Schottenmönche.

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abbey).16 He also gave the leadership of St. Pantaleon to Abbot Helias of Great St. Martin with hopes of reforming it as well. Yet Abbot Helias failed in his attempt to bring Gaelic spiritual rigor to the German monks there. His strict rule and importation of Gaelic monks into St. Pantaleon sparked a rebellion by the German monks, whose distaste for Gaelic asceticism reached the ears of the archbishop. A sharp personal conflict between abbot and archbishop ensued, in which Pilgrim eventually ordered Helias to remove the foreign monks and return to Great St. Martin as one of his last pontifical acts before his own death.17 Henceforth Gaelic abbots were restricted to Great St. Martin’s abbey, though they would remain in office until 1103 and maintain strong monastic ties with their Gaelic homeland.18 Though his efforts at spiritual reform and renewal at St. Pantaleon proved frustrating, he did leave his mark on the abbey’s architectural contours through the extension of the church’s nave to 45 meters and the addition of a new west wing.19 If Lantbert of Liège’s account of the years 1026-1027 are accurate, and there is no reason to suppose it is not, Pilgrim must have hosted King Cnut the Great of England, Denmark, Norway, and Sweden, either during Cnut’s journey southward from Denmark through Lotharingia to Rome in late 1026 to attend the imperial coronation of Conrad II (26 March 1027) or upon 16 Archbishop Pilgrim made generous donations to the monastic communities like Deutz and Brauweiler, and even as far afield as the Benedictine mother abbey of Monte Cassino: Seibert, “Pilgrim, Erzbischof von Köln,” 440. 17 Huffman, Family, Commerce, and Religion in London and Cologne, 201-202; Kracht, Geschichte der Benediktinerabtei St. Pantaleon in Köln (965-1250), 56-59. For a history of St. Martin’s Abbey see Opladen, Gross St. Martin: Geschichte einer stadtkölnischen Abtei. 18 Marie Therese Flanagan, The Transformation of the Irish Church in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2010) 7-9 documents a lively interchange between the Gaelic monks of Cologne and the Christ Church cathedral in Dublin during the eleventh century, which included the sending of relics to endow the new cathedral in Dublin with the presence of the sainted bishop Heribert of Cologne, St. Ursula and her minions including St. Pinnosa, and even bits of St. Peter’s staff and chains and a sandal of Pope Sylvester I: “Not only were there Irish communities following the Benedictine rule during the eleventh century at St. Pantaleon in Cologne, where Elias (alias Ailill) of Mucknoe (co. Monaghan), died as ‘head of the monks of the Irish in Cologne’ in 1042, and at Groβ Sankt Martin in Cologne, but references in Irish annals testify to links between Cologne and Leinster and Brega (in co. Meath) around the time of the foundation of Holy Trinity, Dublin, 1028-1036. Donnachad mac Gilla Mochonna, abbot of Dunschaughlin in Brega, died in Cologne in 1027, while Bróen, son of Máel Morda, king of Leinster, died there in 1052. It was at Cologne on 1 August 1056 that the chronicler Máel Brigte, otherwise Marianus Scottus, entered the monastic life on the Continent.” 19 Günther Bindung, „Ottonische Baukunst in Köln,“ in von Euw and Schreiner, Kaiserin Theophanu, 1: 287.

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Cnut’s return journey to Denmark in early 1027.20 Lantbert, schoolmaster at the abbey of Deutz until succeeding his uncle as abbot of St. Lawrence in Liège in 1060-1061, recounted Cnut’s visit to his own Deutz abbey while sojourning in Cologne in order to venerate St. Heribert, to whose popular cult he is said to have made generous gifts. William of Malmesbury also wrote of two bound illustrated manuscripts (a sacramentary and a psalter) produced at the abbey of Peterborough that Cnut and his queen Emma sent to Cologne.21 It is also likely that the de luxe Arenberg Gospels (New York, Pierpont Morgan Library, M.869) came to the abbey of Deutz (and then by the thirteenth century to St. Severin in Cologne) from Cnut’s court, though the volume was perhaps transmitted through Gaelic ties with Great St. Martin and St. Pantaleon abbeys in Cologne.22 The “staff of St. Heribert” might also have been a gift from Cnut and Emma to the Deutz abbey, whose metalwork is easily noted as English and of the early eleventh century, with its engraved silver mount for the ivory tau-cross fashioned around 1020 and thus perhaps an earlier gift.23 These English gifts and the visit of King Cnut to Cologne and Deutz provide a context for the subsequent appearance of so many Lotharingian and German clerics at the English royal court and for the marriage between his daughter Gunhilda and the young Henry III in 1036. This Anglo-Cologne connection would continue to expand and come to dominate both archiepiscopal political and economic policy and would hold the attention of the city’s merchants in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries as well. Pilgrim died suddenly in Nijmegen on 25 August 1036, almost two months to the day after celebrating there the nuptial mass of King Henry III and Gunhilda of Denmark. He was buried not in the Cologne cathedral but, 20 Lantpert of Deutz, Miracula sancti Heriberti auctore Lantbero Tuitiensi, ed. Oswald HolderEgger [Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores 4] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1841) 739-753; Müller, Heribert, Kanzler Ottos III. und Erzbischof von Köln, 3-5, 15-16; Michael Hare, “Cnut and Lotharingia: Two Notes,” Anglo-Saxon England 29 (September 2000) 261-278. 21 William of Malmsbury, The Vita Wulfstani of William of Malmesbury, ed. Reginald Ralph Darlington [Camden Society Third Series 40] (London: Camden Society, 1928) 5 and 15-16. These books were subsequently given as gifts to Bishop Ealdred of Worcester during his 1054-1055 diplomatic visit to Cologne. 22 Heribert Müller, „Zur Kanonisationsbulle für Erzbischof Heribert von Köln,“ Rheinische Vierteljahresblätter 40 (1976) 46-71; Hare, „Cnut and Lotharingia,“ 274-276. 23 John Beckwith, Ivory Carvings in Early Medieval England (London 1972) 56, 124; Martin Siedler, Der Schatz von St. Heribert in Köln-Deutz [Rheinische Kunststätten 423] (Cologne: Rheinischer Verein für Denkmalpflege und Landschutz, 1997); Rainer Kahsnitz, „Sogenannter Stab des heiligen Heribert,“ in Michael Brandt and Arne Eggebrecht, eds., Bernward von Hildesheim und das Zeitalter der Ottonen. Katalog der Ausstellung, 2 vols. (Hildesheim: Bernward Verlag, 1993) 2: no. IV-58, 229-230.

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rather, in his beloved foundation church of Holy Apostles – in the west choir like the popes in Rome and his adversarial uncle Archbishop Aribo in Mainz.24 A man of many parts, Pilgrim’s scholarly learning in mathematics and music was so widely known that Abbot Berno of Reichenau dedicated his work on the tonarius (a liturgical book teaching the eight tones or modes of Gregorian chant) to him.25 At the conclusion of Pilgrim’s pontificate a complete set of churches had been built in the environs of “Holy Cologne” whose patron saints matched those of the five patriarchal churches in Rome: St. Peter (cathedral), St. John (cathedral curia chapel), St. Mary (Deutz and on the Capitol), St. Paul (Holy Apostles), and St. Lawrence (parish church just two blocks from the cathedral immunity grounds).26 It had only been at the feast of Candlemas six months before (2 February 1036) that Pilgrim attended the court diet at Augsburg, where Conrad II had met with his advisors on Italian matters to address once again growing unrest south of the Alps. As archchancellor of Italy, Pilgrim’s presence was expected, of course, but he brought with him the recently appointed chancellor of Italy, Hermann, a cathedral canon in Cologne who had become a trusted advisor to Pilgrim and was being groomed to succeed him both as archbishop and archchancellor of Italy. Hermann had also been present with Pilgrim during the summer wedding festivities in Nijmegen.27 This scion of the Ezzonid dynasty at its height of power would prove to be one of the most influential princes of his day once consecrated as Archbishop Hermann II of Cologne, the successor of his mentor Pilgrim.28 Son of Count Palatine Ezzo of Lotharingia and Matilda of Saxony (thus a great grandson of emperors both Ottonian and Byzantine), Hermann “the Noble”29 began his ecclesiastical career as the cathedral provost and archdeacon in Cologne before appointment as Conrad II’s chaplain and chancellor for Italy 1034 at around the age of forty. Third great grand nephew of the early Ezzonid archbishop Hermann I of Cologne, his own brother Otto would rise to 24 Gierlich, Die Grabstätten der rheinischen Bischöfe vor 1200, 280-281. 25 Seibert, „Pilgrim, Erzbischof von Köln,“ 440. 26 Gottfried Stracke, Köln: St. Aposteln [Stadtspuren: Denkmäler in Köln 19] (Cologne: Bachem Verlag, 1992) 123. 27 Wolfram, Conrad II, 990-1039, 119-120. 28 For the life and career of Archbishop Hermann II of Cologne, see Müller, „Die Kölner Erzbischöfe von Bruno I. bis Hermann II.,“ 1: 29-32; Lewald, „Die Ezzonen,“ 134-168; and Helmuth Kluger, „Propter claritatem generis. Genealogisches zur Familie der Ezzonen,“ in Vollrath and Weinfurter, eds., Köln: Stadt und Bistum in Kirche und Reich des Mittelalters, 223-258. 29 Chronica regia Coloniensis: „Ipso anno [i.e., 1036] domnus Pylegrimus Coloniensis antistes decessit et in basilica sanctorum Apostolorum, quam ipse constuxuit, sepelitur; cui Hermannus II cognomento Nobilis successit de prosapia Heinrici regis primi Saxonici.“

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become duke of Swabia while his sister Richenza became the queen consort of Poland (until the deposition of her husband Miesko II). And his other sisters proved equally formidable as abbesses of major religious houses in the region.30 This was a power family well placed in both church and aristocracy, with Hermann II himself the epitome of both power centers in his own career as prince-archbishop. Indeed, his pontificate proved to be the apogee of Carolingian, Ottonian, and early Salian archbishops of Cologne, who were able to rule in concert with emperor and pope while successfully managing the noble families of Lotharingia and the lower Rhineland. Archbishop Hermann II of Cologne accompanied Conrad II, his half second cousin via their shared ancestry with Emperor Otto I, on the Salian emperor’s second and final Italian campaign in 1038 to deal once and for all with Pandulf IV of Capua. And he continued in the emperor’s court through various diets at Solothurn, Strasbourg, and Goslar until Conrad II died while in Hermann II’s metropolitan province at Utrecht in 1039. And when the month-long funeral cortege left Utrecht, it stopped first in Cologne before wending its way thence through Mainz and Worms to Speyer, where the combined ecclesiastical and noble leaders elegantly buried Conrad II in his cathedral on 3 July 1039.31 The archbishop fared equally as well under Henry III, whom he had crowned king some eleven years before. He hosted the king in Cologne during the latter’s campaigns into upper and lower Lorraine in 1044-1046 to settle conflicts with Duke Godfrey the Bearded of Upper Lotharingia and amid subsequent campaigns against the Hungarians. As archchancellor for Italy he was surely present at the famous Synod of Sutri in 1046, where Henry III deposed two rival popes and obtained the resignation of a third in an effort to spark a papal reform and renewal movement amid the chaotic politics of Rome.32 Encouraged by reformers Abbot Odilo of Cluny and Peter Damian of Fonte Avellana, Henry III installed his own reformed-minded personal confessor, Bishop Suidger of Bamberg, as the new Pope Clement II. The next day Clement crowned Henry III and wife Agnes of Poitou as emperor and empress. Archbishop Hermann II’s assignment was to take Gregory VI, a deposed simoniac pope who ironically had tried to reform the 30 Theophanu was abbess of convents in Essen and Gandersheim, Adelheid at Nivelles, Helwig at Neuβ, Matilda at Dietkirchen (near Bonn) and Villich, Sophie in Mainz (perhaps the abbey of Altmunster), and Ida in St. Maria on the Capitol in Cologne: Weinfurter, The Salian Century, 123. 31 Weinfurter, The Salian Century, 85. 32 Horst Fuhrmann, Germany in the High Middle Ages c. 1050-1200 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986) 44-45; Arnold, Medieval Germany, 95-96.

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papacy himself, into exile across the Alps ad ripas Rheni – that is, to Cologne. Gregory VI was also accompanied by his chaplain and possible nephew, a certain supportive Cluniac monk from the monastery of St. Maria del Priorato in Rome named Hildebrand (i.e., the future Pope Gregory VII). Thus Cologne would harbor for a short time the future source of the Gregorian Reform Movement that would radically affect the trajectory of the German Kingdom’s subsequent history, since Hildebrand lived in exile with Gregory VI until the latter’s death on 19 December 1047. After a brief sojourn at the mother abbey at Cluny, Hildebrand returned to Rome in January 1049 to serve under Bishop Bruno of Toul, the second cousin of Henry III (via their common Swabian ancestry) and the new reforming pope named Leo IX.33 Hildebrand must have returned to Cologne then with Pope Leo IX on 29 June 1049 to celebrate the feast of Saints Peter and Paul with Emperor Henry III and then rest there until early July, when he continued on his European tour of reforming synods in Aachen, Reims, and then Mainz. It was a superb moment for Archbishop Hermann II to host both pope (an upper Alsatian by birth and his fifth cousin through their common Burgundian ancestry) and emperor in Cologne at the same time, and he did not miss the opportunity to strengthen his own status. Leo IX apparently made promises viva voce at this time, which he confirmed by papal bull on 7 May 1052 and wherein he decreed a series of special ecclesiastical privileges to the archbishopric of Cologne in order to bind it to the reformed papacy: (1) the archbishop’s sole right to crown the newly elected German king in Aachen; (2) the office of Archchancellor of the Apostolic See (which assured direct access to the pope, a privilege that remained in function from 1051-1067); (3) the unlimited right to preside over the synods of his archdiocese; (4) the primatus sedendi after the pope or his legates yet before any other metropolitan (a right he already held for imperial diets as archchancellor); (5) the authority to have established a “local cardinalate” whereby seven cardinal priests with several deacons and subdeacons attending would celebrate the mass daily in the Cologne cathedral; and (6) the ancient church of San Giovanni a Porta Latina in Rome as his residence whenever in Rome.34 There was surely more than a little irony to the choice of this 33 Mary Stroll, Popes and Antipopes: The Politics of Eleventh-Century Church Reform (Leiden: Brill, 2012) 24; Herbert Edward John Cowdrey, Pope Gregory VII, 1073-1085 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998) 23, 29-30. 34 Ian Robinson, The Papal Reform of the Eleventh Century: The Lives of Pope Leo IX and Pope Gregory VII (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2004) 137; Weinfurter, The Salian Century, 96-97; Müller, “Die Kölner Erzbischöfe von Bruno I. bis Hermann II.,” 1: 30; Dieter Lück, “Die Kölner Erzbischöfe Hermann II. und Anno II. als Erzkanzler der römischen Kirche,” Archiv

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church, or perhaps it was gesture of appreciation for Hermann’s hospitality to the exiled Gregory VI, because the deposed pope had been the archpriest of San Giovanni a Porta Latina (as John Gratian) before taking the papal office. Yet Leo IX went well beyond his remit as ecclesiastical reformer and also confirmed the archbishop of Cologne’s possession of regional regalian rights: “monetas urbis, theloneum, et omne ius civile” (i.e., minting the city’s currency, toll-duties on commerce and transport, all civil law authority as lord of the city and region). It was at this pinnacle of Archbishop Hermann II’s dual regalian and ecclesiastical powers that we begin to find on his coins his own name replacing the emperor’s presence on the obverse side and the reverse side often using the new phrases “colonia urbs” or “christiana religio.“35 Hermann II embodied his status as a leading imperial prince-bishop and conf idant of the emperor in several other great public events. On 31 March 1051 he baptized Henry III’s long-hoped-for infant son and heir (and Hermann’s own third cousin) Henry (IV) during Easter celebrations in Cologne, and in 1054 he then crowned the child Henry (IV) as king and successor in the cathedral church at Aachen.36 To further advance the Salian dynasty he dedicated an imperial foundation church of Saints Simon and Judas for Henry III in Goslar, and he also continued his predecessor’s diplomacy with the English crown on behalf of the empire. In 1054 he and the emperor warmly received Bishop Ealdred of Worcester and his delegation in Cologne.37 Ealdred’s predecessor Bishop Beorhtheah had come to the German Kingdom in 1036 with King Cnut’s daughter Gunhilda, and no doubt Hermann had been present at her marriage to Henry III in Nijmegen. Thus both emperor and archbishop had extensive and positive diplomatic ties für Diplomatik 16 (1970) 1-50; Heinz Wolter, “Das Privileg Leos IX. für die Kölner Kirche vom 7. Mai 1052,“ in Egon Bolshof and Heinz Wolter, eds., Rechtsgeschichtliche-diplomatische Studien zu frühmittelalterlichen Papsturkunden [Studien und Vorarbeiten zur Germania Pontificia 6] (Cologne and Vienna, Böhlau Verlag, 1976) 101-117. These privileges were tantamount to creating a cardinal’s office before Gregory VII’s creation of the College of Cardinals in 1059. 35 Hävernick, Die Münzen von Köln, 238, 261, 278, 306; Norbert Kamp, „Probleme des Münzrechts und Münzprägung in sälischer Zeit,“ in Bernhard Diestelkamp, ed., Beiträge zum hochmittelalterlichen Städtewesen [Städteforschung A11] (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1982) 103. 36 Archbishop Hermann II expressed his own concern, both familial as well as imperial in focus, regarding the lack of a male heir to the Salian throne when he had ordered prayers for the birth of a royal son to be said throughout his archdiocese in 1047: Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages, 184. 37 Joseph P. Huffman, The Social Politics of Medieval Diplomacy: Anglo-German Relations (1066-1307) [Studies in Medieval and Early Modern Civilization] (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000) 26-27.

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to England and the bishopric of Worcester.38 This embassy had profound implications for the future of the Anglo-Saxon Kingdom, as Bishop Ealdred came to recover the aetheling Edward the Exile, son of Edmund II Ironside, who had been living in exile in Hungary under the protection of Henry III. Since King Edward the Confessor had no heirs, it had become imperative that his nephew Edward return home to claim the throne. Hermann II himself may also have had a close Ezzonid familial interest in this issue beyond diplomatic relations, as Edward the Exile’s wife Agatha may have been his own niece.39 Negotiations proved to be protracted, and the English embassy remained in Cologne for a year. Though an arrangement may have been achieved by some point in 1055, the deaths of Hermann II (11 February) and Henry III (5 October) in 1056 only further delayed Edward’s return home. He did not arrive in England until August of 1057 but died mysteriously within two days of his reaching the English shore, and with him died any hope for the Wessex royal dynasty in Anglo-Saxon England. Finally, Hermann II also made his own original contributions to the sacral topography of Cologne. If he were not the one to begin the project, he certainly completed a renovation of St. Severin in the area of the oratory and crypt. 40 And it seems reasonable to conclude that the 1052 papal privileges were a catalyst for his other building projects in the cathedral precinct.41 The most important project he initiated was the building and endowment of the triple-nave collegiate basilica of St. Maria ad gradus (i.e., “at the steps” leading down to the Rhine) with an east-west transept from which emerged an east choir and square west tower. 42 Located in the atrium area directly 38 It was also a bishop of Worcester, Ceonwald, who had brought Edith, daughter of King Edward “the Elder” of Wessex, into the German kingdom in 929 for marriage to the young Saxon Otto I. 39 Michael Anne Guido and John P. Ravilious, “From Theophanu to St. Margaret of Scotland: A Study of Agatha’s Ancestry,” Foundations 4 (2012) 81-121 have made a compelling case for Edmund the Exile’s wife Agatha’s origins as the daughter of King Mieszko II Lambert of Poland and his wife Richenza of Lotharingia (the Ezzonid daughter of Count Palatine Ezzo of Lotharingia and thus the sister of Archbishop Hermann II). If this lineage is correct, it only strengthens the reasons for Hermann’s involvement. 40 Gerta Wolff, „St. Severin,“ in Kier and Krings, Köln: Die Romanischen Kirchen, 485; Wilhelm Schmidt-Bleibtreu, Das Stift St. Severin zu Köln [Studien zur Kölner Kirchengeschichte 16] (Siegburg: Franz Schmitt Verlag, 1982) 48; Müller, „Die Kölner Erzbischöfe von Bruno I. bis Hermann II.,“ 30. 41 Klaus Gereon Beuckers, „Die päpstliche Privilegienbestätigung von 1052 und die Stiftungstätigkeit Erzbischofs Hermanns II.,“ in Hans-Rudolf Meier, Carola Jäggi, and Philippe Büttner, eds., Für irdischen Ruhm und himmlischen Lohn. Stifter und Auftraggeber in der mittelalterlichen Kunst (Berlin: Georg Reimer Verlag, 1995) 91-107. 42 Anna Dorothee von den Brincken, Das Stift St. Mariengraden zu Köln. Urkunden und Akten 1059-1817 [Mitteilungen aus dem Stadtarchiv von Köln 57-58] (Cologne: Neubner Verlag, 1969);

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east of the cathedral precinct where the public rituals of reconciliation and readmission of notorious sinners into their parish communities took place on Maundy Thursday of the Easter Holy Week, this church was given its own individual immunity zone as a further extension of archiepiscopal authority into the developing Rhine suburb. Since St. Maria ad gradus was not established for the pastoral needs of growing merchant populace along the Rhine, the archbishop may have intended to establish its immunity zone in order to restrict any additional expansion northwards along the shoreline suburb and thus to maintain archiepiscopal access to the Rhine.43 In any case, St. Maria ad gradus served as the reception church for honored guests arriving at the city’s Rhine port; for example, it would soon become customary for the newly crowned king in Aachen to cross the Rhine to Cologne and be received first at St. Maria ad gradus before moving to the archbishop’s palace for refreshment, entertainment, and deliberations. 44 In addition to this new church, Hermann II widened the cathedral into a five-nave basilica, built a chapel of St. John the Evangelist in the archiepiscopal palace near the south portal, and added a hall between the palace and the cathedral that would eventually become the seat of the archbishop’s court. 45 In many ways, then, the area of the cathedral’s south portal became the legal and administrative zone of the archiepiscopal immunity precinct. Perhaps it was the location where a new advisory council formed by either Hermann II or his successor Anno II met, comprised of the diocesan archdeacon and rural deacons (decani nati), the provost and deacon of the cathedral chapter, the provosts of the city’s collegiate churches, the abbots of the city’s venerable monasteries, the provosts of Bonn, Xanten, and Soest, and the abbots of Siegburg and Deutz. This college of priors (Priorenkolleg) was a first step in what would ultimately prove to serve as a Richard Hardegen, Das Kanonikerstift Maria ad Gradus zu Köln (1056-1082). Eine kirchenrechtsgeschichtliche Untersuchung unter besonderer Berücksichtigung seiner inneren Struktur (Aachen: Shaker Verlag, 2008); Konrad Bund, St. Mariengraden – Empfangskirch des Kölner Doms (Greifenstein: Deutsches Glockenmuseum, 2012). 43 Stehkämper, „Die Stadt Köln in der Salierzeit,“ 1: 359; 437. 44 Konrad Bund, „St. Mariengraden, die Empfangskirche des Doms zu Köln,“ in Reimund Haas, Christiane Heinemann, and Volker Rödel, eds., Zwischen Praxis und Wissenschaft. Aus der Arbeit einer Archivarsgeneration. Freundesgabe des 16. Wissenschaftlichen Kurses der Archivschule Marburg für Rainer Polly zum 65. Geburtstag [Beiträge zur Geschichte Nassaus und des Landes Hessen 7] (Weisbaden: Historische Kommission für Nassau, 2014) 263-297. 45 Klaus Gereon Beuckers, „Die Erweiterung des Alten Kölner Domes. Überlegungen zur Gestalt und Datierung der äuβeren Seitenschiffe und ders Südvorhalle,“ in Klaus Gereon Beuckers, Holger Brülls, and Achim Preis eds., Kunstgeschichtliche Studien Hugo Borgers zum 70. Geburtstag (Weimar: Verlag und Datenbank für Geisteswissenschaft, 1995) 10-68.

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means of concentrated ecclesiastical power among regional noble families in the wake of the Investiture Controversy. 46 Familial collaboration shaped the final building project of Hermann II’s pontificate. His sister Ida was the abbess of the women’s cloister at St. Maria on the Capitol from 1027-1060, and so joined her brother in the 1040s in laying the foundations of an east wing’s triple-conch choir and crypt while the nave and west wing built by Archbishop Bruno continued to be used for religious services. The entire project would not be completed until after their deaths, as it was dedicated by Archbishop Anno II in 1065, 47 yet at least the main altar (dedicated to the Holy Cross) had been completed by 1049, for Pope Leo IX consecrated it during his visit to the city. 48 This beautiful church structure, richly ornamented by its intricately carved wooden doors, thus integrated Carolingian and Ottonian architectural traditions in a fashion befitting its Ezzonid sibling’s own dynastic history. Indeed, Hermann II and Ida promoted the veneration of their family’s favorite saint by building the St. Nicholas chapel adjoining St. Maria im Kapitol at its northeast corner. 49 Hermann II had sought to sustain his Ezzonid patrimony before dying in 1056. Even before taking up the office of archbishop, his sister Richenza had lost her place as queen of Poland after six short years because of her husband’s imprisonment in Bohemia in 1031 and subsequent death in 1034. She fled as an exile with her children to her family lands while her son Casimir lived at the episcopal court of his uncle Hermann II in 1036. The following year Casimir and Richenza returned to Poland to recover the 46 Manfred Groten, Priorenkolleg und Domkapitel von Köln im Hohen Mittelalter: Zur Geschichte des Kölner Erzstifts und Herzogtums [Rheinisches Archiv 109] (Bonn: Röhrscheid Verlag, 1980) 37-42; Franz-Reiner Erkens, „Die Bistumsorganisation in den Diözesen Trier und Köln – ein Vergleich,“ in Weinfurter, Die Salier und das Reich, Band 2, 297; Weinfurter, The Salian Age, 124. 47 Krings, „St. Maria im Kapitol,“ 1: 347; Matthias Kitschenberg, Die Kleeblattanlage von St. Maria im Kapitol zu Köln. Ihr Verhältnis zu den kirchlichen Trikonchen des frühen Christentums und des Frühmittelalters sowie die Frage nach der Entstehung des allseitigen Umganges [Veröffentlichungen der Abteilung Architektur des Kunsthistorischen Instituts der Universität zu Köln 36] (Cologne: Kunsthistorisches Institut des Universität zu Köln, 1990), 28, 170. Heribert Müller considers the church modeled on the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem: Müller, “Die Kölner Erzbischöfe von Bruno I. bis Hermann II.,” 30. 48 Krings, “St. Maria im Kapitol,” 1: 347. The famous Herimann-Ida-Cross, a processional crucifix now in the Diocesan Museum in Cologne, contains named donor portraits of both archbishop and abbess as well as the inscription: Herimann Archieps Me Fieri Iussit. It appears to have been fashioned specifically for the consecration ceremony of the Holy Cross altar by the pope: Ulrike Surmann, Das Kreuz Hermanns und Idas (Cologne: Diözesanmuseum, 1999). 49 Beuckers, Die Ezzonen und Ihre Stiftungen, 162. All of the Ezzonid sisters of Hermann II were involved in the remodeling of the respective religious houses over which they presided as abbesses.

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throne, yet a rebellion soon forced them back into exile and the good graces of Hermann II.50 Her brothers gave Richenza the family estate of Saalfeld for her maintenance, from whence she plotted the ultimately successful reconquest of the Polish throne by her son Casimir in 1039, after which she then inherited large portions of the Ezzonid estates upon the death of her brother Otto in 1047. With the future cohesion of the Ezzonid possessions now in doubt, she collaborated with her sister, Abbess Theophanu of Essen, and her brother Archbishop Hermann II in 1051 to arrange the transfer the family abbey of Brauweiler to the archdiocese of Cologne. Hermann II only lived until 1056, however, and this left Richenza in a difficult situation relative to the new archbishop of Cologne’s claims to the lands upon which she lived.51 Ironically, though Hermann II successfully organized the territories and properties of the archbishopric of Cologne and served his monarch more than ably, he did not succeed in securing the sustainability of his own dynastic line. He was buried in his cathedral rather than in the crypt of his family church at Brauweiler. Archbishop Hermann II’s death in 1056 marked the close of a century in which the archbishops of Cologne provided leadership on an expansive scale for both emperor and church while still effectively shaping their episcopal city as its lord. Their political and ecclesiastical reach as prince-bishops stretched from Lotharingia to Hungary and from England to Salerno, where they led armies, synods, and diplomatic delegations.52 And as masters of Cologne’s urban environs they built all of the major public buildings and did so at a pace and with a style of architecture that no future archbishops would equal. Some historians have argued, in fact, that by the mid-eleventh century the archbishops had intentionally crowned the sacred topography of “Holy Cologne” by encircling the old Roman city with a corona of foundation churches (St. Kunibert – St. Ursula – St. Gereon – Holy Apostles – St. Pantaleon – and St. Severin), which was then transfixed by the cruciform alignment of the cathedral church – Great St. Martin – St. Maria on the Capitol – the Deutz abbey church – and Holy Apostles church (not to 50 Henry Joseph Lang, “The Fall of the Monarchy of Mieszko II Lambert,” Speculum 49: 4 (October 1974) 623-39. 51 Amalie Föβel, “Richenza, Königen von Polen († 1063),” Neue Deutsche Biographie, Band 21 (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot Verlag, 2003) 516-517; Jonathan Rotondo-McCord, “Locum sepulturae meae … eligi: Property, Graves, and Sacral Power in Eleventh-Century Germany,” Viator 26 (1995) 77-106. 52 Weinfurter, The Salian Century, 97: “Hermann is another outstanding example of an imperial bishop who, in the service of Church and ruler, acted as a stabilizing force on behalf of the realm and the royal lordship.”

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mention the churches of St. Caecilia, St. Columba, St. Maria ad gradus, and St. Andreas).53 While this construct may be more aesthetic than theological, still one can appreciate what massive economic and cultural resources the archbishops brought to bear on these vast public structures. No fewer than ten large Romanesque churches were either built or rebuilt during the tenth and eleventh centuries. The economic benefit alone of what amounted to a century of public works projects were no doubt central to the economic development of the city, yet so were the archbishops’ creative exercise of their regalian rights of markets, mints, weights and measures, and land development. Though this founding age of the Ottonian- and Salian-era bishop’s city was drawing to a close, the outsized role played by these prince-bishops was fundamental to laying the foundation for a remarkably rapid economic and demographic expansion to come in the next century. A new kind of territorial prince-bishop and a maturing burgher community would take the city into its next historical phase, with both given a powerful jolt from the coming Investiture Controversy.54

The City of Cologne on the Eve of the Investiture Controversy Thus far we have considered the careers and accomplishments of the Ottonian- and Salian-era archbishops of Cologne, but what of the city itself and its development during this era? Though the archbishops certainly dominated the political and ecclesiastical history of Cologne during the century from Bruno I to Hermann II (953-1056), new social formation and urban institutions also shaped this period. The archbishops each had sought to stimulate the economic growth of the city and its hinterlands through 53 Hirschmann, Stadtplanung, Bauprojekte und Groβbaustellen, 36-37; Groten, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter, 55; Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages, 240; Stehkämper, „Die Stadt Köln in der Salierzeit,“ 1: 365-367. 54 Odilo Engels, „Der Reichsbischof in ottonischer und frühsalischer Zeit,“ in Irene Crusius, ed., Beiträge zu Geschichte und Struktur der mittelalterlichen Germania Sacra [Veröffentlichungen des Max-Planck-Instituts für Geschichte 93, Studien zur Germania Sacra 17] (Göttingen: Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, 1989) 135-175; and Odilo Engels, „Der Reichsbischof (10. und 11. Jahrhundert),“ in Odilo Engels and Peter Berglar, eds., Der Bischof in seiner Zeit. Bischofstypus und Bischofsideal im Spiegel der Kölner Kirche. Festgabe für Joseph Kardinal Höffner (Cologne: Bachem Verlag, 1986) 41-94; Hugo Stehkämper, „Der Reichsbischof und Territorialfürst (12. bis 13. Jahrhundert),“ in Engels and Berglar, eds., Der Bischof in seiner Zeit, 95-184; Wilhelm Janssen, „Der Bischof, Reichsfürst und Landesherr (14. und 15. Jahrhundert),“ in Odilo Engels and Peter Berglar, eds., Der Bischof in seiner Zeit, 185-244.

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massive building projects and the exercise of their accumulated imperial regalian rights to markets, mints, tolls, and juridical authority. So it comes as no surprise that they were as successful in this endeavor as their other preoccupations, and it confirms just where the funds came from for that century of public building. The city had its own economic advantages endowed by nature rather than the archbishop. Its location at the intersection of major overland trade routes from Flanders and Aachen in the west to Westphalia and the Harz region in the east provided an ever-growing advantage in terms of economic development and strength. But of even more fundamental importance in this regard was its specific location on the Rhine River, since goods that had been transported down the Rhine on barges through the central uplands region (Mittelgebirge) had to be transshipped exactly at Cologne’s location onto vessels with lesser loaded draft so that they could travel the shallower waters of the lower Rhine. And of course the reverse process was necessary for trade goods heading from the northern seacoast destinations upriver to the Alpine forelands of the middle and upper Rhine valley. The shift in the river’s depth at Cologne’s location therefore eventually enabled the city to become the largest transit point for goods in the entire German Kingdom. Once the city was repositioned by its archbishops from the original Carolingian orbit on the eastern margins of Lotharingia to a central Rhineland regional orientation, this benefit naturally expanded the city’s economy. The growth in coin minting and market activity from Archbishop Bruno’s stimulus onward not only provided the episcopal city lords with financial resources for their infrastructure and architectural projects as well as for their military campaigns but also attracted a growing population of merchants into the Rhine suburb. It has been estimated that while in the late tenth century there were no more than about 2,500 people in the entire city precincts, by the early thirteenth century that population would increase a remarkable fourteen-fold such that it returned to the size of late antique Cologne at its height of around 35,000 people. Some of the most noted settlers among the growing number of long-distance traders were Jews, who are documented as present in 1012 though they were surely there beforehand; indeed, we know they were residents in the fourth century and during the Carolingian period, though to date we simply lack evidence for the intervening eras.55 The Jewish quarter would flourish in Cologne 55 Groten, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter, 52-54; Nicholas, The Growth of the Medieval City, 69-70. Jews likewise are documented from Carolingian times onward in cities such as Metz

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during the eleventh century until the violent setback accompanying the First Crusade.56 Of course the population growth that spurred the city’s demographic growth and led to new religious foundations of canons and monks with its precincts was also manifested in the countryside. The food, grain, and wine supply expanded in a period of improving and sustainable harvests and new land under plow. New villages appeared in the hinterlands of Cologne, from which it drew increasing numbers of immigrants during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Such demographic change provided labor and artisanal skills needed by the merchants of the Rhine suburb. Three annual markets and the transshipment function of the city drew key commodities to and through Cologne: wine, ceramics, and luxury goods from long-distance trade, but also textiles, cloth, yarn, thread, leather- and metalwork products manufactured in the city and its environs.57 Cologne swords (whose metalwork was done in nearby Solingen) became prized throughout Europe,58 and Rhineland cloth – made from a mixture of imported English and local German wool – was cheaper than Flemish cloth and so developed its own regional market.59 Ceramic production centers between Cologne and Bonn – most especially Pfingsdorf, Badorf, Walberberg (immediately south of Brühl) – sent their wares via the markets and shipping network of Cologne to England, Scandinavia, and the eastern Baltic region.60 And Cologne’s location on the northern rim of the Rhine-Maas viticultural region made it the key entrepôt (especially given the readily available ceramic amphora

(888), Mainz (917-937), Magdeburg (965), Regensburg (981), Worms and Trier (1066), and Speyer (1084). These later dates are definitely not evidence of the first Jewish settlement in the area but, rather, constitute merely the first surviving written reference to their presence. 56 Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 182: “From the turn of the eleventh century Cologne was already an important meeting-point of the far-flung trade of the Jews.” For the history of the Jews in Cologne see Matthias Schmandt, Judei, cives et incolae: Studien zur jüdischen Geschichte Kölns in Mittelalter [Forschungen zur Geschichte der Juden 11] (Hanover: Hahn Verlag, 2002). 57 Franz Irsigler, „Jahrmärkte und Messesysteme im westlichen Reichsgebiet bis ca. 1250,“ in Peter Johanek and Heinz Stoob, eds. Europäische Messen und Märktesysteme in Mittelalter und Neuzeit [Städteforschung A39] (Cologne, Weimar, Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 1996) 1-33. 58 Huffman, Family, Commerce, and Religion in London and Cologne, 175-176; Robert Dörner, „Das Sarwörter- und das Schwertfegeramt in Köln, von den ältesten Zeiten bis zum Jahre 1550,“ Jahrbuch des Kölner Geschichtsvereins 3 (1916) 1-60; Ennen, „Kölner Wirtschaft im Früh- und Hochmittelalter,“ 138. 59 Edith Ennen suggested that evidence for English wool imports to Cologne can be traced back to around the year 1000: “Kölner Wirtschaft im Früh- und Hochmittelalter,” 1: 137. 60 Ibid., 1: 110-111; Wickham, The Inheritance of Rome, 546.

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from Badorf and Pfingsdorf in which it was stored) for the collation and export of wine to the same northern destinations as the ceramics.61 This range of production indicates the presence not only of merchants willing to risk long-distance in addition to regional trade but also of artisanal tanners, weavers, potters and blacksmiths producing for the market in addition to the traditional goldsmiths, masons, and painters serving the many churches. This of course also required the existence of the urban support economy of millers, bakers, butchers, brewers, fishmongers, cobblers and the like to provide for the daily needs of a growing community of artisans and the merchants who took their wares further and further afield. There appears to have been a grain market functioning in Cologne by the early eleventh century, which held enough grain that even during a time of regional famine two shiploads could be purchased by Meinwerk of Paderborn (bishop from 1009-1036) for his episcopal city.62 The eleventh century also saw the rise of the Cologne silver penny to regional dominance as the preferred currency for commercial transactions. The Cologne currency region stretched along the Rhine from Tiel in the Netherlands to Andernach (near Koblenz) in the south, and east to Fritzlar on the Eder River. The fortunate discovery of silver at Goslar in the Harz Mountains in the 960s fed the expanding markets and mints of Saxony and the Rhineland. That which reached the Rhineland not only revived the old royal mint in Cologne but also enabled it to become the most prolific in Germany.63 As a sign of the new significance of expanding North Sea trade, once King Cnut (1016-1035) instituted a reform of weight-standards for English and Scandinavian coinage that replaced the Carolingian pound with the mark weighing 216 grams of silver (thus pennies weighing 1.5 61 Wickham, The Inheritance of Rome, 225: “A miracle-book by Wandalbert of Prüm, dating to 839, describes one ship on the Rhine filled with pottery, and another with wine sent for sale from the monastery of St. Gereon in Cologne – the former was wrecked, the latter saved from wreck, by the miraculous power of St Goar.” See also Michael McCormick, Origins of the European Economy: Communications and Commerce 300-900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001) 656-661 and Wandalbert, Miracula sancti Goaris, ed. Oswald Holder-Egger [Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores 15] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1887) 363-372. 62 Vita Meinwerci episcopi Patherbrunnensis, ed. Franz Tenckhoff [Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores Rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi 59] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1921; rpt. 1983) 138. 63 Manfred van Rey, Einführung in die rheinische Münzgeschichte des Mittelalters [Beiträge zur Geschichte der Stadt Mönchengladbach 17] (Mönchengladbach: B. Kühlen, 1983) 82: “The Swedish archaeological finds alone contain over 9,000 Cologne pennies, which were more than half of all lower Lotharingian coins and about an eighth of all German coins buried there” (translation mine); see also Petter Spufford, Money and its Use in Medieval Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988) 77, 85.

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grams), the Cologne mint adopted the new standard by the later eleventh century along with Normandy and Flanders. Thus a common currency value zone was created, which greatly facilitated the integration of inter-regional commercial activity. So popular was the Cologne penny that numerous other mints made careful counterfeit copies of it.64 Indeed, Cologne silver pennies from the late tenth century have been discovered as far afield as Poland, Russia, Finland, Pomerania, Mecklenburg, Gotland, and Norway. And if the English Kingdom had allowed the circulation of foreign specie it would no doubt have been found there as well.65 In sum, by the dawn of the new millennium Cologne had, along with Mainz to the south, a dominant market place in the German Kingdom. Though we are unable to measure the volume of Cologne-based trade at this point in time, we can definitely grasp its breadth throughout northern and eastern Europe by the mid-eleventh century. The city was also a social space, and for the first time we begin to see the contours of social organization, which was undergoing fundamental change as a result of the eleventh-century economic and demographic expansion. Throughout the Carolingian and early Ottonian eras Cologne was more a town than a city, centered on the episcopal cathedral immunity zone and populated in the majority by the legally unfree agricultural and artisanal dependents (censuales) of the bishop’s household ( familia) or of the other monastic, collegiate, and conventual church households within or without the urban walls. These censuales labored to meet the needs of their ecclesiastical lords, to whom they were obliged to pay an annual head tax or quit-rent (usually two pennies) as well as special exactions at their marriage or death, and their legal status was inherited by their children.66 64 Huffman, Family, Commerce, and Religion in London and Cologne, 42-43; Pamela Nightingale, “The Evolution of Weight-Standards and the Creation of New Monetary and Commercial Links in Northern Europe form the Tenth Century to the Twelfth Century,” Economic History Review second series 38: 2 (May 1985) 200; Walter Hävernick, Der Kölner Pfennig im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert [Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte, Beihefte 18] (Stuttgart: George Olms, 1930; rpt. Hildesheim, 1984) 1-20; Bruno Kuske, „Köln. Zur Geltung der Stadt, ihrer Waren und Maβstäben in älterer Zeit (12.-18. Jahrhundert),“ Jahrbuch des Kölnischen Geschichtsvereins 17 (1935) 113. 65 Ennen, „Kölner Wirtschaft im Früh- und Hochmittelalter,“ 1: 114. The small numbers of the Cologne silver penny in finds south and west of the city suggests a still-undeveloped internal trade elsewhere in Europe. 66 Jan Frederick Niermeyer, Mediae Latinitatis Lexicon Minus (Leiden: Brill, 1976) 166: censualis: “ecclesiastical tributary, one who has been taken under the protection of of a patron saint of a church and who owes nothing but an annuity […] censuare: to put under the obligation to pay rent.”

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Yet with the influx of many new immigrants beginning in the reign of Henry II (1002-1024), these subservient communities inevitably ceased to form the majority of the population. The bishop-city of the episcopal immunity zone in the old Roman sector was now obliged to engage with an emerging burgher-city in the Rhine suburb, whose increasingly diverse community of merchants, artisans, shopkeepers, and laborers established their own personal and social networks based around their parishes and professional associations. Through such networks these immigrants gradually developed a sense of shared identity attached not to a lord’s familia but, rather, to their own urbanity and most especially to what they increasingly considered their neighborhoods and parishes of the city.67 Thus the great ecclesiastical institutions of the city were quickly losing their primary role as the ordering force of the urban population.68 The newcomers’ legal status continued to be a point of contention, and full legal freedom was not acknowledged by the archbishops until the end of the eleventh century.69 The mercantile immigrants considered the annual dues paid for their dwellings in the Rhine suburb as a quit-rent to their landlord roughly equivalent to burgage tenure in English law, not a statement of their dependent status as censuales of the archbishop. And indeed the wealth several merchant families by the later eleventh century rivaled that of any local baron. The archbishops were apparently slow to affirm the purely commercial nature of their relationship with these new immigrants; we shall soon see that Archbishop Anno II’s treatment of them as his dependent censuales was meet with a memorably hostile response. In addition to this important socio-economic development, another distinctive urban social group emerged out of the archbishop’s familia: the ministeriales. The archbishops of the eleventh century selected some from their household censuales and assigned them particular administrative functions, especially in the areas where the growing urban populace and 67 Such townfolk referred to themselves as burgliutie (Burg-Leute or burghers), literally “people of the walled town.” 68 Groten, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter, 78. 69 For the process of this social and legal transition see Knut Schulz, “Von der familia zur Stadtgemeinde. Zum Prozeβ der Erlangung bürgerlicher Freiheitsrechte durch hofrechtlich gebundene Bevölkerungsgruppen,“ in Johannes Fried, ed., Die abendländische Freiheit vom 10. Zum 14. Jahrhundert [Vorträge und Forschungen 39] (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke Verlag, 1991) 49-67, rpt. in Matthias Krüger, ed., Die Freiheit des Bürgers. Städtische Gesellschaft im Hoch- und Spätmittelalter (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2008) 41-68; and Knut Schulz, „Zensualität und Stadtentwicklung im 11./12. Jahrhundert,“ in Bernhard Diestelkamp, ed., Beiträge zum hochmittelalterlichen Städtewesen [Städteforschung A 11] (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1982) 73-93, rpt. in Krüger, Die Freiheit des Bürgers, 106-130.

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commercial life of the city, coupled with their own frequent and often long absences from the city on imperial business, required more sophisticated attention. Ministerials remained legally unfree and served their archiepiscopal lord in military or diplomatic service abroad, in urban administrative service as managers of his regalian offices (markets, mint, tolls, defense), or even as merchants for the archbishop’s household.70 Over the course of the eleventh century ministerials developed special skills of literacy, numeracy, administration, and military strategy, which allowed them to advance their standard of living, which they then passed on to their heirs along with their status. They became a highly respected and elite urban community within a few generations, though remained beholden to their archiepiscopal lord and burdened with an unfree status.71 These considerations of legal status within the emerging urban society lead us to recognize that the city was also a distinct legal and administrative space and that its jurisdiction was defined by the archbishop’s regalian right (iura bannaria) to exercise royal authority over criminal and civil cases. Hence we should expect that a court system was in formation during the eleventh century, and so there was. The Frankish bishop Kunibert and his successors had relied on an advocate (advocatus urbis/Stadtvogt) as their chief administrator and secular judge of the ecclesiastical familia in Cologne, and this function was continued in the hands of ministerials during 70 Fuhrmann, Germany in the High Middle Ages, 36-37: “The ministeriales were a peculiarity of Germany in this period. In England and France the king relied much more on the feudal ties with his vassals. Ministeriales were more controllable than vassals: they received a service tenancy, akin to a fief, but they remained unfree and were for that reason more controllable. Service as mounted warriors gave them the status of a lesser nobility, a group with which they soon merged, especially as numerous impoverished Edelfreie became ministeriales.” Reuter, Germany in the Early Middle Ages, 235: “we should not assume free enterprise trading in all such cases; some of these merchants at least will have been, as in Carolingian times, procurators trading on behalf of their ecclesiastical masters, securing supplies of necessities and luxuries not available locally.” For a comparative study see John B. Freed, “The Origins of the European Nobility: The Problem of the Ministerials,” Viator 7 (1976) 211-242. 71 We must remember that legal status and social status were two different categories in medieval society. There is an abundance of literature produced on the origins and evolution of this social group: Hermann Jakobs, “Eine Forschungsaufgabe der rheinischen Landesgeschichte: Die Kölner Ministerialität. Kritische Anmerkungen zu einer einschlägigen Studie,“ Annalen des Historischen Vereins für den Niederrhein, insbesondere die alte Erzdiözese Köln 172 (1970) 216-223; Wilhelm Pötter, Die Ministerialität der Erzbischöfe von Köln vom Ende des 11. bis zum Ausgang des 13. Jahrhunderts [Studien zur Kölner Kirchengeschichte 9] (Düsseldorf: Schwann Verlag, 1967); Ulrich Ritzerfeld, Das Kölner Erzstift im 12. Jahrhundert. Verwaltungsorganisation und wirtschaftliche Grundlagen [Rheinisches Archiv 132] (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1994) 58-199. For a thorough consideration of ministerials in English see Arnold, German Knighthood.

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the eleventh century.72 The advocate also took charge of a low court for misdemeanors and civil disputes, served as the bailiff of the high court, and handled the broader administrative tasks as the highest-ranking ministerial under the direct authority of his lord the archbishop.73 Once Archbishop Bruno removed the city of Cologne from the jurisdiction of the Kölngau comital court, an urban high court had to be formed to try major criminal cases (causae maiores) involving life, honor, freedom, and property. The archbishop would preside over this high court as the king’s delegated judge on occasions when cases of particular importance were on the docket, but in general he relied on his own deputized official. In the Kölngau round about the city this official was the nobleman whose comital authority was also delegated from the monarch. Yet the Kölngau count’s jurisdiction did not extend to the independent ban mile of the city environs (urbs et suburbium), and he was already in service as the advocate for the archbishopric (Domvogt). So the archbishop enfoeffed a burgrave (prefectus urbis), who was responsible to provide military defense for the city and to preside over the city’s high court (Witzigge ding or wissendes Gericht) and therefore he had to have the status of a free noble (Edelfrei), since such already possessed the right to military and legal jurisdiction (Bannleihe) directly from the king.74 The burgrave’s office was held by the barons of Arberg/Arenberg, whose own lands were located in the Eifel region south of Cologne (Burg Aremberg today) and east of the Rhine on the Sieg River (Burg Schönstein near Wissen today). 72 The f irst documentary mention of the advocate is dated 1061: Ennen, „Erzbischof und Stadtgemeinde in Köln bis zur Schlacht von Worringen (1288),“ 393. 73 Ritzerfeld, Das Kölner Erzstift im 12. Jahrhundert 72. 74 Siegfried Reitschel, Das Burggrafenamt und die hohe Gerichtsbarkeit in den deutschen Bischofsstädten während des frühen Mittelalters [Untersuchungen zur Geschichte der deutschen Stadtverfassung 1] (Leipzig: Veit Verlag, 1905) 143-166; Manfred Groten, „Zu den Fälschungen des Kölner Burggrafenschiedes und der Urkunde über die Erbverleihung der Stadtvogtei von angeblich 1169,“ Rheinische Vierteljahresblätter 46 (1982) 48-88; Franz Steinbach, „Der Ursprung der Kölner Stadtgemeinde,“ Rheinische Vierteljahersblätter 19 (1954) 273-285. Strictly speaking, though the burgrave’s office came from the archbishop through the regalia rights of the archbishop whose representative he was, his legal authority (Bann) came through the comital rights held by him directly from the king. Since as a clergyman the archbishop was unable to involve himself in capital cases that involved the shedding of blood, these were given over to the burgrave. The first documentary mention of the burgrave is dated 1032. On the house of Arenberg see Heinrich Neu, Die Arenberger und das Arenberger Land [Veröffentlichungen der Landesarchivverwaltung Rheinland-Pfalz 52] (Koblenz: Verlag der Landesarchivverwaltung Rhineland-Pfalz, 1989). The office of burgrave and advocate were combined in Mainz, Worms, Speyer, Trier, Würzburg and Magdeburg, yet kept separate in Cologne, Regensburg, Strasbourg, and Augsburg: Nicholas, The Growth of the Medieval City, 72.

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The burgrave was assisted in the high court by a council of twelve lay assessors or jurors (scabini) appointed exclusively from the leading families of the urban population.75 The scabini performed an important mediating role in city life, as at the same time they represented burgher interests yet were submitted to an oath of loyalty to the archbishop as their Stadtherr.76 Hence when offering their assessments to the burgrave regarding the criminal cases before him, as well as when watching over public order when the court was not in session (there being no police force in the Middle Ages), the scabini found themselves regularly in positions of mediation, conflict resolution, and justice. The high court normally met three times a year (at Christmas, Easter, and the feast of St. John the Baptist on 24 June) in the curia of the cathedral’s open-air courtyard or in the palace when the archbishop presided, and in this setting the leading burgher families learned how to provide leadership to resolving the conflicts and problems of their urban community. They also learned to collaborate with the archbishop’s ministerial staff. There was little beyond commercial activity and the enforcement of the archbishop’s lordship authority at this point that bound these various social groups together. Such a heterogeneous urban society, though meeting one another in the markets and courts of the city, maintained residences in different neighborhoods. The commercial community dwelt in the southern Rhine suburb, where they built their own parish church of Little St. Martin about 1080,77 while also expanding into the nearby parishes of St. Alban, St. Brigida, and into the inland parish of St. Columba. The ministerial families established themselves in their own parish of St. Lawrence, where the Jews also formed their own quarter between the parish church and the 75 Schöffen in German, échevins in French, scabini in Italian, schepenen in Dutch, Skivins in archaic English. The number of lay jurors for this court was raised in the mid-twelfth century, probably to the 25 who are documented in 1259. 76 For an overview of the various officials (including scabini) who served as intermediaries between the city lord and its community see Andreas Bihrer, “Mittler zwischen Herrschaft und Gemeinde. Zusammenfassung und Forschungsperspektiven,“ in Elizabeth Gruber, ed., Mittler zwischen Herrschaft und Gemeinde. Die Rolle von Funktions- und Führungsgruppen in der mittelalterlichen Urbanisierung Zentraleuropas [Forschungen und Beiträge zur Wiener Stadtgeschichte 56] (Innsbruck: Studienverlag, 2013) 377-398; and Raoul Hippchen, „Schultheissen und Schöffen als Mittler Herrschaft und Gemeinde. Das Beispiel der mittelrheinischen Städte Bingen und Koblenz (13.-15. Jahrhundert),“ in Gruber, Mittlere zwischen Herrschaft und Gemeinde, 243-268. 77 For a comparative summary of the importance of parishes in the formation of burgher identity in medieval German cities see the introduction by Werner Freitag, ed., Die Pfarre in der Stadt. Siedlungskern – Bürgerkirche – Urbanes Zentrum (Cologne, Weimar, Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 2001) xi-xiii.

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Old Market. Here they built their own synagogue at some point in the eleventh century.78 That the ministerials and the Jews were located so close to the cathedral immunity zone indicates their identity as dependents on archiepiscopal lordship, whereas the burgher’s community in their parishes reflects their own distinctive world. That the ministerials and Jews did not have to pay the land tax [Hofzins] like the burghers further sharpens the diverse contexts of their daily lives.79 It is also instructive to note that by the later eleventh century, the archbishop no longer functioned as the sole patron of religious buildings in the city – the great age of palatial church-building was ending, and the new age of commercial builders of parish and synagogue communities had begun.80

78 Jakobs, „Verfassungstopographische Studien,“ 74-79, 89, 109-114; Hirschmann, Stadtplanung, Bauprojekte und Groβbaustellen, 36; Günter Ristow, „Zur Frühgeschichte der Rheinischen Jüden von der Spätantike bis zu den Kreuzzügen,“ 2: 33-59; Franz-Reiner Erkens, „Sozialstruktur und Verfassungsentwicklung in der Stadt Köln während des 11. und frühen 12. Jahrhunderts,“ in Jörg Jarnut and Peter Johanek, eds., Die Frühgeschichte der europäischen Stadt [Städte-forschung Reihe A: Darstellungen 43] (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1998) 174-176.H. 79 Erkens, „Sozialstruktur und Verfassungsentwicklung in der Stadt Köln während des 11. und frühen 12. Jahrhunderts,” 176: “Freedom from the land tax in this case is namely the indicator for a special personal obligation and submission” (translation mine). The burghers, however, paid land tax but were otherwise free of personal service obligations to the city lord. 80 The synagogue origins have been dated from as early as 1000 to its f irst documentary mention in 1075, though a date of 1040 is a reasonable estimate. The new parish church of Little St. Martin replaced the older and smaller church of Sts. Peter and Paul, which was demoted to a chapel dedicated to St. Notburgis. Jakobs, “Verfassungstopographische Studien,” 113; Hirschmann, Stadtplanung, Bauprojekte und Groβbaustellen, 63. Archaeological excavations have also identified a pattern of replanning mercantile centers with permanent tenement and commercial plots in Freiburg to the south and among the northern towns of Braunschweig, Osnabrück, Hamburg, and Schleswig, though Cologne lead the way in this urban development: John Schofield and Heiko Steuer, “Urban Settlement,” in James Graham-Campbell and Magdalena Valor, eds., The Archaeology of Medieval Europe. Volume 1: Eighth to Twelfth Centuries [Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 2007) 145; Brian Ayers, The German Ocean: Medieval Europe around the North Sea [Studies in the Archaeology of Medieval Europe] (Sheffield: Equinox Publishing, 2016) 28.

6

The Great Pivot Herrschaft meets Gemeinde in the Pontificate of Anno II (1056-1075)

The turbulent pontificate of Archbishop Anno II (1056-1075) signaled a major shift in the archbishop’s relationship with both emperor and pope at the imperial level as well as with the emerging mercantile community of his cathedral city at the local level. The archbishop’s holy city of endowed religious communities and their churches would be transformed through the intense forces unleashed by the Investiture Controversy, the ensuing collapse of the Salian dynasty, and the concomitant rise of an ever-more self-confident community of elite merchants and ministerials.1 Anno II himself represented change in the archbishopric itself. Unlike his several predecessors, he was not a scion of a major comital family but, rather, came from the Steuβlingen, a minor noble family of the southern slopes of the Swabian Jura (today’s Altsteußlingen just due southwest of Ulm).2 As one who rose from obscure beginnings through the personal cultivation

1 For the broad evolutionary arc from the Holy Cologne of the archbishops to the burgher expressions of their own perceived Roman ancestry, nobility of birth, and sacral protection by the saints see Klaus Militzer, “Die Entwicklung eines bürgerlichen Selbstverständnisses in Köln während des Mittelalters,” in Stefan Kwiatkowski and Janusz Mallek, eds., Ständische und religiöse Identitäten in Mittelalter und frühre Neuzeit (Toruń: Nicolaus Copernicus University Press, 1998) 87-98; Manfred Groten, “Der Heilige als Helfer der Bürger. Auf dem Weg zur Stadtgemeinde: Heilige und frühe Stadtsiegel,“ in Siegfried Schmidt, ed., Rheinisch – kölnisch – katholisch: Beiträge zur Kirchen- und Landesgeschichte sowie zur Geschichte des Buch- und Bibliothekswesen der Rheinlande. Festschrift für Heinz Finger zum 60. Geburtstag [Libelli Rhenani 25] (Cologne: Erzbischöfliche Diozesan- und Dombibliothek, 2008) 125-146. 2 For the life and career of Anno II see Joachim Oepen, „Anno II. von Köln als Reichsbischof,“ in Wolfgang Hasberg and Hermann-Josef Scheidgen, eds., Canossa: Aspekte der Wende (Regensburg, Friedrich Pustet Verlag, 2012) 57-71; Wolfgang Eggert, „Anno II., Erzbischof von Köln (1056-1072),“ in Eberhard Holtz and Wolfgang Huschner, eds., Deutsche Fürsten des Mittelalters. Fünfundzwanzig Lebensbilder (Leipzig: Edition Leipzig, 1995) 140-151; Georg Jenal, Erzbischof Anno II. von Köln (1056-1075) und sein politisches Wirken. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der Reichs- und Territorialpolitik im 11. Jahrhundert [Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters 8] 2 vols. (Stuttgart: Hiersemann Verlag, 1974-1975); Oediger, Das Bistum Köln, 114-128; Dieter Lück, „Erzbischof Anno von Köln,“ Annalen des Historischen Vereins für den Niederrhein 172 (1970) 1-112; Lück, „Die Kölner Erzbischöfe Hermann II. und Anno II. als Erzkanzler der römischen Kirche,“ 1-50; and Benjamin Arnold, „From Warfare on Earth to Eternal Paradise: Archbishop Anno II of Cologne, the History of the Western Empire in the Annolied, and the Salvation of Mankind,“ Viator 25 (1992) 95-113.

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of Königsnähe,3 his critics considered him an ambitious bounder whose loyalty was neither to king nor to church but, rather, to the advancement of his own career and that of his kin. Yet Anno was also widely known for his own ascetic spirituality and devotion to monastic reform. 4 In sum, he was a complex man living in complex times: a “new man” on the rise in the changing world of the eleventh century and yet also a man deeply committed to maintaining the traditional princely bearing and status to which he had ascended by dint of hard work and the emperor’s favor. Anno began his ecclesiastical education as a cathedral canon in Bamberg, where his predecessor Archbishop Pilgrim had previously found his own way into the imperial court. Anno mastered his studies in Bamberg and Paderborn so thoroughly that he was appointed the cathedral schoolmaster in Bamberg, and like Pilgrim his reputation impressed Henry III, who appointed him court chaplain around 1046. Henry III took Anno along for the Hungarian campaigns of 1051-1052, and in 1054 he rewarded his royal confessor with the provostship of the new collegiate foundation of Saints Simon and Judas in Goslar (which Archbishop Hermann II of Cologne consecrated for the king in that year). Anno was clearly being groomed for an archbishopric, and when Hermann II died in the winter of 1056 the king forced through his election and consecration as archbishop of Cologne (3 March 1056) against the clearly expressed will of both the clergy and the people of the cathedral city. Anno took advantage of the unsettled minority of the four-year-old Henry IV upon the sudden death of his robust father on 5 October 1056 and moved freely as one of the most powerful princes 3 Personal closeness to the king, from whose approbation alone did power and wealth flow. Such newcomers to the circle of prince-bishops were considered creatures of the monarch, especially amid the rising tide of an episcopal reform movement that reached its apogee under Pope Gregory VII. 4 A similar set of convictions, aspirations, and administrative skills can be found in Anno II’s contemporary and Cologne native, St. Bruno, founder of the Carthusian order. Born ca. 1031, he studied theology in Rheims and returned to Cologne around 1055 to be ordained a priest and join the canons of St. Kunibert. But a year later Archbishop Gervais recalled him to Rheims, where he spent eighteen years as the scholasticus of the cathedral school renowned for his philosophy and theology. His administrative gifts led to an appointment thereafter as chancellor of the archdiocese, but a period of turmoil troubled him enough, unlike Anno II, to leave the path toward a future episcopal appointment of his own. Instead, he spent time with the hermit community of Cistercian founder Robert of Molesme before establishing the Carthusian order in 1084 under the auspices of the bishop of Grenoble. One of his students, Odo of Châtillon, became Pope Urban II in 1090, at whose request he came to Rome to serve as a privy councillor to assist in shaping the emerging papal reform movement. He was given leave to establish a hermitage in Calabria, where he eventually died in 1101 at the age of about 70. Though a Carthusian at heart, the active world of the church repeatedly called him into public life.

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of the empire.5 He quickly made more enemies through the swift and effective placement of his kin in high ecclesiastical offices. According to the Siegburg abbey necrology (where he would find his own final resting place), Anno installed at least three in the Cologne church itself: a paternal cousin Ludolph as canon in St. Kunibert’s collegiate church; a maternal uncle Haymo as the cathedral provost in Bamberg and then as provost of St. Maria ad gradus collegiate church; and a niece Jutta as the abbess over the aristocratic convent of St. Caecilia.6 Amid growing charges of nepotism, Anno crowned these familial preferments with episcopal appointments for his brother and two nephews. After having placing his sister Engela’s son Burchard in his own former provostship at St. Simon and Judas in Goslar,7 he further raised his nephew in the young king’s name to the bishopric of Halberstadt in 1059. And in 1063 he likewise installed his brother Werner as the archbishop of Magdeburg.8 Anno finally met with fierce resistance to the advancement of his sister Countess Azecha of Pfullingen’s son Kuno (or Conrad), whom he had already raised to the provostship of the Cologne cathedral chapter. In May of 1066 Anno personally invested Kuno at court as the new archbishop of Trier without the consent of either clergy or people of the city. This recapitulation of his own episcopal election meant that his family now held three of the major episcopal sees in the German Kingdom. Yet when Kuno arrived to take up his see, he was met by Count Theoderich (both the burgrave of Trier and the advocate of the Trier archdiocese) and a hostile host from the city, which captured him and threw him in the castle of Ürzig. After several weeks Theoderich gave orders to execute him in rather gruesome fashion on 1 June, and his body was abandoned unburied for a month until passing peasant farmers from 5 Anno II quickly translated his personal relationship with Henry III into a political leadership role at court during the short months he served the king before the latter’s unexpected death. For example, Anno hosted a meeting with Henry III, Archbishop Eberhard of Trier, and Henry Count Palatine of the Rhine among others at Andernach to negotiate an end to the longstanding feud between the king and the Lotharingian Duke Godfrey II the Bearded, in an effort to stabilize the western frontier of the empire. Subsequent negotiations proved successful despite the king’s death in October, and Godfrey II was restored among the Lotharingian magnates at an assembly in Cologne in December 1056: Weinfurter, The Salian Century, 107-108, 112. 6 Joseph Kleinermanns, „Über die Abstammung und die Verwandtschaftlichen Verhältnisse des hl. Anno II. Erzbischofs von Köln,“ in Leander Helming, ed., Hagiographischer Jahresbericht für das Jahr 1903 (Kempten and Munich: Verlag der Jos. Kösel’schen Buchhandlung, 1904) 112-119. 7 Bishop Burchard II of Halberstadt’s father was the baron of Veltheim. 8 These ecclesiastical appointments in Saxony have led some to suspect that the Steuβlingen house was somehow related to the Ottonian dynasty, perhaps through Anno II’s mother Engela, but this has never been substantiated.

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the region happened upon it. As a sure sign that Anno’s star was beginning to wane in the empire, neither child-king nor distant pope intervened to punish anyone, and Count Theoderich simply embarked on a pilgrimage to Jerusalem to atone for his actions. Indeed, in an age of increasing demands for ecclesiastical reform to end nepotism and non-canonical elections of bishops, no one felt compelled to advocate for Anno or his family.9 In order to raise up the Steuβlingen house itself, Anno had to eliminate the last remnants of Ezzonid power in the region, and this too made for even more enemies. Immediately upon beginning his pontificate he labored to persuade Richenza, the sister of his predecessor and exiled dowager queen of Poland, to transfer to the Cologne archdiocese several of the key Ezzonid properties of Coburg and Saalfeld that she had inherited. Richenza had already invested much in developing the family crypt at Brauweiler and endowing the diocese of Würzburg during her last years in Thuringian Saalfeld, and Anno was keen on drawing the remainder of her family’s wealth away from Würzburg and into his own diocese. As a signature act of co-opting the Ezzonid mantle, Anno refused to bury Richenza in the Ezzonid family crypt at Brauweiler as she had wished upon her death in 1063 but instead laid her to rest in the recently completed church of St. Maria ad gradus in Cologne – a collegiate church whose finished construction he had overseen and whose provost was his own uncle Haymo.10 9 Alfred Heit, „Kuno (Konrad) I.,“ Lexikon des Mittelalters (Munich and Zurich: Artemis Verlag, 1991) V: col. 1572; Martin Persch, „Kuno (Konrad) I. von Pfullingen, Erzbischof von Trier,“ Biographisch-Bibliographisches Kirchenlexikon, Band 4 (Bautz: Herzberg Verlag, 1992) cols. 820-822; Ian S. Robinson, Henry IV of Germany 1056-1106 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000) 116-117; Cowdrey, Gregory VII, 87; Berthold of Reichenau, Chronicle (First Version), in Ian S. Robinson, ed. and transl., Eleventh-Century Germany. The Swabian Chronicles (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2008) 106: “Conrad, the provost of Cologne, was elected by the king and ought to have succeded him [Archbishop Eberhard of Trier], but he was opposed by the clergy and citizens of Trier. A certain count among the vassals of Trier named Theoderic, therefore, seized the same Conrad, as he travelled to Trier. After tormenting him for a long time in prison, he entrusted him to four knights to be killed. When they had thrown him three times down a precipice and had been able to do no more harm than bruise his arm, one of them was led by penitence to seek pardon from him. Another, however, wishing to behead him, only cut off his jaw. And thus that martyr worthy of God departed to the Lord on 1 June.” For the archbishopric of Trier during this period see Franz-Reiner Erkens, Die Trierer Kirchenprovinz im Investitutstreit (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1987). 10 Jonathan Rotondo-McCord, “Body Snatching and Episcopal Power: Archbishop Anno II of Cologne (1056-1075), burials in St. Mary’s ‘ad gradus,’ and the minority of King Henry IV,” Journal of Medieval History 22 (1996) 310-311. Anno II would also confiscate the body of Duke Conrad of Bavaria (†1055) in 1064 from its burial in Hungary, where he had died in exile after being accused of treason against Henry III, and would translate it to St. Maria ad gradus for burial. These coerced internments were both acts of power in the context of imperial politics

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The abbey of Brauweiler objected that it was the rightful burial site for Richenza, and her cousin Henry I, count palatine of Lotharingia, also entered into what became a bitter dispute. Henry’s growing insanity, however, overshadowed the litigation, and when he was enclosed in the abbey of Echternach in 1060 after murdering his wife it was Anno who confiscated the count’s office and lands – including Siegburg. A small but persistent cult developed around Richenza’s sarcophagus in St. Maria ad gradus, and in time she became revered as the Blessed Richenza. Anno blessed both the church of St. Maria ad gradus as well as his own foundation abbey in Siegburg with Ezzonid lands at Klotten in the Mosel valley, much to the anger of the monks at Brauweiler.11 Even while busy breaking Ezzonid power in his own territory Archbishop Anno II also intervened in the unstable politics of the imperial court under the unpopular regency of Empress Agnes of Poitou. Pope Victor II, another of Henry III’s reforming German popes, had initially intervened as the guardian of Henry IV at the emperor’s death and obtained an oath from all German magnates to recognize the six-year-old child as their legitimate monarch. He then for good measure personally crowned Henry IV in Aachen cathedral in November of 1056, thus repeating the unction and coronation already performed there in 1054.12 Yet Victor’s return to Italy and sudden death in early 1057 left the empress alone to serve as regent, which was a role during the minority of Henry IV and clearly directed at the Ezzonid family and the young king respectively. 11 Anno’s involvement in ecclesiastical disputes extended to the abbey at Stavelot in the diocese of Liège, which bitterly resisted his efforts to dissolve its longstanding double-cloister association with the nearby monastery of Malmédy once the archbishop had obtained the rights over the latter along with Kornelimünster (Aachen) and Vilich (Bonn) in the name of the minor king Henry IV. Though the royal abbey of Stavelot controlled Malmédy, the latter lay just within the bounds of Anno’s archdiocese, and it had turned to the archbishop to obtain its independence. The struggle would last a decade, during which Anno seized the relics of St. Agilolf (eighth-century bishop of Cologne and abbot of Stavelot) and solemnly translated them to his new church of St. Maria ad gradus. Yet when the monks of Stavelot confronted the young Henry IV with the relics of their patron St. Remaclus (while the king was holding court in Liège in 1071), Anno lost both the battle of relics as well as his case against Stavelot. 12 Victor II (elected pope on 13 April 1055) was the son of the Swabian Count Hartwig of Calw and kinsman of Emperor Henry III. Named Gebhart at birth, Henry III nurtured a close relationship with him and appointed him as the bishop of Eichstätt at 24 years of age. Once elected as pope, he still retained the bishopric of Eichstätt and used his close ties with the German aristocracy to assure a smooth transition to Henry IV’s kingship upon the sudden death of the emperor. Such hope was dashed, of course, with his own sudden death in 1057, and Empress Agnes was not able to reprise the Ottonian regency of Empress Theophanu: Robinson, Henry IV of Germany 1056-1106, 26-28.

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for which she was ill-suited, even in the best of circumstances. Predatory politics and factionalism soon developed against her, and in 1062 Anno himself kidnapped the then eleven-year-old king while at the island palace of Kaiswerswerth in the infamous “Kaiserswerth Coup,” and for the next two years he ruled as the most powerful prince in the empire with the monarchy centered in Cologne.13 In addition to installing his several relatives into positions of ecclesiastical power and collecting estates and monasteries for the Cologne church, Anno also extracted from the young king a royal diploma dated 14 July 1063 that granted a valuable endowment privilege “especially on account of [his] indefatigable merit and faithful service.” This charter donated to the Cologne archdiocese one-ninth of all imperial incomes, to be divided among its monasteries at the discretion of Anno and his successors in exchange for perpetual prayers for Henry IV and his ancestors. Anno then used these funds to establish and endow his own monastic foundations. It will surprise no one that Anno’s critics were many, including the Weissenburg annalist who concluded that the archbishop had “seized King Henry from his mother and set himself over him as his master” and the chronicler of Stavelot abbey who not unexpectedly complained that “With rash daring he did not hesitate to transfer the right of dominion to himself.” Even Lampert of Hersfeld, his contemporary who knew him well as a fellow canon at Bamberg, had to admit that “Very many complained that the royal majesty had been violated and rendered powerless.” Yet there were also those in the papal reform circles who, despite his nepotism and his own irregular episcopal election, actually praised him for rescuing royal authority from aristocratic factionalism and for providing the young king with a proper education. Peter Damian, cardinal bishop of Ostia no less, sought to keep him as an ally of the reform papacy during the schism of Cadalus (1061-1072 as anti-pope Honorius II) through a flattering letter of 1063 in which he declaimed, “You have preserved, venerable father, the boy left in your hands; you have strengthened the kingship; you have restored to your pupil the

13 Anno led a close-knit aristocratic conspiracy, which persuaded the young king to enter a boat on the Rhine and then had to rescue him from its waters after he understood the plot and jumped overboard. Thereafter Anno appears as the king’s magister in royal charters. Cowdrey, Gregory VII, 81: “he intended to be master alike of the king and of the kingdom.” Berthold of Reichenau, Chronicle (First Version) in Eleventh-Century Germany. The Swabian Chronicles, 104: “In these days Archbishop Anno of Cologne, with the support of certain princes of the kingdom, seized King Henry by force from his mother, the empress, together with the lance and the other insignia of the empire, and brought him with him to Cologne.”

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power that is his by hereditary right.”14 Despite his ecclesial nepotism, there was still enough shared monastic reform spirituality between the two ascetic bishops to find common cause in ending the papal schism. Anno II inherited his predecessor’s role as archchancellor of the Apostolic See as well as imperial archchancellor of Italy, and thus after the April 1062 coup he played an especially important role in shifting German support from the anti-pope Honorius II (previously favored by the empress Agnes) to Alexander II. Though court deliberations at Augsburg in October proved inconclusive, Anno sent his nephew Bishop Burchard II of Halberstadt to Rome to seek a negotiated settlement to the papal schism with an offer to recognize Alexander II’s election without condemning Honorius. Further negotiations between Peter Damian and Anno II ultimately led to the Council of Mantua in 1064 at which Alexander II was recognized as the lawful pope.15 Such a volte-face away from the candidate originally proposed by the German court (Cadalus-Honorius II) in favor of Alexander II, whose own election had excluded the German court’s participation according to the dictates of Pope Nicholas II’s 1059 papal election decree, amounted to a capitulation to the independence of papal elections asserted by the reform movement.16 Anno II thereby did no service to his king in his redirection of imperial German policy. And while he was busied in Italy with such matters, his erstwhile ally Archbishop Adalbert of Bremen began to overshadow him as the young king finally reached his majority in 1065. Though a faction including Anno succeeded in driving Adalbert from power the following year, the archbishop of Cologne would thereafter remain distant from an understandably suspicious adult Henry IV.17 His power and influence at court in eclipse, Anno also came to maintain an uncomfortable distance from the new pope Gregory VII as the tensions leading to the Investiture Controversy reached their zenith. Perhaps his own nepotism and irregular episcopal election raised worries in the face of Archdeacon Hildebrand’s election as Pope Gregory VII in April of 1073, but in any case Anno did not engage with the new pope.18 Indeed Henry IV had 14 For a discussion of his critics and admirers see Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 47-48. 15 Cowdrey, Gregory VII, 50-51; Alfred Haverkamp, Medieval Germany 1056-1273, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988) 107. 16 Cowdrey, Gregory VI, 53. 17 Ibid., 81; Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 108. 18 Cowdrey, Gregory VII, 88. As archchancellor of Italy Anno had shown due deference to Pope Alexander II during his embassy to Rome in 1068 by performing penance for his diplomatic contact with the excommunicated Archbishop Henry of Ravenna and anti-pope Bishop Cadalus

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sought to save his own troubled kingship by restoring Anno as an advisor in late 1072, and in 1073 the archbishop sent representatives to Corvey in order to partner with Archbishop Siegfried I of Mainz in mediating a peaceful resolution to a growing Saxon rebellion. Yet the Saxons were resolute that the king’s character and behavior (especially the ill treatment and attempted repudiation of his wife Bertha of Savoy, combined with his efforts to consolidate royal power in Saxony) made him unfit for kingship, and Anno thus retired from court once again, citing age and physical weakness.19 While political conflicts in Saxony and Thuringia began to destabilize the empire from within, Anno now found himself pressed by Pope Gregory VII to firmly advocate the reformation of the king’s relationship to the German episcopacy. In an April 1074 letter from Gregory to Anno, the pope leveraged recollections of his own youthful visit to Cologne and Anno’s past service as papal archchancellor into a severe admonishment to support the Gregorian reforms in remembrance of the bonds of faithful affection and service between the Roman and Cologne churches ( fide et dilectione atque obsequiis). Yet charity was also measured off against a threat: “If we find that you love St. Peter’s honor not as a whole but in part – at Cologne but not at Rome, you should look for our favor neither in whole nor in part.” Only a renewal of obedience to the papal see would draw support from Rome.20 Anno for his part remained unresponsive, even to Gregory VII’s appeal the following year to promote clerical chastity within his archdiocese, a monastic moral standard that Anno would have affirmed in principle.21 And so it was that, in the context of an increasing distance from the courts of king and pope, Anno II turned his energies toward advancing monastic reform in his own territories. His greatest foundation was the abbey dedicated to St. Michael the Archangel in the former Ezzonid estate of Siegburg in the county of Berg, which he established in 1064.22 Anno initially filled the abbey with monks from the monastery of St. Maximin in Parma. And on his visit to Rome two years later with Archbishop Siegfried I of Mainz and Bishop Hermann of Bamberg, the three ambassadors received papal admonitions regarding Henry IV’s power over the German church and his episcopal appointments. Amid these papal efforts at spreading reform rigor against royal authority in the German church, Anno appears to have understood the risks of a close alliance with either king or pope at this juncture: Rudolf Schieffer, “Die Romreise deutscher Bischöfe im Frühjahr 1070. Anno von Köln, Siegfried von Mainz und Hermann von Bamberg bei Alexander II.,“ Rheinische Vierteljahrsblatter 35 (1971) 152-174. 19 Cowdrey, Gregory VI, 86; Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 93. 20 Cowdrey, Gregory VI, 111. 21 Ibid., 552. 22 Joseph P. Huffman, “Siegburg Abbey,” in John M. Jeep, ed., Medieval Germany: An Encyclopedia (New York: Garland Publishing, 2001) 719-720.

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in Trier, which was a major center of the Gorze reform movement. And during his trip to Rome in 1070 he was so impressed with the monks from the Cluniac-inspired reformed monastery of Fruttuaria that he recruited twelve of them to replace the Trier monks at Siegburg Abbey, whom he sent home “honorably.” Anno was also impressed by the fact that Fruttuaria had managed to maintain positive relations with both papacy and empire while still avoiding any obligations or burdens to either – an ideal model of monastic reform for dynastic families to copy. 23 Thus a mixed-rule experiment was launched that was not granted Cluniac, Fruttuarian, or direct papal oversight but, rather, remained closely tied to the archbishop’s diocesan authority. A regional Benedictine monastic reform impulse therefore emanated from Anno’s abbey, known as the Siegburg Reform movement, which developed a network throughout the Cologne archdiocese. Its customs were installed in his other two monastic foundations in Saalfeld in Thuringia (founded 1063) and Grafschaft in Sauerland (founded 1072) and was thereafter introduced by his successors in the former Ezzonid abbey at Brauweiler and in the monasteries at Gladbach, Flechtdort (Paderborn), and even in Deutz and Great St. Martin in Cologne. Several cloisters in the suffragan dioceses of Minden, Münster, Osnabrück, and Utrecht also adopted the Siegburg customs, and in 1110 Abbot Kuno of Siegburg established a female convent on an island in the Rhine River just south of Bonn that became known as Nonnenwerth Abbey. This cloister was followed in time by female houses in Cologne and Gladbach.24 The Siegburg Reform movement would eventually be overtaken by the Cistercian reform movement, but it did have its day. And the fact that this network was attached securely to the archbishop and not to Rome or the king assured that the movement took a decidedly neutral position in the upcoming Investiture Controversy, a posture of liberty drawn directly from its founding sponsor.25 23 Cowdrey, Gregory VII, 254. 24 Josef Semmler, Die Klosterreform von Siegburg. Ihre Ausbreitung und ihr Reformprogramm im 11. und 12. Jahrhundert [Rheinisches Archiv 53] (Bonn: Röhrscheid Verlag, 1959); Hans-Joachim Kracht, „Die Gründung der Abtei Grafschaft durch Erzbischof Anno II. von Köln und die Siegburger Reform,“ in Josef Weigel, ed., Grafschaft. Beiträge zur Geschichte von Kloster und Dorf (Graftschaft: Gemeinde Grafschaft, 1972) 53-74; Eric Wisplinghoff, Die Benediktinerabtei Siegburg [Germania Sacra, New Series 9] (Berlin: De Gruyter Verlag, 1975); Manfred Groten, „Die Kirche am Niederrhein im Hochmittelalter. Vom Beginn des 10. Bis gegen die Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts,“ in Heinrich Janssen and Udo Grote, eds., Zwei Jahrtausende Geschichte der Kirche am Niederrhein (Münster: Dialog Verlag, 1998) 63. 25 Anno and his successor archbishops of Cologne also advanced the Siegburg reform movement because it eliminated the control of lay advocates and other laymen over religious houses. These

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When Anno tried to introduce the Siegburg customs into the venerable Ottonian abbey of St. Pantaleon in Cologne, however, he met stiff resistance from a community that had recently resisted the ascetic reform efforts of Gaelic monks under Anno’s predecessor. Characteristically, Anno simply expelled the recalcitrant monks, only to find that this elicited violent urban rioting by the citizens. So although the Siegburg reformation of St. Pantaleon was still sustained albeit with force, no successor ever attempted to draw other Cologne monasteries into the fold.26 Within the precincts of the city at least, Anno proved much more successful as an architect and patron of church building than of monastic reform. He completed and consecrated the church of St. Maria ad gradus and also built his only personally designed church, the triple-naved collegiate basilica of St. George, which he located just outside the High Gate (Hohe Pforte) entrance to the city at the newly developed cloth-dyers’ woad market (Waidmarkt) in the southern suburb of Airsbach (Oversburg). This collegiate community was thus ensconced in the fast-growing settlement of weavers and dyers.27 He also erected a high altar over the grave of Archbishop Heribert that stood until its destruction in 1376.28 Given his record of political autonomy and heavy-handed use of power, most clearly manifested in an opportunistic policy of consolidating his own territorial lordship that was coupled with deeply held religious reform ideals, we should naturally wonder about what kind of relationship Anno II had with his aspirational burghers in the Rhine suburb. We have little to go on beyond the riot at St. Pantaleon, except for a major crisis in the year 1074 as reported extensively by Lampert of Hersfeld, which in fact appears to have been the culmination of years of troubled relations.29 At the conclusion were instead placed directly under the authority of Siegburg abbey, which in turn was under the direct authority and protection of the archbishop of Cologne: Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 157. 26 Benjamin Laqua, „Siegburger Reformklöster und Kölner Stadtgemeinde im 12. Jahrhundert,“ Geschichte in Köln. Zeitschrift für Stadt- und Regionalgeschichte 59 (2012) 79-104. 27 Jürgen Kaiser and Florian Monheim, Die groβen romanischen Kirchen in Köln (Cologne: Greven Verlag, 2013). Construction began in 1059: Hirschmann, Stadtplanung, Bauprojekte und Groβbaustellen, 50, 57-62. 28 Anno also funded the refurbishing of St. Gereon, Great St. Martin, St. Ursula, and St. Maria Lyskirchen, and perhaps also for the building of the parish church of St. Jacob: Hirschmann, Stadtplanung, Bauprojekte und Groβbaustellen, 40, 57-62. 29 The events described here are reported in Lampert of Hersfeld, Annales, ed. Oswald HolgerEgger [Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi 38] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1894; rpt. 1984) 185-193, which can also be found with commentary in Uwe Neddermeyer, “Aufstand gegen den Erzbischof 1074: Lampert von Hersfeld berichtet,” in Rosen and Wirtler, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln. Band I, 109-132.

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of Easter celebrations in April of that year, Archbishop Anno II ordered his ministerials to requisition a ship for the homeward transport of his guest and suffragan Bishop Friedrich I of Münster, whom he had known in ecclesiastical circles since his brief time of study in Paderborn as a visiting canon.30 Anno returned to their farewell dinner together confident of his authority as Stadtherr to commandeer such passage for his noble guest.31 Yet his ministerials went on to confiscate a ship of a “very wealthy merchant” and ordered its considerable cargo, which had just been loaded for sail, to be removed. When the merchant’s servants hesitated they were threatened with violence, which only led them to flee to the vessel’s owner to report the seizure. The merchant’s son, whom Lampert describes as endowed with leadership qualities and well-connected within the merchant community, led a contingent of servants and mercantile youths to defend his father’s ship. The standoff at the docks was only worsened by the arrival of the archbishop’s advocate with his armed men, and a general mêlée ensued that was quickly joined by other merchant families with their own weapons. Though Lampert’s report never mentions it, the possibility exists that the rush of other merchants and their servants to defend the laden ship reflects the response of an emerging guild structure of long-distance merchants. For not only do these merchants defend one another’s lives, property, and trade privileges that were the causae foederis for merchant guilds32 but also this crisis was initiated by the requisition of a fully laden ship preparing to launch from harbor right during the Easter market fair, one of the most important profitable periods of the year for the merchants.33 Therefore, 30 Friedrich, a scion of the Wettin dynasty, had lost out in a bid for election as Archbishop of Magdeburg because of Anno’s intervention on behalf of his own brother Werner in 1063, but was invested as Bishop of Münster the following year. Friedrich began mediating on behalf of Henry IV in 1073, and in 1075 would lead peace negotiations between the king and Anno’s brother, Archbishop Werner of Mageburg. So this Easter 1074 meeting surely involved discussions of the growing unrest against the monarch in Saxony. By 1076 Friedrich was forced to choose sides as the Investiture Controversy reached its height, and he joined the German bishops in Worms calling for the deposition of Pope Gregory VII. For such loyalty to the king he was briefly suspended from episcopal office by the pope. 31 Lampert writes that Anno assigned the duty of obtaining a suitable ship to his ministerials who handled domestica negocia. 32 Such guilds were at this point protective groups of merchants that did not regulate either market or employment: Edith Ennen, “Das Städtewesen Nordwestdeutschlands von der fränkischen bis zur salischen Zeit,” in Carl Haase, ed., Die Stadt des Mittelalters 1: Begriff, Entstehung und Ausbreitung, 3 vols. [Wege der Forschung 243] (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1969) 189-190. 33 Though a merchant guild does appear on a Schreinskarte membership list of St. Martin parish from the 1140s ( fraternitas mercatorum gilde), we know virtually nothing about its

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although the archbishop obviously possessed lordship authority over the mercantile quarter of the city, he was nonetheless breaching the merchants’ market privilege that had been granted them by the Ottonian monarchs perhaps as far back as a century before, and what is more he did so on a special market day. Charters of Otto III survive from the years 994 and 1000 that mention the market privileges previously granted by his Ottonian predecessors to the merchants in Cologne, Mainz, Trier, and Magdeburg, and so these had been longstanding imperial grants of protection by the year 1074, which had even been used as models for subsequent imperial grants to other towns.34 In his distinctive fashion, having received the worrisome news, Archbishop Anno intervened with a message brought by more ministerials. He warned that in his anger at the merchants’ behavior he would “restrain” (coherciturum) the seditious youths with a worthy punishment at the next session of the high court. Lampert, who had known Anno personally for many years, acknowledged at this point that the archbishop had a problem governing his own tongue when angered. And since a high court session (Witzigding) was in the offing directly after Easter Sunday, this was no idle threat. It was, however, a public declaration of the archbishop’s intention organization, and other than its potential role in 1074 this guild remains obscure and was replaced by the merchant-dominated Richerzeche during the twelfth century: Franz-Reiner Erkens, “Sozialstruktur und Verfassungsentwicklung in der Stadt Köln,” 174, 182-183; Hermann Jakobs, “Stadtgemeinde und Bürgertum um 1100,” in Bernhard Diestelkamp, ed., Beiträge zum hochmittelalterlichen Städtewesen [Städteforschung A 11] (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1982) 28; Heinrich von Loesch, Die Kölner Kaufmannsgilde im zwölften Jahrhundert [Westdeutsche Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kunst, Ergänzungsheft 12] (Trier: J. Lintz, 1904); Stehkämper, “Köln in der Salierzeit,” 402-404; Ennen, “Kölner Wirtschaft im Früh- und Hochmittelalter,” 121; Paul Strait, Cologne in the Twelfth Century, 22; Sheilagh Ogilvie, Institutions and European Trade: Merchant Guilds, 1000-1800 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2011) 24. 34 Otto III established a market at Quedlinburg on 23 November 994: Theodor Sickel, ed., Die Urkunden der deutschen Könige und Kaiser [Monumenta Germaniae Historica Diplomata 2, Part 2] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1893; rpt. 1997) 566-567, no. 155, “ omnique in mercatorio iure, quod antecessorum nostrorum, regum scilicet et imperatorum, industria Coloniae, Magontiae et Magdaburch similibusque nostrae dicionis in locis antea videbatur esse concessum,” and at Helmarshausen on 30 April 1000: ibid., 786 no. 357: “Unde imperiali iubemus potentia ut omnes negotiatores ceterique mercatam excolentes qualem illi detinent qui Moguntiae, Coloniae et Trutmanniae negotium exercent, talemque bannum persolvant qui ibidem mercatum inquietare vel infringere praesumant.” These privileges refer to the ius fori and not some form of ius mercatorum: Wolfgang Metz, „Marktrechtfamilie und Kaufmannsfriede in ottonisch-salischer Zeit,“ Blätter für deutsche Landesgeschichte 108 (1972) 33; Hans Planitz, „Kaufmannsgilde und städtische Eidgenossenschaft in niederfränkischen Städten im 11. und 12. Jahrhundert, Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 60 (1940) 103-104.

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to use the high court, on whose jury sat scabini from the merchant elite, as a means of escalating the force used by his own ministerials rather than of vindicating traditional mercantile rights of liberty and property. And as a result, it only fueled distrust of the Stadtherr and thus emboldened the resistance. The merchant’s son began to rally the entire mercantile quarter by recounting the history of the archbishop’s abusive behavior: And running throughout the city he spread various words about the insolence and severity of the archbishop, who so often commands injustices, who so often takes away the possessions of the innocent, who so often attacks the most respectable citizens with the most impudent words.

It appears, then, that this requisition was only one of a series of such highhanded acts against of the personal liberty and property of the merchant community. Lampert makes no mention of the burggraf, whose presence would have been expected when hosting dignitaries at Easter, and so we are left to imagine what role he did or did not play at this point, and why. Lampert’s tone is dismissive of the Cologners’ concerns; he even diminishes them as a mere imitation of the “evil example” of the burghers in Worms who had recently driven their bishop out of the city with the aid of the equally evil king Henry IV.35 And thus his account elides over the remarkably foolish manner in which Anno intervened further to quell this increasingly dangerous situation. While the “most distinguished” of the burghers (primores civitatis), having been driven by a demonic spirit according to Lampert, were in turn seizing weapons and making plans to expel their Stadtherr (even entertaining hopes of torturing him as well), Anno calmly made solemn procession to the church of St. George that he had built just outside the southern city walls. As it was the holy martyr’s feast day he was determined to perform the required memorial mass. Afterward Anno – apparently still not fully anticipating the peril looming before him (nescius ipse mali, quod imminebat) – proceeded to preach ad populum a premonition he had that the city had given over to diabolical power and so would soon perish if the citizens did not hasten to stave off the impending wrath of God through repentance. This sermon proved only to deepen bitterness against him beyond the original merchant mêlée to wider social circles of the city, and at dusk the 35 For a comparison of the rebellions in Worms and Cologne see Knut Schulz, „Denn Sie Lieben die Freiheit So Sehr.“ Kommunale Aufstände und Entstehung des europäischen Bürgertums im Hochmittelalter (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1992) 78-86.

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entire city erupted. The enraged burghers stormed the episcopal palace while Anno quietly dined again with the bishop of Münster. Projectiles were launched, stones thrown, and several bystanders were killed while others fled with their wounds. Anno himself finally grasped the gravity of the moment and fled under guard to the cathedral sanctuary of St. Peter, whose doors were then bolted shut and locked. The rioters ran through every room of the palace complex searching for the archbishop and pillaged them once they found the rooms abandoned. Along the way the episcopal chapel altar was desecrated, and those men discovered hiding there were summarily slaughtered in hopes that one of them was Anno. The cathedral alone was recognized as a holy space and thus left alone, though the crowds flocked together around its walls and such was their anger that they shouted threats of arson should the archbishop not be delivered up to them. After what must have been several terrifying hours, Anno changed his clothing at midnight and fled into the darkness through a narrow passageway leading from the cathedral into the cathedral chapter’s dormitory and then again outside across a courtyard to the house of a cathedral canon. From thence he made his way out of the city through a small back door (parvulum posticum) in the city wall, which he ironically had just allowed the canon to excavate just a few days before the uprising. Riding off on horseback into the night, Anno soon met up with the bishop of Münster (whose escape route was not explained), and the two were given a proper escort by his rural vassals to the nearby town of Neuβ. Only then were the cathedral doors opened, and after a thorough search the rebels realized that the archbishop had escaped and was surely organizing an army from the countryside. In their final act of fury they seized one of the remaining ministerials and hanged him off of a city gate to dishonor the Stadtherr. Lampert concludes this ferocious episode by citing the previous violent burgher reaction to Anno’s removal of the recalcitrant monks at St. Pantaleon in favor of his own reformed brethren, and he expressed relief that the anger of the burghers had so cooled by the morning light that they did not turn on Anno’s monks there during his absence.36 Anxious about the armed return of their Stadtherr, the burgher leadership sent a party of “most diligent young men” (iuvenes impigros) to Henry IV with hopes that he would forestall the anticipated retribution of their archbishop by occupying the city with his own troops now that the archbishop had 36 Lampert also claimed that the burgher crowd threw a woman accused of witchcraft off the city walls, which seems quite out of place and merely serves to emphasize his conclusion that the crowd was driven by madness and diabolical fury.

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been forced out. Facing a mounting Saxon rebellion himself, the king was in need of any allies he could find. Worms had replaced Goslar as his favorite residence after its burghers had driven Bishop Adalbert II (a Saxon) out in 1073 when the bishop had attempted to close the city gates to the king.37 Thus Lampert’s assertion seems justified in his own conclusion that the Cologne burghers were imitating the Worms burghers, as they made the same offer, viz., that the king occupy the city of a less-than-loyal prelate who had been driven out by his burghers. But the Cologne riot was an ad hoc action by a minimally organized and not uniformly aligned burgher community, as becomes clear upon the archbishop’s return. Henry IV proved too preoccupied at the moment with negotiations to restore both peace in Saxony and forestall papal excommunication, and so did not engage the burgher emissaries. But word of the archbishop’s violent expulsion spread quickly throughout the Cologne region, and within three days the anger of the countryside at the burgher’s shameful and illegal treatment of their lord and archbishop was so intense that an army of vassals and sokemen from some 15-20 kilometers around the city came to his aid alongside his household retainers.38 Lampert claims that several thousand armed men were at Anno’s back when he reached the walls of the city on the fourth day after his ignominious escape. The winds of rebellion fell quickly out of the sails of the Cologners at this sight, yet in a cagey move they immediately appealed to their Stadtherr not as a secular lord but as their priest. Emissaries appeared before Anno and begged mercy from him with full acceptance of any penance he chose so long as their lives were spared. In response the archbishop acknowledged that he could not reject the truly penitent, and after again celebrating a high mass at St. George’s church outside the city walls (a ritual means of reaffirming his ecclesiastical authority), Anno summoned all those citizens who had driven their spiritual shepherd out of the city, profaned a church with homicide, attacked the cathedral as enemies of St. Peter, or breached other aspects of canon law by barbarous deeds to come and make satisfaction under sentence of excommunication. Once they had received safe-conduct outside of the city walls, burghers dutifully approached the archbishop dressed only in sackcloth and barefoot, though their way through his minions was not made easy. They were harshly 37 Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 93. 38 The reaction of the rural populace to the Cologners’ actions may indicate that a strained relationship had existed between the two communities before this rebellion: Schulz, Denn Sie Lieben die Freiheit So Sehr, 82.

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harangued by Anno’s soldiers who had, of course, gathered and marched some distance to wreak vengeance on those who had mistreated their lord. For them a sacramental resolution to a violent political uprising fell short of proper justice, and they complained loudly to Anno that he was being too soft on these rebels in hopes of being loved by them. Such treatment would only embolden these heinous criminals to worse deeds should their felonies go unpunished. Perhaps sensing another flashpoint emerging, the archbishop ordered the burghers to return home and on the following day assemble at east cathedral atrium – the precinct of public reconciliation for notorious sinners – to take upon themselves the penance according to canon law for such egregious crimes. And because he worried that, should the gates be opened, his vengeful army might run amok with vigilante justice and pillaging that night, Anno chose to spend the night outside the city wall at St. Gereon’s collegiate church. Indeed he asked his vassals and rural militia (provinciales) to return home in peace, and so reduced his forces that night to only household retainers (milites). Of these he allowed just enough into the city for the night to keep law and order, given the burghers’ recent fickleness. Yet the appearance of even these troops sustained fear about the archbishop’s real intentions, so the majority (Lampert says 600) of the wealthiest merchants (mercatores opulentissimi) and their family members fled the city to the king in order to join the youths seeking Henry’s intervention.39 Even though Anno and his remaining troops reentered the city on the next morning (26 April), three days passed without the burghers appearing en masse at the reconciliation atrium east of the cathedral to begin their penance and thereby obtain release from excommunication. Why they failed to appear is puzzling, yet it at least suggests they still had more faith in their embassy to Henry IV than in Anno’s ability to balance justice and mercy either in their penance or in criminal proceedings through the high court. Indeed, they very likely continued to fear that, in addition to excommunication, there were treason proceedings in the offing at the high court for at least the ringleaders. Or at least they realistically expected that some oppressive forms of recompense for the damage done would be folded into the forthcoming penance. In any case, we can hardly expect that the rebellious burghers remaining in the city considered themselves either in abject submission to the archbishop or that they unilaterally disarmed that night. 39 Lampert’s estimate that they numbered 600 may be quantitatively overstated (the number may have been closer to 200-300) but certainly represents the majority of wealthy merchant family members living in Cologne at the time: Ennen, “Kölner Wirtschaft im Früh- und Hochmittelalter,” 119 and 128-129.

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After three uneasy days in the city, the archbishop’s ministerial retainers finally lost patience at what they read as yet another flagrant dismissal by the townsfolk of their lord’s authority, and so they took justice into their own hands on the fourth day. Surely they must have felt they had failed their lord the night of the uprising and so were anxious to bring swift justice to the criminal element in the city. Understanding the ongoing crisis as a political matter separate from spiritual concerns, and without Anno’s foreknowledge or consultation according to Lampert’s witness, they seized their weapons and began plundering the merchants’ houses. Some burghers were imprisoned in chains, others were struck down on the spot. Even Lampert had to admit that such summary behavior was lawless though their cause was just; he concluded that “serious sickness requires a very sharp antidote.” The worst treatment was reserved for the few leading families who still foolishly remained in the city: the merchant’s son who had defended his father’s ship and several other of his youthful accomplices were shaven, beaten, and blinded – a punishment only reserved for unfree persons. All remaining conspirators (including those who had fled) were heavily fined and had their property confiscated, and those participants in the rioting who were still in the city took an enforced oath that they would defend it for the archbishop against anyone and would consider those conspirators who had fled as excommunicant enemies until they should perform the proper penance to the archbishop. Though Lampert does not convey more detail than this, the legal judgments rendered here suggest that the burgrave and advocate were administering this summary justice, and thus it is hard to imagine that Anno was not complicit despite what Lampert asserted. 40 The city was therefore in a state of devastation and upheaval as the wealthy merchant refugee families reached the king’s court in Bamberg. 41 Anno as Stadtherr appears to have ceased his actions against the burghers at this point, feeling guilty about this final chapter, but at least he extracted oaths 40 Stehkämper, „Köln in der Salierzeit,“ 1: 378. 41 Lampert states that as a result of this harsh reassertion of lordship authority in Cologne, “The city, shortly before this still the most populous and after Mainz the head and leader (caput et princeps) of all Gaulic cities, was suddenly made almost completely into a wasteland; and on the streets that until then could scarcely hold the thickly-packed pedestrians now a single person seldom appears; silence and dismay dominate all the earlier places of interest and pleasure. Undoubted omens had announced this.” Though surely exaggerated for rhetorical effect and to assure the fulf illment of Archbishop Anno’s prophecy, there was clearly a decimation of the merchant elite community for the remainder of Anno’s pontif icate. Fortunately for the merchants, his reign would only last another year.

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of loyalty to him and against the absent rioters. Yet neither the burghers nor the archbishop had achieved a resolution of their conflict, which finally became the task of the king as mediator. The dramatic final chapter to this remarkable story leads us back to the prominent burgher families that had fled to Henry IV. They surely knew of the king’s conflictual relationship with Archbishop Anno and hoped to turn this to their own benefit. 42 Arriving in Bamberg they also found the king in the midst of a surprising return to power, ironically as a result of another popular rebellion gone awry. In February 1074 Henry had capitulated at Gerstungen to the demands of the Saxon rebels and reversed his policy of recuperating royal castles and patrimonies lost during his minority. And as part of this peace he had also agreed not to punish Archbishops Anno of Cologne and Siegfried I of Mainz for their sympathy with the rebellious Saxon aristocracy. Withdrawing his army from a disintegrating Saxony and retiring to Worms in March, the king thus saw an already-limited ability to control his kingdom weakened further. He observed Easter in Bamberg, where he experienced a sudden reversal in his political isolation caused by aristocratic shock at the Saxon peasants’ desecration of the royal graves in the latter weeks of the Lenten season. Archbishop Siegfried I of Mainz and several southern princes attended the Bamberg court, but of course Anno was absent and preoccupied with his own uprising in Cologne. Thus bolstered by revived political capital suddenly accrued through shared aristocratic fear of popular revolt, and yet still unreconciled with Archbishop Anno, Henry received the second Cologne burgher embassy more positively than the first and decided to lead his army to the Rhineland metropolis as a show of force in the Rhine-Maas region. This territory of his kingdom had proven to be the most loyal to him during his difficult reign, with Anno being the exception. 43 According to Lampert of Hersfeld, the Cologne merchants had moved Henry to action with a fabricated rumor concerning Archbishop Anno: 42 Rudolf Schieffer, „Erzbischof Anno von Köln zwischen König und Papst,“ in Mauritius Miller, Rudolf Schieffer and Salome Solf, eds., Siegburger Vorträge zum Annojahr 1983 [Siegburger Studien 16] (Siegburg: Respublica Verlag 1984) 12; Helmuth Kluger, „1074-1288 Auf dem Weg zur Freiheit. Die Entfaltung des kommunalen Lebens in Köln,“ in Werner Schäfke, ed., Der Name der Freiheit 1288-1988. Aspekte Kölner Geschichte von Worringen bis Heute. Handbuch zur Ausstellung des Kölnischen Stadtmuseums in der Josef-Haubrich-Kunsthalle Köln 29.1.1988-1.5.1988 (Cologne: Kölnisches Stadtmuseum, 1988) 14. 43 Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 95-97; Weinfurter, The Salian Century, 140-142. The victorious Saxon aristocracy in turn lost control over their peasant population, which continued to rebel but now against them.

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namely, that the archbishop had conspired with the new English king William (the Conqueror) to invade the German Kingdom with his Norman army and conquer the ancient imperial city of Aachen. Plausibility for such a far-fetched conspiracy could only have come from Anno’s maintenance of his predecessors’ positive relations with the English realm (irrespective of the recent transition from Anglo-Saxon to Norman dynasties), but it also no doubt reflected the long-distance trade connections with England among those merchant elites who were spreading this rumor to the king.44 At best it provided the king with a pretext to move against the archbishop, at worst it fed Henry IV’s fears about the loss of a bastion of royal authority to an invading foreign power. We must remember though that the king’s campaign to Cologne was not intended to support the Cologne uprising, as he only arrived some two months after its end. Rather, he came to assert royal prerogative over his archbishop and only thereby might the Cologne burghers benefit – at least with a lessened punishment and at most with a restoration of their standing and property. In any case, the king delayed a planned Hungarian campaign and took a portion of his army with him to Cologne. Anno anticipated this course of action and sent an advance embassy to meet him at Andernach as he made his way up the Rhine from Mainz after Pentecost. The embassy swore to the king that the rumor was an “absolutely false myth like unto theatrical creations.”45 Those who held a grudge against him had driven him out of his own city were trying to destroy him with lies since they failed to do so with weapons. Indeed, the archbishop declared that he was neither so foolish nor reckless with the common good (a thinly veiled contrasting reference to his burgher enemies) that he would betray his fatherland to foreign barbarians in order to avenge indignities done to him by the burghers. This protestation earned him an audience with the king at Andernach, at the time a royal estate, where the latter questioned him intensively and then extracted an oath of innocence of the crime of treason. With this Henry’s anger was only softened, and he indicated his willingness to forgive the archbishop of all other charges, given their “old friendship” and Anno’s episcopal dignity without asking for satisfaction as he had a right to do. The claim of such a friendship was surely ironic, since as a child Henry had been held in Cologne by this very archbishop. So, still seething in bitterness toward his former captor, Henry IV continued on with the archbishop to Cologne, where he then held a public 44 Huffman, The Social Politics of Medieval Diplomacy, 28-34. 45 »Ille missus in occursum eius nunciis mandavit falsam omnino ac scenicis figmentis similem esse fabulam.»

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court the following day to hear the grievances of those whom Anno had punished because of the wrongs he suffered. The king hoped thereby to find an opportunity to drive the archbishop out once again or at least to put Anno under pressure of such incrimination for high treason, and it must have been a great personal triumph to sit in judgment at the archiepiscopal court where he had once sojourned forcibly as a captive child. Yet the archbishop’s answers to each charge leveled against him left the king with little legal room for maneuver, as they no doubt hinged on the matter of the authority upon which the archbishop exercised his lordship over the city and its denizens. He then changed tactics and forcefully demanded of the archbishop that he forgive the Cologners for the indiscretions committed against him and release them from excommunication. He also demanded in no uncertain terms that the archbishop hand over six of his retainers as hostages to guarantee of his compliance. This mandate, which was typically used to fill the gap of trust between either military or legal enemies, would never have been used between a king and his bishops. And so Anno, equally strident in his response, refused such an unprecedented demand. Not only had this publically humiliated the archbishop but it was also against canon law, which required penance to be completed before the ban of excommunication could be lifted. In what must have been a very dramatic moment, Henry IV returned volley once again and pressured Anno with all manner of hardships, even up to the destruction of all the archbishop’s property with fire and sword. Anno remained undisturbed, however, and averred that he was indeed ready to die if the king would conspire with the Cologners to kill him, but that he would never diverge from justice to unjustice to save his life. Though no Gregorian reformer himself, Archbishop Anno II at this very moment proved to be as fervent a defender of canon law and resistor of abusive royal power than any partisan at Canossa. It remains in the realm of interpretation to discern whether this remarkable fracture in royal-episcopal relations was either the result of personal animus or of a larger conflict between regnum and sacerdotium, though it would seem that Lampert casts his account as of the latter sort. Of course an admixture of both was surely not uncommon, and we are aware that Lampert harbored real hatred for the king, so his account is generally assumed to have favored Anno. 46 Both men remained adamant and their respective armies became alarmed, when the tension was finally broken by the king ritually allowed himself to 46 Dieter Lück, „Die Vita Annonis und die Annalen des Lampert von Hersfeld,“ Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter 37 (1973) 120, 130; Stehkämper, „Köln in der Salierzeit,“ 1: 382.

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have his mind changed by his most trusted advisors. Henry then declared that he preferred to compete with the archbishop in good deeds rather than evil ones, and so if he found Anno to be loyal to him and devoted in imperial matters he would consider him as the first among his friends in the future. Henry’s one-upsmanship in virtue proved to defuse the immediate situation as well as co-opt the space available for appearing generous, forgiving, and loyal to the empire. The king then departed to Aachen to be sure that its defenses were strong just in case the rumors of a Norman invasion proved true. Anno had won out against both the burghers and the king by virtue of his powerful personality and lordly bearing, but also by virtue of Henry’s abandonment of the Cologne burghers whose cause he had merely hoped to use to entrap the now aged archbishop. But though Anno had preserved the archbishop’s sovereign lordship over the city, his stalemate victory had come at high cost in terms of the city’s development. In 1074 there existed no sustained organizational structure across all burgher neighborhoods that could bind them together as an alternative municipal government, and no body of leaders who organized the rioting into any lasting political force. 47 Indeed, not all the elite merchant families participated in driving the archbishop out, since at least twelve of their number were bound by a loyalty oath to the archbishop as scabini on the high court. Evidence that they remained loyal during the rebellion lies in the rebel families’ apparent lack of trust in them to resist the archbishop’s wrath at the next high court, where Anno had threatened to try their hostile sons. So some sort of split existed among the mercantile primores civitatis in 1074.48 Perhaps this fissure fell between the long-settled merchants eligible for scabini status and the new long-distance merchants whose ships were their greatest asset, while of course the significant community of ministerial families remained on the archbishop’s side. Whatever may have been the case, the threshold of lordship power in the city had been breached with force, and that at the initiative of some of the most influential burgher families in the city. Thus Anno’s successors would struggle with an increasingly problematic use of coercive power in order to maintain lordship authority as Stadtherr. The 47 One can conclude therefore that the rebellion of 1074 was a sign not of a rising communal burgher organization but, rather, of the complete opposite: Erkens, “Sozialstruktur und Verfassungsentwicklung in der Stadt Köln,” 181. 48 Heinrich von Loesch, „Die Grundlagen der ältesten Kölner Gemeindeverfassung,“ Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Germanistische Abteilung 53 (1933) 148; Richard Koebner, Die Anfänge des Gemeinwesens der Stadt Köln. Zur Entstehung und ältesten Geschichte des deutschen Städtewesens (Bonn: Heinsteins Verlag, 1922) 233; Stehkämper, „Die Stadt Köln in der Salierzeit,“ 1: 422.

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disturbing breakdown in cooperation between lordship (Herrschaft) and the emerging civic community (Gemeinde) in 1074 suggests that collaboration between these two would engender better results than repeated repression of burgher aspirations. Of course, this would require aristocratic prelates following after Anno to come to terms with the intrinsic legitimacy and even the necessity of bourgeois society and culture. Anno himself seems to have realized that, despite his having reinstated the status quo, the relationship between Stadtherr and the urban community was in fact changed forever by the 1074 uprising. 49 Lampert constructs Anno’s final days as a moral tale designed to secure the archbishop’s sanctity, yet within it one still finds the kernel of self-doubt about his own imperious and violent crackdown on the rebels. In the closing months of his life as illness took hold of him in the following year, Anno had still not reconciled with his townsfolk, and his conscience began to trouble him as he approached death. In a fevered dream he found himself entering a resplendent building in which there sat in judgment of his soul the sainted Archbishop Heribert of Cologne, Archbishop Bardo of Mainz, Archbishops Poppo and Eberhard of Trier, and Bishop Arnold of Worms, and many other bishops of Gaul whom he had come to know personally in his lifetime. These deceased prelates were shining brightly in snow-white robes, as was Anno himself, though his precious garment bore a dirty speck on the breast. He tried in vain to wipe it away with his hand before he beheld the beautifully bejeweled seat on the dais assigned to him. And as he hurried with joy to occupy it, Arnold of Worms gently forbade him to sit, saying that the venerable fathers who sat there did not want him to join their assembly because of the stain on his garb. And when one of them asked him to leave the room and he began to depart with the tears of a broken heart, Arnold encouraged him, Be of good cheer, father. If you wash out the stain which mars your clothing as soon as possible then after only a few days you will be taken up into this assembly of the holy fathers, whom you behold, in the fulfillment of your wishes.” 49 Koebner, Die Anfänge des Gemeinwesens der Stadt Köln, 107-108; Toni Diederich, Revolutionen in Köln 1074-1918. Ausstellung, Historisches Archiv der Stadt Köln, 25. April-13. Juli 1973 (Cologne: Historisches Archiv, 1973) 11-12;Toni Diederich, „Anno und seine Kölner,“ in Gabriel Busch, ed., Sankt Anno und seine viel liebe statt. Beiträge zum 900 jährigen Jubiläum (Siegburg: Reckinger Verlag, 1975) 175-177;Toni Diederich, „Erzbischof Anno als Stadtherr von Köln,“ in Mauritius Miller, Rudolf Schieffer and Salome Solf, eds., Siegburger Vorträge zum Annojahr 1983 (Siegburg: Respublica Verlag, 1984) 87-88; Ferdinand Opll, Stadt und Reich im 12. Jahrhundert (1125-1190) [Beihefte zu J. F. Böhmer, Regesta Imperii 6] (Vienna: Böhlau Verlag, 1986) 94-95.

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The next morning Anno told this dream to a confidant, who averred to him, The stain on your clothes, oh father, is, as I interpret it, nothing else but a reminder of the unjustice to your burghers whom you banished from Cologne the year before, and to whom you should have bestowed long ago the forgiveness of this wrongdoing according to divine mercy. This reminder, with benevolent permission, I must say, sits more f irmly in your breast than is right and reasonable, while it still consumes your soul against the law of God with the bitterest grief, it covers and darkens the remaining glory of your most holy way of life with a conspicuous shadow.

Anno then humbly admitted his guilt and then immediately sent messengers in all directions calling to him the burghers of Cologne whom he had excommunicated and thus driven out of the city as punishment for the injustice inflicted on him. And on the next Easter Sunday (since he had received the vision during Lent) he not only restored them to the church community but also “most kindly” restored their goods that he had confiscated. Lampert ends this story of reconciliation with his expected gloss of reconciliation within the archbishop’s household as the force that both destroyed a diabolical movement as well as sealed the sanctity of that archbishop’s life and pontificate: So that serious storm, which stirred up by a diabolical spirit had convulsed all of Cologne, came to peace; the father recognized the sons again, the sons their father. The archbishop was freed from bitterness, the populace from fear and tribulation, and the city from desolation.

Yet even Anno’s dying words expressed an abiding anxiety about changing times: Holy Mary! Come quickly and help those miserable souls, quickly help Cologne, quickly help the city, which will soon perish! Oh all you bound in friendship with the highest king, oh you happily permitted in his sight: help Cologne with the saving merit of your intercession!

One comes away from this final passage with a sense that Anno’s victory over the rebellious burghers seemed less than certain and settled. And he was right in sensing that his bishop’s city was perishing. What he did not realize was that a new city was emerging to replace the old.

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So Anno reconciled with the Cologne merchants and restored them to church and city in the spring of 1075, almost a year to the day after his narrow escape from these rioters. Everyone’s conscience was wiped clean, the conditions for a vital civic life were restored, and thereby the archbishop ironically fulfilled the demands of King Henry IV (though Lampert does not take note of this). But of course no one in Cologne would forget this chapter in the city’s history, and looking forward the crisis had made manifest the need for administrative institutions of sufficient size and staffing to actually govern the rapidly transforming city, irrespective of whose auspices they were under. And since the Cologne burgher elites had rebelled against the authoritarian use of lordship power by one particular archbishop and not revolted against Herrschaft in principle (after all, they turned to their king as the guarantor of legal status), room for future negotiation was available.50 Only a period of collaboration between archbishops and the burgher elites could establish and staff such needed civic structures, and it is to this final period we now turn.

50 Franz-Reiner Erkens, „Sozialstruktur und Verfassungsentwicklung in der Stadt Köln,“ 184. Robinson, The Salian Century, 81: “The archbishop prevailed and proper order was restored. Once again it must be emphasized, though, that Anno never doubted the legitimacy of his claims and actions, a fact that is underscored by his subsequent demands for canonically prescribed penances. To mete out punishments based on power alone would have been alien to the medieval concept of justice, however. The very principle of determining justice through the assembled court required a high approval rate for every decision. Consequently, we must presume that the Salian era, in a more general way, gave rise to ideas and models that envisioned a social order which was compatible with and supportive of hierarchical structures and seignorial claims.” Jakobs, “Stadtgemeinde und Bürgertum um 1100,” 18-19: “It would be a gross misunderstanding to comprehend ‘community’ [Gemeinde] as ‘automonous community’ and communal self-goveranace simply as detatchment from urban lordship [Stadtherrschaft]” (translation mine).

7

The Rhineland Metropolis Emerges Herrschaft and Gemeinde during the Investiture Controversy (1075-1125)

Herrschaft Archbishop Anno II died on 4 December 1075 while visiting his beloved abbey of Siegburg, and since he requested on his deathbed that his burial site be changed from St. Maria ad gradus to the abbey, his monks ceremoniously interred him in the church crypt after an extensive ritual perambulation of the funeral cortège.1 While the Siegburg brethren advocated effectively to shape Anno’s legacy into one of sainthood,2 the city of Cologne found itself in the midst of a serious crisis reaching across the entire German Empire. The longstanding worries about whether a German bishop could be at once a pious priest and an effective duke on behalf of the monarch had been answered here in the affirmative once more, though the accommodations needed to make an imperial prince-bishop like Anno II pass muster tested the bounds of credulity. Thank heaven for grateful monks who benefitted the most from his support of their vocations and communities. 1 After a night vigil in the atrium of the Cologne cathedral, the solemn procession set out on 4 December with monastic choirs and all manner of relics and candles to stations at the churches of Great St. Martin, St. Maria at the Capitol, St. Cäcilia, and St. George, where the body rested during a second night vigil. On the second day the procession moved on to the churches of St. Severin, St. Pantaleon, Holy Apostles, and St. Gereon, where the body lay for the third night vigil. Thence on the third day the procession advanced through the streets to St. Andreas, St. Ursula, St. Kunibert, and St. Maria ad gradus, where the fourth night vigil ensued. Finally, on the fourth day the procession passed over the cathedral cemetery and into the cathedral for a short ceremony in the west choir before the altar of St. Peter where the shrine of St. Severin was placed, whereupon Anno’s body was taken by boat across the Rhine to the abbey church of St. Heribert in Deutz where the last night vigil was held. On the morning of the fifth day, after the completion of a funeral mass attended by the entire clergy and monastics of Cologne, the procession began the trek from Deutz to the final resting place at the crypt of Siegburg abbey; Peter Fuchs, Chronik zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln. Band 1: Von den Anfängen bis 1400, 3rd ed. (Cologne: Greven Verlag, 1999) at 1075. 2 The hagiography requisite for documenting Anno’s sanctity appeared around 1180 by the Siegburg monks in their Vita Annonis: Mauritius Miller, ed., Vita Annonis Minor = Die Jüngere Annovita [Siegburger Studien 10] (Siegburg: Respublica Verlag, 1975). Anno was canonized by the exiled pope Lucius III in 1183 (while the archbisopric of Trier was in dispute between pope and the emperor Friedrich I) for his personal ascetic sanctity and patronage of monastic reform. His nepotism and hauteur were glossed over in all subsequent commentary.

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Henry IV at first seemed finally ascendant in his kingdom by 1075, as his fortunes with the German nobility had appreciated and he now had the chance to replace a recalcitrant archbishop with one more supportive of his kingship and policies. Indeed, securing the archbishopric of Cologne was critical to maintaining his significant support in the Rhine-Maas region in the uncertain year of 1076. Though Henry had defeated the Saxon rebels by the end of the previous year, relations with the papacy had reached the breaking point at Gregory VII’s brief but shocking Christmas night imprisonment in December of that year, which he blamed on the German king. As a result, the pope demanded that the king come to Rome for the Lenten Synod to defend himself against this crime as well as to accept the papal decree against lay investiture of bishops. This only resulted in Henry IV’s hastily convened synod of bishops at Worms of 24 January 1076, which decreed that the pope was deposed because his own election was not in accordance with canon law. Employing a legal maneuver with ironic satisfaction, the synod pointed out that the Papal Election Decree of 1059, which Gregory VII himself had helped fashion, defined valid papal elections as taking place “with the consent and authority of the king,” which of course never took place in Gregory VII’s 1073 election.3 This was the superheated context for the election of Archbishop Anno II’s successor on 6 March 1076. The king went to the same playbook that his father had used for Anno’s appointment and forced upon the church and burghers of Cologne a trusted court cleric: his own chaplain and canon of the royal foundation at Goslar named Hildolf. Even more than Anno II, however, Hildolf was of very obscure origins and thus eminently suitable as the loyal cipher of the king, and so was understood as such. A delegation of the Cologne clergy arrived at Goslar at some point during Christmastide for negotiations, and it strongly rejected Hildolf’s candidacy, declaring him to be “a man of very small stature, contemptible in appearance, of obscure birth and with nothing in his mental and physical attributes that could make him worthy of so great a priestly off ice.”4 Surely he was disliked 3 Robinson, Henry IV, 128-129. At the Worms synod a newly emboldened Henry IV also rejected a papal offer of negotiations regarding the contentious see of Milan and had the German bishops consecrate his own court chaplain as the new archbishop of Milan. This unleashed the excommunication of both king and bishops as well as the papal claim to absolve the king’s subject from their oaths of loyalty, which resulted in the outbreak of civil war in the German kingdom that so preoccupied Henry IV in Saxony. 4 Vollrath, „Erzbischof Hildolf von Köln (1075-1078): ‘Häβlich anzusehen und von erbärmlicher Gestalt. Eine Fallstudie zum Konzept von kanonischer Wahl und Reformfeindschaft im Investiturstreit,“ in Hanna Vollrath, ed., Köln – Stadt und Bistum in Kirche und Reich des

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as much for his uncanonical appointment as for his appearance, yet this negative assessment makes clear that Hildolf was not from the Rhineland ecclesiastical nobility embodied in the Cologne Priorenkolleg but was, rather, a foreign imposition of the king. Henry angrily dismissed the delegation from court with the threat “that as long as he lived, they should have either him [Hildolf] or no one for their bishop.”5 Hildolf of course realized the difficulty this appointment would make for himself and tried to decline the royal command,6 yet the king still offered him the archbishopric on 6 March 1076 as he prepared to depart from Goslar. Only a half-dozen Cologne’s clergy and ministerial knights came to the investiture ceremony at Goslar and were again verbally abused by the king when they did not heartily agree with his decision. Given this poor showing, Henry IV wanted to assure there would be no rioting against his chosen candidate, and so he went straight to Cologne and had Hildolf consecrated archbishop by his ally Bishop William I of Utrecht, to whose cousin (the provost Poppo of Bamberg) the king had promised the bishopric of Paderborn Mittelalters (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1993) 259-281; Rudolf Schieffer, „Erzbischöfe und Bischofskirche von Köln,“ in Stefan Weinfurter, ed., Die Salier und das Reich, Band 2: Die Reichskirche in der Salierzeit (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke Verlag, 1991) 15-17; Erich Wisplinghoff, „Hildolf,“ Neue Deutsche Biographie, Band 9 (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot Verlag, 1972) 136; Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 152; Lampert of Hersfeld, Annalen, 251. The monastic writer Bernold of St. Blasien, Chronicle in Eleventh-Century Germany, The Swabian Chronicles, ed. and transl. Ian Stuart Robinson (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2008) 254-255 proved equally critical of Hildolf: “Anno, the venerable archbishop, a man of extraordinary sanctity, rested in peace on 4 December. Hildulf, who was his equal neither in birth nor in character, succeeded him.” 5 Lampert of Hersfeld, Annalen, 251. 6 Historiographically speaking, Hildolf also suffered from being contrasted with his predecessor: Berthold of Reichenau, Chronicle (First Version) in Eleventh-Century Germany, 138: “At the same time Archbishop Anno of Cologne, the faithful and wise servant of Jesus Christ, joyful and most generous in distributing the goods entrusted to him among the poor in Christ [i.e., among monks] and the diligent and lavish builder and provider of f ive new churches, after gathering all the temporal property that he seemed to possess and laying it up for himself in the heavenly treasury, he followed it there through the happy completion of his life. He entered – most blessedly, I trust – into the joy of his Lord, to be made ruler over many things and to be repaid with never failing rewards. He was buried in the monastery of Siegburg and became renowned as a most saintly man through the many miracles that truly happened there. He was replaced by a certain Hildulf, a canon of Goslar and a royal servant, who was with difficulty appointed by royal authority, against the protests of the clergy and the people and ordained in a simonaical manner, only to be deposed for this reason and for disobedience in the next following Roman synod.” There is no other reference to this deposition statement. The simony charge came from his consecration at the hands of Bishop William I of Utrecht, who was rewarded for this by the king’s grant of the bishopric of Paderborn to William’s nephew Poppo.

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in order to smooth the way forward. Charges of simony against William that delegitimized Hildolf’s consecration would result from this arrangement. Pope Gregory VII pushed back immediately by excommunicating the king and all his allied bishops at the Lenten synod in February 1076 and then excommunicating Archbishop Hildolf by extension at some point in the summer of that year. In a last-ditch effort to mediate between king and pope, many leading German princes met at Tribur in October and gave their king a year and a day from Gregory VII’s sentence (i.e., until 22 February 1077) to reconcile with the pope and have his excommunication lifted or else they would depose him and elect a new king in Augsburg. Under such intensive pressure, therefore, did Hildolf begin his pontificate: he found himself quickly excommunicated by the pope and then dismissed from court along with the king’s other close advisors by October of that year. In Cologne he was also met with an outraged populace of both clergy and burghers who gradually though begrudgingly recognized him over time due solely to their continued loyalty to the Salian king. The destabilizing potential of the Investiture Controversy had been unleashed, and matters would only worsen in the coming years.7 By January of 1077, Henry IV was begging the pope for absolution in the snow of Canossa in order to stave off his deposition and all-out civil war in Germany. This powerfully symbolic yet ultimately limited tactical move did not prevent the election of Rudolf of Rheinfelden (the duke of Swabia) as anti-king by Henry’s princely enemies in Forchheim in March of that year. In fulfillment of the Tribur assembly’s decree, Rudolf was crowned king by Archbishop Siegfried I of Mainz, and though his contingent was then driven out from the city to Saxony by the populace of Mainz, an extensive civil war now began anew – now with a viable royal alternative to Henry IV. Berthold of Reichenau records the last mention of the short, sad pontificate of Archbishop Hildolf as the Eastertide host of the king in April 1078 after a bleak and exhausting circuit of military and diplomatic movements: King Henry finally waited in Regensburg for some of his envoys, who had hastened to him more rapidly than the rest, and after he met them there, almost immediately he moved on from there in haste and in a rather sorrowful state of mind to Mainz, in order to spend Palm Sunday [1 April] there. From there he proceeded to Cologne, after gathering around him

7 Uta-Renate Blumenthal, The Investiture Controversy: Church and Monarchy from the Ninth to the Twelfth Century (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1988).

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such forces of knights as he could. There he celebrated Easter [8 April] with very little splendour.”8

An inconclusive battle in Mellrichstadt (7 August 1078) soon followed, at which Anno II’s brother, Archbishop Werner of Magdeburg, was killed among the Saxon partisans of the anti-king Rudolf.9 Hildolf himself had died a fortnight earlier in Cologne (21 July 1078) and had been quickly entombed in the cathedral crypt. His memory among the archbishops of Cologne was neither long nor fond.10 Desperate for another loyal archbishop and having learned the value of candidates from the Rhine-Maas aristocratic milieu who knew the history and leaders of the region, Henry IV turned to the scholarly Cologne cathedral dean named Sigewin.11 The king appears to have also consulted the Cologne cathedral clergy, and though Gregory VII judged their agreed-upon candidate as uncanonically consecrated, he refrained from further action out of the abiding hope that reconciliation with the king might still be possible and out of clear recognition of the quality of the candidate.12 Sigewin, apparently 8 Berthold of Reichenau, Chronicle (First Version) in Eleventh-Century Germany, 206. While in Cologne, the king received news from Rome that Gregory VII, though formally reconciled with him since Canossa, still chose not to excommunicate Rudolf of Rheinfelden: Cowdrey, Gregory VII, 182. What Berthold neglects to mention though is that an unnamed papal legate joined the German embassy’s return from Rome to Cologne, whose presence belied papal demands that no one interact with those under the sentence of excommunication. Unfortunately, however, the legate’s quiet diplomacy came to naught at the ensuing negotiations in Fritzlar: Robinson, Henry IV, 179-180. 9 Robinson, Henry IV, 182. 10 Berthold of Reichenau, Chroncile in Eleventh-Century Germany, 216 expressed a general attitude toward the archbishop: “Hildulf, that simoniac who was imposed on Cologne, who had been condemned on earth by the judgement of apostolic authority, as an heretical thief and a robber, departed from the world that autumn [sic], being also forever bound in heaven [i.e., under sentence of excommunication].” 11 The Xanten necrology lists Sigewin as frater noster, which suggests his Rhineland origin. For Sigewin’s ecclesiastical career see Tobias Wulf, “Erzbischof Sigewin von Köln. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Erzbistums von Köln im 11. Jahrhundert,“ Geschichte in Koln. Zeitschrift für Stadtund Regionalgeschichte 50 (2003) 9-35; Manfred Groten, „Brand-katastrophen und Solidarität, Marksanierung und Gottesfrieden: Kölns Take-Off unter Erzbischof Sigewin (1079-1089),“ in Heinz Finger, ed., Ortskirche und Weltkirche in der Geschichte: Kölnische Kirchengeschichte zwischen Mittelalter und Zweiten Vatikanum. Festgabe für Norbert Trippen zum 75. Geburtstag [Bonner Beiträge zur Kirchengeschichte 28] (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 2011) 69-87. 12 Berthlold of Reichenau, Chronicle in Eleventh-Century Germany, 219-220 recalled Sigewin’s episcopal election thus: “Subsequently [in the days after Christmas 1078] the king appointed a bishop in the church of Cologne, contrary to the papal decree [the investiture decree of November 1078], a certain Sigewin, a deacon in that place, who did not enter by the door [John

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a member of the comital family of Ahr/Are from the nearby Ahrgau/Argau and educated during the pontificate of Anno II,13 was a very competent archbishop who would guide his archdiocese through the many challenges of the next decade.14 Yet to the consternation of the pope, Archbishop Sigewin would work indefatigably for the Salian cause as a loyal servant of his king during this most difficult period of conflict and warfare. Within a year of Sigewin’s consecration, Henry IV’s forces were severely weakened in the Battle of Flarchheim (27 January 1080), which persuaded Pope Gregory VII to openly support the rebels by reversing his previous absolution of the king with a second sentence of excommunication. And a simultaneous sign of divine judgment seemed to arrive in Cologne when the beautiful new church of Maria ad gradus was severely damaged by a raging fire that almost spread to the entire cathedral church as well. Sigewin himself asserted that only the bringing of St. Kunibert’s relics saved the cathedral from fiery destruction. Known for his depth of piety as well as of learning, Sigewin courted the continued intervention of the city’s numerous patron saints to assuage what he perceived as divine displeasure. He offered a wide array of modest donations to their various foundation churches from 18 February to 4 March of 1080.15 Exercising his own agency, the new archbishop would soon begin to rebuild and even expand the damaged church of St. Maria ad gradus,16 which may serve as a fitting metaphor for his tenure as archbishop. The process of rebuilding a German Kingdom brutally damaged by the Investiture Controversy’s raging civil war began with the arrival in Cologne of Archbishop Liemar of Bremen and Bishop Benno II of Osnabrück, who were en route to spend Easter with the king in Liège and to bring him news of the pope’s ignominious rejection of their embassy at the Lenten synod, at which Gregory VII had instead announced Henry IV’s second sentence of excommunication (7 March 1080).17 Unlike the pope’s response, however, 10: 1], according to canon law. Since he dared to receive that investiture from the hand of the king, contrary to the law, the wretched man was immediately subject to excommunication.” 13 Sigewin’s relationship to Count Dietrich I of Ahr/Are (d. 1126-1132), whose Burg Are was located in today’s Ahrweiler district south of Cologne, remains unclear. Perhaps he was an uncle to Dietrich I, the founder of the comital house of Ahr/Are. 14 Robinson, Henry IV, 187; Cowdrey, Gregory VII, 192. 15 Erich Wisplinghoff, ed., Rheinisches Urkundenbuch. Ältere Urkunden bis 1100, 2 vols. [Publikationen der Gesellschaft für Rheinische Geschichtskunde 57] (Düsseldorf: Hanstein Verlag, 1994) 2: 242-244 no. 267. 16 Sigewin rededicated the repaired and extended church in 1085: Hirschmann, Stadtplanung, Bauprojekte und Groβbaustellen, 62-63. 17 Groten, “Brandkatastrophen,” 70-71. While in Cologne the two ecclesiastics not only shared the news with Sigewin but also served as charter witnesses for the archbishop’s gifts to St. Gereon.

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Sigewin’s subsequent service on behalf of his hard-pressed king proved to be everything Henry could have hoped for. The archbishop was present with his own military contingent at the peculiar Salian victory along the marshy stream called the Grune just west of the Weisse Elster River on 14 October, where the anti-king Rudolf of Rheinfelden was killed while his own army pillaged the enemy camp after having routed Henry’s forces.18 Though Sigewin lost his own baggage in the pillaging foray, he quickly expressed his gratitude for this sudden reversal of Henry IV’s failing kingship by offering further gifts to the church of the Holy Virgins (St. Ursula) on 9 November.19 Now divine blessing appeared to have shifted away from the overreaching Pope Gregory VII, the Salian party having even elected its own anti-pope in Clement III (Archbishop Guibert of Ravenna) at a synod of Brixen (25 June 1080). Thereafter Sigewin actively sought to heal the wounds of the brutal civil war at the truce negotiations between the German bishops at Kaufungen (near Kassel) in February 1081 as well as at the colloquium at Gerstungen/Berka in Thuringia (20 January 1085) in the wake of the king’s stunning victory in Rome (March 1084). Henry’s triumphal synod in Mainz as the newly crowned emperor (April 1085) produced the final sentence of excommunication and deposition on the exiled Gregory VII as well as on the new Saxon anti-king Hermann of Salm. Here too Sigewin joined Clement III and the Henrician clergy in sealing the fate of their enemies.20 The archbishop of Cologne would complete his signal service to the king by consecrating a group of new Saxon bishops at Magdeburg on 13 July 1085 (i.e., their recalcitrant predecessors who refused to attend the Mainz general synod having been deposed along with Gregory VII) and then two years later by crowning Henry’s thirteen-year-old son Conrad as king in Aachen on 30 May 1087 before an impressive audience of bishops and imperial princes.21 Henry IV’s kingship had therefore been restored for the time being, and the presence of senior clerics like the pious archbishop Sigewin in his circle only seemed to vindicate his cause while the Saxon rebellion gradually fragmented amid its own factionalism.22 Sigewin’s work as a peacemaker also 18 Robinson, Henry IV, 203-205. 19 Groten, „Brandkatastrophen,“ 73. 20 Pope Gregory VII died on 25 May 1085 while exiled under Norman custody in the castle of Salerno, three days after he released everyone from his prior sentences of excommunication except Henry IV and Clement III: Cowdrey, Gregory VII, 208-209, 235, 240-241; Robinson, Henry IV, 206-207, 242-251. 21 Robinson, Henry IV, 255-256, 262. 22 Anno II’s nephew Bishop Burchard II of Halberstadt survived Henry IV’s efforts to depose him as a Saxon rebel in 1085, only to be killed by a spear to the chest on 6 April 1088 when arriving

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served as a model for Henry’s revived kingship. The Peace and Truce of God movements, which had begun in the French Kingdom as a response to the violence unleashed amid so much feuding between castellan barons,23 found its way into the German Kingdom first by way of the Cologne archdiocese. In an attempt to restore public order in his Lotharingian diocese, Bishop Henry I of Liège decreed a truce just before Easter (27 March) of 1082 that forbade bearing arms or fighting on specific weekdays and feast days as well as liturgical seasons of the year (Advent, Christmastide, Lent, Eastertide, and Pentecost). Nobles who took the oath in support of the peace were obliged to enforce it against any peace breakers, who would thereby forfeit their inheritance, be placed under sentence of excommunication, and banned from the diocese. The timing of this episcopal decree is important, as it took place during Henry IV’s long absence on his first Italian campaign (1081-1084). Not only had castellan barons of the Rhine-Maas region begun to assert their equality with the comital aristocracy in the midst of the German civil war24 but also a new anti-king had been elected in August of 1081.25 Working in the same vein to sustain Henry IV’s authority and keeping the peace throughout the Rhine-Maas region in his absence, Archbishop Sigewin of Cologne issued his own Peace and Truce of God declaration in the cathedral church during a synod on 20 April 1083, which thus effectively in Goslar to seek aid against Margrave Egbert II of Meissen, whose efforts at claiming the role of anti-king of the Saxon faction had led to a falling out between the two. 23 Hans-Werner Goetz, “Protection of the Church, Defense of the Law, and Reform: On the Purposes and Character of the Peace of God, 989-1038,” in Thomas F. Head and Richard Allen Landes, eds., The Peace of God. Social Violence and Religious Response in France around the Year 1000 (Cornell: Cornell University Press, 1992) 259-279. 24 Manfred Groten, „Die Stunde der Burgherren. Zum Wandel adliger Lebensformen in den nördlichen Rheinlanden in der späten Salierzeit,“ Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter 66 (2002) 74-110. The old Ripuarian counties of Carolingian vintage (Kölngau/Gillgau, Jülichgau, Zülpichgau, Ahrgau, Eifelgau) along with others throughout Lower Lotharingia (Maasgau, Bonngau, Mühlgau, Keldachgau, Deutzgau, Ruhrgau, Hattauriengau, Testerbant, Düffelgau, Hamalant, Toxandrien, Hesbaye) were being transformed into territorial lordships whose names derived from the home castle of the new dynastic nobility claiming comital status. These new lordships would result in the baronies, counties, and duchies of the Rhine-Maas region (Limburg, Guelders, Cleves, Jülich, Hochstaden, Heinsberg, Heimbach, Are/Neuenahr, Saffenberg, Berg, Mark, Sayn, Wied) and of the Eifel-Mosel-Hunsrück region (Luxembourg, Vianden, Virneburg, Sponheim, Saarbrücken, Veldenz). With the exception of the later twelfth century, all future medieval archbishops of Cologne would be drawn from the ranks of these comital families, while at the same time the barons, counts, and dukes of the Rhine-Maas region in turn became vassals of the archbishop of Cologne in similar fashion to the burgrave house of Arenberg. 25 Though Hermann of Salm came from Luxembourg, his brother Count Conrad I of Luxembourg remained loyal to Henry IV in spite of Hermann’s anti-kingship. Thus Hermann’s limited power base remained in Saxony and not in lower Lotharingia.

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extended Bishop Henry’s decree throughout his entire metropolitan province.26 As Sigewin’s family belonged to one of the rising castellan dynasties of the region (several of whose members appear as witnesses in his own charters), he easily made his peace with their emergence yet still sought to stem their feuding violence and maintain their loyalty to the king. Through the Pax Sigewini the archbishop not only sustained a peace zone within the empire but also directly benefitted the denizens of Cologne and its hinterlands at the local and regional levels. Such a peace zone enabled the protection of Rhineland shipping traffic as well as the major roads leading eastward and westward upon which the city’s profitable trade depended. The Cologne fairs, for example, would have been unimaginable without a regional peace that reassured potential merchant visitors. But the farms of the local hinterlands were also protected, from which the city obtained the food, raw materials, wine, and ceramics so essential for its very existence as well as for trade. In fact, it appears that during his pontificate Sigewin established a solidarity with the burghers of his archiepiscopal see that also brought healing and restored peace between the burghers and their Stadtherr after the violent rupture with Anno II and the disreputable era of Hildolf.27 That Henry IV spent his first Christmas back in Germany (1084) with Archbishop Sigewin at Cologne, and then extended the archbishop’s peace (Gottesfriede) throughout the entire kingdom (Landfriede) at the Synod of Mainz four months later,28 speaks volumes about the influence 26 Constitutiones et acta publica imperatorum et regum, Band 2: 911-1197, ed. Ludwig Weiland [Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Legum Sectio 4] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1893; rpt. 2003) 602-605 no. 424; Manfred Groten, «Pax Sigewini,» in Lexicon des Mittelalters, Band 6 (1993) col. 1838; Hans-Werner Goetz, «Der Kölner Gottesfriede von 1083. Beobachtungen über die Anfänge, Tradition und Eigenart der deutschen Gottesfriedensbewegung,“ Jahrbuch des Kölnischen Geschichtsvereins 55 (1984) 39-76; Hans-Werner Goetz,“Gottesfriede und Gemeindebildung,“ Zeitschrift für Rechtsgeschichte, Germanistische Abteilung 105 (1988) 122-144; Paul Christian Schwellenbach, Untersuchungen zur Kölner Gottesfrieden von 1083. Ursprung, Inhalt und Wirkingsgeschichte (Saarbrücken: VDM Verlag, 2009). Though Goetz does connect the Pax Sigewini with the Investiture Controversy, which Schwellenbach rejects, both he and Schwellenbach consider the peace movement as merely a collaboration of bishops, castellan barons, and regional nobles to strenghthen their own territorial power without any trans-regional meaning whatsoever. This is too narrow a reading, since stabilizing the western border of the empire and keeping it loyal to Henry IV clearly had transregional significance in addition to the regional consolidation of territorial lordships in the context of the decline of Lotharingian ducal authority. 27 Groten, “Brandkatastrophen,” 81-86. 28 The text of Henry IV’s Landfriede decree at the Mainz synod closely follows that of Sigewin’s peace decree of 1083 and in fact may have been more of an episcopal than a royal initiative. Frutolf of Michelsberg, Chronica, ed. Franz-Josef Schmale and Irene Schmale-Ott [Ausgewählte Quellen

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and authority of Sigewin. Simultaneously he had shaped the restoration of peace and solidarity in both the German Kingdom as well as his own episcopal city after years of discord and violence. Though Henry IV’s troubles were hardly at an end, it looks as though the remaining four years of Archbishop Sigewin’s rule were indeed peaceful. He continued to shower various religious foundations with gifts, from the rededicated foundation church St. Maria ad gradus in Cologne to Deutz, Münstereifel, Werden, Mönchengladbach, Grafschaft and Soest beyond the city’s walls. He died on 31 May 1089 and was laid to rest in the cathedral crypt. Within a short time Sigewin was remembered with the sobriquet “the Pious” as an homage to his generosity to religious houses and his peacemaking efforts. Few enemies of Gregory VII escaped the Investiture Controversy with such a positive reputation. The influence of Archbishop Anno II continued to be felt in the choice of Sigewin’s successor, Hermann III “the Rich” of Hochstaden, who had served as the vicedominus of the Cologne archdiocese under Anno and received rewards from his hand such as the provostship of St. Victor in Xanten in 1076.29 A brother of Count Gerhard I of Hochstaden, both of whom were paternal descendants of the Ezzonid counts of the Rhineland30 and maternal descendants of the counts of Sponheim and the Speyergau,31 it was no doubt zur deutschen Geschichte des Mittelalters 15] (Darmstadt, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1972) 98: “by general advice and agreement, the peace of God was established” at Mainz. Benjamin Arnold, German Knighthood 1050-1300 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985) 16; Robinson, Henry IV, 249-250. The general peace was surely appreciated by the merchants of Cologne: Ennen, “Kölner Wirtschaft im Früh- und Hochmittelalter,” 119. 29 The vicedominus was the senior administrator of the archdiocese’s extensive land holdings. For Hermann III’s life and career see Erich Wisplinghoff, „Hermann III. von Hochstaden,“ Neue Deutsche Biographie, Band 8 (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot Verlag, 1969) 635; and Patricia Tesch-Mertens, „Hermann III. – ein aktiver Politiker durch Passivität?“ Jahrbuch für Rhein-Kreis Neuss (2012) 24-37. 30 His grandfather looks to have been Count Hermann II of the Ruhrgau, whose Ezzonid dynasty had ruled the Bonngau, Zülpichgau, Ruhrgau, Keldachgau, Hattuariergau, Mühlgau, and Bliesgau while often possessing the title of count palatine of Lotharingia. Thus he was a first cousin (two generations removed) of Archbishop Hermann II of Cologne and a fourth great grandnephew of Archbishop Hermann I of Cologne. 31 The Liber de unitate ecclesiae conservanda, ed. Wilhelm Schwekenbecher (generally associated with Bishop Walram of Naumburg), in Libelli de lite imperatorum et pontificum saeculis XI. et XII Conscripti, ed. Ernst Dümmler et al., 3 vols. [Monumenta Germaniae Historica] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1892; rpt. Aalen, 1966) 2: 248 records that Archbishop Hermann chose to forget the sentence of excommunication his predecessor Sigewin had placed on the Sponheimer Archbishop Hartwig of Magdeburg (a Gregorian supporter of the anti-king Rudolf of Rheinfelden) at the Mainz synod of 1085 “pro affectu consanguinitatis, qua proxime attingebat eum.” Furthermore, Archbishop Hermann III’s 1090 charter, in which he confirmed the settlement

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through the good offices of Archbishop Sigewin that the well-connected Hermann was installed in 1085 as the chancellor of Germany by Henry IV and thereafter enjoyed a close and trusting relationship with the king. Hence he was also the king’s natural choice as the next archbishop of Cologne upon Sigewin’s death four years later. Following Sigewin, Hermann III thereby continued the rise of archiepiscopal candidates from the newly minted castellan families within the Rhine-Maas corridor. Hermann III’s pontif icate saw the Investiture Controversy’s dreary continuance, dominated by Henry IV’s disastrous third Italian campaign in 1090 that left him trapped in northeastern Italy until 1097. Meanwhile his new nemesis, Pope Urban II, held reforming councils in France and asserted his leadership in Christendom through preaching the First Crusade at Clermont.32 Though a loyal adherent of the king, Hermann III does not appear to have been directly involved in imperial affairs. Rather, he ceased serving as the archchancellor of Italy in 1095 in the midst of quagmire of Henry IV’s campaign, and the surviving evidence suggests that thereafter he kept close to his archdiocese to focus on consolidating his secular holdings into a territorial principality in the fashion of his various regional comital kin. He also maintained archiepiscopal support for the Cluniac-inspired Siegburg monastic reform movement begun by Archbishop Anno II by assuring its continued implementation in Brauweiler, Mönchengladbach, and St. Pantaleon abbeys. He was unable to control the vigilante violence unleashed in Europe by Pope Urban II’s call to a holy crusade against the infidel in 1095, however. In response, popular preachers like Peter the Hermit, Volkmar, and Gottschalk fomented emotional crusading fervor so effectively by their sermons that a vast popular armed movement of men, women, and children at all levels of society arose. Throngs of people agitated by millennial expectations made their way en masse down the Rhine valley toward the Danube on their of a longstanding dispute between the canons of St. Maria ad gradus and the monks of Brauweiler regarding the bequests of the Ezzonid Richenza, includes the following names in the witness list: “Iohannes spirensis episcopus […] Stephanus comes, Gerhardus de hostade“: Theodor Josef Lacomblet, ed., Urkundenbuch für die Geschichte des Niederrheins [Düsseldorf: Schaub’schen Buchhandlung, 1840] 1: 157 no. 244. That Bishop John I of Speyer, Count Stephan I of Sponheim (brother of Archbishop Hartwig of Magdeburg), and Count Gerhard I of Hochstaden were all present together at Archbishop Hermann III’s Cologne court was no coincidence. These two documents taken together therefore suggest a closely related Hochstaden-Ezzonid-SponheimSpeyergau kinship network having its nexus in the middle Rhine counties. Bishop John I of Speyer was quite probably a first cousin of Archbishop Hartwig of Magdeburg and his brother Count Stephan I of Sponheim, as well as a fourth cousin of Archbishop Hermann III of Cologne. 32 Robinson, Henry IV, 275-295.

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pilgrimage to the Holy Land in the late spring of 1096 in order to defeat the Antichrist. The army of the Franconian count Emicho in particular marched through the episcopal cities of the Rhineland seeking to cleanse Christendom of infidels in preparation for their war on Muslims.33 Bloody anti-Jewish pogroms thus ensued in Speyer, Worms, and Mainz in which the Jews were offered either immediate baptism or death. Emicho then turned his army northward toward Cologne, which was widely known as the trading hub for Jewish various communities between the middle Rhine and England. By the end of the eleventh century, Cologne’s enclosed Jewish quarter housed around 600 people within the bounds of the modern streets Kleine Budengasse, Unter Goldschmied, Obenmarspforten, and Judengasse in the southeast corner of St. Lawrence parish. The community was thriving with its own synagogue, mikwe (ritual ablution bath built in 1170), wedding and concert hall, bakery, and hospital34 and had enjoyed such a positive relationship with Archbishop Anno II that it had publicly mourned his passing in the synagogue.35 The community had hitherto existed alongside the majority Christian community of several thousand since at least early Ottonian times without any recorded disturbances. Emicho’s army did reach Cologne, however, and rapidly commenced a three-day pogrom in which the synagogue was burned down, though many Jews were saved by citizens who admitted them into their own homes for safety. Only with great difficulty did Archbishop Hermann III succeed in stopping the violence, and, having first housed the surviving Jews in his palace, he chose then to disperse and shelter them in seven neighboring villages and towns of his diocese (Xanten, Neuβ, Wevelinghoven, and Meer to the north and northwest, Kerpen and Aldenhoven to the west, 33 Rudolf Hiestand, “Kingship and Crusade in Twelfth-Century Germany,” in Alfred Haverkamp and Hanna Vollrath, eds., England and Germany in the High Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996) 249: “At first the crusaders seem to have been looking mainly for booty and money; when there was no more money to be extorted, their aim clearly became to annihilate the Jews. Right from the start, the misguided religious idea that before an expedition to distant countries, the Christian world itself should first be ‘cleansed,’ played a part. The emperor was completely unprepared for what happened.” 34 Otto Doppelfeld, “Die Ausgraben im Kölner Judenviertel,” in Zvi Aria, ed., Die Juden in Köln von den ältesten bis zur Gegenwart (Cologne: Bachem Verlag, 1959) 71-145; Sven Schütte and Marianne Gechter, Köln: Archäolgische Zone/Jüdisches Museum. Von der Ausgrabung zum Museum – Kölner Archäologie zwischen Rathaus und Praetorium. Ergebnisse und Materialien 2006-2012 (Cologne: Archäologische Zone, 2012). 35 Julius Aronius et al., eds., Regesten der Geschichte der Juden im fränkischen und deutschen Reiche bis zum Jahre 1273 (Berlin: Simion Verlag, 1902; rpt. Hildesheim and New York, 1970) 62-63, 68-69, nos. 146, 164, 165.

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and Altenahr to the south). Yet somehow the rampaging crusaders learned of these locations, which they assaulted with more pillaging and slaughter before departing the region for parts eastward. Some 200 Jews were either murdered or committed suicide as martyrs in this unspeakably horrible ordeal. Only those in Kerpen survived.36 Hermann III’s episcopal cousin John I of Speyer had more success because he marched his army out to protect his Jewish subjects and placed them safely within his own palace precincts until the rioters had finished their rampage and moved on.37 Yet whatever comparative outcomes resulted in the Rhineland cities, the crusading movement itself marked a sad turning point in the fortunes of European Jews, who henceforth would be thought of as the infidel foreigner and thus unclean presence within Christendom. Henceforth Jews in Cologne as elsewhere were intentionally and increasingly isolated from the wider Christian society. As a concern for religious purity grew with each failing crusade, the Jewish population paid the price through increased quarantine and persecution as a minority mirror to European Christian society’s self-identity. This chapter in the history of the Rhineland Jews of course had a significant impact on the history of Cologne. In addition to the ominous narrowing of Jewish life in the city there are also two additional dimensions to point out. Firstly, as in other episcopal cities during this era of weak and absentee kingship, the archbishop of Cologne took on the royal role of protecting the Jews.38 And though Hermann III failed in this effort in 1096, subsequent 36 Friedrich Lotter, „Tod oder Taufe. Das Problem der Zwangstaufen während des Ersten Kreuzzugs,“ in Alfred Haverkamp, ed., Juden und Christen zur Zeit der Kreuzzüge [Vorträge und Forschungen 47] (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke Verlag, 1999) 107-152; Schmandt, Judei, cives et incole; Ulrike Mast-Kirschning, Zwischen Dom und Davidstern. Jüdisches Leben in Köln (Cologne: Kuepenhauer & Witsch Verlag, 2001); Robert Chazan, European Jewry and the First Crusade (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987); Schlomo Edelberg, The Jews and the Crusaders: The Hebrew Chronicles of the First and Second Crusades (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1977); Barbara Becker-Jákli, Das Jüdische Köln. Geschichte und Gegenwart (Cologne: Emons Verlag, 2012); Günter Ristow, „Zur Frühgeschichte der rheinischen Juden. Von der Spätantike bis zu den Kreuzzügen,“ 2: 33-59; Aronius, Regesten der Geschichte der Juden im fränkischen und deutschen Reiche bis zum Jahre 1273, 78-84, 89, 91, nos. 176, 182, 188, 193. 37 Johannes Emil Gugumus, „Die Speyerer Bischöfe im Investiturstreit,“ Archiv für mittelrheinische Kirchengeschichte 4 (1952) 45-78. 38 In 1090 Emperor Henry IV had issued a privilege to the Jews of Worms guaranteeing them protection of life and property, freedom of economic and religious activity, the right to hire Christian domestic servants, the autonomy of the Jewish community of Worms in its own internal Jewish legal matters, and a binding court protocol for resolving disputes between Jews and Christians. He had done this in order to protect tax income in the royal treasury from the damage pogroms would cause. This imperial statute established the Jews as legal members of

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archbishops would see it as in their responsibility to provide protection for the Jewish community, which would prove invaluable in Cologne during the Second Crusade. Secondly, there were profound civic and economic as well as religious dimensions to the pogrom and its aftereffects. Though there is no direct evidence of Cologner citizens assisting the migrating crusader mob, surely the violence did not happen on such a scale without at least some Cologne residents engaging in some fashion. But in any case, one of the seemingly inevitable byproducts of an emerging sense of civic identity is the defining of the boundaries of citizenship: there are insiders and outsiders to every civic body. And from the very beginnings of Cologne’s emerging civic community in the late-eleventh-century, the Jews were labeled as civic as well as religious outsiders. This in turn had profound economic and social consequences, because Jews, being non-citizens as well as non-Christians, would be excluded from an increasing array of the economic functions in trade and manufacture that they had hitherto performed. Unable to join guilds and confraternities, they could not form close business and civic relationships in the city and so had to learn to function on the margins of the urban society and economy. It is worth noting then that the emergence of both communal life and civic identity in medieval European cities during this period were coterminous with the transformation of the Jewish inhabitants from assimilated business associates to isolated infidels and non-citizens. Cologner Jews would therefore always have more martyrs than mayors in the city.39 Archbishop Hermann III’s last official act was the coronation of thirteenyear-old Henry V as the German king in Aachen on 6 January 1099. Henry IV’s elder son Conrad, who had already been crowned twice as king of Germany a caste known as the servi camerae regis or “servants of the royal chamber” (Kammerknechte), and Emperor Frederick II (1194-1250) would extend the Worms privilege throughout the entirety of the German Empire in 1236. See Urkunden Kaiser Heinrichs IV., ed. Dietrich Gladiss, 2 vols. [Monumenta Germaniae Historica Diplomata Regum und Imperatorum Germaniae 6] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1952; rpt. 2001) 2: 547-549 no. 412; Dietmar Willowet, „Vom Königsschutz zur Kammerknechtschaft,“ in Karlheiz Müller, ed., Geschichte und Kultur des Judentums. Eine Vorlesungsreihe an der Julius-Maximilians-Universität Würzburg [Quellen und Forschungen zur Geschichte des Bistums und Hochstifts Würzburg 38] (Würzburg: Schöningh Verlag, 1988) 71-90. 39 The Jewish community returned to Cologne and recovered a measure of goodwill among the Christian population, continuing to purchase and sell properties between communities (e.g., Aronius, Regesten der Geschichte der Juden im fränkischen und deutschen Reiche bis zum Jahre 1273, 101, no. 219). In fact, they were assigned a portion of the city wall to defend in 1106 along with the other citizens of wards: Hermann Keussen, Topographie der Stadt Köln im Mittelalter, 2 vols. [Preisschriften der Mevissen-Stiftung gekrönt und herausgegeben von der Gesellschaft für Rheinische Geschichtskunde 2] (Bonn: Hanstein Verlag, 1910; rpt. Düsseldorf: Droste Verlag, 1986) 1: 32, yet the Second Crusade brought a return to annihilistic anti-Jewish violence in 1146.

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and then of Italy, joined the papal cause against his father in 1095 and was formally deposed by the emperor 1098. Thus a new heir was needed to secure the Salian line. Fortunately, Conrad would spare his younger brother fraternal wars over the empire with his premature death in 1101, yet Henry V would still follow in his brother’s footsteps by rising up against his own father because of the burdensome Investiture Controversy. Archbishop Hermann III died on 21 November 1099 and was buried by his reform-minded monks in Siegburg abbey, but the Salian monarchy’s own controversies continued to shape Cologne’s historical development. The long, painful denouement of Henry IV’s oft-cursed kingship began with yet another excommunication from Pope Paschal II at the Lateran Synod of March 1102. 40 The exasperated pope had done so in conjunction with yet another prohibition of lay investiture, because by the pope’s count the emperor had brazenly invested no fewer than seven bishops during the first three years of Paschal’s pontificate. 41 After celebrating Christmas in Speyer, Henry had completed one of these investitures on 6 January 1100 when he raised a cathedral canon of the city as the new archbishop of Cologne. 42 A member of the Bavarian comital house of Schwarzenburg, Frederick I also had Speyergau connections through his mother Richardis of Sponheim. Hence he was kin to his Cologne predecessor Hermann III and shared in his cousin’s well-connected ecclesiastical life. 43 Frederick studied at Bamberg and France (a sign of expanding early twelfth-century opportunities for travel and learning) before assuming positions as cathedral canon at Bamberg and then Speyer as a well-respected scholar. 44 Yet to the Gregorian clergy and anti-Salian nobles he was now a simoniac, and thus Paschal II would suspend him twice for his defense of German royal and metropolitan authority. 40 Weinfurter, The Salian Century, 164. 41 Robinson, Henry IV, 312. These included Burchard of Utrecht (1100), Baldwin and Cuno of Strasbourg (1100), Humbert of Bremen (1101), Bruno of Trier (1101), and Otto of Bamberg (1102). 42 Ibid., 308. 43 Archbishop Frederick I of Cologne was probably a fourth cousin of Hermann III, as well as the nephew of Archbishop Hartwig of Magdeburg and second cousin of Bishop John I of Speyer. 44 For the life and career of Frederick I of Schwarzenburg see Erich Wisplinghoff, “Friedrich I. von Schwarzburg,” Neue Deutsche Biographie, Band 5 (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot Verlag, 1961) 511; Ernst Klebel, “Erzbischof Friedrich I. von Köln, seine Sippe und deren politische Bedeutung,” Annalen des historischen Vereins für den Niederrhein 157 (1955) 128-157; and Oediger, Das Bistum Köln, 131-140: “Coloniensis archiepiscopus Fridericus […] positus super evangelium huius iuramenti carta iuraverunt sic ex praecepto regis, sicut in hac cartula scriptum est: sic rex presens Henricus observabit domno pape Paschali presenti sine fraude et malo ingenio. Sic me Deus.”

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Frederick thus employed the more pragmatic approach of Anno II and kept his focus on advancing his own territorial principality rather than on serving the wearied first generation partisans of the Investiture Controversy. When it suited his circumstances he used his full resources to support Henry IV, as when the king sought to restrict the rapacious behavior of Count Henry I of Limburg in 1101,45 yet at the same time the archbishop himself had been busy building the Volmarstein Castle near Hagen in the Ruhr Valley in order to extend his power into Westphalia at the expense of Count Frederick of Arnsberg. Such an aggressive castle-building policy was more akin to a comital castellan at work than an episcopal successor of Archbishop Sigewin; indeed, it also mirrored Henry IV’s own castle-building efforts in Saxony that unleashed so much warfare with the Saxon nobles from the 1070s onward. And in similar fashion, Frederick I’s initiative immediately unleashed a feud with Arnsberg in which the count pillaged diocesan lands and thus forced the emperor to outlaw him as a breaker of the Landfriede. This Westphalian border feud ignored imperial interventions, however, and continued throughout the remainder of Henry IV’s increasingly impotent reign.46 Only in 1104 when the emperor at age 54 faced the revolt of his eighteenyear-old son and joint monarch did Archbishop Frederick I finally intervene. In response to the emergence of Henry V as just the sort of anti-king the Gregorian party needed, Archbishop Frederick I joined an embassy of Duke Frederick I of Swabia, Archbishop Bruno of Trier, and the imperial chancellor Erlung, which arrived at Henry V’s Regensburg court in February 1105 with hopes of negotiating a reconciliation. Yet Henry V was fixed in his assertion that he would have nothing to do with his excommunicate simoniac father. 47 In fact, this proved not to be completely true, as the young king actually captured and detained his father in Böckelheim castle on the Nahe River during Christmastide of 1105 while he himself held court in Mainz alongside a papal legate. Under intense pressure, Henry IV abdicated and handed over the royal insignia and then found himself removed by his son to Ingelheim 45 Robinson, Henry IV, 315. Archbishop Frederick I provided military assistance to the royal siege of Henry I of Limburg’s fortresses and joined with the imperial princes in bringing Henry to submission at a council in Cologne. The Limburger had seized properties of the abbey of Prüm and continued to resist royal efforts at returning them. Of course Henry I was able to wrangle the title of duke of Lower Lorraine out of these negotiations, and so it was clear to all that Henry IV’s authority was soft enough to enable negotiated settlements of such feuds. Duke Henry I, however, would be a primary protector of Henry IV against his own son Henry V during the last six months of the emperor’s life. 46 Ibid., 317; Chronica regia Coloniensis, 40: “Eodem anno [i.e., 1100] Fridericus archiepiscopus primus Volmestene gloriosum castrum Wistfallie fundavit.” 47 Robinson, Henry IV, 325.

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on 31 December, where he publicly confirmed his claim to the throne before a hostile audience of Gregorian partisans and then sought absolution in a reprise of Canossa. The hesitant papal legate Richard of Albano denied absolution, claiming no authorization from the pope to do so, and Henry IV remained in detention at Ingelheim while in nearby Mainz Archbishop Ruthoard invested the young king with the royal insignia in a remarkable inversion of lay investiture in the early days of January 1105. Henry V’s reign as sole monarch in Germany had begun. 48 Archbishop Frederick I of Cologne had been a consistent advocate for the fading Henry IV. His desire to sustain his own episcopal consecration led him to provide the deposed monarch with one of the last safe havens in the German Kingdom. Now fearing for his life, Henry IV escaped by ship down the Rhine to Cologne, where both archbishop and citizens offered their undiminished loyalty in February 1106 in response to his tearful recitation of the wrongs done to him as a penitent sinner.49 Indeed, he eschewed any royal ceremonies from the Cologners or Aacheners and retained his posture as a penitent individual seeking the restoration of his church membership and kingship.50 With the assistance of the recently reconciled Henry I of Limburg, Bishop Otbert of Liège, and Count Godfrey of Namur, Henry IV found support enough on the Lotharingian frontier to inflict a surprising defeat on his son’s pursuing army at Visé (between Maastricht and Liège on the Maas River) on Maundy Thursday (22 March), whereafter he celebrated a triumphant Easter feast (25 March) in nearby Liège at the court of Bishop Otbert. Henry V was forced to withdraw from Aachen and planned to pass the Easter holiday in Cologne, yet the gates of the Rhineland metropolis remained closed to him. Thus humiliated, he removed to Bonn for Eastertide and thence back to his power base in Mainz.51 48 Ibid., 335-337. 49 Henry IV was well known in Cologne, having visited there many times during his long reign. In addition to his youth spent there under the control of Archbishop Anno II and his 1074 court held against the archbishop, Henry had visited the city no fewer than ten times, for example celebrating Easter in 1076 and 1078, Christmas in 1084 and 1098, and even holding his marriage to and coronation of his second wife, the Kievan princess Eupraxia-Adelaide, in the Cologne cathedral on 18 August 1089: Johannes Helmrath, “Die Stadt Köln im Itinerar der Könige des Mittelalters,” Geschichte in Koln. Zeitschrift für Stadt- und Regionalgeschichte 4 (1979) 60. 50 Chronicon sancti Huberti Andaginensis, ed. Ludwig Conrad Bethmanm and Wilhelm Wattenbach [Monumenta Germaniae Historica, Scriptores 8] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1848; rpt. 1992) 629: „Sic pater a filio tractatus, et vix de custodia eius elapsus, Coloniam venit, sibi sollempniter volentibus procedere non consensit, indeque ut privatus nudis pedibus in asperrima hieme Aquisgrani palatium peraccessit.“ 51 Robinson, Henry IV, 339.

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We have to wonder about the forces afoot in Cologne that resisted Henry V and his army and why it was that he so easily expected an Eastertide welcome at the Rhineland metropolis. This remarkable chapter in civic solidarity came on the heels of Archbishop Frederick I’s defection to the young king’s party at some point in early February of 1106. Though the papal legate Richard of Albano claimed no authority to loosen the bands of excommunication against the emperor, he surely exercised the right to bind when suspending Frederick I in Mainz in the midst of Henry IV’s forced abdication.52 Though Frederick gave safe harbor to the fleeing emperor in early February, the archbishop’s reversal of loyalty explains Henry IV’s quick exit to Aachen and then Liège. Surely news of Henry V’s coming army also moved his father to withdraw further west from Cologne, but it also may have been the final factor that led the archbishop to join the young king’s side. Indeed, Frederick sent word of invitation to his new lord Henry V to celebrate Palm Sunday (22 March) in Cologne before heading to Liège to recapture his father during Holy Week.53 Frederick surely provided the king with a military contingent and thus shared in the unexpected defeat at Visé. Furthermore, the archbishop would also have been in the royal entourage at Aachen that learned of this defeat, upon which he no doubt offered Cologne as the place for Henry V and his party to observe Easter and regroup. Unbidden by the deposed emperor therefore, and in defiance of their archbishop and king, the burghers of Cologne exercised a remarkable agency in imperial politics that would help shape the future of German history.54 They refused to open the gates of the city to either their archiepiscopal lord or king, and thus they publicly defied both and left them to a humiliating Eastertide in Bonn. Even more fascinating are the months ahead as Henry IV visited Cologne in April of 1106 amid urgent preparations for the inevitable second and larger Lotharingian campaign by his son. While there he granted the Cologne burghers the right to expand the fortifications of the city, and thus empowered they formed an alliance on their own authority with the citizens of Liège and Duke Henry I of Limburg-Lotharingia (whom Henry

52 Ibid., 365. 53 Chronica regia Coloniensis, 43: „Iterum inter Heinricum imperatorem et Heinricum regem, filium eius, controversia oritur. Qui Henricus rex [V] festum palmarum Colonie agit, invitatus eiusdem sedis archiepiscopo. Inde Aquisgrani tendit, pascha apud Leodium acturus, ubi tunc pater eius morabatur.» 54 Richard Koebner, Die Anfänge des Gemeinwesens der Stadt Köln, 260; Stehkämper, Die Stadt Köln in der Salierzeit, 1: 404.

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V had just deposed as duke of lower Lotharingia with charges of treason).55 While the deposed emperor hoped thereby to extend his authority from the margins of the empire in Liège into the territories of the Rhineland and even into Westphalia, the citizens of Cologne successfully parleyed royal authority to extend the city walls and enclose three of their growing suburbs within the defensive structures: Niederich in the north, Airsbach (Oversburg) in the south, and Holy Apostles quarter in the west. Just shy of an additional 100 hectares (247 acres) or so of land were now integrated into the city on which stood the churches of St. Kunibert, St. Ursula, St. Andreas, Holy Apostles, and St. George.56 As a result, the transition of the city’s boundaries from the Roman quadratic form to the medieval semi-circle was now underway. The growing city now encompassed about 223 hectares (2.23 square kilometers or 551 acres), roughly double its original Roman proportions, and included the increasingly dense population of merchants and artisans in the north and south suburbs while the Holy Apostles district remained sparsely settled.57 55 Annales Hildesheimenses, ed. Georg Waitz [MGH Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi 8] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1878; rpt. 1990) 56: „(Heinricus imperator) post Pascha iterum Coloniam revertitur, civesque illi cum iuramento urbem sibi custodire promiserunt, ac deinde, sicut docti fuerant ab eo, intus et foris se optime munire coeperunt.“ Translatio trium virginum Coloniensium Walciodorensis, ed. Wilhelm Levison [Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores 30, Part 2] (Leipzig: Hiersemann, 1934) 1377: „Quem [i.e., Henry IV] profugum pia miseratione urbis Aggripinensium sicut et Leodiensium cives excipientes, collato foedere, coniurata conspiratione, usque ad sangiunem in sui auxilium, filio rebellaturos, se ei ultro pari voto dedere.“ Vita Heinrici IV. imperatoris, ed. Wilhelm Eberhard [Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum separatim editi 58] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1899; rpt. 1990) 41: „Cum igitur audisset Heinricus dux et Colonienses cum Leodinensibus, quod super se rex exercitum ducere vellet, arma parabant, copias colligebant, urbes firmabant et ad resistendum pari voto studioque se accingebant […] Igitur primo Coloniam, quae impetum latura fuerat, vallo turribusque muniebant et congestis belli stipendiis impositoque praesidio periculum suum fortibus animis expectabant.“ Ekkehardi monachi Uraugiensis Chronicon universale, ed. Georg Heinrich Pertz [Monumenta Germaniae Historica Scriptores 6] (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1844; rpt. 1980) 236: „Rex enim inter ipsa paschalia festa, quae tunc pro eventu rei Bunnae celebrabat, Heinricum ducem, iudicio optimatum reum maiestatis et hostem rei publicae, ducatu privat, ac generalem expeditionem contra Lotharingiam, accepto a principalibus sacramento, per totum regnum indicit et preparat. Quo dehinc superioribus se partibus conferente, pater se Coloniensibus reddit, et episcopo pulso, civitatem ipsam vallis et propugnaliculis omnique repugnandi genere permagnifice munivit; ipseque cum fidelissimis suis Leodio se contulit.» Chronica regia Coloniensis: “Imperator, sollempnitate pascali apud Leodium celebrata, Coloniam regreditur, urbem vallo et fossis munit.” 56 The northern suburban ward of Niederich encompassed about 52 hectares, the southern suburban ward of Airsbach (Oversburg) comprised about 33 hectares, and the western addition to Holy Apostles parish included about 15 hectares of land. 57 Stehkämper, „Die Stadt Köln in der Salierzeit,“ 1: 407; Joseph Hansen, „Stadterweiterung, Stadtbefestigung, Stadtfreiheit im Mittelalter,“ Mitteilungen des Rheinischen Vereins für Denkmalpflege

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Contemporary chronicles record the active engagement of Cologners, who are designated as a recognized corporate agency (Colonienses) that was not only the primary impetus for the arming of the region (impetum latura fuerat) and fundraising to pay for the new city ramparts but was also noted as bravely awaiting the coming of Henry V’s army once all was completed. Indeed, as a community the burghers had taken a solemn oath to protect the city on behalf of their monarch (“civesque illi cum iuramento urbem sibi custodire promiserunt”). These must have been feverish weeks of organizing, allocating resources, and building walls, towers, palisades, and 3.5 kilometers of trenches from April through June of 1106. Henry V did indeed come with a large army on a second Lotharingian campaign, and he began what turned into a three-week siege of Cologne in the beginning of July, after his father had safely removed back to Liège. Suffering from high casualties,58 the exhausting summer heat, and poor provisioning since the Cologners had used their ships to blockade any delivery of foodstuffs,59 Henry V ended the siege at the close of July and withdrew to Aachen.60 That the young king held to a siege of Cologne for three weeks instead of bypassing it and assaulting the less imposing walls of Liège where Henry IV resided says something about his wrath toward the Cologners after their shabby treatment of him at Easter. Once withdrawn to Aachen he carried on fruitless negotiations with his father in Liège until receiving notice that Henry IV had died suddenly on 7 August after nine days of illness.61 Having been excommunicated four times by no fewer than three popes and having faced rebellions by both of his sons, the emperor’s lifelong struggle to restore und Heimatschutz 5 (1911) 7-32; Edith Ennen, „Europäische Züge der mittelalterlichen Kölner Stadtgeschichte,“ 22-23. At the beginning of the nineteenth century, Cologne held about 44,000 people living within an area of 770 hectares (7.7 square kilometers, or 1,902 acres): Ernst Goebel, Das Stadtgebiet von Köln. Ein Abriss seiner Entwicklungsgeschichte von der Römerzeit bis zum Ende des zweiten Weltkriegs 2nd ed. (Cologne: Statistiches Amt der Stadtverwaltung, 1948). Though the acreage around 1800 was almost four times that of 1106, the population was still that of the city’s peak medieval level in the late thirteenth century. Today’s streets named Alte Wallgasse, Katharinengraben, and Perlengraben are reminders of the stretches of new wall and trench construction in 1106. 58 The Cologne royal chronicle exaggerates Henry V’s response to the Cologners’ courageous military resistance but may well have captured the effectiveness of the resistance: Chronica regia Coloniensis, 45: “Filius imperatoris, expeditione facta, Coloniam obsidione premit, cum ingenti exercitu, ubi civibus viriliter repugnantibus, territus aufugit.” Yet the Annales Hildesheimensis, 56-57 declared: “Colonienses vero ut boni milites stabant inperterriti, fortiter ei [i.e., Henry V] resistentes et strennuissime, qualiter numquam antea est visum decertantes.” 59 Schulz, Denn Sie Lieben die Freiheit So Sehr, 84. 60 Robinson, Henry IV, 341. 61 Ibid., 343.

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royal power throughout the German Kingdom finally came to a close. He died a marginalized monarch on the far western edge of his own empire. Once Henry V became the sole living monarch the legal justification for Cologne’s burgher control of the city evaporated, and Henry moved quickly to bring his enemies into subjection. He returned to the walls of Cologne and ordered all towns on the Rhine to provide their ships to position a flotilla of his soldiers to assure a siege of the city by water as well as by land. Finally gaining control of the river traffic made all the difference this time, and the Cologners in short order made peace with the king through the diplomacy of Duke Berthold II of Zähringen. While the other partisans of Henry IV lost offices, the burghers agreed to purchase the king’s grace with a penitential payment of an astounding amount: 5,000 marks of silver.62 At the strict pure silver ratio in the Cologne Mark of 234 grams (equaling half a Cologne monetary pound of 468 grams), which produced 160 pennies per mark, this payment amounted to a phenomenal 800,000 Cologne pennies or in other terms to a physical weight of 1,170 kilograms or 2,579.41 pounds of pure silver. For Cologne’s burgher community in 1106 to raise such expendable wealth is remarkable, especially on top of the building and siege expenses of that year. Once can postulate some exaggeration in this figure, at least in the actual amount paid over time, but by any measure this is an astonishing volume of liquid assets. It is also a truly impressive measure of the capital wealth accumulated by the burghers through production and trade, and it will not be the last time that such Cologner capital helped shape imperial politics.63

Gemeinde From whence did such communal identity, collaboration, and autonomy emerge among the Cologne citizenry, and what organizational or administrative institutions did its members rely on to accomplish their collective 62 Bishop Otbert of Liège submitted to Henry V and Paschal II but was freed from excommuncation only after a time of suspension; Henry I of Limburg-Lotharingia was militarily defeated, lost his office of duke of lower Lotharingia to Count Godfrey I of Brabant, and was imprisoned for a time in Hildesheim under the guard of Bishop Udo. Chronica regia Coloniensis, 45: “Episcopus Leodicensis filii imperatoris gratiam optinet, banno solvitur, ab officio divino suspenditur. Heinricus dux Lotharingiae regi subditur, ducatu privatur, Uodoni Hildenesheim episcopo commendatur. Godefredus comes Brabantiae dux Lotharingiae stauitur. Colonienses deditionem faciunt, insuper regi optinenda gratia sua 5000 marcarum solvunt.” 63 At the going rate for silver of $633.69 per kilogram (22 July 2016), this payment would cost $741,417 today.

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oath-taking, fundraising, building, defending, and redeeming the city in 1106? This question has exercised generations of historians, who have had to rely on some theorizing and reverse extrapolation of the very limited contemporary written evidence. What is at least clear, however, is that apart from the brief split between the archbishop and the burghers in 1106, Cologne actually enjoyed internal peace and concord after the eruption against Anno II in 1074 and beyond the conclusion of the Investiture Controversy in 1122.64 It appears then that the archbishops Sigewin and Hermann III in particular recognized their limited ability to rule over the free, mobile, and affluent descendants of the primores civitatis of 1074 and thus began to accept the participation of merchant elites in more forms of civic self-governance, most especially given the archbishops’ almost constant absence from the city while engaged in imperial politics during the Investiture Controversy and its civil wars.65 A dozen of these burgher elites continued to serve as jurors (scabini) in the high and low courts of the burgrave and advocate, but they also began to preside over these courts themselves in the increasing absence of the two archiepiscopal judges. Since the burgrave had his own estates to look after, he often proved to be absent from urban affairs, and the advocate was increasingly busy elsewhere as well,66 so each of them appointed subjudges from among the scabini elites (i.e., a secundus comes = viscount or Greve, and a subadvocatus = subadvocate respectively) from among the scabini elites. By the late eleventh century both the two judges and their subjudges were identified in official documents alike as iudices.67 The merchant elites appear quite ready to take on such administrative assignments, as evidenced 64 Ursula Lewald, „Köln im Investiturstreit,“ in Josef Fleckenstein, ed., Investiturstreit und Reichsverfassung [Vorträge und Forschungen 17] (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1973) 373-393. 65 Ibid., 384: “It must be supposed that during the generation between their [i.e., Cologners] unsuccessful insurrection against Anno and the bold championing of Henry IV in the year 1106 something decisive happened in this regard” (translation mine). Fuhrmann, Germany in the High Middle Ages, 78: “The struggles between king and princes, which sucked in the German episcopate, gave many towns the opportunity of freeing themselves from their episcopal lord.” 66 The advocate (Vogt) was responsible for the administering the finances of all archiepiscopal estates, which included supervising the bailiffs of these far-flung estates as well. He was also in the entourage of the archbishop when abroad, often including the Italian campaigns in support of the German monarch: Friedrich Lau, Entwicklung der kommunalen Verfassung und Verwaltung der Stadt Köln bis zum Jahre 1396 [Preis-Schrift der Mevissen-Stiftung gekrönt und herausgegeben von der Gesellschaft für Rheinische Geschichtskunde 1] (Bonn: Behrendt Verlag, 1898) 16-17; Pötter, Die Ministerialität der Erzbischöfe von Köln vom Ende des 11. bis zum Ausgang des 13. Jahrhunderts, 71-85. 67 Groten, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter, 93; Manfred Groten, Köln im 13. Jahrhundert. Gesellschaftlicher Wandel und Verfassungsentwicklung, 2nd ed. (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1998) 2.

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in their strong self-confidence by the early twelfth century based on their wealth and social status. They had by then began to refer to themselves as the meliores or “better ones” of the urban community, thus equal to the elites of the ministerial class.68 From this time onward, in fact, it becomes increasingly difficult to distinguish between the leadership of the burgher primores et meliores and of the ministeriales among the administrators of the archbishop’s courts overseeing the whole city (Gesamtgemeinde).69 The twelve scabini appear by name as the “illustrious men” (presentia virorum illustrorum) and “elders of the city” (a senioribus nostre civitatis) whose judgment led Archbishop Frederick I in 1103 to issue a charter confirming for merchants of Liège and Huy relief from certain tariffs when trading in Cologne.70 There is not only evidence of a rich Maas-Rhineland-Westphalia-Harz region trade in this charter but also documentation of the longstanding scabini council (Schöffenkollegium), whose function now reached beyond court cases involving free Cologne citizens to become a body of civic leaders providing authoritative sentences in economic and imperial diplomatic affairs (Bishop Otbert of Liège had initiated this review). These areas all had once been the private regalian prerogative of the archbishop of Cologne, but by the late eleventh century, commercial expertise was being integrated with administrative authority, 68 Hans Planitz, „Zur Geschichte des städtischen Meliorats,“ Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistiche Abteilung 67 (1950) 141-175. 69 See, by Knut Schulz: „Richerzeche, Meliorat und Ministerialität in Köln,“ Köln, das Reich und Europa. Mitteilungen aus dem Stadtarchiv von Köln 60 (1971) 149-172, rpt. in Matthias Krüger, ed., Die Freiheit des Bürgers. Städtische Gesellschaft im Hoch- und Spätmittelalter (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2008) 199-220; „Die Ministerialität als Problem der Stadtgeschichte,“ Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter 32 (1968) 184-219; rpt. in Matthias Krüger, Die Freiheit des Bürgers, 131-170; „Ministerialität und Bürgertum. Rückblick und Betwertung nach vierzig Jahren,“ Kurtrierisches Jahrbuch 47 (2007) 189-210; and „Ministerialität,“ Lexikon des Mittelalters, Band 6 (Munich: Artemis Verlag, 1993) cols. 636-639. See also Thomas Zotz, „Städtisches Rittertum und Bürgertum in Köln um 1200,“ in Lutz Fenske, Werner Rösener, and Thomas Zotz, eds., Institutionen, Kultur und Gesellschaft im Mittelalter. Festschrift für Josef Fleckenstein (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke Verlag, 1984) 609-638; Jakobs, „Eine Forschungsaufgabe der rheinischen Landesgeschichte: Die Kölner Ministerialität, 216-223; Pötter, Die Ministerialität der Erzbischöfe von Köln vom Ende des 11. bis zum Ausgang des 13. Jahrhunderts; Ritzerfeld, Das Kölner Erzstift im 12. Jahrhundert, 58-199; Nicholas, The Growth of the Medieval City, 125; and Freed, “The Origins of the European Nobility: The Problem of the Ministerials,” 211-242. 70 Konstantin Höhlbaum, Hansisches Urkundenbuch, Band 3 (Halle: Verlag der Buchhandlungdes Waisenhauses, 1886) 385-388 no. 601; Uew Neddermeyer, „Wirtschaftspolitik: Erzbischof Friedrich I. bestätigt 1103 die Zollvergünsigungen für Lüttich und Huy,“ in Rosen and Wirtler, Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln, 133-143. In order to settle matters with all parties involved in customs payments, witnesses to this charter included Cologne’s advocate and toll collector.

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and the result was a growing measure of municipal shared governance and autonomy, at least for the burgher elites.71 Yet even so, by the end of the eleventh century Cologne’s Gesamtgemeinde had become too large and complex to govern solely out of the burgrave’s and advocate’s courts. As the only city-wide institution in which the heterogeneous communities in Cologne were unified was a juridical rather than an administrative entity,72 at some point in the late eleventh or early twelfth century certain juridical and administrative duties were also delegated to the existing parishes of the city.73 Thus the parishes became both religious and secular administrative units, and for this reason modern German historians refer to the parishes as wards (Sondergemeinden) when discussing these newly assigned secular functions.74 Two magistrates known simply as magistri civium or ward burgomasters were elected in overlapping years by each parish’s citizenry to: (a) collect taxes; (b) regulate citizenship status; (c) function as a lower court to adjudicate disputes and criminal offenses under five shillings, and witness property transactions; (d) organize the defense of a portion of the city wall assigned to the parish; and (e) manage the temporal affairs of the parish churches such as maintenance and repair of the building and church fabric.75 One-year office-holding assured that no individual was financially overburdened, 71 Lewald, “Köln im Investiturstreit,” 382: “Should not the self-confident, widely traveled and exceptionally economically successful merchants have had an understandable desire to involve themselves actively in municipal life” (translation mine)? 72 Jakobs, „Stadtgemeinde und Bürgertum um 1100,“ 16. 73 Parish formation reached back into the pontificate of Archbishop Bruno I (953-965), with the following parishes within the Roman city walls having been fully formed apart from the cathedral church by the end of the eleventh century: St. Alban, St. Lawrence, St. Martin, and St. Columba. St. Brigida emerged from the ecclesial immunity of Great St. Martin abbey around 1100, while the thinly populated parishes of Holy Apostles and St. Peter lagged behind the others and only emerge in public records from the mid-twelfth century: Tobias Wulf, Die Pfarrgemeinden der Stadt Köln. Entwicklung und Bedeutung vom Mittelalter bis in die Frühe Neuzeit [Studien zur Kölner Kirchengeschichte 42] (Siegburg: Franz Schmitt Verlay, 2012) 24-31; Erkens, „Sozialstruktur und Verfassungsentwicklung in der Stadt Köln,“ 172. 74 Lewald, „Köln im Investiturstreit,“ 376; Ennen, Frühgeschichte der europäischen Stadt, 191-192. The use of the notion of wards is critical in the case of the northern and southern suburbs of Niederich and Airsbach/Oversburg, as unlike the parishes of the old Roman city these suburbs remained admininstered as wards rather than parishes, although containing three parishes each. Thus up to the 1180 wall extension there were nine wards in the city: St. Martin, St. Alban, St. Brigida, St. Lawrence, St. Columba, St. Peter, Holy Apostles, Niederich, and Airsbach/Oversburg. 75 Thea Buyken and Hermann Conrad, Die Amtleutebücher der Kölnischen Sondergemeinden [Publikationen der Gesellschaft für Rheinische Geschichtskunde 45] (Weimar: Böhlau Verlag, 1936); Manfred Groten, „Sondergemeinden,“ Lexikon des Mittelalters (Munich: Artemis Verlag, 1995) 7, cols. 2043-2044; Stehkämper, „Köln in der Salierzeit,“ 432.

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given that both ward burgomasters were merchants in need of regular travel for business who financed expenses from their own private means. Each parish ward maintained a public meeting house (Geburhaus or neighborhouse) for the two magistrates, whose court sessions were initially presided over by the subadvocate in order to provide legitimating judicial authority and to oversee ward administration; however, over the course of the twelfth century (no doubt as ward-based court activity expanded) the subadvocate gradually yielded his judicial role over minor disputes and property transactions to the presiding magistrates of the parish wards. The lack of any evidence of conflict between the ward magistrates and the archbishops or his officials indicates that the emerging system of ward administration proved no threat to the city lord’s authority. In fact, a well-run administration could only improve civic law and order as well as raise funds for the archbishop’s finances through court fines, quit rents, and excise taxes.76 Those ward officials who first provided these services were the earliest holders of burgher-established civic offices in medieval German history.77 We should also hasten to note that, as in the archiepiscopal court community so in the parish communities, the merchant elite took the leadership roles. And given that merchant elites began to own dwellings in several parishes of the city at once, they were eligible not only for a city-wide (Gesamtgemeinde) governing positions in the scabini council and as subjudges but also for the ward-level (Sondergemeinden) governing positions as magistrates (burgomasters).78 Given the emergence of an expanding city-wide leadership role for the scabini council concomitant with the emergence of the various parish ward burgomasters (magistri civium or magistri vicinorum/parrochie), the natural question arises: which of these institutional structures could have 76 Manfred Groten, „Entstehung und Frühzeit der Kölner Sondergemeinden,“ in Peter Johanek, ed., Sondergemeinden und Sonderbezirke in der Stadt der Vormoderne [Städteforschung A59] (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 2004) 59, 62. 77 Manfred Groten, „Von der wunderbaren Gröβe Kölns oder: Was war das Besondere an der Kölner Stadtverfassung des 12. Jahrhunderts?“ in Wilhelm Janssen and Margret Wensky, eds., Mitteleuropäisches Städtwesen in Mittelalter und Frühneuzeit. Edith Ennen gewidmet (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1999) 41-62. 78 When the city walls were extended in 1106, the wards of Niederich (composed of the parishes of St. Lupus, St. Paul, and St. Maria ad Indulgentiam/St. Ursula) and Airsbach/Oversburg (composed of the parishes of St. Jacob, St. John the Baptist, and St. Maria Lyskirchen) were added to the seven parishes of the old Roman city area, which brought the number of municipal parishes to thirteen. Several of the parishes on the periphery of the city, however, are not mentioned in surviving documents until the mid- to late twelfth century: Wulf, Die Pfarrgemeinden der Stadt Köln, 32-36.

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been capable of so successfully managing the heroic and herculean tasks incumbent upon the Cologners’ defiance of king and archbishop in 1106, followed quickly by a second massive payment to Henry V in penance for their resistance? German historians have exercised much speculative thought on solving this problem, for which no specific written documentation was generated that could reveal concrete answers. Those historians who recall the scabini council as the older and sovereign institution of the city-wide government (Gesamtgemeinde) and who emphasize the emergence of a city-wide community (Stadtgemeinde) as a major step in the city’s constitutional history have concluded that this elite body of twelve men took the oath of loyalty to Henry IV in the name of all citizens of Cologne and served as the coordinating institution that raised a war tax, built the ramparts and extended the city walls, and provided military leadership in defense of the city.79 Those historians who wish to give the ward-level governance and administration its just due and who emphasize the emergence of local communities as a major step in the city’s social and constitutional history have noted that taxes were assessed and collected by the ward magistrates, that citizenship rolls were maintained at the ward-level and not the city-wide level, and that the duty of defending sections the city walls was assigned to the parishes from this point onward, and thus 1106 was in a real sense the birth of the Sondergemeinden. Born of necessity in that year, they grew during the twelfth century into individual experiments in local burgher self-governance.80 We need not choose between the central government and the ward government officials for the leaders of the 1106 revolt that revealed a legally recognized burgher community. Communal life was in reality operative and experienced simultaneously on several levels at once: both city-wide and 79 For example Lewald, „Köln im Investiturezeit,“ 387; Schulz, Denn Sie Lieben die Freiheit So Sehr, 85; and by Hugo Stehkämper: „Die Stadt Köln in der Salierzeit,“ 1: 404-415; „Zur Entstehung der Kölner Stadtgemeinde. Wann und wie könnte sie im Mittelalter zugestandegekommen sein?“ Jahrbuch des Kölnischen Geschichtsvereins 65 (1994) 1-12; and „Die Entstehung der bürgerlichen Stadtgemeinde in Köln 1106,“ in Tilman Struve, ed., Die Salier, das Reich und der Niederrhein (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 2008) 341-351. 80 Manfred Groten, “Entstehung und Frühzeit der Kölner Sondergemeinden,” 53-77; Erkens, “Sozialstruktur und Verfassungsentwicklung in der Stadt Köln,” 179-180: “The bonds of the residents of Cologne to the parishes, to their wards as their daily living space, were still stronger in the twelfth century than those to the city as a whole. They did not feel like cives Colonienses but as cives s. Martini or s. Laurentii or of another parish: they were known above all by the parish in which they lived; and the new burghers were admitted into the citizenship of the parish in which they settled.”

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ward by ward, as well as in parochial, confraternal, and a wide variety of guild communities. And we must remember that the Cologners achieved what they did in 1106 through improvisation and compromise, with no guarantee that the recognition of their emergent community by king and archbishop would become permanently institutionalized.81 Furthermore, no hierarchical relationship existed either among the parish wards themselves or between the wards and the city-wide scabini council, so speculative theorizing about which sector of civic administration led the others ultimately proves fruitless.82 Finally, since the wealthy merchant elites owned property and so paid taxes in several parishes by this time, they were therefore were eligible simultaneously for both multiple parish ward magistracies as well as for the city-wide scabini council. Such overlap in personnel between scabini and parish ward burgomasters would have assured close collaboration and coordination of municipal business in 1106 and thereafter. We can, however, assert with more clarity that unlike the 1074 rebellion some sort of urban regime or city commune existed by 1106 with a measure of autonomy and legally recognized corporate status. Its elite merchant leadership took an oath on behalf of the community before the emperor, taxed itself, administered a rapid building and defense program, established with the burghers of Liège the first medieval urban alliance north of the Alps, and negotiated on behalf of the community with the king. Henry V settled his dispute with them through negotiation and did so without the judicial involvement of Archbishop Frederick. Thus he acknowledged them as the legal representatives of a legitimate and distinct civic entity.83 Though the product of ad hoc decisions and clear infringements on the archbishop’s regalian rights over the city, there is no evidence that Frederick I rejected this civic entity. The rebellion of 1106 therefore provided an occasion to manifest a generation-long evolution in bourgeois administrative institutions that had developed amid the gaps in the archbishop’s own civic government. Traditional regalian lordship structures were thus integrated with aspects of communal government structures by the early twelfth century as the bishop’s city finally fused with the burgher city. Cologne’s

81 Stehkämper, „Zur Entstehung der Kölner Stadtgemeinde,“ 11. 82 Groten, „Entstehung und Frühzeit der Kölner Sondergemeinden,“ 54. 83 Schulz, Denn Sie Lieben die Freiheit So Sehr, 84; Jakobs, „Stadtgemeinde und Bürgertum um 1100,“ 16: „A simple criterion for the existence of a community [Gemeinde] exists, when a local population is recognized as a legal partner“ (translation mine).

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civitas and portus were united early in its medieval history, and by the early twelfth century Herrschaft and Gemeinde had begun to integrate as well.84 The fusion of the bishop’s city and burgher city into a new municipal entity occurred in tandem with a striking linguistic shift in terminology used for Cologne as a city. In the hagiographical account of Archbishop Anno II’s life known as the Annolied, written around 1180 but perhaps reworked around 1120, stat was used for the first time instead of burg as the German word for “city.” Almost certainly the word used by Cologne burghers of the day as well as the author,85 stat thus dislodged the former burg (fortress or walled town owned by the nobility) as the German equivalent to the Latin civitas, reflecting a profound shift in perspective. In the course of the twelfth century, stat completely replaced burg as the German noun for urban centers since the identity and function of towns and cities as the dwelling places of merchants and their commercial activity became predominant. Curiously enough though, while burg disappeared as the German word for civitas, the word burgensis remained as the designation of urban dweller with full citizenship rights – a burgher.86 After a reconciliation was effected between Archbishop Frederick I and the Cologne burghers, a long period of peace and collaboration resumed with virtually no internal conflicts during the remainder of the twelfth century.87 Rather, during this lengthy period, civic institutions matured in the hands of the burgher elites and with the blessing of the city’s archbishops.88 The continuing focus of Cologne’s twelfth-century archbishops on imperial 84 Strait, Cologne in the Twelfth Century, 20: “In Cologne, at least, the dualism between the ‘pre-urban nucleus’ and the mercantile suburb gave way rather early to the fortif ied town.” Nicholas, The Growth of the Medieval City, 50: “Cologne is one of the earliest examples of the market developing at the gate leading into the old city from the suburb.” 85 A merchants’ word originating in the northern German stede, an emporium or trading place, now Stadt in modern German. 86 Edith Ennen, „Die Forschungsproblematik Bürger und Stadt – von der Terminologie her gesehen,“ in Josef Fleckenstein and Karl Stackmann, eds., Über Bürger, Stadt, und städtische Literatur im Spätmittelalter [Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen, philologisch-historische Klasse, Third Series, 121] (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht, 1980) 16, 19-20, 23; Groten, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter, 91-93; Nicholas, The Growth of the Medieval City, 90-91. 87 Conflicts did emerge in 1138-1139 and in 1180, but both were resolved without any serious damage to relations between the Cologne’s city lord and its citizens. 88 Groten, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter, 93: “Civic authority [Stadtherrschaft], one could speak more simply of municipal administration, was accordingly exercised almost exclusively by the burghers in the name of the archbishop and in agreement with him. The authority structure was borne by an agreement of interests. Both the security and prosperity of the city was important to both the archbishop as well as the burghers” (translation mine).

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politics, ecclesiastical relations both within their archdiocese and across the wider western Church, and ultimately on the fashioning of an independent territorial principality in the Rhineland and Westphalia, left them little time or energy to tend to municipal affairs. The political and ideological conditions in the German Kingdom produced by the Investiture Controversy led to a fundamental division between the ecclesiastical and secular authorities, which obviously made the life of a German prince-bishop very complicated indeed. In this context, therefore, the well-to-do merchant elites of Cologne found ample room for extending their autonomy in civic administration by further developing the institutions of governance themselves.89 Archbishop Frederick I remained a partisan of Henry V, who, once the sole monarch, made it clear that he too had no intention of abandoning lay investiture of his own bishops. Though suspended a second time by Paschal II for not attending the reform Council of Troyes in May 1107 (where the pope issued another prohibition of lay investiture),90 Frederick was apparently restored thereafter under improving conditions, since he served as royal envoy to the pope in 1109 to explore the possibility of an imperial coronation. Given his own Rhineland origins and the traditional role of the archbishops of Cologne in maintaining diplomatic ties to the English court, it is surprising that Archbishop Frederick was sent to Rome rather than on the embassy that was simultaneously negotiating a marriage alliance with the Anglo-Norman king Henry I.91 The German envoys agreed to a betrothal of the eight-year-old English princess Matilda to their 23-year-old king Henry V on Pentecost of 1109, and in February 1110 the engaged child began the trip to her new home. In early March she arrived at Liège, where Henry V received her, and on Easter Day (10 April), in what must have been a visually unappetizing public event in Utrecht, they were solemnly betrothed to one another and Matilda was assigned a dower. Archbishop Frederick I of Cologne accompanied her from her arrival in Liège to her sojourns in Cologne, Speyer and Worms, and Mainz, where he anointed her queen (the archbishopric of Mainz being vacant at that time) with the assistance of Archbishop Bruno of Trier on 25 July. Bruno then took charge of Matilda’s education and training 89 Schulz, Denn Sie Lieben die Freiheit So Sehr, 87. 90 Uta-Renate Blumenthal, The Early Councils of Pope Paschal II, 1100-1110 (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1978) 80-82; 99. The otherwise well-attended synod was markedly short of German bishops and this was commented on by the participants. Archbishop Rothard of Mainz and Bishop Gebhard of Konstanz were likewise suspended and later reinstated: Chronica regia Coloniensis, 45-47. 91 See Huffman, The Social Politics of Medieval Diplomacy, 36-52 for a complete history of this Salian-Norman diplomatic initiative.

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in German customs, and after four years of preparation the marriage was consummated at Bamberg in January 1114.92 Henry V had cultivated the alliance with Henry I of England with careful timing in conjunction with his planned expedition to Rome, in which he decided to settle the Investiture Controversy once and for all and obtain the imperial crown from the pope. He had not only successfully courted the support of an English king chafing at the restrictions on his own investiture of bishops as a result of the Concordat of Westminster of 1107 but also had garnered a huge dowry of 10,000 marks that only an entire kingdom could afford to offer and that went a long way toward paying for the Roman expedition. Archbishop Frederick I of Cologne accompanied the Salian king on the expedition with his own military contingent and served as a witness of the king’s oath to release Paschal II from a two-month imprisonment in exchange for papal recognition of the king’s right to lay investiture and to his imperial coronation. This extorted Treaty of Ponte Mammolo (11 April 1111) having been accomplished, the pope crowned Henry V two days later, and then the royal army triumphantly returned to Germany with all the new emperor had sought to accomplish. Pope Paschal II, however, was left to face the anger of his reform party both in Rome and beyond. Though Paschal II yielded to pressure and repudiated the Treaty of Ponte-Mammolo at a Lateran Council in March 1112, he never excommunicated the German king during the remaining six year of his pontificate.93 Yet the reform party did what the pope, who felt bound by his promises in April of 1111, could not bring himself to do. The papal legate of France, Archbishop Guido of Vienne, issued a sentence of excommunication against Henry V at the synod of Vienne on 16 September 1112. The results of the scandalous Italian campaign in 1111 may have seemed a victory for Henry V in the short term, but the subsequent years of 1112-1115 simply reprised the same painful outbreak of civil war in the German Kingdom over the Investiture Controversy as Henry V’s father had often endured. Indeed he faced an even more dangerous uprising of German nobles and ecclesiastics, since this time Saxony was 92 Marjorie Chibnall, The Empress Matilda: Queen Consort, Queen Mother, and Lady of the English (Oxford: Oxford University Press 1991) 24-25; Chronica regia Coloniensis, 49. 93 Walther Holtzmann, „Zur Geschichte des Investiturstreites (Englische Analekten II, 3): England, Unteritalien und der Vertrag von Ponte Mammolo,“ Neues Archiv der Gesellschaft für ältere deutsche Geschichtskunde 50 (1935) 246-319; Ian Stuart Robinson, The Papacy, 1073-1198: Continuity and Innovation (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990) 428-430; Richard Knipping, ed., Die Regesten der Erzbischöfe von Köln im Mittelalter, Band 2: 1100-1205 [Publikationen der Gesellschaft für Rheinische Geschichtskunde 21] (Bonn, Hanstein Verlag, 1901) 12 nos. 76-77.

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joined by regions of the lower Lotharingia and the Rhineland previously loyal to the Salian dynasty. Perhaps having its origins at the wedding feast of Bamberg in January 1114,94 a conspiracy was formed in response to Henry V’s high-handed imprisonment of a nobleman named Ludwig and Archbishop Adalbert I of Mainz and a return to the well-worn Salian policy at reestablishing direct control over Saxony. While the emperor was on campaign in Frisia enforcing taxation demands, the Saxon leadership rebelled, and this time they were joined by Archbishop Frederick I of Cologne, the duke of lower Lotharingia, and the counts of Jülich, Limburg, Zutphen, Mullenark, and Are. It appears that the archbishop entered into league with the Saxon rebels because the emperor’s attempt to regain power in Saxony would eventually affect his own Westphalian lands adversely, and the nobles of lower Lotharingia joined once Henry V moved a large army into the lower Rhineland. Archbishop Frederick I’s ardent support of monastic reform also dovetailed nicely with his territorial politics at this juncture as a means to legitimate his joining the anti-Salian reform party.95 But the most striking ally of all to join the rebellion was the citizenry of Cologne, which either on its own or along with the archbishop’s troops and the nobles of the lower Rhine bound itself with an oath “for liberty” against the king.96 In any case, the citizens of Cologne united with their archbishop, who headed the Rhineland alliance against the emperor along with all the nobility of the Rhine-Maas and Westphalian regions. The Cologners were again 94 Bishop Otto of Freising, The Two Cities, ed. Charles C. Mierow (New York: Columbia University Press, 1928) 421. 95 John H. Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz [Publications of the Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies 18] (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983) 314, 324. 96 The Chronica regia Coloniensis, 52, in a second recension written much later in 1220, uses the phrase: “Coniuratio Coloniae facta est pro libertate” under the year 1112. This is surely a misdated interpellation of the lower Rhine rebellion of 1114: Jakobs, “Verfassungstopographische Studien,” 122. Whether this vague passage is referring to the Cologne citizens alone, the archbishop of Cologne’s ministerial troops, or the Rhineland nobility is disputed: see Joachim Deeters, “Die Kölner coniuratio von 1112,” Köln, das Reich und Europa. Mitteilungen aus dem Stadtarchiv von Köln 60 (1971) 125-148; Toni Diederich, „Coniuratio Coloniae facta est pro libertate: Eine quellenkritische Interpretation,“ Annalen des Historischen Vereins für den Niederrhein 176 (1974) 7-19; Stehkämper, „Köln in der Salierzeit,“ 1: 415-418; Kluger, „1074-1288 Auf dem Weg zur Freiheit. Die Entfaltung des kommunalen Lebens in Köln,“ 15; Groten, „Die Kölner Richerzeche im 12. Jahrhundert, mit einer Bürgermeisterliste,“ Rheinische Vierteljahrsblätter 48 (1984) 48-50. I tend to agree with Edith Ennen, „Kölner Wirtschaft im Früh- und Hochmittelalter,“ 120 and „Erzbischof und Stadtgemeinde in Köln bis zur Schlacht von Worringen (1258),“ 396-397 and also with Alfred Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 171 that this coniuratio was not merely an uprising of the nobility alone but also included the archbishop and the burghers of Cologne.

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recognized, and this time by their own city lord, as a legal entity capable of diplomatic negotiations and participation in military alliances. And they were also recognized by the emperor, whose hatred of the city and lessons learned from his two previous failed sieges were quickly employed. He moved his army directly against their city, but this time he came from the eastern shore of the Rhine in an attempt to use Deutz as a base to cut off Cologne’s access to the Rhine. Acting independently of their allies, the Cologners surprised Henry’s army with a contingent of select young soldiers and archers that crossed the Rhine and battered the emperor’s troops all day long with showers of arrows. That such tactical use of archery was yet unknown in Germany may explain the Cologners’ success, yet it begs the question of how such military skills were developed. There may well have been an English connection here, given that William the Conqueror had already put archery to good use in England.97 The next morning Henry V withdrew his army across the Rhine and began pillaging the surrounding countryside from Jülich to Bonn in an attempt to draw out the nobles, as he wanted nothing more to do with the Cologne archers. And indeed the archbishop and his allies arrived with the Cologners as well and enjoined the imperial forces. Having suffered many casualties and captures through the course of the battle, the allied forces were able to turn the tide when the count of Westphalia and his brother arrived with a contingent that almost captured the emperor himself. The allies under the command of Archbishop Frederick I then served the emperor a resounding defeat in early October of 1114 at the Battle of Andernach, at which the Cologne youths acquitted themselves well once again.98 And by 11 February 1115, Henry V’s monarchy was in tatters in the north as Duke Lothar and the army of his Saxon allies put the emperor’s army to flight at the Battle of Welfesholz, a battle in which Archbishop Frederick I of Cologne and the Cologners may have also participated.99 97 Perhaps these were even mercenary troops purchased by the Cologners: Huffman, The Social Politics of Medieval Diplomacy, 48; Lewald, „Köln im Investiturstreit,“ 388; Koebner, Die Anfänge des Gemeinwesens der Stadt Köln, 271-272, Ennen, „Kölner Wirtschaft im Früh- und Hochmittelalter,“ 120; Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 166. 98 Chronica regia Coloniensis, 53-55. 99 Ibid., 56: “Imperator Bruneswich ad iniuriam Lotharii ducis Saxonum occupat et Halverstat devastat. Contra quem idem dux cum Saxonibus, adiuncto sibi Friderico archiepiscopo cum Coloniensibus, Friderico comite Westfalie cum Heinrico, fratre eius, Heinrico de Limburg, Herimanno de Calvelage, properat in loco qui dicitur Welpishold; ubi comisso contamine, imperator terga vertit, et plenam victoriam principes assecuntur.” This account comes from the second recension, while the archbishop and Cologners are not included with the others in the first edition or in other chronicle accounts.

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Within two months Archbishop Frederick I pronounced the excommunication of Henry V in the church of St. Gereon at Cologne (19 April 1115) in the presence of the papal legate Cuno of Praeneste, and on Christmas Day of that year in Cologne, before the assembled German princes and thirteen other bishops, he and the now released Archbishop Adalbert of Mainz both formally announced an anathema against the emperor and released all of those bound by oath of loyalty and service to him until such time as he returned and was freed from papal excommunication.100 This anathema was once again published jointly by Frederick and Cuno of Praeneste on 19 May 1118 at a synod in Cologne and yet again on 28 July at a synod in Fritzlar. Here they also declared that if the emperor did not come to address the charges against him at an imperial diet in Würzburg he would be deposed there.101 These renewed decrees were occasioned by the arrival of the new pope Gelasius II in January of that year, Paschal II having died only a few days after returning to Rome from exile in the midst of Henry V’s second Italian campaign. Gelasius II’s election resulted in Henry V’s creation of Archbishop Maurice Bourdin of Braga as the anti-pope Gregory VIII in Rome, upon which the exiled Gelasius II issued excommunications for both emperor and anti-pope on 7 April 1118. Therefore, as he returned northward over the Alps in the summer of 1118, Henry V found himself – with great historical irony – in the same position as his father and for the same reasons. Meanwhile Archbishop Frederick I and the Cologners had been fighting in tandem to weaken his kingship further: in mid-February of 1115 the archbishop had captured the Westphalian imperial castle at Lüdenscheid, and as the decree of anathema was being read in St. Gereon’s church in Cologne its citizens were busy destroying the fortification of Count Dietrich of Are upon learning that he had switched to the emperor’s side in April of that year.102 Within a year of his return to the German Kingdom, in late November 1119, directly on the heels of the Rheims Council, Henry V sought Archbishop Frederick I’s assistance in resolving his excommunication over lay investiture. Yet the archbishop, at the time in Aachen, refused to meet with the excommunicated monarch and warned him away from Cologne in particular 100 Die Regesten der Erzbischöfe von Köln im Mittelalter, Band 2: 1100-1205, 17 no. 117. Henry V’s excommunication of September 1112 was renewed in December 1114 at a synod in Beauvais and repeated once again at a synod in Rheims in March 1115. 101 Ibid., 22 nos. 143, 146. The archbishops of Mageburg and the bishops of Paderborn and Halberstadt participated in the Cologne synod, and the archbishop of Mainz and the bishops of Utrecht, Münster, Osnabrück, Zeitz, Merseburg, and Speyer participated in the Fritzlar synod. 102 Ibid., 17 nos. 111-113.

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so as not to burden the citizens with his status. Henry nonetheless rejected the archbishop’s offer of provisions at a nearby imperial estate and went instead to the gates of Cologne; to the archbishop’s disbelief, the citizens opened the city to him. This was an unexpected breach after years of close collaboration between archbishop and burghers of Cologne and was all the more complicated by the presence of a condemned excommunicant in the city. Frederick wielded his spiritual sword as a result and placed the entire city under interdict. There is no record of just why the burghers of Cologne admitted the emperor, and Frederick could only conclude that someone had been bribed.103 Perhaps it was a sign of the deterioration of the alliance after five years of unceasing warfare and factionalism. In fact, Archbishop Frederick I was present at the imperial diet in Tribur earlier in 1119 (24 June) at which the emperor had reconciled with the imperial princes (apparently apart from Frederick) on the condition that a general peace remain over the issues dividing the kingdom until the new pope Calixtus II spoke on the matter at the Council of Rheims scheduled for October. So the Cologners had a temporary legal context for making peace with Henry V, in spite of the status of their archbishop’s relationship with the emperor. Of course Calixtus II maintained the excommunication of Henry V at the Council of Rheims after their pre-synod meeting at Mousson on the Mosel was scuttled when the pope learned that the emperor had brought an army of 30,000 men with him.104 The pronouncement of the ban took place on 30 October, news of which might not have reached Cologne by the time of Henry’s arrival at its gates. If so, and this can only be conjecture, it may explain the Cologners’ hospitality to the emperor, should they still have thought conditions were governed by the law of the Tribur diet rather 103 Such is the report he made in a letter to Archbishop Adalbert of Mainz, Bishop Reinard of Halberstadt, and Duke Lothar of Saxony: Philipp Jaffé, Bibliotheca rerum Germanicarum 3: Monumenta Moguntina (Berlin: Wiedmann Verlag, 1866) 381-393 at 392: “ipso rege ad hoc tantum nitente, ut per nos ei pateret civitatis nostrae introitus. Cum autem obnixe rogaremus, ne id vellet facere, et tantae civitatis populum communione sua polluere servitiumque et procurationem ei offeremus extra urbem in quacumque sua curia, non adquievit. Immo quibusdem civibus pecunia corruptis, sedicionem inter eos concitavit, et cum tali divisione partium, aliis volentibus aliis nolentibus, civitatem intravit. Nos autem, cum catholicis tam laicis quam clericis extra urbem nos recipiendo, divinum officium in civitate prohibuimus.» Chronica regia Coloniensis, 59: «Imperator a Coloniensibus honorifice exciptur episcopo absente; unde episcopus divinum officium Coloniensibus interdicit.» 104 Mary Stroll, Calixtus the Second, 1119-1124 (Leiden: Brill, 2004) 116-117. Sustaining Henry V’s excommunication served not least of all Calixtus II’s attempt to manage the emperor’s father-in-law, King Henry I of England, whom the pope had promised to visit over the matter of lay investiture.

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than of the Rheims Council. Archbishop Frederick I, however, had sent emissaries to the Rheims Council 105 and so was no doubt well informed about its proceedings. What we can certainly say is that Archbishop Frederick I treated the citizens of Cologne as a community by interdicting them as a collective rather than simply excommunicating their leaders. This form of spatial rather than personal interdict is yet another indicator of the existence of a legally recognized municipal community of burghers in Cologne by this time. And just like the emperor, so too the archbishop had to learn once again that his suzerainty did not mean that he could simply command the burgher community.106 Clearly the autonomy of the wealthy burghers had expanded since 1106, and markedly so since 1074. By 1119 they possessed the agency to defend the city against the king on their own resources, to function as a military and political partner in an alliance of nobles and ecclesiastics against a king, and now to reverse policy unilaterally and receive that monarch into its own precincts as a legitimate political entity – and all these without either the approval or participation of the archiepiscopal lord of the city. Only with the authority of ecclesiastical censure could the archbishop hope to restrain the burghers’ rapprochement with the Salian monarch. Whatever differences arose between archbishop and burghers of Cologne in 1119, the spiritual discipline of interdict does not appear to have been in place very long. Both parties were again collaborating militarily in the conquest and destruction of the imperial castle at Kerpen in May of 1122, since such conflicts continued amid painfully slow negotiations between Henry V and Calixtus II to resolve the Investiture Controversy.107 To the relief of everyone in all parts of the empire, the Concordat of Worms was finally ratified by both imperial and papal parties in the autumn of 1122, which ended a painful and repeatedly divisive era in German history. The parties finally found a workable compromise on investiture in which the German 105 Die Regesten der Erzbischöfe von Köln im Mittelalter, Band 2: 1100-1205, 26 no. 162. Indeed the archbishop also sent to Calixtus II in Rheims a son of the Roman consul Pier Leoni (a Roman supporter of Pope Paschal II) named Pietro Pierleoni, who had been given to the emperor as a hostage back in the first Italian campaign of 1111 and at some point thereafter entrusted to the archbishop. This youthful hostage would one day become the cardinal elected as anti-pope Anacletus II in the schism over the election of Pope Innocent II. This rather unknown dimension to the Rheims Council is an indication that Archbishop Frederick I remained a back-channel diplomat with the imperial party during these years. 106 Stehkämper, „Köln in der Salierzeit,“ 1: 418. 107 Chronica regia Coloniensis, 60.

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monarch (or his legate) could still be present and thus exert influence at episcopal elections but would no longer invest the bishop-elect with the ring and crosier as symbols of the diocesan/archdiocesan spiritual office; this would instead be done by an archbishop or group of bishops. The monarch (or his legate) would now invest the bishop-elect with a newly invented staff as a symbol of the bishop’s secular office as regalian deputy of the king. Archbishop Frederick I of Cologne was present and active in these final negotiations, and as both an advisor to the emperor and archchancellor of Italy he witnessed and confirmed the concordat’s charter itself on 23 October 1122.108 Henry V died on 23 May 1125 while visiting Utrecht, and with him ended a century of Salian kingship. Almost three-quarters of the Salian era was defined by internal political division and long stretches of weak kingship and civil war, much of it driven by competing visions of kingship, regalian princehood, territorial nobility, ecclesiastical priesthood, and civic community. The historical evolution of both the Cologne archbishop’s Herrschaft and the burghers’ Gemeinde would have been impossible without this epochmaking context.109 It ultimately freed both archbishop and burghers to fashion new forms of political life apart from a dominant monarchy, and now the two would face their joint future in a very different world in the wake of the Salian age. On what basis had this autonomy expanded during the half century between the years 1074-1119? Perhaps surprising to some, it was not a sworn association or commune of burghers seeking to overthrow the episcopal lord in favor of their own town council and mayor. No bourgeois municipal corporation in Cologne either obtained a royal charter of franchise or purchased its liberties in exchange for a tidy sum.110 No merchant guild or peace 108 Die Regesten der Erzbischöfe von Köln im Mittelalter, Band 2: 1100-1205, 31 no. 201. 109 Harold J. Berman, Law and Revolution: The Formation of the Western Legal Tradition (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983) 374: “The separation of the city from the archdiocese and the duchy that surrounded it, the establishment of its own secular urban institutions, and above all, the establishment of its own political and legal history – that is, historical consciousness, or sense of organic development and growth – were made possible by the fact that the church itself had declared the dualism of ecclesiastical and secular authorities and had supported the pluralism of secular authorities, and further, by the fact that the idea of the gradual reformation of the world through law had become a leading concept and a governing motive in both the secular and ecclesiastical and the secular spheres.” 110 This process of urban civic formation was centered close by in northeastern France, an area about which the Cologner merchants would have been very well informed given their own trade networks. The archetypical town for this commune model was, above all, Cambrai (968, 1077, 1107, and 1138), but so also typical of the early twelfth century were Noyon (1108), Amiens (1109),

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movement served as a kernel for future communal identity and unity either, as was once thought by earlier scholars.111 Rather, institutions of burgher governance based on a territorial principle were forged gradually through the collaboration of merchant elites and their city lord the archbishop in the course of the twelfth century.112 These governance institutions continued to operate independently of each other at the level of the parish wards (Sondergemeinden) and at the city-wide level (Gesamtgemeinde).113 The seven parishes of the old Roman city and Rhine suburb (St. Alban, St. Brigida, St. Columba, St. Lawrence, St. Martin, St. Peter, and Holy Apostles) served as the topographical foundations for the ward system, though the nature of the relationship between the parish and ward administrations remains disputed and uncertain.114 As the presence of the subadvocate diminished during the first half of the twelfth century, signs of the parish ward burgomasters’ growing leadership role appear in their new formal title of officialis or officiatus as well as in the formation of a guild of ward burgomasters (Amtleutebruderschaft) comprised of candidates for election ( fratres), serving burgomasters (magistri civium), and “worthy” emeriti

Laon (1111), Aire-sur-la-Lys (before 1111), Valenciennes (1114), and Beauvais (1115). English towns and cities that obtained royal charters of franchise in the later twelfth century were Gloucester (1170), York (1176), and London (1141, 1191). 111 Whereas Sigewin’s Peace movement and the various merchant and artisan guilds certainly facilitated a measure of shared initiative and common purpose, they did not provide the foundation for the emergence of a burgher commune in Cologne: Erkens, “Socialstruktur und Verfassungsentwicklung in der Stadt Köln,” 190; Ennen, “Erzbischof und Stadtgemeinde in Köln bis zur Schlacht von Worringen (1258),” 395. 112 Strait, Cologne in the Twelfth Century, 138: “The general tranquility of the twelfth century in Cologne is frequently obscured by the violent outbursts of 1074 and 1106 at the century’s beginning and the great struggles with the archbishop in 1225 and the 1250’s at its end. But, with a minor exception in 1138, there were no uprisings or bloody incidents in the period 1112-1225, and this is the period that was crucial for the development of the urban community.” 113 Twelfth-century documents regularly referred to members of the wards as cives [citizens], parrochiani [parishioners], or sometimes even vicini [neighbors], whereas collective terms indicating city-wide membership were burgenses [burghers] and urbani [townsfolk or citydwellers]. The concrete terms of the ward-parish level indicate the immediate social context for the Cologners’ lives, whereas the more abstract collective terms of the city-wide level reflect the legal and political categories of civic membership. 114 Groten, „Entstehung und Frühzeit der Kölner Sondergemeinden,“ 55. These parishes were fully formed by the early twelfth century, at which time the ward system was fully implemented as well. Logic would demand that the parishes preceded the administrative system of the wards, but just how developed the parish administration was at the inception of the ward administration would have varied between parishes. In any case we can assume that independent existence of parish life preceeded that of a common municipal life.

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burgomasters (magistri qui tunc officium deserviebant).115 By the mid-twelfth century these magistrate guilds had assumed control of their respective wards apart from the city-wide authorities and ran the secular affairs of their parishes.116 Entrance into the guild itself had also become carefully regulated by the emeriti ward burgomasters, who now selected the new serving burgomasters each year from a pool of guild candidates through co-option. That no evidence survives of jurisdictional disputes between the parish ward magistrates (burgomasters) and the central municipal government officials (in particular the scabini and subjudges) suggests at least a tacit acceptance of the wards’ administrative and guild structures led by the burgomasters and their guilds. The parish wards do not appear to have presented any threat to either the suzerain authority or the municipal income of the archbishop; rather, they were a welcome administrative organization that contributed to the improvement of civic order. Each ward developed separately and uniquely and according to the needs of its parish, without management oversight by the archbishop or his municipal administrators.117 By the later twelfth century therefore a local level of elite burgher self-governance was securely established, which no doubt continued to have significant overlaps in leadership among the wealthy merchant elites, who could hold office in both the central government as well as in any parish wherein they held property and paid taxes.118 One could 115 To be clear then, each ward guild contained membership of candidates ( fratres), serving (magistri civium or burgomasters), and emeriti burgomasters. 116 Erkens, „Sozialstruktur und Verfassungsentwicklung in der Stadt Köln,“ 180. 117 The earliest documented mention of a ward appears in the Weistum or legal decision of the high court burgrave, advocate, and twelve scabini around 1150 that established the northern suburb of Niederich as a ward comprised of not one but three parishes (St. Andreas, St. Maria ad Indulgentiam/St. Ursula, St. Kunibert). Airsbach ward appears to have been administered in a similar fashion, with three parishes combined into one ward (St. Jacob, St. John the Baptist, St. Maria Lyskirchen). Niederich as an administrative ward was given its own governmental structure based on the high court: it had its own burgrave, advocate, and a council of twelve scabini whose lower court met three times a year. The citizens of the three parishes comprising the ward of Niederich possessed the right to elect the subjudges (ministri) of the court, which was competent to hear litigation concerning real estate (hereditas) and to witness conveyances of property. During one of these lower court sessions, the citizens also selected their ward masters (magistri civium) with the agreement of the guild of emeriti magistrates. This hybrid system of ward representation and administration, modeled on the city-wide high court yet assigned ward-level jurisdiction only, makes it very diff icult to say whether Niederich was originally established as a community based on lordship (Herrschaft) or communal (Gemeinde) authority. See Heinrich von Loesch, „Das Recht des Niederichs,“ Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistiche Abteilung 52: 1 (August 1932) 322-336; and Groten, „Entstehung und Frühzeit der Kolner Sondergemeinden,“ 68-69. 118 Groten, „Entstehung und Frühzeit der Kolner Sondergemeinden,“ 60-62, 69-70.

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say therefore that communities of collaboration were forming in Cologne during the twelfth century, led by confraternal guilds of magistrates at both parish ward and city-wide levels of municipal administration, with significant overlap in personnel.119 Equally obscure as the emergence of the parish wards in civic administration was the early twelfth-century evolution of the scabini from a body of twelve lay assessors in the archbishop’s high court into a communal leadership body of 25 burghers by the mid-twelfth century.120 Transition from a heteronomous juridical body to an autonomous political leadership group of elite burghers was at least facilitated by a reorganization of the appointment protocol. By the early 1130s the archbishop had handed over the appointment process to a scabini fraternity of candidates ( fratres scabinorum), serving and emeriti (deserviti or “worthy”) scabini just like that of the parish ward burgomasters. Thereafter, new members to the scabini council as well as a chief magistrate (magister scabinorum) were selected from among candidates by the emeriti scabini through co-option rather than by the burgrave. This fraternal system of co-option not only freed the scabini from direct lordship control (though oaths of loyalty to the archbishop were still required of them) but also assured the formation of a closed circle of elite members whose families came to control participation in city-wide government akin to that of ward burgomaster guilds (Amtleutebruderschaften).121 By the mid-twelfth century the scabini community reached its maturity as the leading body 119 Another reason for the overlap in personnel between the magistrates of the wards and those in the scabini council and subjudges resides in the fact that these positions were not paid positions, and so the masters not only had to be recognized leaders in their own right but also had to possess enough independent means to devote time to these administrative functions. Such available personnel came from a rather limited pool of wealthy merchants and ministerials in the city, and this burden also explains the limited one-year terms in office as well. 120 Manfred Groten, Köln im 13. Jahrhundert, 2; Hugo Stehkämper, „Imitatio Urbis. Altrömische Ämterbezeichnungen im Hochmittelalter in deutschen Städten, besonders in Köln,“ WallrafRichartz-Jahrbuch 46/47 (1985-1986) 220-233. 121 Groten, „Entstehung und Frühzeit der Kolner Sondergemeinden,“ 76; Friedrich Lau, „Das Schöffenkollegium des Hochgerichts zu Köln bis zum Jahre 1396,“ in Joseph Hansen, ed., Beiträge zur Geschichte vornehmlich Kölns und der Rheinlande. Zum 80. Geburtstag Gustav von Mevissens dargebracht vom Archiv der Stadt Köln (Cologne: DuMont-Schauberg’schen Buchhandlung, 1895) 107-130; Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 169: „In Cologne from about 1130 they [scabini] even had the archaizing title senatores. Even around the middle of the twelfth century it is hard to decide how far the lay judges were representatives of the lords or a committee of the independent town commune. The combination of both competences was not by any means excluded, as is suggested by the political co-operation of city dwellers and city lords for which there is convincing evidence. The ministerials living in the city apparently played a major role in these Schöffen [scabini] colleges in many towns.”

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municipal governance, often thereafter referred to throughout the remainder of the century by the august name of senatores. In the course of the second half of the century these “elders” even overshadowed the subjudges by beginning to render decisions in court themselves, which by then included the competence to adjudicate cases of personal status and public order.122 The use of fraternal guilds sustained by a recruitment method of co-option thus proved a popular method of self-replenishing and self-sustaining an autonomous civic government under the control of the meliores.123 As a final sign of their growing public municipal authority the archbishop also granted to the scabini a new city seal that they affixed to their legal decrees. The earliest surviving document containing an attached city seal is dated 1149, in which the senatores along with the subjudges and the “better people” (melioribus) established regulations for the bed cushion weaver’s guild.124 This is the first surviving record of guild regulation by urban authorities in the city, but the seal’s origins were earlier, perhaps granted in 1138-1139 as part of reconciliation between the city and Archbishop Arnold I,125 or even as far back as 1114-1119 as part of reconciliation between 122 An indicator of the volume of casework now passing before the scabini by mid-century, an individual scabinus was empowered to render judgment by himself in minor cases while in more controversial ones he sought the later confirmation of the other scabini. 123 Hermann Jakobs, “Aspects of Urban Social History in Salian and Staufen Germany,” in Haverkamp and Vollrath, England and Germany in the High Middle Ages, 291-292. For the important role that fraternal organizations of all kinds (social, economic, religious, cultural, and political) played in the formation of civic life in twelfth-century Cologne see Hermann Jakobs, “Bruderschaft und Gemeinde: Köln im 12. Jahrhundert,“ in Berent Schwineköper, ed., Gilden und Zünfte. Kaufmännische und gewerbliche Genossenschaften im frühen und hohen Mittelalter [Vorträge und Forschungen 29] (Sigmaringen: Thorbecke Verlag, 1985) 281-309; Alfred Haverkamp, „Bruderschaften und Gemeinden im 12. und 13. Jahrhundert,“ in Christoph Cluse and Jörg R. Müller, eds., Neue Forschungen zur mittelalterlichen Geschichte (2000-2011). Festgabe zum 75. Geburtstag des Verfassers (Hanover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 2012) 183-220. 124 Stadtarchiv von Köln, Haupturkundenarchiv (HUA) U 2/17. Elenchus fontium historiae urbanae, vol. 1: Germany, Low Counties, Scandinavia, ed. Cor Van De Kieft and Jan Frederik Niermeyer (Leiden: Brill, 1967) 107-108 no. 61; and Lacomblet, Urkundenbuch für die Geschichte des Niederrheins, 1: 251-252 no. 366; Quellen zur Geschichte der Stadt Köln, 1: 329-330: “in domo civium inter Judeos sita ab advocato Ricolfo, a comite Hermanno, a senatoribus, a melioribus quoque tocius civitatis vulgi etiam favore applaudente confirmatam suscepisse … Conformationis itaque causa huius rei veritatem scriptis notari ac sigillo civium placuit muniri.» 125 By Manfred Groten: „Die Kölner Richerzeche im 12. Jahrhundert, mit einer Bürgermeisterliste,“ 49-53; „Studien zur Frühgeschichte deutscher Stadtsiegel, Trier – Köln – Mainz – Aachen – Soest,“ Archiv für Diplomatik 31 (1985) 444-448;“Vom Bild zum Zeichen. Die Entstehung korporativer Siegel im Kontext der gesellschaftlichen und intellektuellen Entwicklungen des Hochmittelalters,“ in Markus Späth, ed., Die Bildlichkeit korporativer Siegel im Mittelalter: Kunstgeschichte und Geschichte im Gespräch (Cologne; Böhlau Verlag, 2009) 74-75;“Der Heilige als Helfer der Bürger.

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the city and Archbishop Frederick I.126 In either case, the city seal used by the scabini was the oldest municipal seal in medieval European history and was issued as an expression of collaboration between archbishop and scabini.127 And by 1149 the senatorial scabini were a leading political authority in the new urban community.128 An additional guild was formed during this inchoate era of municipal government, which was known by its unique name Richerzeche, which meant “Fraternity of the Rich.” In the 1149 charter just considered above a fraternal organization of the melioribus [better people] and viri illustri et tocius civitatis probatissimi [illustrious and most esteemed men] who are listed as members alongside the subjudges and scabini. These socio-economic betters were of course the elite merchants once again yet in another guise whose origins also reach back before a steady archive of civic recordkeeping. Indeed this guild never developed its own archive of public documents, no doubt because of its private origins. Originally a fraternal society of the burgher elites where dining and entertainment under the leadership of two burgomasters was the order of the day, the Richerzeche served as a city-wide guild of the burgher ruling elite. At the same time as the parish ward and scabini guilds of masters were forming, the membership of the Richerzeche also organized itself using the same fraternal structures of the other two guilds. Emeriti (or deserviti) burgomasters annually selected two new burgomasters from guild candidates via co-option, and when the new serving burgomasters’ terms were completed they, like the parish ward burgomasters, entered the guild of emeriti burgomasters and were also given the honorary title of Auf dem Weg zur Stadtgemeinde: Heilige und frühe Stadtsiegel,“ 125-146; and Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter, 100. See also Stehkämper, „Zur Entstehung der Kölner Stadtgemeinde,“ 9-10. 126 By Toni Diederich: „Das älteste Kölner Stadtsiegel,“ in Hans Blum, ed., Aus kölnischer und rheinischer Geschichte. Festgabe Arnold Güttisches zum 65. Geburtstag gewidmet [Veröffentlichung des Kölnischen Geschichtsvereins 29] (Cologne: Wamper Buchhandlung, 1969) 51-80; Die alten Siegel der Stadt Köln (Cologne: Greven Verlag, 1980) 14-46; Rheinische Städtesiegel [Rheinischer Verein für Denkmalpflege und Landschaftsschutz. Jahrbuch 1984] (Neuβ: Neuβer Druckerei & Verlag, 1984) 261-265; and Zur Bedeutung des Siegelwesens in Koln und im Rheinland. Zehnte Sigurd Greven-Vorlesung, gehalten am 9. November 2006 im Schnütgen Museum (Cologne: Sigurd Greven-Stiftung, 2006) 11-14. 127 Jakobs, „Stadtgemeinde und Bürgertum um 1100,“ 20; Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 168. Hermann Jakobs, in Eugen III. und die Anfänge europäischer Stadtsiegel nebst Anmerkungen zum Band 4 der Germania Pontifica [Studien und Vorarbeiten zur Germania Pontifica 7] (Cologne: Böhlau Verlag, 1980) 1-35 and „Nochmals Eugen III. und die Anfänge europäischer Stadtsiegel,“ Archiv für Diplomatik 39 (1993) 85-148, argued for the Cologne city seal’s earliest dating of 1149, which few historians accept yet which would make the Trier city seal (dated 1147-1149) the oldest in Germany. 128 Strait, Cologne in the Twelfth Century, 62.

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dominus. Whether this fraternal structure so popular in Cologne had been used first by the parish wards or by the Richerzeche remains unknown, yet the matter is rather moot given the numerous familial, social, economic, and political associations between the guilds of ward burgomasters, scabini, and Richerzeche.129 In fact, the scabini guild and the Richerzeche in particular were very closely intertwined. Even though not all scabini members belonged to the Richerzeche, one of the two burgomasters of the Richerzeche had to come from the scabini guild, and so the merchant elite were tightly interwoven into two fraternal organizations of scabini (senatores) and burgomasters (domini). And no doubt the two provided solidarity for each other: the reorganization of the serving scabini council into a self-sustaining fraternal guild likely succeeded with Richerzeche support, and conversely the close relationship with the scabini eventually drew the Richerzeche – originally a private fraternal society – into public governance functions.130 Though not appearing in a written document until 1179-1182,131 evidence of emeriti burgomasters with the title dominus in the surviving municipal records suggests that the Richerzeche may well have had its start during the years of reconciliation with Archbishop Frederick I and thus in tandem with the early dating of the city seal. The Fraternity of the Rich then probably flourished in the 1120s and 1130s and began early on to mix private and public business.132 That the Richerzeche kept no records as an exclusive private fraternity may explain the length of time before it appears in extant documents. Given its undocumented origins, historians who have emphasized 129 Groten, „Entstehung und Frühzeit der Kölner Sondergemeinden,“ 76. 130 Ibid., 76-77. 131 In this charter the burgomasters Theoderic von der Muhlengassen and Henricus Flaco, „qui tunc temporis civitatis magistratum tenuerunt,“ in agreement with the Richerzeche membership, established the bylaws of a new woodturners’ guild: Robert Hoeniger, „Die älteste Urkunde der Kölner Richerzeche,“ in Joseph Hansen, ed., Beiträge zur Geschichte vornehmlich Kölns und der Rheinlande. Zum 80. Geburtstag Gustav von Mevissens dargebracht vom Archiv der Stadt Köln (Cologne: DuMont-Schauberg’schen Buchhandlung, 1895) 253-298; Heinrich von Loesch, Die Kölner Zunfturkunden nebst anderer Kölner Gewerbeurkunden bis zum Jahre 1500, 2 vols. [Publikationen der Gesellschaft für Rheinische Geschichtskunde 22] (Bonn: Hanstein Verlag, 1907; rpt. Düsseldorf 1984) 1: 34-35 no. 13. 132 Groten, “Die Kölner Richerzeche im 12. Jahrhundert,” 46: “Thereby [based on the dateable references to emeriti burgomasters] it may be considered assured that there were burgomasters and consequently also the Richerzeche in the 1130s at the latest and probably already even in the 1120s” (translation mine). See also Groten, Köln im 13. Jahrhundert, 4; and Groten, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter, 97; Kluger, „1074-1288 Auf dem Weg zur Freiheit,“ 15; Hugo Stehkämper, „Zur Entstehung der Kölner Stadtgemeinde,“ 9. For a contrary position that keeps the 1180 date see Wolfgang Peters, „Zum Alter der Kölner Richerzeche,“ Jahrbuch des Kölnischen Geschichtsvereins 59 (1988) 1-18.

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the scabini guild as the leading civic institution of the twelfth century see a late-twelfth-century date for the Richerzeche’s foundation, whereas others who see the Richerzeche as a vital institution in municipal governance before the thirteenth century discern an earlier date of origin. Much of the debate regarding the founding date of the Richerzeche actually revolves around the question of when the burgomasters of the Richerzeche were allowed by the scabini to make use of the city seal. In the 1149 charter considered above, the meliores are mentioned but not as members of a Richerzeche. However, this charter was affixed sigillo civium and drafted “in domo civium inter Judeos sita.” Hence the oldest surviving city seal is affixed to a charter of 1149 that also contains mention of meliores performing public business alongside the scabini, and doing so in the domus civium located in St. Lawrence parish on Judengasse, abutting the edge of the Jewish quarter to its west and the Old Market to its east. This “house of burghers” would eventually become the city hall (Rathaus), which still stands today.133 The 1179-1182 charter, to which the city seal was also affixed,134 was likewise drawn up “in domo burgensium in capitulo officialium de richirzegeheide,” that is, in the same public building in which the burgomasters and Richerzeche regularly met. Therefore the meliores who established the Richerzeche had been conducting business involving the city seal, and doing so in a public building designated for city-wide administration since at least 1149. Yet the meliores of the Richerzeche conducted business using the city seal only with regard to the regulation of artisan guilds in both 1149 and 1179-1182. In 1149 they did so in conjunction with the scabini council in which the authority to regulate artisan guilds had originally resided. But by 1179-1182 the meliores did so on their own authority as the sole municipal regulators of artisan guilds via membership in the Richerzeche. So the meliores made use of the city seal as members of the Richerzeche with their own burgomasters presiding in 1179-1182, and they had also done so in the same public building at least since 1149 under the aegis of the scabini council. One should then 133 Though located in St. Lawrence parish and thus in close proximity to the archbishop’s palace complex, a municipal “house of burghers” was a spatial statement of burgher autonomy from the precincts of archiepiscopal power. See Peter Fuchs, Das Rathaus zu Köln (Cologne: Greven Verlag, 1994); and Walter Gies and Ulrich Krings, eds., Das gotische Rathaus und seine historische Umgebung [Stadtspuren: Denkmäler in Köln 26] (Cologne: Bachem Verlag, 2000). 134 Although the text of the 1179-1182 charter was actually a transsumpt in a 1282 charter, the scribe was careful to state that the original from which he was inserting the text into the new charter still contained the original city seal: “Ut ergo hoc factum illibatum et integrum conservetur et a nullo hominum possit immutari, in presens scriptum totum est redactum, quod sigillo constanti ac publico burgensium apparet insignitum.”

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wonder how much earlier this municipal domus civium/domus burgensium can be found and who owned it. The earliest ward records were begun about 1135 in St. Lawrence parish and are known as the Schreinskarten. The origins of these unique ward records merit consideration elsewhere, but the St. Lawrence entries contain important evidence for our topic at hand. The domus civium/domus burgensium of the 1149 and 1179-1182 charters was no Geburhaus for the St. Lawrence parish ward but, rather, a house of burghers established in the early twelfth century for city-wide municipal business. In the earliest Schreinskarten for St. Lawrence parish, this civic building is clearly distinguished (as the domum in quam cives conveniunt) from the parish ward Geburhaus (which is described as the domum parrochianorum).135 And in fact the municipal administration building is also described as the domum Divitum, which is a specific reference to the Richerzeche, the Fraternity of the Rich.136 Hence we have evidence dating the Richerzeche to as early as the 1130s, which indicates that its members possessed their own fraternal house. This house, originally used for private feasting and drinking of Richerzeche members, had also become by at least 1149 a house of public administration in which members of the scabini council and the serving and emeriti burgomasters of the Richerzeche adjudicated the civic business of the day and confirmed their decisions with the city seal. 135 Kölner Schreinskarten des 12. Jahrhunderts. Quellen zur Rechts- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte der Stadt Köln, ed. Robert Hoeniger [Publikationen der Gesellschaft für Rheinische Geschichtskunde 1], 2 vols. (Bonn, 1884-1894) 1: 219 (L 1 V 3): „domum que sita est contra domum in quam cives conveniunt“; (L 1 VI 1): „domum quandam, que sita est contra domum in quam cives conveniunt;“ 231; (L 2 IV 11): „domum que sita est iuxta domum parrochianorum.“ The domus parrochianorurm/ Geburhaus for St. Lawrence parish was located on Grosse Budengasse and thus not abutting the Jewish quarter, whereas the burgher house was located directly facing the quarter on Judengasse: Hermann Keussen, Topographie der Stadt Köln im Mittelalter, Tafel 6 (St. Lawrence Parish map). 136 Kölner Schreinskarten des 12. Jahrhunderts, 227 (L 2 III 6): „domum que sita est iuxta domum Divitum.“ Groten, „Vom Bild zum Zeichen,“ 80; Groten, „Enstehung und Frühzeit der Kölner Sondergemeinden,“ 75; Schulz, „Richerzeche, Meliorat und Ministerialität in Köln,“ 200-202; and Aronius, Regesten der Geschichte der Juden im fränkischen und deutschen Reiche bis zum Jahre 1273, 124 no. 284. Hermann Keussen, „Untersuchungen zur älteren Topographie und Verfassungsgeschichte von Köln,“ Westdeutsche Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kunst 20 (1901) 55: „We know that the earliest certain mention of the house of burghers (Bürgerhaus) dates from the year 1149. But the Schreinskarten entry which falls in the years 1135-1159 and mentions the house of the Richerzeche (domum divitum), is probably still older. Then a house iuxta domum Divitum was sold by [the canons of] St. Andreas to the Jew Elyachim. It must be the same house which Archbishop Anno [II] donated to [the canons of] St. Andreas. In the donation charter only a domus inter Judeos is named without reference to its location next to the house of burghers” (translation mine). The reason that the house was not described as being next to a house of burghers is because the Richerzeche did not exist during Anno’s pontificate.

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There should be no difficulty in comprehending that the Richerzeche officials (i.e., serving and emeriti burgomasters) at some point between the years 1149 and 1180 began to use the city seal apart from scabini council to which it had originally been given by the archbishop. This is because, of course, one of the two burgomasters of the Richerzeche was always a scabini-burgomaster and hence had authority to use the seal. So there is actually no need to debate whether or not the Richerzeche took over the city seal, because the seal was shared by the scabini council and at least one of the burgomasters for public business.137 And it seems straightforward to conclude that the city seal was used by the burgomaster officials of the Richerzeche only as it took on authority for public business. Thus, by the mid-twelfth century the scabini council had brought in the Richerzeche officials into the business of regulating artisan guilds, which was an area of competency well within the realm of its members’ own private commercial activities. By 1180 this responsibility had been handed over completely to the Richerzeche officials by the scabini council, which did not thereby lose administrative involvement in artisan guild affairs, for one of the burgomasters of the Richerzeche was a scabinus. In the years after 1180 the Richerzeche’s authority over artisan guilds gradually expanded to a general oversight of the municipal trade and markets, which gave the institution a major role in governing the economic life of the city. It is also significant that by the mid-twelfth century the scabini council had begun to hold its sessions with the burgomasters in the Richerzeche house rather than in the archbishop’s palace court as it had since time immemorial. Knowing with hindsight that this building would in time become the city hall (Rathaus), we see yet another role of the Richerzeche as the first host of city-wide governance outside the archiepiscopal palace. The oldest civic administrative building in Germany, its location in the ministerial parish of St. Lawrence instead of in the merchants’ parish of St. Martin is a sure sign of collaboration and compromise between burghers, ministerials, and the archbishop. Still, what had originally been the archbishop’s high court was now fast becoming the burgher’s municipal court. In the same way the seal of St. Peter, which had been granted by the archbishop as an overt 137 Toni Diederich, „Grundzüge des Siegelwesens im ausgehenden 13. Jahrhundert,” in Schäfke, ed., Der Name der Freiheit, 88: “that the Richerzeche from the beginning onward should have possessed competence to use the seal is purely hypothesis proven by no evidence. Rather one must still think of the older scabini council” (translation mine). Diederich’s either-or approach to the use of the city seal misses the possibility that there was collaboration between the two organizations, especially given their significant personnel overlap. Compare Kluger, „1074-1288 Auf dem Weg zur Freiheit. Die Entfaltung des kommunalen Lebens in Köln,“ 17.

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recognition of the city as a legal entity apart from the Cologne church and the episcopal immunity zone, had become the sigillum civium.138 What had once been a feasting hall created by the burgher elites for a private fraternal corporation had become a government office where a community of civic leaders from elite ministerial and commercial backgrounds came together as an autonomous assembly to transact their governance business and select their leadership. The Richerzeche, therefore, though not a formally recognized public authority in origin, quickly evolved into the foundation for increasing municipal autonomy for the meliores.139 Serving the function of a central guild of municipal guild masters, which thereby brought together the governing meliores from both the high court scabini and the ward burgomasters, the Richerzeche also avoided the constitutional limitation of oath-taking and directly deputized authority from the archbishop. Hence by 1180 the only direct lordship connection left between the governing burgher elites and the archbishop was the scabini-burgomaster, whose oath of loyalty to the archbishop was rewarded by the deputized authority to wield the city seal. A f inal word remains necessary concerning meliores of the scabini council with its guild, the Richerzeche with burgomaster guild, and the ward burgomasters with their guilds. Though in the main these came from elite merchant families, it is essential to note that several ministerial families became intermixed with them during the twelfth century. This social transformation was no doubt facilitated by both a growing ministerial interest in property-owning and commercial activities as 138 The city seal contains an image of St. Peter (patron saint of Cologne and its cathedral) encircled by the inscription Sancta Colonia dei gratia Romanae ecclesiae fidelis filia. This inscription echoes the traditional ecclesial usage of “Holy Cologne,” drawing as it did from the seal of the cathedral canons (Elisa Ziegenbein, “Die Siegel der Kanoniker des Kölner Domkapitals in Mittelalter,” Concilium medii aevi 12 [2009] 157-204) and the legend that the first bishop of Rome (Maternus) had been invested by St. Peter. One may read the inscription as ironic given the series of papal excommunications, interdicts, and suspensions of the Investiture Controversy because of the city’s loyalty to the Salian monarchs, yet loyalty was expressed here as a confident assertion that the church established by St. Peter was still living in Cologne. Indeed, one could read the seal as a statement by the archbishop that emphasized the church as still the center of things and not the city. Yet, if so, the meliores of the scabini council and Richerzeche appropriated both the cathedral church’s seal and its patron saint and made them their own civic symbol. The city seal therefore was a symbol of appropriation and autonomy but not of emancipation, as the administrative authority wielded by the meliores over their city was still recognized by the seal as coming from the head of both the Cologne church and city, namely, the archbishop. See Erkens, „Sozialstruktur und Verfassungsentwicklung in der Stadt Köln,“ 187-188; Haverkamp, Medieval Germany, 168; and Groten, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter, 100. 139 Groten, „Die Kölner Richerzeche im 12. Jahrhundert, mit einer Bürgermeisterliste,“ 58; Kluger, „1074-1288 Auf dem Weg zur Freiheit,“ 18.

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“burgher-ministerials,”140 as well as, conversely, the archbishops’ increasing appointment of wealthy burgher merchants to regalian offices once held solely by ministerials. Though the office of archiepiscopal court chamberlain (camerarius) remained in ministerial hands,141 the customs masters of the tolls (theolenearii),142 markets,143 and mint (monetarii)144 were gradually given over to burgher merchants. The majority of ministerials remained in service to the archbishop as mounted knights or government officials throughout the twelfth century,145 yet by its close several families who remained in the city were absorbed into the meliores’ world through their integration into 140 Schulz, “Richerzeche, Meliorat und Ministerialität in Köln,” 218-220, at 220: “The development of such an economically expanding city like Cologne in the twelfth century had been regulated by a group which is to be identified as the burgher-ministerials; it exercised substantial influence in the scabini council and in the Richerzeche. Perhaps caused by the serious controversies from the mid-thirteenth century and perhaps even more by the unique dynamics of the economic life of Cologne, ministerial status lost its significance much faster in comparison with other Rhenish bishop-cities as a constitutive factor in the supremacy and structure of the urban ruling elite. This, however, changes nothing regarding the conclusion that the burgher-ministerials had exercised decisive influence on the development of Cologne in the twelfth century” (translation mine). 141 From 1144 through the 1390s the office of court chamberlain lay in the possession of the family von Bachem (whose castle was situated near Frechen), which was succeeded thereafter by the von Hemberg family. See Lau, Entwicklung der kommunalen Verfassung und Verwaltung der Stadt Köln, 67-68; and Bernhard Gondorf, Die Burgen der Eifel und ihrer Randgebiet (Cologne: Bachem Verlag, 1984) 79-80. 142 The two masters of tolls were usually drawn from former scabini and Richerzeche burgomasters: Lau, Entwicklung der kommunalen Verfassung und Verwaltung der Stadt Köln, 71-72. 143 These duties – which included supervising the craft guilds as well as the weights and measures, prices, and disputes in the marketplaces of the city – fell to the scabini council until they were transferred to the Richerzeche by the mid-twelfth century. 144 Mint masters were drawn from the meliores and formed an exclusive consortium of masters known as the Münzerhausgenossenschaft: See Groten, Köln im 13. Jahrhundert, 299-300; Friedrich Lau, Entwicklung der kommunalen Verfassung und Verwaltung der Stadt Koln, 68-71; and „Ein neues Verzeichnis der Kölner Münzhausgenossen,“ Westdeutsche Zeitschrift 12 (1893) cols. 266-269, no. 146. 145 Regulations for the obligations and rights of Cologne’s ministerials were issued early in the era of Archbishop Rainald of Dassel (i.e., 1160s), in which he referred to them as servants of St. Peter, milites de familia sua, and either soldiers or ministers with hereditary obligations to the archbishopric. Thus they continued in the main to defend the archbishopric, to participate in the monarch’s Italian campaigns, to garrison castles, and serve the archiepiscopal household and its vast estates in a variety of administrative roles: Ferdinand Frensdorff, “Das Recht der Dienstmannen des Erzbischofs von Köln,” Mitteilungen aus dem Stadtarchiv von Köln 2 (1883) 1-69. The majority of ministerial families took on noble mannerisms akin to their knightly context, intermarried with regional comital families, and by the end of the thirteenth century had resettled themselves as enfoeffed knights throughout the lands of the archbishop’s secular and church lands. See Arnold, German Knighthood, 1050-1300; and Nicholas, The Growth of the Medieval City, 127.

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the profitable trade and finance fields, while they continued to hold leading positions in all administrative bodies of the city.146 It becomes virtually impossible to distinguish between former minsterials turned merchants and burghers turned regalian administrators, as both were wealthy and influential members of the meliores whose families began to intermarry.147 Indeed it is not too much to say that the integration of ministerial families into the burgher ruling elite of meliores after 1074 (when they had remained on the archbishop’s side during the burgher revolt) was a major social as well as political development in Cologne’s urban history that eased the transition from bitter rioting to the peaceful twelfth-century evolution toward burgher autonomy through collaboration with the archbishops.148 Thus by the mid-twelfth century the merchant and ministerial meliores had finally fashioned a government for the civic community of Cologne with the acceptance and approval of the city’s archbishops. Though ad hoc in creation, overlapping in personnel, directed by a narrow and increasingly closed social elite,149 and jostling amid yet undefined jurisdictional boundaries, the scabini council with its guild and the ward magistrates with their guilds formed the administrative core, while the Richerzeche functioned as the private-public lynchpin that brought the meliores’ socio-economic and political spheres together. This government of the merchant elites proved so effective that Cologne would not see a unified municipal regime led by a city council until 1396.150

146 Lewald, “Köln im Investiturstreit,” 392: “Indeed the burghers of ministerial descent played a decisive role. In the leading offices of the city, they were considerably represented in the scabini council and later in the Richerzeche. But it is crucial that they owed their influence and means much less to their former ministerial position than to their activity in commodities and finance instead” (translation mine). 147 Franz Steinbach, „Zur Socialgeschichte von Köln im Mittelalter,“ in Konrad Repgen and Stephan Skalwelt, eds., Spiegel der Geschichte. Festausgabe für Max Braubach zum 10. April 1964 (Münster: Aschendorff Verlag, 1964) 171-197; Erkens, „Sozialstruktur und Verfassungsentwicklung in der Stadt Köln,“ 174-175. 148 Erkens, „Sozialstruktur und Verfassungsentwicklung in der Stadt Koln,“ 191. 149 Jakobs, “Aspects of Urban Social History in Salian and Staufen Germany,” 291: “The monopoly of court, parish, and fraternity offices by the rich did not apparently create many problems in the twelfth century.” 150 Jakobs, “Stadtgemeinde und Bürgertum um 1100,” 21: “The scabini council and Richerzeche performed so effectively well into the thirteenth century that this municipality, at the time by far most developed north of the Alps, was able to develop a city council constitution relatively late” (translation mine). In contrast, at the turn of the thirteenth century, Basel, Speyer, and Worms all had forms of city councils while the Italian communes of Cremona, Asti, Milan, Modena, and Bologna had fashioned councils a century before.

8

From Roman Colony to Medieval Metropolis The Urban History of Cologne in European Context

The city of Cologne possessed distinctive features and phases from its beginnings that should be more fully considered in the balance of any urban history of medieval Europe. As a creation of Roman city planning, it consistently bore the marks of imperial patronage (both for good and for ill) and evolved thereby from an agro-town (oppidum) into Roman colony (CCAA), a legally recognized city (civitas), and finally a provincial capital (caput provinciae). Yet it also bore from its very genesis the distinctive marks of collaboration between Romans and Germanic peoples. As a frontier urban settlement, Cologne provided a space where Romans from across the empire met Germanic peoples from the Ubians to the Franks and assimilated with them socially, economically, religiously, culturally, and politically. Indeed, we miss a significant aspect of the city’s manufacturing and trade activity when we only expect to find how it connected Cologne residents with the wider Roman world while neglecting the ties created over generations with the other shore of the Rhine River. Roman citizens from virtually every point in the empire either settled or were stationed and then retired with their families in Cologne and its vicinity, all the while sharing streets, markets, altars, families, farms, and military commissions with Ubians and members of the Frankish confederation. The Ubian refusal to sacrifice their own Roman relatives and fellow citizens during the Batavian siege of the city in A.D. 69 was an early witness to this assimilation process. And when Ripuarian Frankish desire to live in Cologne and its environs became irresistible by the mid-fourth century, accommodation to this later-day emigrant confederation defined Roman provincial policy. Finally, as this frontier zone became unreservedly open to the Ripuarian Franks by the mid-fifth century, the new settlers came in fuller numbers not as destroyers of Romanitas but as Germanic peoples quite familiar with the Gallo-Romans and the benefits of life in the RhineMaas corridor. Cologne itself certainly experienced thereby a permanent change in the ruling elite of its community, but this transition had been well underway for at least a century. The city and its hinterlands were not destroyed but occupied, as an area to be inhabited and cultivated rather than burned and buried.

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The Cologne experience of evolutionary transition from Roman to Frankish rule therefore should more fully inform our modern assessments of this era. Historians should study the late antique Rhineland frontier as a hybrid provincial society and culture as they always have the Mediterranean frontier provinces of the Roman Empire, most especially the eastern Mediterranean frontier with which Cologne maintained indispensable trade ties during this period. If we looked to Italy (and Rome in particular) as the center that did not hold politically or remain essential to the provinces, rather than looking to the Rhineland provinces in particular as the source of imperial collapse, we would no longer need to consider the peoples of the Rhineland frontier as either the efficient or final cause of the “fall of Rome.” If we also ceased foregrounding the Alemanni confederation’s destructive expansion westward into Gaul as the predominant explanatory paradigm for Roman imperial decline and if we nuanced the narrative with Cologne’s experience of evolutionary Frankish immigration (not to mention the in-migration of the Burgundian foederati), the history of Late Antiquity begins to look significantly more complex and diverse. And this diversity is important, because it lies at the heart of another important historiographical issue: the extent to which urban life continued into the Early Middle Ages. Were Cologne spoken of in the same paragraph as Trier (Colonia Augusta Treverorum) on this point, the historiography on urban life would again be more nuanced and complete. When it comes to the question of whether or not urban continuity was sustained in post-Roman Europe, a differential equation must be employed, because not all regions of Europe were as urbanized as the Italian peninsula. Edith Ennen, a pioneering twentieth-century archivist and historian of the medieval Rhineland, developed a typology of early medieval cities that has stood the test of time and even been confirmed by the recent archaeological discoveries cited in this book.1 Her typology affirmed a “diversity of condi1 Edith Ennen distilled the core conclusions of her book Frühgeschichte der europäischen Stadt (Bonn: Röhrscheid Verlag, 1953; 3rd ed., Bonn, 1981) in a brief yet protean article entitled “Les Différents Types de formation des villes européens,” Le Moyen Age 62 (1956) 397-411, which was translated into English as “The Variety of Urban Development,” in John F. Benton, ed., Town Origins: The Evidence from Medieval England [Problems in European Civilization Series] (Boston: D. C. Heath, 1968) 11-18 and again as “The Different Types of Formation of European Towns,” in Sylvia L. Thrupp, ed., Early Medieval Society (New York: Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1967) 174-182. Her typology of post-Roman zones of urban development resonated such that it was reprised yet again in her article “The Early History of the European Town: A Retrospective View,” in Howard B. Clarke and Anngret Simms, eds. The Comparative History of Urban Origins in Non-Roman Europe: Ireland, Wales, Denmark, Germany, Poland and Russia from the Ninth to the Thirteenth Century, 2 vols. [British Archaeological Reports International Series 255] (Oxford:

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tions at the very beginning of medieval European towns” and thus proposed not one but three different zones of European settlement.2 The first zone was the vast area of northern Europe east of the Rhine, in Scandinavia, and in the Gaelic lands that were never touched by Roman urban culture. It stands to reason that this zone has nothing to add to the issue of urban continuity, as its entire urban history was post-Roman. The second zone contained those areas north of the Alps where the Romans had planted cities in varying density: namely, Britain, Gaul, Spain, and the valleys of the Rhine and Danube. And the third zone encompassed the Roman heartlands of Italy, where classical urban life survived the end of the western Roman Empire, though recent research has identified much more decline than previously assumed for this zone, with Rome in the vanguard and Milan reduced to a “virtual break in habitation.”3 Continuity of urban life between the fourth and eighth centuries is only a debatable issue in the second zone, where transalpine Roman provinces existed whose clusters of towns and cities, like Cologne, were Roman implants. And yet in this zone archaeological discoveries have tempered expectations that Britain’s urban life collapsed suddenly, 4 while further confirming suspicions that the majority of civitates in Gaul experienced functional continuity through the administrative and religious leadership of their Gallo-Roman bishops even though with reduced topographical continuity.5 A similar case can be made for Spain as well though with a clear Oxford University Press, 1985) 1: 3-14. Teofilo F. Ruiz, “Urban Historical Geography and the Writing of Late Medieval Urban History,” in Carol Lansing and Edward D. English, eds., A Companion to the Medieval World [Blackwell Companions to European History] (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2009) 397 concluded that through her typology “Ennen put to rest the long sway of Rome as the original and sole foundation of urban development in Europe.” Keith D. Lilley, Urban Life in the Middle Ages 1100-1450 (New York: Palgrave, 2002) 1-10 also used her typology to begin his survey. 2 Ennen, «Les Différents Types de formation des villes européens,» 12. 3 Nicholas, Growth of the Medieval City, 18-19; Chris Wickham, Early Medieval Italy: Central Power and Local Society 400-1000 (London: Macmillan, 1981; rpt. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1990) 80-81. Lilley, Urban Life in the Middle Ages 1000-1450, 4 has averred, “Perhaps, then, the distinction drawn on the basis of urban continuity between regions two and three is less hard and fast than it would at first appear. Indeed, as we move further north, into region two, the complexities of urban life in the early Middle Ages become no less marked.” 4 David Hill, “Towns as Structures and Functioning Communities through Time: The Development of Central Places from 600-1066,” in Della Hooke, ed., Anglo-Saxon Settlements (Oxford: Basil Blackwood, 1988) 198; Patrick Ottaway, Archaeology in British Towns: From the Emperor Claudius to the Black Death (New York: Routledge, 1992) 118; A. Simon Esmonde Cleary, The Ending of Roman Britain (New York: Routledge, 1989). 5 Simon T. Loseby, “Urban Failures in Late-Antique Gaul,” in Terry R. Slater, ed., Towns in Decline A.D. 100-1600 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000) 73.

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distinction between the high levels of urbanization in Muslim al-Andalus and an almost complete lack of towns in early medieval Christian Spain.6 Yet when the Rhineland region is added to the mix, Cologne’s sustained level of urban life, both in functional as well as topographical terms, is quite striking indeed. Though the city precincts declined demographically from the 40,000 inhabitants at its second-century population peak to thousands in the early Frankish era, this should be expected once the considerable Roman military population and its civilian support staff withdrew back into Gaul. Nonetheless, subsequent urban continuity of spatial settlement, artisanal and agricultural production, and the functions of marketplace, royal residence, and even a Merovingian mint are challenges to traditional claims that urban life in eastern Gaul collapsed as the Franks replaced the Roman state. So revisions to the earlier “dark age” scenario of early medieval urban Europe north of the Alps, which so much archaeological work in the past few decades has undermined, pertains especially to the imperial city along the Rhine.7 In short, it is becoming clearer that zones two and three had more in common than modern histories have asserted, based as they were solely on the written sources of southern Gaul and northern Italy.8 6 Patrice Cressier and Mercedes Garcia-Arenal, eds., Genèse de la ville islamique en al-Andalus et au Magreb occidental (Madrid: Casa de Velásquez, 1998); Thomas F. Glick, Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages 2nd rev. ed. (Leiden: Brill, 2005). 7 Excavations completed in the early 1970s of the cathedral and praesidium revealed indications of continuity (for an early review of archaeological evidence that began overturning the notion of a ruinous rupture of urban life after the withdrawal of Roman troops and the incursions of Germanic tribes see Reinhold Kaiser, “Cologne au xiie siècle d’apres quelques trauvaux récents,” Revue Belge de philologie et d’histoire 55 [1977] 1069-1075). This early archaeological evidence has been even more fully confirmed in subsequent excavations during the past two decades in the medieval market zones of the Rhine suburb, as cited in this book. Nonetheless, as recently as the year 2000, archaeologist Richard Hodges could still write in Towns and Trade in the Age of Charlemagne (London: Duckworth, 2000) 120: “There is some consensus on issues of historical substance: No one can deny the late Roman circumstances. Most classical cities came to an end between the fourth and seventh centuries. Places such as Cologne, London, Marseilles, Paris and even Rome were either deserted or else reduced to eerie shadows of their once metropolitan grandeur.” Hodges, Dark Age Economics: A New Audit (London: Bristol Classical Press, 2012) provides no update on Cologne area archaeological discoveries. This can only be explained by the paucity in Anglophone readers of German-language scholarship. 8 Lilley, Urban Life in the Middle Ages 1100-1450, 8 rightly recalls the admonition of Howard B. Clarke and Anngret Simms, “Towards a Comparative History of Urban Origins,” in Clarke and Simms, eds., The Comparative History of Urban Origins in Non-Roman Europe: Ireland, Wales, Denmark, Germany, Poland and Russia from the Ninth to the Thirteenth Century, 2 vols. (British Archaeological Reports International Series 255] (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1985) 2: 671 that “we should not exaggerate the distinction between Roman and non-Roman Europe” when considering medieval urban origins.

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The Roman civitates in the former provinces of Germania that experienced sustained functional continuity in spite of topographical diminishment all shared one common characteristic: the presence of a bishop. This has been explained by the simple fact that ecclesiastical administrative capitals were located in the provincial capitals where Roman governors ruled as well (hence the common term diocesis for both a province and an ecclesial district). Despite being greatly diminished by repeated Alemanni assaults, Trier, for example, continued as an urban settlement along with the betterpreserved Cologne. This was only the case, however, for Cologne and Trier, which went on to become medieval archbishoprics. Other bishops were located in the continued Roman castra settlements of Utrecht (Traiectum), Verdun (Verodunum), Toul (Tullum Leucorum), Mainz (Mogontiacum), Worms (Vormatia), Speyer (Noviomagus Nemetum), Strasbourg (Argentoratum), and Konstanz (Drusomagus).9 As for Cologne, continued Merovingian use of the Roman praesidium as a royal residence there meant that the bishop was not the only public authority in the city. And with the pontificate of Bishop Ebergisil, ecclesiastical leadership had passed from Gallo-Roman to Frankish hands in the late sixth century. It is perhaps surprising that the Merovingians never established a single new bishopric in the regions of their empire east of the Rhine, and thus the Rhine River remained an important ecclesiastical border for more than 250 years after Roman governance ceased in the West, which not even the likes of Kunibert appear to have breached.10 Yet Carolingian conquest of Frisia, Saxony, Bavaria, and Carinthia transformed Cologne from an eastern provincial city to a forward base for military and missionary expansion into Frisia and Saxony. This critical imperial reorientation of the city produced the Carolingian court bishops (Hofbischöfe) like Hildebold and the martyred Hildeger, whose pontificates were marked by intimate bonds with the Carolingian family and an admixture of deep piety and learning expressed in the founding of a cathedral school and library, the building of several 9 Basel, Augsburg, and Chur remain problematic in terms of unbroken post-Roman continuity, while Salzburg, Eichstätt, Freising, Regensburg, Passau, and Würzburg did not have a continuous urban existence and only emerge in the eighth century. Though the provincial capital of Germania Superior, Mainz was never classified as municipium, civitas, or colonia but, rather, remained a major fortification for Roman legions, and an unbroken continuity for Mainz remains uncertain: Frank Hirschmann, Die Stadt im Mittelalter [Enzyclopädie deutscher Geschichte 48] (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2009) 2. In the context of missionary activity under St. Boniface, Mainz was raised to an archbishop in the mid-eighth century. 10 Ibid., 3. Eastern Austrasia, parts of Thuringia, and Swabia are the regions being referenced here.

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churches to cultivate the apotropaic power of the city’s patron saints, and their monastic missionary zeal. Thus by the Carolingian era the Franks who had once been converted by Gallo-Roman bishops were now themselves bishops committed to converting other Germanic peoples as well as patrons of Latin learning and piety. As a result of their labors, these archbishops of Cologne in particular saw their suffragan bishoprics expanded from Liège and Utrecht to include Minden, Münster, and Osnabrück. The breakup of the Carolingian Empire proved to be yet another momentous stage in the history of Cologne; indeed, this was far more important than the much-publicized Viking and Magyar incursions, destructive as they were.11 Though less epic than Norse or Hungarian plunderers, the fragmentation of Carolingian Europe had much longer-term consequences, as it placed Cologne in the untenable kingdom of Lotharingia, whose own rapid disintegration created a tug-of-war between western and eastern Frankish rulers over the territory’s proper political alignment. Yet, though Cologne’s office of archbishop suffered real damage during this weary dynastic conflict that saw the first papal interventions in the city’s history, Cologne itself still continued to prosper economically. Only the early tenth-century extinction of the Carolingian dynasty in both kingdoms settled this crucial debate, allowing the emergence of the new Ottonian rulers from Saxony with their remarkable conviction for reconstituting a European Empire. Once founded in Gaul on the western shore of the Rhine River, Cologne was now annexed along with lower Lotharingia into the nascent German Empire, and thus the city’s identity was also changed from Gaulic to Germanic in orientation. In a profoundly important reorientation, Cologne was no longer a forward city on the eastern frontier of Gallia. It was now a forward city on the western frontier of Germania. One could easily describe this new identity as the second founding of Cologne, initiated and carefully nurtured by the imperial patronage of the Ottonian dynasty just as its first founding had been by the Julio-Claudian dynasty. And in similar familial fashion, Otto I appointed his own brother Bruno as ducal archbishop of Cologne to secure the Lotharingian frontier 11 Richard Hodges, Goodbye Vikings? Re-Reading Early Medieval Archaeology (London: Duckworth, 2006) 162 has summarized recent archaeological evidence with this conclusion: “These [archaeological] measures show beyond doubt that the Vikings were not the cause of change in this era but stakeholders in a complex realignment of Latin Christendom in the aftermath of the zenith of the Carolingian empire. We should say goodbye to the Vikings as we have known them, and with the advantage of rich archaeological evidence from Scandinavia to hand, welcome them into the bosom of the new, inclusive history of Europe that melds together written sources with the fruits of digs and days spent metal-detecting ploughed fields.”

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just as Augustus Caesar had appointed his son-in-law Agrippa governor to secure the Rhine frontier. In this new political context a series of imperial bishops (Reichsbischöfe) ruled over Cologne who were drawn from regional noble dynasties (Franconian Conradiner, Lotharingian Ezzonid, Bavarian Aribonid) and who all attempted to model themselves after the incomparable Ottonian archetype, Archbishop Bruno I of Cologne (953-965). To the archiepiscopal remit hereafter belonged ducal military authority in Lotharingia, as well as the comital authority to exercise the imperial regalian rights of markets, tolls and taxes, courts, and minting currency like other prince-bishops. Cologne and its growing populace in particular now had an imperial Stadtherr in addition to a diocesan pastor in one person. Such new-style archbishops remained intimates of the imperial court who travelled from Paris to Rome, Utrecht to Goslar and Worms, and many parts in between on behalf of their monarchs; indeed, they had often been educated in the imperial chancery. In addition to their service to German emperors, these imperial archbishops were deeply committed city planners who used their regalian resources to pursue major building projects for both their city’s religious and economic infrastructures, while sustaining support for scholarship at the cathedral school and library. The spirituality of their era and clerical community was best expressed not by missionary zeal as much as by their consistent patronage of monastic reform movements emanating out of the abbeys of Cîteaux, Gorze, Siegburg, and Fruttuaria. Thus, while the Ottonian monarchs reoriented Cologne’s geographical and political alignment from Gallic to Germanic, we should also think of these imperial archbishops, whose pontificates covered the century from 953-1056, as the refounders of the city itself. For they made the necessary investments to give life to the burghers’ city alongside the immunity precinct of the earlier bishop’s city. By the pontificate of Archbishop Anno II (1056-1075), signs of the emerging burgher’s city and its residents finally begin to appear in the surviving record. That Anno’s often haughty bearing as a parvenu Stadtherr generated a growing hostility against him among the merchant elites may not raise eyebrows. But that their anger was not rooted in unjust taxation or legal decisions but, rather, in the archbishop’s continued treatment of them as servile members of his familia is important. It speaks volumes about rising burgher expectations regarding the inviolability of their market privileges and their own social standing in the city. So deep-seated had these expectations become by 1074 that Anno’s arrogance led to a dangerous city-wide riot from which he barely escaped with his life. The resulting breach between the archbishop and the burghers required enduring violent retribution by

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archiepiscopal ministerials, the failed intervention by the king, and a year of exile under excommunication for many merchant families before the archbishop himself repented of his abuse of powers both spiritual and secular. This violent exchange between archbishop and burghers, the latter of whom we can only perceive indirectly and inarticulately, caused both parties to reconsider the relationship between Herrschaft and Gemeinde. Thereafter Cologne entered an extended period of collaboration between archbishops and citizens that even survived a momentary falling-out over the final showdown of 1106 between the beleaguered Henry IV and his son Henry V. In their battles against Henry V the Cologne burghers exercised an even more remarkable degree of collective agency. As a legally recognized civic community they successfully negotiated with Henry IV the right to expand the city’s defensive walls without any recourse to their Stadtherr, and then at the death of the king they negotiated a bilateral peace with his son and were able to pay a phenomenal amount of silver as the price of reconciliation. The burghers had developed such self-confidence and agency because the archbishops were so regularly away from Cologne on the dreary business of the Investiture Controversy and its wars civil (in Germany) and imperial (in Italy). So the burgher meliores along with archiepiscopal ministeriales combined to effectively run the city’s daily administration and courts through the scabini council in the absence of their Stadtherr. Even the noble burgrave and ministerial advocate had become too preoccupied with affairs beyond the walls of the city and so their duties were also deputized to subjudges from the burgher meliores. Finally, the growing administrative needs at the ward level were soon met independently of the central government institutions through the formation of a fraternity of magistrates in each administrative ward or parish. Thus, with sometimes overlapping and independent jurisdictions, the Cologne meliores and ministeriales gradually melded and developed the means to learn the arts of municipal self-governance. No doubt applying their administrative and business acumen to solving organizational and political problems, they proved to be quick learners whose effectiveness was such that they obtained recognition as a joint ally of the archbishop and the combined nobility of the Rhine-Maas corridor in the rebellion of 1114 “for liberty” against Henry V. And in this coalition the Cologners also displayed a new and decisive military expertise as well, particularly in archery. The Investiture Controversy finally ended in 1122 with the Concordat of Worms, and with it the exhausting cycle of civil wars unleashed by that struggle gradually lessened. The price of peace and of Henry’s freedom from excommunication was a strict separation between the regalia and spiritualia

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of German bishops, a seemingly symbolic arrangement that would in fact complicate the lives of German prince-bishops for the remainder of the Middle Ages. Henry V, however, had little time to knit his German Kingdom back together before his own untimely death at the age of 39 in 1125. Though neither the Christus Domini he had claimed to be nor the Antichrist of his enemies, Henry still came to symbolize a very destructive era in German history.12 His death from cancer also marked the end of an era in the German Kingdom when prince-bishops had dominated their cities as patrons and Stadtherrn whose hybrid episcopates fused imperial regalian rights with diocesan spiritual authority. In this regard, the Cistercian monk Caesarius of Heisterbach’s reflection on the risks bishops took in assuming temporal power was obviously framed by the legacy of the Investiture Controversy. Of course prince-bishops would continue to exist, but they faced new countervailing forces after 1125 that would erode their claim to temporal authority: namely, the emerging castellan and comital nobility that would compete to place their own sons in the episcopal seat, the papacy whose interventions in the German Church would only intensify in the name of the spiritualia exercised by the prince-bishops, and most certainly the burgher elites of their episcopal cities whose desire for autonomy and shared governance would prove to be the greatest challenge to their regalian right to temporal power. But these new dynamics are matters of the twelfth through fourteenth centuries and therefore best reserved for a second volume. Cologne embodied all these larger trends in German history; indeed it led the way among German cities. Its size outstripped the other major cities in Germany by far, and its economy overshadowed them as well.13 The burgher elite of the Rhineland metropolis also outpaced other urban communities in navigating the troubled waters of the Investiture Controversy toward increased autonomy and forms of self-governance. Thus in Trier, Utrecht, Mainz, Regensburg, Liège, and Metz, leading prince-bishops also functioned as city lords amid growing challenges to their temporal authority in the context of the Investiture Controversy.14 Yet the only other burgher uprisings against prince-bishops contemporary with Cologne’s (1074) – namely, those 12 Fuhrhman, Germany in the High Middle Ages, 94. 13 Among the largest German cities at the start of the twelfth century, Cologne’s 223-hectare area within its city walls was by far the largest in Germany, followed by Trier’s 138 (so shrunken from its height of 285 in Late Antiquity), Utrecht’s 131, Regensburg’s 110, Mainz’s and Cambrai’s 100, Metz’s 84, and the 80 hectares of Liège and Ghent. 14 The prince-bishops of the recently established and thus still emerging episcopal cities of Halberstadt, Magdeburg, Hildesheim, Paderborn, Minden in Saxony and Worms, Speyer,

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in Worms in 1073 and 1077, Cambrai (still within Lower Lotharingia) in 1077, and Mainz in 1077 – were all driven by issues of a different focus and scale. The cives of Worms dwelt in the heartland of Salian power, and the dynasty had long striven with the bishop for control of the city even when they were only a comital family there. Hence the burghers showed their loyalty to the Salian dynasty by driving Bishop Adalbert II out in 1073 and opening their gates to Henry IV, who promptly rewarded them with a charter confirming toll privileges. In 1077 the cives (whether the entire populace or only the burgher elite remains unclear) swore an oath to resist their bishop and the anti-king Rudolf of Rheinfelden whom he supported. This resistance was, therefore, a revolt not against the bishop’s control over civic government as Stadtherr but, rather, against his partisan position in the bitter Investiture Controversy: during the Saxon rebellion phase of the conflict Worms replaced Goslar as the seat of Henry IV’s kingship.15 And it was the same pro-Salian zeal that moved the citizens of Mainz to drive their archbishop Siegfried I of Mainz and his partisans out of the city in the same year, even while the archbishop was in the midst of the coronation festivities for anti-king Rudolf of Rheinfelden.16 Siegfried would never set foot again in Mainz and died in 1084 at the monastery of Hasungen deep in Saxony. Yet his exile was the product not of his lordship in the city but, rather, of his decision to crown an anti-Salian king.17 The citizens of Cambrai had revolted once against their prince-bishop in 958 and were brutally suppressed, and thus it was not until 1077 in the midst of the early chaos of the Investiture Controversy that they once again sought redress of their grievances through locking the prince-bishop out of the city while he was away – in this case Bishop Gerard II, who was in Rome Strasbourg, Augsburg, and Eichstätt in Franconia and Swabia were finding similar conditions for their rule. 15 Robinson, Henry IV of Germany, 93. Groten, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter, 81 notes that the actions of 1073 did not result in constitutional change, which was not the goal of the uprising. 16 John Eldvik, “Driving the Chariot of the Lord: Siegfried I of Mainz (1060-1084) and Episcopal Identity in an Age of Transition,” in John S. Ott and Anna Trumbore Jones, eds., The Bishop Reformed: Studies in Episcopal Power and Culture in the Central Middle Ages (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007) 187. Schulz, Denn Sie Leiben die Freiheit So Sehr, 80: “What might have moved the Worms populace to undertake such an unusual and bold step? Doubtless the feeling of loyalty and attachment to ‘their’ king, whose Salian dynasty was native to and held lands around Worms, played an important role in this” (translation mine). 17 Groten, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter, 85. The same dynamic appears in Metz, though with anti-Salian partisanship: the cives urbis sided with Bishop Hermann against Henry IV in 1084, and when their bishop was temporarily deposed by the emperor in 1089 they expelled his imperial replacement, Bruno of Calw.

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seeking papal support for his own canonically-challenged episcopacy. The Cambrai conspirators swore to one another an oath of mutual support (again it remains unclear if this included all burghers or only the elites) to keep the gates of the city closed to Bishop Gerard until he finally recognized them as a legal entity worthy of some measure of autonomy. Under the pretense of negotiating, Gerard procured the opening of the city gates and then with the assistance of Count Baldwin II of Hainault proceeded to crush the revolt violently by having the burghers’ houses pillaged and the ringleaders executed. The remaining citizens were then forced to take an oath of loyalty to the bishop while he offered no promises in return. Cambrai comes close to the Cologne experience both in terms of its prosperous economic base (textiles, woad and grain trade) and its self-confident residents who were much better organized than the Cologners in 1074. Yet the reconciliation (albeit a labored one) in Cologne was not replicated in Cambrai, whose citizens had benefit neither of royal intervention nor of an archiepiscopal recognition of error.18 There was no connection between the uprisings in Cologne or Cambrai,19 and in terms of the future of the German Kingdom Cologne proved to be the harbinger of things to come. Though the violent rejection of Anno’s nephew Kuno (Conrad) of Pfullingen as the newly imposed archbishop of Trier in 1066 was resistance not so much by the entire citizenry but by the ministerial leadership of the city, it too was an indication that Anno’s world of imperial bishops was coming to a close.20 The second half of the eleventh century and the twelfth century would see previously stable bishop’s cities challenged more urgently by burgher demands for increased autonomy and municipal self-governance.21 18 Groten, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter, 85-86, 88: the Cambrai sworn association or commune sought a lasting constitutional change in their relationship with the bishop, which reflected the French communal movement rather than German urban consciousness. 19 Schulz, Denn Sie Lieben die Freiheit So Sehr, 56-60; Susan Reynolds, Kingdoms and Communities in Western Europe, 900-1300, 2nd ed. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997) 174; Felicitas Schmieder, Die Mittelalterliche Stadt, 2nd. ed. (Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 2009) 63-64. 20 Hirschmann, Die Stadt im Mittelalter, 7-8. 21 Some municipal leaders obtained privileges for the burgher elite only (Magdeburg, Halberstadt); some formed sworn organizations (Cambrai, Worms, Mainz, Metz) or fraternities (Tiel, Valenciennes) to achieve their goals; some demanded lay participation in episcopal elections (Mainz, Trier, Verdun); others the ability to deal independently with their own legal and business conflicts (Cambrai, Trier, Metz, Verdun); still others the right to act militarily apart from their Stadtherr (Cambrai, Konstanz, Augsburg, Worms, Metz); or recognition as a collective legal body by either their episcopal city lord (Huy, Mainz, Speyer, Cambrai, Utrecht) or by the king (Worms, Speyer, Cologne, Utrecht, Muiden, Stavoren, Deventer, Duisburg); a separate legal status from the surrounding countryside (Regensburg, Konstanz, Cambrai, Speyer, Utrecht);

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The final irony in this story is that Cologne’s burghers obtained all of the forms of autonomy sought by the other German cities and more over the course of the twelfth century, and they did so through a gradual accumulation of rights, privileges, and administrative offices in collaboration with their archbishops. Indeed they had already made significant progress by 1125.22 And they did so without the formation of several institutions so typical in European urban history. There was never any formal town charter so valued in English boroughs, in the cities of France, Normandy, Flanders, and in imperial cities and new towns founded in eastern Germany by princes (Magdeburg and Lübeck); rather, a series of ad hoc privileges and precedents accumulated over time created a kind of “common law” tradition that came to matter a great deal by the thirteenth century as a body of urban law (Stadtrecht).23 There was no city council either, but rather the originally private Richerzeche served as the autonomous municipal public assembly, flanked by the scabini council at the archiepiscopal court level and the autonomous parish ward magistrate guilds at the ward and parish level. Nor was executive leadership located in a mayoral office; rather, the two burgomasters of the Richerzeche served such a role in conjunction with the scabini council. Indeed, one burgomaster had to come from the scabini council and hence had access to the city seal, the earliest municipal seal in European history and one granted by the archbishop as a gesture of collaboration to the meliores of the city. Finally, there was no artisan guild movement to drive municipal politics as in other European cities; rather, by the later twelfth century the Richerzeche served as the central merchant guild, which both licensed and supervised artisan guilds as well as the urban markets. Thus Cologne’s Gemeinde had emerged as a legally acknowledged entity by 1125, though not by means found elsewhere in Europe. It was not established by royal or episcopal charter or by the formation of a sworn commune like and the right to establish a religious house or a hospital on their own authority (Regensburg, Metz). See Hirschmann, Die Stadt im Mittelalter, 11. As Franz Irsigler wrote in his article, „Über Stadtentwicklung: Beobachtungen am Beispiel von Ardres,“ in Volker Henn et al., eds., Miscellanea Franz Irsigler: Festgabe zum 65. Geburtstag (Trier: Porta-Alba Verlag, 2006) 171: “Around 1100 a new epoch begins in the history of the European city” (translation mine). 22 Groten, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter, 101: “Cologne’s constitutional development, shaped through self-organization in fraternities without ecclesiastical reservation, had no parallels in other German cities” (translation mine). 23 A „law of the city of Cologne“ is referenced as early as 1159: Hans Planitz, „Die deutsche Stadtgemeinde: Forschungen zur Stadtverfassungsgeschichte 3,“ Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte, Germanistische Abteilung 64 (1944) 80-85; Nicholas, The Growth of the Medieval City, 144.

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those of northern France.24 And though the term consules was not used in Cologne until 1216 during a short-lived experiment with a city council,25 the establishment of its own burgher community as a legal municipal entity occurred simultaneously with the founding of the Italian communes that have always been foregrounded in medieval urban historiography.26 Cologne had become a Rhineland metropolis by 1125 thanks to the dynamism of both its hybrid prince-bishops and assertive burgher community. Indeed, the bishop’s city and the burgher city had been bound together with ties that created something wholly new. Once an agro-town, frontier colony, provincial capital, and then a royal residence, Cologne had always been defined by imperial patronage and political requirements. But by the twelfth century, often-absent prince-bishops, self-confident and wealthy merchant elites, and an economy geared toward long-distance trade in manufactured goods and bulk commodities combined to chart a new course in the long and remarkable history of Cologne. The leading city of Germany and one of the great metropolises of early twelfth-century Europe in terms of size, population, and civic development, Cologne would continue to be in the vanguard throughout the remainder of the Middle Ages in search of increasing urban prosperity and autonomy.27 Rome and imperial ambitions would also remain powerful forces in the history of this former Roman colony turned Rhineland metropolis, but henceforth they would no longer determine its destiny.

24 Le Mans (1070), Cambrai (1077), St. Quentin (about 1081), Beauvais (about 1099), Noyon (1108-1109), and Laon (1112). 25 Edith Ennen, Die europäische Stadt des Mittelalters, 4th ed. (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck and Ruprecht Verlag, 1987) 140; Groten, Köln im 13. Jahrhundert, 54-69. 26 Pisa and Lucca (about 1081), Asti (1092), Arezzo (1098), Genoa (1099), Pistoia and Ferrara (1105), Cremona (1112), Florence (1115), Milan (1117), and Piacenza (1123). The communal movement gradually spread to southern France as well: Arles (1131), Nice (1144), Narbonne (1132), and Toulouse (1152). See Schmieder, Die mittelalterliche Stadt, 60; and Philip Jones, The Italian City-State from Commune to Signoria (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997). 27 In the late tenth century, Cologne’s population was only around 2,500, but it climbed to around 13,000 by 1125 and to 20,000 by the mid-twelfth century. This rapid increase continued until it reached around 35,000 by the early thirteenth century and reached its peak of 40,000-45,000 by 1300: Groten, Die deutsche Stadt im Mittelalter, 52, 91, 145.



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Index Aachen 13, 78-80, 82, 87, 98, 101, 102, 114, 117, 118, 120-123, 127-129, 136, 137, 139, 143, 157, 171, 173, 183, 190, 193, 194, 196, 209 Aachener Straβe 20 Abbess Jutta of St. Caecilia 155 Abbess Matilda of Quedlinburg 118 Abbess Radegund of Holy Cross Abbey (Poitiers) 63 Abbess Theophanu of Essen 141 Abbot Berno of Reichenau 134 Abbot Helias of Great St. Martin 132 Abbot Kuno of Siegburg 161 Abbot Odilo of Cluny 135 Abbot Poppo of Stavelot 131 Abbot Ramwold of St. Emmeram 119 Adelgunde of Burgundy 102 Admonitio Generalis 97 Aegidius 50 Agaunum 67, 68 Agrippina the Elder 23 Agrippina the Younger 23, 25, 26 Ahrgau 37, 182 al-Andalus 228 Alani 48, 49 Aldenhoven 188 Alemanni 38, 47, 52, 96, 99, 226, 229 Alps 13, 77, 81, 114, 121, 125, 130, 134, 136, 203, 209, 227, 228 Alsace 54 Alteburg 26 Altenahr 189 Altermarkt (Old Market) 48, 88, 92, 111, 112, 129, 151, 219 Altsteußlingen 153 Ambiorix 17 amicitia 19, 100 Ammianus Marcellinus 61 Anatolia 42 Andernach 129, 145, 171 Anglo-Saxon 66, 101, 138, 171 Annals of Fulda 88 Antichrist 188, 233 Anti-Pope Honorius II 158, 159 Antwerp 41 Aquitaine 64, 77 Arberg 149 Arbogast 47, 48 Archbishop Adalbero of Reims 108 Archbishop Adalbert I of Mainz 207, 209 Archbishop Adalbert of Bremen 159 Archbishop Anno II of Cologne 95, 139, 140, 147, 153-178, 181, 182, 185-188, 192, 198, 204, 231, 235 Archbishop Aribo of Mainz 127, 128, 134 Archbishop Arnold I of Cologne 216

Archbishop Bardo of Mainz 174 Archbishop Bruno I of Cologne 95, 104-116, 118, 119, 124, 140, 142, 143, 149, 230, 231 Archbishop Bruno of Trier 192, 205 Archbishop Eberhard of Trier 174 Archbishop Egbert of Trier 112, 118 Archbishop-Elect Hilduin of Cologne 82, 86 Archbishop Everger of Cologne 118, 120 Archbishop Folkmar of Cologne 116 Archbishop Frederick I of Cologne 191-194, 199, 203-212, 217, 218 Archbishop Gero of Cologne 112, 116, 117 Archbishop Guibert of Ravenna 183 Archbishop Gunthar of Cologne 82, 83, 85, 86 Archbishop Hadebald of Cologne 82 Archbishop Hartwig of Salzburg 125 Archbishop Heribert of Cologne 95, 119-125, 127, 133, 162, 174 Archbishop Hermann III of Cologne 186-191, 198 Archbishop Hermann II of Cologne 130, 134-142, 154 Archbishop Hermann I of Cologne 88, 89, 100, 102, 134 Archbishop Hildebert of Mainz 102 Archbishop Hildolf of Cologne 178-181, 185 Archbishop John of Ravenna 117 Archbishop Kuno of Trier 155, 235 Archbishop Liemar of Bremen 182 Archbishop Liutbert of Mainz 82, 84 Archbishop Maurice Bourdin of Braga 209 Archbishop Pilgrim of Cologne 124, 125, 127-134, 154 Archbishop Poppo of Trier 174 Archbishop Rotbert of Trier 105 Archbishop Ruthoard of Mainz 193 Archbishop Siegfried I of Mainz 160, 170, 180, 234 Archbishop Sigewin of Cologne 181-187, 192, 198 Archbishop Warin of Cologne 117, 118 Archbishop Werner of Magdeburg 155, 181 Archbishop Wichfried of Cologne 102-104, 109, 110 Archbishop William of Mainz 107, 114, 116 Archbishop Willibert of Cologne 84-88 Archbishop Willigis of Mainz 117, 118, 122 Ardennes 17, 108 Arduin 125 Are 207 Arelate 48 Arenberg 133, 149 Arians 44 Aribonid 125, 231 Arles 43 Arminius of the Cherusci 22, 23

272  Armorica 49 Arnsberg 192 Arnulfing-Carolingian 75 Athanasius 44 Augsburg 96, 159, 180 Austrasia 53, 54, 61, 64, 65, 72, 75, 76, 78 Austria 80 Baal 42 Bad Breisig 31 Badorf 90, 144, 145 Baltic 36, 144 Bamberg 125, 154, 155, 158, 169, 170, 191, 206, 207 Band Ware Culture (Bandkeramishe Kultur) 14 Basina 63 Batavi 28-31, 225 Battle of Andernach 101, 103, 208 Battle of Argentovaria 47 Battle of Compiègne 76 Battle of Edessa 38 Battle of Flarchheim 182 Battle of Frigidus 47, 48 Battle of Lechfield 107 Battle of the Catalunian Fields 49 Battle of the Po 107 Battle of the Teutoburg Forest 22 Battle of Vouillé 52 Battle of Welfesholz 208 Battle of Zülpich 52 Bavaria 96, 99, 104, 107, 124, 125, 191, 229, 231 Bayenthal 15 Beatrice 108 Belgae 17 Bell-Beaker Culture (Glockenbecherkultur) 14 Benedictine 67, 89, 109-111, 124, 161 beneficia 99 Benevento 120 Berg 160 Bergisches Land 13 Berka 183 Bertha of Savoy 160 Berthold of Reichenau 180 Bertrade 78 bibliothecarius 125 Billung 109 Bishop Adalbert II of Worms 167, 234 Bishop Arnold of Worms 174 Bishop Balderich of Utrecht 105 Bishop Benno II of Osnabrück 182 Bishop Beorhtheah of Worcester 137 Bishop Bruno of Toul 136 Bishop Burchard II of Halberstadt 155, 159 Bishop Carentinus of Cologne 62, 63, 70 Bishop Ealdred of Worcester 137, 138 Bishop Ebergisil of Cologne 63, 229 Bishop Eraclus of Liège 112 Bishop Euphrates of Cologne 43, 61 Bishop Friedrich I of Münster 163 Bishop Gebhard of Regensburg 119

The Imperial Cit y of Cologne

Bishop Gerard II of Cambrai 234, 235 Bishop Henry I of Liège 184, 185 Bishop Henry of Würzburg 121 Bishop Hildebold of Cologne 78-81, 87, 98, 119, 229 Bishop Hildebold of Worms 119 Bishop Hildeger of Cologne 78, 98, 229 Bishop John I of Speyer 189 Bishop Kunibert of Cologne 64, 65, 67, 70, 75, 79, 81, 148, 182, 229 Bishop Maternus of Cologne 43, 61 Bishop Otbert of Liège 193, 199 Bishop Ratherius of Verona 105 Bishop Ricolf of Cologne 78 Bishop Severin of Cologne 62, 68-70 Bishop Suidger of Bamberg 135 Bishop Wigfrid of Verdun 112 Bishop William I of Utrecht 179, 180 Böckelheim Castle 192 Bohemia 140 Bonn (Bonna) 21, 28, 31, 38, 55, 67, 73, 87, 88, 139, 144, 161, 193, 194, 208 Bonn-Cologne-Xanten corridor 84 Bonn Gate (Bonntor) 15 Bonn Legion 28 Boppard 103 Brauweiler Abbey 130, 131, 141, 156, 157, 161, 187 Bremen 80 Britain 17, 36, 39, 227 Britannicus 25 Brittany 49 Brixen 183 Bronze Age 14 Bructeri 40 Brühl 91, 144 Bucinobantes 47 Burg Aremberg 149 Burg Schönstein 149 Burgundy 49, 54, 75, 136, 226 Byzantine 58, 77, 125, 134 Caesarius of Heisterbach 95, 233 Cambrai 109, 234, 235 Canossa 172, 180, 193 Capetian 108, 115 Capua 125 Cardinal Cuno of Praeneste 209 Carinthia 229 Carolingian 12, 55, 62, 65, 67, 70, 75, 77, 78, 80-82, 85-88, 90-93, 96-100, 102, 106-110, 112, 115, 122, 135, 140, 143, 145, 146, 229, 230 Carolingian Empire 81, 99, 103, 230 Casimir 140, 141 Castellum Divitia (Deutz) 40, 55, 58, 59, 124, 129, 133, 139, 186, 208 Castra Batava 96 Castra Regina 96 Cativolcus 17 Celts 15, 17, 18, 42, 44, 64, 66

Index

Châlons 49 Chalpaida 76 Charles Martel 76, 77, 79 Chatti 31 Cherusci 22, 23 Childebrand (major domus) 76 Chloderich 52, 72 Christus Domini 233 Church of St. Patroclus 110 Church of Sts. Simon and Judas (Goslar) 137, 154, 155 Church of St. Victor (Xanten) 83, 186 Church of St. Vitus (Mönchen-Gladbach) 117 Cisalpine Gaul 20 Cistercian 95, 161, 233 Cîteaux Abbey 231 Civita Castellana 121 civitas 24, 26, 34, 38, 65, 115, 204, 225 civitates 227, 229 classis Germanica 26 Claudius Silvanus 41, 61 Clematius 69 Clermont 187 Clotilda 63 Cluniac 110, 131, 136, 161, 187 Cluny 136 Coburg 156 Cologne Abbey and Church of St. Maria im Kapitol (St. Maria on the Capitol) 76, 111, 134, 140, 141 Abbey and Church of St. Pantaleon 83, 110, 115, 118, 122, 124, 130, 132, 133, 141, 162, 166, 187 Abbey and Parish Church of Great St. Martin 112, 130, 132, 133, 141, 161, 213, 221 advocatus urbis 148 Agrippinenses 25, 27, 28, 30, 31, 37 Airsbach 162, 195 Amtleutebruderschaft 213, 215 Annolied 204 ara Ubiorum 21, 25 archidux 106 aula regia 55, 61 aurea templa 62 Bannleihe 149 Bannmeile 114 Burgbann 114 burgher-ministerials 223 burghers 99, 142, 147, 150, 151, 162, 165-171, 173-176, 178, 180, 185, 194, 196-204, 210-215, 217, 219-224, 231-237 burgomasters 200, 201, 203, 213-215, 217-219, 221, 222, 236 burgrave 149, 150, 155, 169, 198, 200, 215, 232 camerarius 223 Capitoline Triad 76 cardo maximus 20, 33, 34, 48, 56, 69, 87, 90

273 Cathedral Church of St. Peter 81, 87, 109, 117, 120, 122, 134, 160, 166, 167, 213, 221 causae foederis 163 causae maiores 149 cella memoriae 67, 69 censuales 146, 147 Chapel of St. Clemens 67 Chapel of St. John the Evangelist 134, 139 Chapel of St. Matthew 111 Chapel of St. Nicholas 140 chorepiscopus 80 Church of St. Caecilia 56, 87, 103, 142, 155 Church of St. George 162, 165, 167, 195 Church of St. Kunibert 67, 71, 83, 141, 155, 195 Church of St. Maria ad Gradus 138, 139, 142, 155-157, 162, 182, 186 Church of St. Ursula (Church of the Holy Virgins) 67, 70, 71, 83, 89, 103, 141, 183, 195 Church of the Holy Apostles 129, 134, 141, 195, 213 cives 234 Cologne Mark 197 Colonia 25, 26, 50, 58 Colonia Claudia Ara Agrippinensium (CCAA) 25, 37, 45, 50, 92, 225 Colonia Urbs 137 Colonienses (Cologners) 92, 165, 167, 172, 193, 196, 197, 202, 203, 207-210, 232, 235 coniuratio 128 consilium Agrippinensium 29 consules 237 conventiculum ritus Christiani 61 de Agrippina civitate 43 domum divitum 220 domum in quam cives conveniunt 220 domum parrochianorum 220 domus burgensium 220 domus civium 219, 220 Domvogt 149 Eburones 17, 18 emeriti burgomasters 213, 217, 218, 220 emeriti scabini 215 familia 146-148, 231 forum 34, 92 fratres (burgomasters) 213 fratres scabinorum 215 Geburhaus 201, 220 Gemeinde 153, 174, 177, 197, 204, 212, 232, 236 Gesamtgemeinde 199-202, 213 Gottesfriede (Peace of God) 185 Greve 198 Grubenhäuser 57, 59 Grundherrschaft 56 Güterumschreibung 83 Herrschaft 153, 174, 176, 177, 204, 212, 232 Heumarkt (Hay Market) 48, 56, 59, 88, 90, 92, 112, 129

274  Hofbischöfe 64, 229 Hofzins 151 Hohe Pforte (High Gate) 162 Hohe Straβe (High Street) 20, 33, 48, 56, 69, 87, 90 Hospital and Parish of St. Lupus 66 insulae 34 iudices 198 iura bannaria 114, 148 iura regalia 113 Ius Italicum 27 Jews 28, 31, 42, 91, 114, 143, 150, 151, 188-190, 219 Johann Koelhoff the Younger 78 Judengasse 188, 219 Jupiter Dolichenus 42 Kleine Budengasse 188 Koelhoffschen Chronik 78 Kölner Bucht (Cologne Bight) 13-15, 19, 21, 23, 25, 27, 36, 41, 45, 52, 54, 55, 87 Kölngau 55, 114, 149 Köln-Marienburg 26 legatus Augusti pro praetore 32 Lex Ripuaria 66 Lupusbrüder (Fraternity of St. Lupus) 66 magister scabinorum 215 magistri civium 200, 201, 213 magistri vicinorum/parrochie 201 Maximinenstraβe 66 meliores 199, 216, 219, 222-224, 232, 236 melioribus 216, 217 mensa episcopalis 83 mikwe 188 ministeriales 147, 199, 232 monasterium sancti Cuniberti (Church of St. Kunibert) 67 monetarii 223 Neumarkt (New Market) 129 Obenmarspforten 188 Old Cathedral 86, 87 oppidum 20, 225 Palatine Hill 120 palatium 54 Parish and Church of St. Andreas 142, 195 Parish and Church of St. Columba 56, 142, 150, 213 Parish and Church of St. Gereon 63, 67, 69, 71, 81, 83, 88, 122, 141, 168, 209 Parish and Church of St. Paul 118, 134 Parish and Church of St. Severin 59, 60, 67-69, 71, 83, 88, 103, 110, 122, 133, 138, 141 Parish Church of Little St. Martin 150 Parish of St. Alban 150, 213 Parish of St. Brigida 118, 150, 213 Parish of St. Lawrence 134, 150, 188, 213, 219-221 Passio Ursulae 69 patrocinium beati Petri 67 Pax Sigewini 185

The Imperial Cit y of Cologne

Peristyle House 34 Plectrudis 75, 76, 111 Porta Martis (Gate of Mars) 92 praesidium 52, 229 praetorium 28, 34, 47, 53, 55, 56 prefectus urbis 149 primatus sedendi 136 primores civitatis 165, 173, 198 primores et meliores 199 Priorenkolleg (College of Priors) 139, 179 Rathaus 34, 219, 221 Rauchomarus Monetarius 58 regalia 114, 120, 121, 129, 137, 142, 143, 148, 199, 203, 212, 223, 224, 231-233 Richerzeche 217-222, 224, 236 Ruotger of Cologne 106, 116 Sancta Colonia (Holy Cologne) 92, 129, 130, 134, 141 scabini 150, 165, 173, 198, 199, 201-203, 214-222, 224, 232, 236 Schildergasse (decumanus maximus) 20, 34 Schöffenkollegium 199 schola cantorum 81 Schreinskarten 220 secundus comes 198 senatores 216, 218 senioribus nostre civitatis 199 sigillum civium 219, 222 Sondergemeinden 200-202, 213 Stadtgemeinde 202 Stadtherr 95, 113, 123, 150, 163, 165-167, 169, 173, 174, 185, 231-234 Stadtrecht 236 Stadtvogt 65, 148 St. Gereon of Cologne 61, 63, 67, 68, 70 St. Maria ad gradus 177 St. Maurice (Theban Legion) 67 St. Maurinus of Cologne 115 St. Ursula of Cologne 69 subadvocatus 198 summus sacri palatii capellanus 79 Trankgasse 66 Tres Matronae 42 Ubiermonument (Ubian Monument) 24 Ubii (Ubians) 17-20, 22-27, 30, 37, 41, 42, 45, 73, 225 Ubiorum oppidum 17, 20, 23 Unter Goldschmied 188 vicedominus 186 Waidmarkt (Woad Market) 162 Witzigge ding (also Witzigding and wissendes Gericht) 149, 164 Compiègne 115 Concordat of Westminster 206 Concordat of Worms 211, 212, 232 Conrad (elder son of Emperor Henry IV) 183, 190, 191 Conradiner 119, 121, 231 Constance 96

Index

Constantinople 116 Corvey 105, 160 Council of Mantua 159 Council of Rheims 210, 211 Council of Sardica 44 Council of Soissons 97 Council of Troyes 205 Count Adalbert I of Metz 108 Count Baldwin II of Hainault 235 Count Dietrich of Are 209 Count Emicho of Franconia 188 Countess Azecha of Pfullingen 155 Count Frederick I of Bar and Margrave of Upper Lotharingia 108 Count Frederick of Arnsberg 192 Count Gerhard I of Hochstaden 186 Count Gerhard I of Metz 102 Count Godfrey I of Hainault 109 Count Godfrey I of Namur 193 Count Godfrey I of Verdun 108 Count Henry I of Limburg 192 Count Hermann of Salm 183 Count Palatine Ezzo of Lotharingia 130, 134 Count Palatine Henry I of Lotharingia 157 Count Palatine Hugobert of Echternach 75 Count Palatine of Lotharingia 109 Count Reginar III of Hainault 109 Count Theoderich of Trier 155, 156 Cro-Magnons 14 Crusade 144, 187, 189, 190 Cunigunde of Luxembourg 123 Cybele/Magna Mater 42 Dagulf Psalter 81 Dammersfeld 117 Danube River 21, 187, 227 deacon 53, 136, 139 decani nati 139 deditionem 19 de iure 41 Dellbrück 14, 15 de luxe 133 Denmark 104, 132, 133 Deutz Abbey 124, 133, 134, 141, 161 Dialogue of Miracles 95 Die Cronica van der hilliger Stat van Coellen 78 Diet of Arnstadt 106 Diet of Augsburg 104, 134 Diet of Fritzlar 104 Diet of Langenzenn 106 Diet of Tribur 210 Diet of Würzburg 209 Diets of Solothurn 135 Dionysios 34 Donatist 43 Dorestad 91 Drachenfels 26 Drogo 76 Drusus the Elder 21, 22, 25

275 Duisburg 88 Duke Adalgisel of Lotharingia 65 Duke Arnulf of Bavaria 100 Duke Bernard I Billung of Saxony 123 Duke Berthold II of Zähringen 197 Duke Burchard III of Swabia 106, 107 Duke Charles of Lower Lotharingia 114 Duke Conrad the Red of Lotharingia 103-107 Duke Eberhard III of Franconia 100, 101, 103 Duke Frederick I of Swabia 192 Duke Giselbert of Lotharingia 100, 101 Duke Godfrey the Bearded of Upper Lotharingia 135 Duke Henry II \ 117, 118, 121 Duke Henry I of Bavaria 101, 104, 105, 107 Duke Henry I of Limburg-Lotharingia 194 Duke Hermann II of Swabia 121, 123 Duke Hermann I of Swabia 101 Duke Liudolf of Swabia 101, 104-107 Duke Lothar of Saxony 208 Duke Otto \ 102 Duke Otto II of Swabia 135, 141 Duke Reginar I of Lotharingia 99, 100 Dünsberg 19 Düsseldorf 89 Eadgyth of Wessex 101, 104 East Frankish Kingdom 81, 90, 96 Eberhard Illner 9 Echternach Abbey 75, 157 Edelfrei 149 Eder River 145 Edward the Exile (England) 138 Egypt 28, 33, 36, 42 Eifel Mountains 13, 33 Eifel Region 37, 55, 149 Elbe River 21, 57 Emma of Italy 107 Emperor Augustus Caesar 19-24, 26, 231 Emperor Aurelian 39 Emperor Charlemagne 78-81, 98, 100, 102, 120, 122, 123 Emperor Claudius 25 Emperor Conrad II 127-129, 132, 134, 135 Emperor Constans I 44 Emperor Constantine I 40, 42-44, 59 Emperor Constantius II 41 Emperor Diocletian 39 Emperor Domitian 28, 31 Emperor Eugenius 47 Emperor Galba 28 Emperor Gallienus 38, 39 Emperor Gratian 47 Emperor Hadrian 32 Emperor Henry II 121-125, 127, 129, 147 Emperor Henry III 128, 130, 133, 135-138, 154, 157 Emperor Henry IV 137, 154, 157-159, 165-168, 170-173, 176, 178-187, 190-194, 196, 197, 202, 232, 234

276 

The Imperial Cit y of Cologne

Emperor Henry V 190-197, 202, 203, 205-212, 232, 233 Emperor Julian the Apostate 25, 41, 44 Emperor Lothar I 81, 99 Emperor Louis the Pious 81, 102 Emperor Maximian 67 Emperor Nero 25-27 Emperor Nerva 32 Emperor Otho 28 Emperor Otto I 100-105, 107, 108, 114, 116, 117, 122, 135, 230 Emperor Otto II 114, 116, 117 Emperor Otto III 108, 117, 119-122, 124, 125, 164 Emperor Saloninus 38 Emperor Theodosius I 47, 48 Emperor Tiberius 20-24 Emperor Titus 28 Emperor Trajan 32 Emperor Valentinian I 47 Emperor Valentinian II 47 Emperor Valentinian III 49 Emperor Valerian 38 Emperor Vespasian 28, 29, 31 Emperor Vitellius 28, 29, 32 Empress Adelaide 103, 104, 107, 118 Empress Agnes of Poitou 135, 157, 159 Empress Matilda 205 Empress Theophanu 116, 118 Engela 155 Engelberta 85 England 9, 91, 95, 133, 137, 138, 141, 144-147, 171, 188, 205, 206, 208, 236 Erchanger (Swabia) 103, 106 Erenfried I of the Maasgau 102 Erft River 13, 26 Erkelenz 13 Euskirchen 13 Ezzonids 102, 124, 127, 130, 134, 138, 140, 141, 156, 157, 160, 161, 186

Fritzlar 100, 145, 209 Fruttuaria 161, 231 Fulda 88

Feast of Candlemas 134 Feast of St. John the Baptist 150 Feast of St. Peter in Chains 113 Feast of St. Severin 113 Feast of Sts. Peter and Paul 136 Finland 146 First Jewish-Roman War 28 Flanders 143, 144, 146, 236 Flavian Dynasty 31 Flavius Aëtius 48-50 foedus 19 Forchheim 180 France 9, 95, 101, 187, 191, 206, 236, 237 Francia 77, 89, 92 Franconia 99-101, 103, 104, 107, 188, 231 Franks 38, 41, 45, 47-66, 68, 71-73, 75-79, 84, 86, 87, 90, 93, 97-102, 107, 108, 114-116, 148, 225, 226, 228-230 Frisia 66, 67, 72, 91, 112, 207, 229

Hagen 192 Haithabu 91 Halberstadt 155 Hallstatt Culture (Hallstattkultur) 15 Hamburg 80 Harz Mountains 143, 145 Hasungen Monastery 234 Haymo 155, 156 Hedwige of Bavaria 107 Hedwige of Saxony 101, 107, 108, 115 Heisterbach 96 Henry I of Limburg 193 Hercules 39 Hessian Amöneburg 19 Hildesheim 117 Historia Augusta 32 Hugh of Vermandois 108 Hungarians 135, 138, 141, 154, 171, 230 Huns of Attila 48, 49

Gaelic 130, 132, 133, 162, 227 Gaius Julius Civilis 28 Gallia (Gaul) 17, 19-24, 31, 36, 39, 48, 49, 81, 174, 226-228, 230, 231 Gallia Narbonensis 17, 48 Gallic Empire 38, 39 Gallic Wars 17 Gallo-Romans 52, 55, 56, 63, 72, 73, 225, 227, 229, 230 Geilenkirchen 13 Gerberga of Saxony 100, 101, 107, 108, 114 Germania 24, 29, 229, 230 Germania inferior 31, 32, 34, 38, 41 Germania Magna 19-24, 31, 38, 93 Germania secunda 39 Germania superior 38 Germanica 31 Germanic Franks 73 Gero Crucifix 117 Gerresheim 13, 89 Gerstungen 170, 183 Gieβen 19 Gisela of Swabia 127, 128 Gladbach 161 Gorze Abbey 109, 119, 161, 231 Goslar 135, 137, 145, 167, 178, 179, 231, 234 Gotland 146 Gottschalk 187 Grafschaft 161, 186 Greece 33, 105, 110, 118 Gregorian Reform Movement 134, 136, 160, 172, 191-193 Grimoald II (major domus) 76 Gundovald \ 54 Gunhilda of Denmark 133, 137

Index

Hunsrück Mountains 13 Huy 199 Iburg Castle 78 Ida 101, 140 Iddelsfelder Hardt 15 Illertissen 106 Imperial Chancellor Erlung 192 Inden Abbey 87 Ingelheim 193 Investiture Controversy 140, 142, 153, 159, 161, 177, 180, 182, 186, 187, 191, 192, 198, 205, 206, 211, 232-234 Irmina of Oeren 75 Iron Age 15 Isengau 125 Israel the Grammarian 105 Italy 9, 21, 28, 33, 34, 36, 38, 39, 48, 77, 99, 103-107, 114, 116, 117, 119, 121, 123-125, 127, 128, 134, 135, 157, 159, 184, 187, 191, 206, 209, 212, 226-228, 232, 237 Jerusalem 156 Jewish War 31 John Gratian 137 Julia the Elder 19 Jülich 13, 20, 207, 208 Julio-Claudian Dynasty 17, 19, 21, 23-25, 27, 28, 230 Julius Caesar 17-19 Juno 41 Jupiter 41 Jura 153 Juthungi 48 Kaiserswerth Coup 158 Kammerknechtschaft 114 Kassel 183 Kaufungen 183 Kerpen 188, 189, 211 King Alaric II of the Visigoths 52 King Alaric I of the Visigoths 48 King Berengar II of Italy 104-107 King Charles \ 81, 82, 84, 88, 102 King Charles III of West Francia 99, 102 King Childebert II of Austrasia 54, 63 King Clothar I of the Franks 54 King Clovis I of the Franks 52, 53, 61, 64, 72 King Cnut the Great 132, 133, 137, 145 King Conrad I of East Francia 99, 100 King Dagobert I of the Franks 65, 66 King Edmund II Ironside of England 138 King Edward the Confessor of England 138 King Henry I of East Francia 100, 102, 105, 109 King Henry I of England 205, 206 King Hugh Capet the Great of the Franks 101, 107, 108, 115 King Lothar II of Italy 107 King Lothar II of Lotharingia 81-86, 88, 99

277 King Lothar IV of West Francia 107, 114, 115 King Louis IV of West Francia 92, 100, 101, 107 King Ludwig \ 81, 82, 84-86, 88 King Ludwig II of Italy 84 King Ludwig the Child of East Francia 99 King Macrianus of the Bucinobantes 47 King Miesko II of Poland 135 King Pepin III \ 77, 78, 97, 98 King Priarius of the Lentienses 47 King Sigibert III of Austrasia 65 King Sigibert the Lame of the Franks 52, 72 King Theodoric I of the Visigoths 48, 49 King Theudebert II of Austrasia and Burgundy 54, 64, 72 King Theudebert I of Austrasia 58 King Theuderich II of Austrasia and Burgundy 54, 61, 72 King Theuderich I of Austrasia 53, 61 King Uldin of the Huns 48 King William I (the Conqueror) of England 171, 208 King Zwentibold of Lotharingia 102 Klotten 157 Koblenz 103, 145 Königsforst 14 Königsnähe 122, 154 Königswinter 13 Konstanz (Drusomagus) 229 Krefeld 13, 20, 34 Lahn River 19 Lampert of Hersfeld 158, 162-170, 172, 174-176 Landfriede 185, 192 Lantbert of Liège 132, 133 Legio I Germanica 31 Legio I Maximiana Thebaeorum 67 Legio I Minerva 31, 38 Legio VI Victrix 31 Legio XVI Gallica 31 Legio XXII Primigenia 40 Legio XXI Rapax 31 Lérins 49 Le Tène Culture 15 Liège 80, 87, 93, 105, 109, 133, 182, 193-196, 199, 203, 205, 230, 233 Limburg 207 limes Germanicus 23, 31 Lindenthal 14 Lindenthal Riehl 15 Liudolfinger 100, 102, 109 Lombardy 95, 107, 119 Longerich 15 Lorsch 105 Lotharingia 81, 82, 85, 86, 93, 99-109, 112, 115, 119, 124, 127-130, 132, 133, 135, 141, 143, 157, 184, 193, 194, 196, 230, 231 Lower Lotharingia 109, 114, 127, 195, 207, 230, 234 Lübeck 236

278  Lucius Domitius Ahenobarbus 25 Lüdenscheid 209 Ludolf of Brauweiler 130 Ludolph 155 Luitgard 103, 106 Luxemberger Straβe 20 Lyon 20 Maas River 87, 193 Maastricht 87, 193 Magdeburg 117, 164, 183, 236 Magyars 89, 90, 99, 100, 104, 106, 107, 230 Mainz (Mogontiacum) 21, 40, 48, 88, 104, 118, 122, 123, 127, 128, 134-136, 146, 164, 171, 180, 183, 188, 192-194, 205, 229, 233, 234 major domus 65, 75 Mallobaudes 47 Malmédy 131 Malmédy Abbey 87 Marcus Cassianus Latinius Postumus 38, 39, 41, 47 Marcus Vipsanius Agrippa 19, 22, 23, 25, 26, 231 Marienkirche (Aachen) 122 Matilda of Saxony 134 Mecklenburg 146 Mediterranean 36, 44, 57, 59, 60, 91, 226 Meer 188 Meinwerk of Paderborn 145 Mellrichstadt 181 Merovingian 12, 47, 50, 51, 53-57, 64, 70-73, 75, 81, 130, 228, 229 Merseburg 123 Metz 53, 64, 82, 96, 100, 102, 108, 233 Michelsberg Culture (Michelsberger Kultur) 14 Middle Kingdom 81 Milan 41, 227 Minden 80, 93, 161, 230 Mithras 42 Mittelgebirge 143 Mönchengladbach 186, 187 Mondsee 80 Mosel (Moselle) 13, 64, 75, 157 Mousson on the Mosel 210 Mullenark 207 Müngersdorf 15, 35, 37 Münster 80, 93, 161, 166, 230 Münstereifel 13, 186 Muslims 188, 228 Nahe 103 Nahe River 192 Napoleon 116 Neanderthals 14 Nero Claudius Drusus Germanicus 22-25 Netherlands 9, 145 Neustria 75, 76 Neuwied Basin 19 Neuβ (Novaesium) 21, 31, 87, 188 New Hymnary 81

The Imperial Cit y of Cologne

Niederich 195 Nijmegen (Ulpia Noviomagus Batavorum) 21, 87, 133, 134, 137 Nikephoros 116 Nonnenwerth Nunnery 161 Normandy 87, 146, 171, 173, 205, 236 North Sea 13, 36, 91, 129, 145 Northumbria 67 Norway 132, 146 Odalric 108 Oda of Saxony 102, 109 Odenkirchen 13 Orgetorix 17 Orleans 53 Osnabrück 78, 80, 93, 98, 161, 230 Ostia 158 Ottonian 82, 95, 98-110, 114-116, 119, 120, 122, 124, 125, 134, 135, 140, 142, 146, 162, 164, 188, 230, 231 Oversburg 162, 195 Paderborn 123, 154, 161, 163, 179 Pandulf IV of Capua 135 Pannonia 20-22, 27, 48 papacy 83, 93, 99, 136, 158, 161, 178, 233 Papal Election Decree of 1059 159, 178 Paris 53, 75, 76, 78, 95, 231 Passau 96 Pax Romana 33, 38 Peace and Truce of God 184 Pepin II of Herstal 67, 75, 76 Pepin I of Landen 65, 75 Persia 38, 42 Peterborough Abbey 133 Peter Damian of Fonte Avellana 135, 158, 159 Peter the Hermit 187 Pfingsdorf 90, 144, 145 Pippinids 65 Pliny the Elder 37 Poitiers 52, 62, 63 Poitou 64 Poland 135, 140, 146, 156 Pomerania 146 Pope Adrian II 83, 85 Pope Alexander II 159 Pope Benedict VIII 125 Pope Calixtus II 210, 211 Pope Clement I 66 Pope Clement II 135 Pope Clement III 183 Pope Gelasius II 209 Pope Gregory V 119, 120 Pope Gregory VI 135-137 Pope Gregory VII 124, 136, 159, 160, 178, 180-183, 186 Pope Gregory VIII 209 Pope John VIII 85 Pope John XXII 114

Index

Pope Leo III 80 Pope Leo IX 136, 137, 140 Pope Nicholas I 82, 83 Pope Nicholas II 159 Pope Paschal II 191, 205, 206, 209 Pope Stephen VI 88 Pope Urban II 187 Pope Victor II 157 Pope Zacharias 78 Porz-Heumar 14 Praetorian Guard 28, 39 precaria 99 Provost Poppo of Bamberg 179 Prüm Abbey 87 Publius Quinctilius Varus 22, 23 Pyrenees 17 Quedlinburg 117 Queen Emma of Denmark 133 Ragenfred (major domus) 76 Ravenna 49, 119, 120 Regensburg 96, 180, 192, 233 Regnum Italicum 85 Reichsbischöfe 231 Reims 53, 108, 115, 136 Remagen 34 renovatio imperii Romanorum 119 Res gestae saxoniae 100 rex Romanorum 122 Rhaetia 21, 31, 39, 48 Rheims 48, 209 Rheineck 31 Rhens 103 Rhineland 13, 19, 22, 27, 28, 32, 36, 38-41, 44, 47-49, 51, 78, 120, 124, 127, 130, 135, 143-145, 170, 177, 179, 185, 186, 188, 189, 193-195, 205, 207, 226, 228, 233, 237 Rhine-Maas 17, 144, 170, 178, 181, 184, 187, 199, 207, 225, 232 Rhine River 11-15, 17-24, 26, 28, 29, 31-34, 37, 38, 40, 41, 44, 45, 47-49, 54-57, 67, 71, 72, 81, 83, 87, 90, 93, 96, 98, 101-103, 111, 112, 124, 138, 139, 143-145, 147, 149, 150, 161, 162, 171, 187, 188, 193, 197, 207, 208, 213, 225, 227-231 Rhodes 21 Richardis of Sponheim 191 Richard of Albano 193, 194 Richenza (Ezzonid) 135, 140, 141, 156, 157 Richildis of the Ardennes 102 Ripuarian Franks 49, 50, 52, 61, 73, 225 Robertian 101, 107 Roman Empire 12, 32, 35, 37, 39, 44, 47, 49, 52, 226, 227 Romanesque 67, 142 Romanitas 225 Romano-Germanic 17, 39 Romano-Ubian 20, 25, 29-31 Roman Senate 22

279 Rome 23, 28, 31, 38, 39, 43, 48, 79, 83, 84, 109, 110, 114, 116, 117, 119-121, 125, 132, 134-136, 159-161, 178, 183, 205, 206, 209, 226, 227, 231, 234, 237 Rössen Culture 14 Rudolf of Rheinfelden 180, 181, 183, 234 Ruhr Valley 192 Rur (Roer) River 13, 20 Russia 146 Saalfeld 141, 156, 161 Salerno 125, 141 Salian 49, 52, 103, 107, 124, 127, 130, 135, 137, 142, 153, 180, 182, 183, 191, 206, 207, 211, 212, 234 Salian Franks 41, 45, 52, 53 Sallust 100 Salvian of Marseille 49 Salzburg 96 San Giovanni a Porta Latina 136, 137 Sarmatians (Alans) 49 Sauerland 161 Saxons 49, 54, 66, 67, 77-79, 81, 93, 96, 98-100, 102, 104, 109, 112, 116, 123, 160, 167, 170, 178, 181, 183, 192, 207, 208, 234 Saxony 72, 77, 78, 93, 100, 104, 107, 109, 120, 123, 145, 160, 167, 170, 180, 192, 206, 207, 229, 230, 234 Scandinavia 91, 144, 145, 227 Scheldt River 87 Schwarzenburg 191 Scythian 48 Second Crusade 190 Septimania 77 Sicambri (Sugambri) 17, 21 Siegburg 139, 157, 160-162, 177, 187, 231 Siegburg Abbey 155, 161, 191 Siegburg Reform Movement 161 Sieg River 19, 149 Slavic 104, 107 Soest 110, 139, 186 Soissons 53 Solingen 144 Spain 9, 27, 39, 48, 227, 228 Speyergau 186, 191 Speyer (Noviomagus Nemetum) 96, 103, 135, 188, 191, 205, 229 Sponheim 186 Stavelot Abbey 87, 131, 158 St. Boniface 77, 78, 97 St. Columban 64 St. Denis Abbey 78 Steuβlingen 153, 156 St. Ewald 67 St. Gall 81 St. Gallus of Clermont 53, 61 St. Gerard (Bishop of Toul) 112 St. Gregory (Bishop of Tours) 52, 62, 68 St. Honoratus of Lérins 49 Stilicho 48, 49 St. Maria del Priorato (Rome) 136

280  St. Martin of Tours 62, 111 St. Matilda of Ringelheim 114 St. Maximin Abbey (Trier) 161 St. Michael the Archangel 160 St. Patroclus of Troyes 110 Strasbourg (Argentoratum) 135, 229 Sts. Cassius and Florentius (Bonn Minster) 80, 83 St. Willibrord (Bishop of Utrecht) 75 Swabia 103, 104, 106, 107, 136, 153, 180 Swabians (Suebi) 18, 19, 48, 99 Sweden 132 Synod of Frankfurt 80 Synod of Mainz 185 Synod of Sutri 135 Syria 28, 42 Tacitus 19, 23, 25, 31 Tating Jugs 91 Taunus Mountain Range 19 Tencteri 29, 30 Tetrarchy 39 Tetricus 39 Theban Legion 63, 67, 68 theloneum/theolenarii (mint/minters) 137, 223 Theudoald (Merovingian major domus) 76 Theutberga 82 Thuringia 54, 96, 156, 160, 161, 183 Tiel 145 Tongeren (Tongres) 17, 20, 87 Toul (Tullum Leucorum) 54, 229 Tournai 109 Toxandria 41 Transalpine Gaul 19 Treaty of Bonn 102 Treaty of Meersen 86 Treaty of Ponte Mammolo 206 Treaty of Prüm 81 Treaty of Verdun 81 Tribur 180 Trier (Colonia Augusta Treverorum) 20, 26, 32, 49, 51, 64, 67, 75, 87, 118, 155, 161, 164, 226, 229, 233, 235 Tuscany 95 Ulm 153 Upper Lotharingia 108

The Imperial Cit y of Cologne

Urnenfelderkultur (Urnenfeld Culture) 15 Ürzig 155 Utrecht (Traiectum) 66, 80, 87, 93, 109, 117, 135, 161, 205, 212, 229-231, 233 Vagdavercustis 42 Vandals 48 Venantius Fortunatus (Bishop of Poitiers) 62, 70 Verdun (Verodunum) 96, 229 Via Belgica 20 Vienne 206 Vikings 12, 87-90, 99, 230 villae rusticae 35, 55 Visé 193, 194 Visigoths 47-49, 52 Vixtbach 20, 31 Volkmar 187 Volmarstein Castle 192 Vorgebirge 33, 55, 90 Walberberg 91, 144 Waldrada 82 Weilburg Castle 100 Weisse Elster River 183 Weissenburg 158 Werden 186 Weser River 21 Wessex 138 Westerwald Mountains 13 Westphalia 110, 143, 192, 195, 205, 207-209 Westphalia-Harz 199 Wevelinghoven 188 Widdersdorf 37 Widukind of Corvey 100 William of Malmesbury 133 Wissen 149 Worms (Vormatia) 48, 96, 103, 107, 119, 135, 165, 167, 170, 178, 188, 205, 229, 231, 234 Worringen 15 Würzburg 96, 156 Xanten (Castra Vetera) 21, 28, 67, 73, 85, 139, 186, 188 Zülpich 13, 20, 54, 87 Zutphen 207