The Ikun-Pisa Letter Archive from Tell Ed-Der: Ipla (Pihans) 9789042943155, 9789042943162, 9042943157

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PIHANS • CXXXI

The Ikūn-pΚa Letter Archive from Tell ed-Dēr By RIENTS DE BOER

Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten – Leiden Peeters – Leuven 2021

THE IKŪNPΊA LETTER ARCHIVE FROM TELL EDDĒR

PIHANS onder redactie van J.G. DERCKSEN, K. VAN DER TOORN, K.R. VEENHOF en W.J.I. WAAL

volume CXXXI

THE IKŪNPΊA LETTER ARCHIVE FROM TELL EDDĒR IPLA

by

Rients de Boer Copies by Kh. Al-‘Adhami and D.O. Edzard Photographs by W. Sommerfeld and N. Muhammad

NEDERLANDS INSTITUUT VOOR HET NABIJE OOSTEN LEIDEN PEETERS LEUVEN 2021

Cover illustration: Tell ed-Dēr during a visit by F.M.Th. De Liagre Böhl in 1939, just two years before the letters published here were excavated (courtesy NINO Leiden, no. 1037-029).

A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. ISBN 978-90-429-4315-5 eISBN 978-90-429-4316-2 D/2021/0602/52 © 2021, Peeters, Bondgenotenlaan 153, B-3000 Leuven, Belgium R. de Boer, The Ikūn-pîša Letter Archive from Tell ed-Dēr (IPLA). PIHANS 131, Leiden & Leuven 2021. No part of this book may be reproduced in any form or by any electronic or mechanical means, including information storage or retrieval devices or systems, without the prior written permission from the publisher, except the quotation of brief passages for review purposes.

CONTENTS Acknowledgements.................................................................................................

VII

Preface ...................................................................................................................

IX

Concordance of Museum Numbers and Editions .................................................. Concordance of Sumer 23 and IPLA ..................................................................... Concordance of IM Numbers and IPLA ...............................................................

XI XIII XIV

The Publication of the Ikūn-pîša Letter Archive....................................................

1

Part 1 ANALYSIS OF THE MATERIAL  1  2  3  4

 5  6  7

The Nature of the Archive ...................................................................... The Main Protagonists of the Ikūn-pîša Archive ..................................... Dating the Ikūn-pîša Letter Archive ........................................................ Diplomatic and Political Information ..................................................... 4.1 The Pact between Ikūn-pîša and Ilum-ma-Ila ............................. 4.2 Other Diplomatic or Political Information ................................. Personal and Family Affairs ..................................................................... Agricultural Matters................................................................................. Trade ....................................................................................................... 7.1 The Trade in Copper and Tin .................................................... 7.2 Observations on the Trade with Mari and Assur ........................ 7.3 Trade with the Diyala Region and Other Localities....................

7 9 17 22 22 26 29 30 31 31 33 35

Part 2 THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE  8  9 10 11 12 13

The Correspondence between Ilum-ma and Ikūn-pîša ............................ The Correspondence between Amorite Rulers and Ikūn-pîša .................. Various People to Ikūn-pîša .................................................................... The Correspondence of Geme-Ninsun.................................................... The Correspondence of Arwium ............................................................. The Correspondence of Various People ..................................................

39 66 77 105 114 122

VI

contents

Indices to the Ikūn-pîša Letter Archive ..................................................................

161

Personal Names ................................................................................................. Geographical Names .......................................................................................... Divine Names .................................................................................................... Professions .........................................................................................................

161 163 164 164

Bibliography...........................................................................................................

165

Photographs of the Texts .......................................................................................

171

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This book is the result of a long process. Since the letters published here were found by Taha Baqir in 1941, there have been many people who were involved directly or indirectly in the current publication. The exact details of its publication history are chronicled later, which provides me with the pleasant opportunity to thank everybody who had some hand in helping me write this book. First, I would like to thank Marten Stol, who introduced me to Old Babylonian studies, helped and tutored me over many years, and he read and reread several versions of the book. Similarly, Jan Gerrit Dercksen devoted much of his time helping me comprehend the material. Klaas Veenhof carefully read the manuscript version of this book and suggested many readings and ideas, resulting in a much better understanding of many difficult letters. My other teachers over the years must also be mentioned here, either because they read parts of the manuscript, or because of their inspirational teaching that made me the scholar I am today: Jean-Marie Durand, Dominique Charpin, Theo Krispijn, and Wilfred van Soldt. My former colleague at the VU Amsterdam, Kristin Kleber, is thanked here for her friendship and support these last years. Secondly, I would like to thank several colleagues who enabled me to work on the letters by providing photographs or other material. Walter Sommerfeld took photographs in the Iraq Museum of ca. thirty letters and kindly gave me permission to use them. The other photographs are the work of Nawfal Muhammad, the Iraq Museum photographer, who was also instrumental in obtaining permission for photographing them. Walther Sallaberger was kind enough to search through the papers of the late Dietz Otto Edzard in Munich and asked Felix Seifert to make scans so that I could use Edzard’s copies and transliterations. Robert Biggs sent me a copy of Al-‘Adhami’s dissertation from Chicago that was used for the CAD. Kyra Kaercher took the time and effort to proofread the manuscript. Thirdly, I am extremely grateful to the staff of the Iraq Museum and the people working at the Iraqi State Board of Antiquities and Heritage (SBAH) for their help during my stay in Baghdad in August 2017. Ahmed Kamil Muhammad, then director of the Iraq Museum, and Qais Hussein Rasheed, then director of the SBAH, gave me permission to publish the Ikūn-pîša archive and enabled me to go to Iraq. Despite the fact that I never knew Khalid Al-‘Adhami or Dietz Otto Edzard personally, I would like to remember them here and acknowledge their previous work on the Ikūn-pîša letters. The Netherlands Institute for the Near East (NINO) is warmly thanked for publishing this book in the PIHANS series. Finally, my thanks and love go out to Monique and my son Lenny. Leiden, February 2020

PREFACE This book sees the publication of fifty-six letters from Tell ed-Dēr (ancient SipparAmnānum), almost eighty years after they were found. The group is called the Ikūn-pîša Letter Archive (IPLA), after its main protagonist, Ikūn-pîša. It was found together with a number of economic and administrative texts that Edzard edited and published in 1970. The Ikūn-pîša archive was partly studied by Al-‘Adhami in his 1967 article and 1971 thesis. The letters and other types of texts must of course be studied as one archive. Part 1 contains the main hypothesis concerning the archive (Chapter 1), namely that it reflects the archival remains of a multi-family business enterprise involved in local activities and long-distance trade. This organization is called throughout the book the “TIM 7 organization”. The Ikūn-pîša letter archive is thus part of this larger whole. Part 1 also surveys other aspects of the archive and its letters such as its main protagonists (Chapter 2), the dating of the corpus (Chapter 3), and specific categories of information like political information (Chapter 4), personal affairs (Chapter 5), agricultural matters (Chapter 6), and trade (Chapter 7). Part 2 encompasses the full edition of all letters with copies, transliterations, translations, and comments. I have chosen to group the letters based on sender or addressee, starting with those involving Ikūn-pîša. The accompanying copies are either the work of Al-‘Adhami (nos. 1-7, 10-12, 14-18, 20-24, 30, 32-34, and 37-44) or Edzard (nos. 8-9, 13, 19, 25-29, 31, 35-36, and 45-56). Photographs of almost all of the letters are found at the end of this book; they were taken by Sommerfeld (nos. 1-7, 10-12, 14-18, 20-21, 23-24, 30, 32-34, 37, and 38-44) or Muhammad (nos. 8-9, 22, 26-29, 31, 35-36, 45-49, 52, 54, and 56). There are no photographs for nos. 13, 19, 25, 50-51, 53, and 55. Despite the fact that I went to Iraq with the intent to work on the texts, it proved impossible, due to various (time and security) reasons, to collate all the letters. Likewise, it was not possible to provide the dimensions for the tablets. I worked mostly from the photographs which do not always show all the angles of the tablets. The reader is kindly asked to keep this in mind. Abbreviations used in this book can be found online on the CDLI website through http://cdli.ox.ac.uk/wiki/abbreviations_for_assyriology.

CONCORDANCE OF MUSEUM NUMBERS AND EDITIONS The numbers with a # do not have any photographs. S = photographs taken by Walter Sommerfeld M = photographs taken by Nawfal Muhammad

IPLA no.

IM number

Sumer 23 Al-‘Adhami (Al-‘Adhami 1967) thesis (1971)

Edzard papers (Munich)

Baqir & Mustafa 1945

 5

 1

Sender-Addressee

The Correspondence between Ilum-ma and Ikūn-pîša 1S

IM 49225

pls. 14 and 15

 6

Ilum-ma to Ikūn-pîša

2S

IM 49221

 5

 2

 1

Ilum-ma to Ikūn-pîša

3S

IM 49543 + IM 49238

 7

6+10

 1

Ilum-ma to Ikūn-pîša

4S

IM 49219

pls. 5 and 6

 8

 1

 1

Ilum-ma to Ikūn-pîša

5S

IM 49240

pls. 9 and 10

-

 8

 1

Ilum-ma to Ikūn-pîša and Ikūn-pîša

6S

IM 49274

pls. 7 and 8

 4

 4

-

Ilum-ma to Ikūn-pîša

7S

IM 49222

pls. 11 and 12

 2

 3

 1

Ilum-ma to Ikūn-pîša

8M

IM 51028

 7

 1

Ilum-ma to Ikūn-pîša

9M

IM 49534

11

 3

Ikūn-pîša to Ilum-ma

The Correspondence between Amorite rulers and Ikūn-pîša 10S

IM 50425

 3

-

13

Sumu-la-El to Ikūn-pîša and Ikūn-pîša

11S

IM 49258

16

17

10

Sumu-la-El to Ikūn-pîša

12S

IM 50847

12

20

16

Yawium to Ikūn-pîša and Ikūn-pîša

13#

IM 50553

14S

IM 49341

pls. 1 and 2

19

Yawium to Ikūn-pîša

 1

33

Ikūn-pîša to Bēl-[…] and Iṣi-[…]

15

24

14

Lipit-Ištar and Ibbi-Sîn to Ikūn-pîša

Various Persons to Ikūn-pîša 15S

IM 50501

16S

IM 49234

11

16

 8

Bazizum to Ikūn-pîša

17S

IM 49229

13

14

20

Nūr-Sîn to Ikūn-pîša

18S

IM 49537

10

23

2 & 18

Ilšu-bānî to Ikūn-pîša and Ikūn-pîša

19#

IM 504671

1

pl. 13

pl. 17

22

Ilšu-bānî to Ikūn-pîša

 The tablet with number IM 50467 found in the Iraq Museum is a different text.

concordance of museum numbers and editions

XII

Sumer 23 Al-‘Adhami (Al-‘Adhami 1967) thesis (1971)

Edzard papers (Munich)

IPLA no.

IM number

20S

IM 50472

18

-

21S

IM 49224

19

13

Baqir & Mustafa 1945

Sender-Addressee

Šamaš-nāṣir to Ikūn-pîša Puzur-Kubium to Ikūn-pîša

22M IM 52251

pl. 4

20

21

23S

IM 49233

pl. 3

17

15

 9

Etel-pī-Ištar to Ikūn-pîša

24S

IM 49253

pl. 4

33

25

19

Sukatum to Ikūn-pîša

25#

IM 49542

14

27

 4

Ammi-ku-˹x˺ to Ikūn-pîša

Nidin-Ištar to Ikūn-pîša

26M IM 50417

18

˹x˺-[…] to Ikūn-pîša

27M IM 51021

28

Nūr-Sîn to Ikūn-pîša and Sîn-[…]

28M IM 50526

30

[PN] to Ikūn-pîša

29M IM 49255

31

[PN] to Ikūn-pîša and [PN]x zu

The Correspondence of Geme-Ninsun 30S

IM 49235

 9

31M IM 50507

26

 7

Geme-Ninsun to Ikūn-pîša

49

[PN] and Geme-Ninsun to [PN]

32S

IM 52259

31

35

Ipiq-Adad to Geme-Ninsun

33S

IM 49239/2

32

34

Šamaš-mušallim to Geme-Ninsun

26

39

The Correspondence of Arwium 34S

IM 49257

 5

Arwium to [PN]

35M IM 52242

46

Arwium to several (four?) addressees

36M IM 49236

37

[PN] to Arwium

30

36

Nūr-Sîn to Arwium and Girni-isa

Nanna-mansum to “my lord”

37S

IM 52834

The Correspondence from Various Persons 38S

IM 49226

pl. 16

21

32

39S

IM 49307

Leemans 1960

29

42

17

Kārum Sippar to Ḫammi-ṣura

40S

IM 49305

25

41

 6

Sîn-imittī to Elali and Ur-sig

41S

IM 49228

27

40

I[x x x]-x-x to [PN]

42S

IM 49227

23

 9

[PN] to [PN]

43S

IM 49272

24

-

Me-Nin[…] to Adad-i[…]

44S

IM 50871

22

48

A-[…] to x[…]

CONCORDANCE OF SUMER 23 AND IPLA

IPLA no.

IM number

Sumer 23 Al-‘Adhami (Al-‘Adhami 1967) thesis (1971)

Edzard papers (Munich)

XIII

Baqir & Mustafa 1945

Sender-Addressee

45M IM 52840

12

Ilum-ma to Immerum and […]-ia

46M IM 50449

43

47M IM 52241

44

Mugiši to Ḫatītum

48M IM 52839

45

Ilum-bā[nî] to Akuki

49M IM 49547

47

[PN] to [fPN]

50#

IM 49344

50

Obverse lost

51#

IM 51051

51

Obverse lost

52M IM 52260

52

Beginning lost

53#

12

Annebabdu to Lugal-ibila

IM 51027

53

Beginning lost

54M IM 49540

55

Four fragments

55#

IM 49541

56

Envelope fragment

56M IM 50440

58

Beginning lost

Baqir and Mustafa 1945: 53 mention in their preliminary report three museum numbers that I was unable to find in either Edzard’s papers or Al-‘Adhami’s thesis: IM 50525 (Ilum-ma to Ikūn-pîša), IM 49271 (Sumu-abum to Ikūn-pîša) and IM 50926 (unknown to Ikūn-pîša). The staff of the Iraq Museum was unable to find IM 50525 and IM 50926 in their collection. IM 49271 turned out to be a round school exercise tablet. In addition, Edzard had identified IM 51043 and IM 50492/d as being part of the archive. The photographs obtained for these texts show that both are too damaged to say anything meaningful about them, and as a result they have been excluded here.

CONCORDANCE OF SUMER 23 AND IPLA Sumer 23 Transliteration and (plates after p. 165) comments

Translation

pl. pl. pl. pl. pl. pl. pl. pl. pl. pl. pl. pl.

p. 156 p. 158 p. 160 p. 159 p. 165

1 and 2 3 4 4 5 and 6 7 and 8 9 and 10 11 and 12 13 14 and 15 16 17

p. 153-155 p. 157 p. 160 p. 159 p. 161-164

Iraq Museum number

IPLA number

IM 49341 IM 49233 IM 52251 IM 49253 IM 49219 IM 49274 IM 49240 IM 49222 IM 50501 IM 49225 IM 49226 IM 49537

14 23 22 24  4  6  5  7 15  1 38 18

CONCORDANCE OF IM NUMBERS AND IPLA

XIV

CONCORDANCE OF IM NUMBERS AND IPLA IM 49219

 4

IM 49541

55

IM 49221

 2

IM 49542

25

IM 49222

 7

IM 49543 + IM 49238

 3

IM 49224

21

IM 49547

49

IM 49225

 1

IM 50417

26

IM 49226

38

IM 50425

10

IM 49227

42

IM 50440

56

IM 49228

41

IM 50449

46

IM 49229

17

IM 50467

19

IM 49233

23

IM 50472

20

IM 49234

16

IM 50501

15

IM 49235

30

IM 50507

31

IM 49236

36

IM 50526

28

IM 49239/2

33

IM 50553

13

IM 49240

 5

IM 50847

12

IM 49253

24

IM 50871

44

IM 49255

29

IM 51021

27

IM 49257

34

IM 51027

53

IM 49258

11

IM 51028

 8

IM 49272

43

IM 51051

51

IM 49274

 6

IM 52241

47

IM 49305

40

IM 52242

35

IM 49307

39

IM 52251

22

IM 49341

14

IM 52259

32

IM 49344

50

IM 52260

52

IM 49534

 9

IM 52834

37

IM 49537

18

IM 52839

48

IM 49540

54

IM 52840

45

THE PUBLICATION OF THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE The letters from the Ikūn-pîša Letter Archive (IPLA) were found in 1941 together with a large number of related economic and administrative documents at Tell ed-Dēr, ancient Sippar-Amnānum.1 The Iraqi Directorate General of Antiquities had initiated the Tell ed-Dēr excavations, which were led by Taha Baqir.2 The archive was found in Area no. 2, Level IIIb, in what seems to have been an administrative complex. On top of this, in Level II, Old Babylonian texts from the slightly later time of Samsu-iluna to Ammi-ṣaduqa were found. The excavators wrote:3 Level III–The buildings at Level III, the ruins of whose walls had occasionally been used as foundations for those of the level above are equally well-preserved. In this case they seem to have more the character of a residence and office of a high official. The name “Ikubisha” of such an individual in fact appears on several letters found at this level. Again there are two distinct sub-periods represented, but during the occupation (IIIb) seen in the plan (reproduced below, from Baqir and Mustafa 1945-RdB) most of the doors had survived and the arrangement of rooms was intelligible. The building on the east side is the main centre of interest. Two small rooms (the ones in grey-RdB) leading off a larger one (no. 3) contained some hundreds of unbaked tablets- mostly business documents and letters, which suggest for it an official and administrative character. On the west side are merely annexes and out-buildings.

In total, about 315 texts have been found, mostly economic and administrative texts, but also letters and school tablets. It seems that originally Edzard was charged with their publication and during a 1956-58 stay in Baghdad he made transliterations and copies of them. Part of his studies on these texts were used in Edzard’s Habilitationsschrift from 1960 and he published 236 of the economic and administrative texts in 1970.4 Initially, Edzard must have decided to publish the IPLA letters in the series Altbabylonische Briefe, which had been instigated by Kraus in the late 1950s. Edzard writes in 1970 (p. 15): “… und die Bearbeitung der Briefe soll in einem Band der Serie Altbabylonische Briefe (AbB)

1 Tell

ed-Dēr was not called Sippar-Amnānum until the late Old Babylonian period. There are several other names for Tell ed-Dēr, which all stress another aspect of the town (cf. Charpin 1988 and 1992): Sippar-ša-Annunītum (religious), Sippar-dūrim (topographical) and Sippar-rabûm (size?). Whenever the reader encounters “Sippar” in this book, Sippar-Amnānum is usually intended. 2 See the preliminary report by Baqir and Mustafa 1945, the summary by Goddeeris 2002: 167-169, and Edzard 1970: 13-15; in addition, Gasche and Tanret 2009-2011 provide an overview of Tell ed-Dēr’s archaeology. 3 Baqir and Mustafa 1945: 45-46. The map in Gasche and Tanret 2009-2011: 544 indicates Area no.2 as TB 2. 4 The copies of these tablets were published by Edzard 1971 as TIM 7. It must be noted that 50 of these texts are from later on in the Old Babylonian period, for these numbers, see Edzard 1970: 234. A problem with this publication is that Edzard took the late and early OB texts together and studied them without the extra context provided by the letters, which was duly noted by Leemans 1978.

2

THE PUBLICATION OF THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

Plan from Baqir and Mustafa 1945

erscheinen”. As a result, he sent his original Baghdad transliterations to Kraus sometime during the 1970s. These were found among Kraus’ papers in Leiden by the present author. Edzard never published the letters and instead, Khalid Al-‘Adhami used the material for his 1971 Ph.D. thesis, written under the supervision of Wilfred G. Lambert at Birmingham. From the almost sixty letters and fragments he selected thirty-three of the better preserved ones and made copies of them.5 Twelve of these were preliminarily published in Sumer 23 (1967), in copy and some with transliterations and translations. Unfortunately, Al-‘Adhami did not publish the other letters before he passed away. The copies he made circulated among Assyriologists and some of them are quoted in the CAD. However, this is not the end of the story. In the 1980s Sommerfeld mediated between Al-‘Adhami and Veenhof, the new professor in Leiden, to cede the publication rights of the IPLA letters to the Altbabylonische Briefe project. A written statement to this effect was drawn up by Al-‘Adhami and to facilitate their publication, Sommerfeld made several excellent photographs of about thirty letters in Baghdad. These photographs were given to 5 Edzard 1970: 15 mentions 58, but one of them, IM 49290, is clearly not early OB. It has a greeting formula which were not found on letters until the time of Sîn-muballiṭ. In addition, Mustafa and Baqir 1945: 53 mention three IM numbers found during their excavations that were not taken into account by Edzard (see the note under the concordance above).

THE PUBLICATION OF THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

3

Veenhof sometime in the 1990s. However, due to the fact that the Altbabylonische Briefe project was not actively continued, the Edzard manuscript and Sommerfeld photographs remained on the shelf. During the work on my thesis in 2011 I became interested in the IPLA letters. Stol remembered having seen the Al-‘Adhami thesis in Chicago in the 1970s and he contacted Biggs who sent parts of the Al-‘Adhami thesis still available in Chicago to me. Stol also remembered the arrangement between Sommerfeld, Veenhof, and Al-‘Adhami. As a result of this, the archive in Leiden was searched and Sommerfeld’s photographs were found. Around the same time, Walther Sallaberger kindly sent scans from Edzard’s (who passed away in 2004) legacy kept at the University of Munich.6 These include unique copies of the IPLA letters made in the 1950s, some of which are used in the text edition below. During the 2012 Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale in Leiden, I contacted Sommerfeld about the IPLA letters and he had no objections to publishing his photographs. He was also kind enough to send a complete copy of Al-‘Adhami’s thesis and the written statement in which he ceded the publication rights to Leiden. After this I worked with Stol on the letters, making preliminary notes and translations. In 2013 the first draft of this book was finished, but due to several circumstances, work on it was not continued until 2017. In August 2017, I visited Iraq to obtain, among other things, additional photographs of the IPLA letters and to get an official written approval from the Iraqi State Board of Antiquities and Heritage (SBAH) for their publication. Through the kind efforts of Dr. Qais Hussein Rasheed, Director General of the SBAH and Dr. Ahmed Kamil Muhammad, then the Director General of the Iraqi Museum, I obtained the necessary permissions. The photographer of the Iraq Museum, Nawfal Muhammad, provided excellent photographs of some eighteen letters that had not been photographed by Sommerfeld. However, due to the limited time I had in Baghdad, it was not possible to collate any of the tablets. Due to the new photographs, however, it was possible to improve on several readings and interpretations. This resulted in the present publication of the Ikūn-pîša Letter Archive, which is essentially a joint effort by several people over several decades.

6 These

scans were made by Felix Seifert.

PART 1 ANALYSIS OF THE MATERIAL

1. THE NATURE OF THE ARCHIVE The letters edited below were found together with a number of economic, administrative, and school texts. These were all published in copy in Edzard 1971 as Texts in the Iraq Museum (TIM) 7 and their extensive study in 1970 was published as Altbabylonische Rechts- und Wirtschaftsurkunden aus Tell ed-Dēr im Iraq Museum, Baghdad.1 After Edzard, Goddeeris was the only scholar to study these texts again in a comprehensive way. 2 Following Goddeeris, I will call the organization that produced both IPLA and its other texts the “TIM 7 organization”. The main hypothesis in this book about the nature of the TIM 7 organization is that it was a local business enterprise involved in the long-distance trade of metals, textiles, and other products. The location of Tell ed-Dēr/Sippar-Amnānum was perfect for this because it was situated next to a main branch of the Euphrates and in close proximity to the Tigris.3 From Sippar, the trade networks stretched along the Tigris to Assur and along the Euphrates at least to Mari and perhaps as far as Tilmen Höyük in Gaziantep Province, Turkey.4 Moreover, the TIM 7 organization engaged locally in agriculture, the manufacturing of textiles and other commodities, as well as crediting activities.5 The business was run by a few local families, of whom the two best known are those of Imgur-Sîn6 and Arwium, whose son Ikūn-pîša is the main protagonist in the letters. Even though the TIM 7 organization had contacts with local rulers, it appears to have operated independently, for there are no indications that it was directly subordinate or connected to any ruler. The TIM 7 organization and the contemporary Old Assyrian traders were different parts of a larger interregional trade network. Therefore, a comparison with the Old Assyrian evidence from Kültepe/Kaneš in Anatolia is called for, because these were also family-run businesses involved in long-distance trade. However, in the Old Assyrian case, we only have the archives from the trading colony of Kaneš, not those from the city of Assur itself, where the heads of the families resided. The main interest of the TIM 7 organization is that the situation is reversed, here we lack the archives of the trading colonies or agents, but we do have the archive of the “home front”. The Old Assyrian parallels could also

1 Edzard 1970, reviews of the book were written by Klímová 1970, Kraus 1973, and Leemans 1978. Note that nos. 237-253 in TIM 7 are not edited in Edzard 1970 because these are school texts. A separate review of TIM 7 is by Birot 1973. 2 Goddeeris 2002: 167-216. 3 Cole and Gasche 1998. 4 At Tilmen Höyük, Italian archaeologists found a bulla with a seal impression of a scribe called Lagamal-gāmil, who was a servant of Babylon’s first king Sumu-la-El. This makes the bulla contemporary with the Ikūn-pîša Letter Archive, cf. Marchetti 2011: 111 and Marchesi 2013. 5 Attested through the Annum-pîša loan documents, see Edzard 1970 and Goddeeris 2002: 181-186. 6 Goddeeris 2002: 58-59.

8

PART 1

– ANALYSIS OF THE MATERIAL

explain the relative sovereignty of Sippar in the early Old Babylonian period and the seemingly restricted role of its local kings.7 The ruler (ensi2/iššiakkum/waklum) in Assur did not have the political power that later kings of Babylon would have, because of the precedence of “The City” (ālum) and the “City Hall” (bēt ālim) in Assur.8 The specific contents of some of the IPLA letters can be explained through the TIM 7 organization’s commercial activities: most notably the contacts with local rulers such as Ilum-ma-Ila, Sumu-abum, and Sumun-abi-yarim. Here one finds a parallel with the Old Assyrians as well because they also delivered certain goods to the kingdoms along the road between Assur and Kaneš. The Assyrians concluded treaties and offered gifts and discounts on their merchandise in return for smooth trading, exemption from legal proceedings, and the protection of their caravans.9 Even though we have no treaties from the time of the TIM 7 organization, we can assume that the situation was similar because we do see in the letters that Ikūn-pîša and his agents strived to maintain good relations with the local (Amorite) rulers by offering them bribes and gifts.

7 There are three more indications for this: (1) An early loan contract from Tell ed-Dēr (ED II 27, De Meyer 1978: 165, dated to Hammi-ṣura) has a cryptic clause mentioning “the city”, l. 9-10: a-na a-wa-˹at˺, a-li-im ú-la ˹zu˺-zu. (2) Veenhof 1999 no. 2 (BM 97141) attests to a legal measure taken by Immerum and “the city” to redeem immovable property sold out of economic necessity. Lines 9-11 of this text read: iš-tu a-šà ù é, im-me-ru-um pa-ṭà-ra-am, iq-bu-ú wa-ar-ki a-wa-at / a-li-im, “after Immerum had ordered the redemption of fields and houses, after the decree of the city”. (3) There are many early OB texts which mention an oath by the city of Sippar, alongside one by a Babylonian king. This practice fell into disuse during the reign of Hammurabi. 8 On these institutions, see Dercksen 2004a. 9 See Veenhof 2008: 183-218.

2. THE MAIN PROTAGONISTS OF THE IKŪN-PΊA ARCHIVE Ikūn-pîša Ikūn-pîša was one of the leading men in the TIM 7 organization, nevertheless, it is clear that at least two individuals with the name Ikūn-pîša received letters in the archive.10 Four letters were even addressed to two Ikūn-pîšas, in IPLA 12 their patronyms are given: Ikūn-pîša, son of Ibni-Adad, and Ikūn-pîša, son of Arwium.11 The latter one seems to be the more prominent one because some IPLA letters were addressed to his father Arwium. In addition, other letters also refer specifically to Ikūn-pîša, son of Arwium (IPLA 38 and 43). It is assumed here that most, if not all letters addressed to just “Ikūn-pîša”, were in fact intended for the son of Arwium.12 Ikūn-pîša corresponded with a number of important people: Sumu-la-El (the king of Babylon) and Yawium (the king of Kiš) for example. Many more are mentioned in the letters addressed to him: Sumu-abum, Sumun-abi-yarim (a king in the Lower Diyala region), Immerum and Ilum-ma-Ila (both “petty” kings in Sippar), etc. In addition, from IPLA 14 we learn that Ikūn-pîša was able to participate in the “gathering of the Amorites”, an influential tribal gathering. This all confirms that he was a man of some political influence acting on his own initiative. If this is true, what would be the source of this influence? Clues come from the letters not concerned with diplomatic matters, as well as the economic and administrative texts published by Edzard 1970. These all point towards trade, crediting activities, and agriculture as potential sources. These activities were undertaken within a wider context involving not only Ikūn-pîša and his family but also other people such as Annum-pîša. It is likely that the wealth generated within the TIM 7 organization was at least partly responsible for Ikūn-pîša’s prominence. It is hard to ascertain whether Ikūn-pîša and his family were “Amorite”. He had access to the “gathering of the Amorites” and the ruling Amorite elite, but most of his family members bore good Akkadian names, with the exception of his brother Kanikrum. It is nonetheless certain that Ikūn-pîša’s network, including people of political significance, enabled the TIM 7 organization’s activities.

10 Already

noted by Mustafa and Baqir 1945: 53 and Edzard 1970: 16 n. 20. economic and administrative documents published by Edzard mention even more Ikūn-pîšas (see Edzard 1970: 223-224): Ikūn-pîša, son of Lu-Nanna; Ikūn-pîša, son of Mannum-šāninšu; Ikūn-pîša, son of Nanna-mansum; Ikūn-pîša, son of Matītum; and Ikūn-pîša, son of Imlik-Sîn. 12 Problematic is the fact that in IPLA 12, Ikūn-pîša, son of Ibni-Adad is mentioned before Ikūn-pîša, son of Arwium. This suggests that the former was considered as more important by the letter’s sender. 11 The

10

PART 1

– ANALYSIS OF THE MATERIAL

Sukatum, daughter of Ikūn-pîša Ikūn-pîša had a daughter called Sukatum.13 This information is not entirely new, but it was never picked up by other authors.14 She also wrote a letter (IPLA 24) to her father. From her cylinder seal we know that she was a nadītum of Šamaš and Aya, having a daughter as nadītum was a common practice among prominent citizens in Sippar.15 She is also mentioned in CT 8 29b and BDHP 22 as a witness.16 A woman called Sukatum also occurs in two economic and administrative texts from the TIM 7 organization: TIM 7 137: 6’ and TIM 7 152: 9’ and 11’. Arwium, father of Ikūn-pîša The father of our main protagonist is called Arwium.17 In the TIM 7 economic and administrative texts published by Edzard 1970 he is acting as a creditor.18 In addition, the family of Arwium also features in other documents known from early Old Babylonian Sippar and as a result we are informed about his other sons, Kanikrum, Ḫāliqum, and their offspring.19 Two IPLA letters were written by him and two were addressed to him. His correspondence deals mostly with trade or crediting: IPLA 34 mentions high amounts of silver; IPLA 36 talks about the required payment of silver by an unnamed man; IPLA 37 was addressed to Arwium and a certain Girni-isa and written by Nūr-Sin, who seems to have been an agent for the organization in Mari. Geme-Ninsun Another important person in Ikūn-pîša’s archive was Geme-Ninsun. Her exact status is nowhere explicitly mentioned, but she must have been a family member, either a sister, wife, or –most likely– the mother of Ikūn-pîša. In IPLA 30 she writes to Ikūn-pîša that 13 I

assume that she was the daughter of Ikūn-pîša son of Arwium, but other possibilities are just as possible. cylinder seal was published by Mustafa and Baqir 1945: 51 (plate I): sú-ka-tum lukur dutu, dumumunus i-ku-pí-ša, geme2 dutu ù da-a. 15 Curiously, in TIM 7 181: 4-5, “the daughter of Ikūn-pîša” is identified as a nadītum of Adad. 16 sú-ka-tum dumu-munus i-ku-˹pí-ša˺, CT 8 29b: 25 (Apil-Sîn 1); sú-ka-tum dumu-munus i-ku-pí-ša, BDHP 22(case): 23 (Sabium 11). 17 See already Leemans 1978: 198-199, who did not know that Arwium was Ikūn-pîša’s father. Goddeeris 2002: 62 is probably right in stating that there was only one man called Arwium in early OB Sippar. Other references to him are: ar-wi-˹um˺ dumu ˹x x x˺, MHET II/5 598: 17 (undated); ar-wi-um, TIM 7 17: 2 (undated); ar-wi-um, MHET II/1 13: 4 (Sumu-la-El); ar-wi-um, MHET II/1 13: 4 (oath by Sumu-la-El). 18 TIM 7 17 and 51. He provides a tadmiqtum to Nūr-Šamaš in TIM 7 130. 19 Kanikrum: ka-ni-ik-ru-um dumu ar-wi-um, CT 4 50a: 19 (oath by Immerum and Sumu-la-El, date Sumu-la-El d, see De Boer 2018); ka-ni-ik-ru-um šeš-a-ni, CT 4 50a: 2-3 (Sumu-la-El); ka-ni-ik-ru-um ḫa-li-qum dumu-me ar-wi-um, BAP 38 (= VAS 8 6/7): 20-23 (Immerum). Ḫāliqum: a-li-qum dumu ar-wi-um, CT 6 38b: 25-26 (undated); ḫa-li-qum dumu ar-wi-um, CT 4 50a: 5 (see above); a-li-qum dumu ar-wi-um, CT 6 42a (= MHET II/1 23): 2-3 (Sumu-la-El). Children of Kanikrum or Ḫāliqum: ḫi-iš-ša-tum lukur níg dutu dumu.munus a-li-qum, CT 45 1 (case = BDHP 31): 4-5 (oath by Sumu-la-El and Buntaḫtun-Ila); a-da-ia-tum dumu ki-ni-ik-ri-im (envelope: ka-niik-rum), VS 8 58 & CT 4 50b: 23 (Sîn-muballiṭ). 14 Her

2. THE MAIN PROTAGONISTS OF THE IKŪN-PΊA ARCHIVE

11

she will visit him because she heard he was ill. IPLA 32 is addressed to her by a certain Ipiq-Adad who asks her (“if you are my mother”) to speak to Ikūn-pîša. IPLA 33 is a letter with administrative contents attesting to Geme-Ninsun’s role in the TIM 7 organization. In IPLA 18, an important correspondent of Ikūn-pîša, Ilšu-bānî, asks about Geme-Ninsun’s health. Curiously, she is only mentioned once in the economic and administrative documents (TIM 7 134: 7 where she receives barley) and she does not occur in other published Sippar documents. It is very rare to have the goddess Ninsun in a personal name in northern Babylonia. Ilum-ma This person wrote the largest number of letters to Ikūn-pîša. His exact status vis-à-vis Ikūn-pîša is not explicitly stated, but it is clear that he was subordinate to Ikūn-pîša because Ilum-ma went on diplomatic missions on his behalf and calls him “my lord” on occasion. However, in IPLA 5: 34-35 he writes to both Ikūn-pîša’s: “I have no brother apart from you two”. The word “brother” suggests that he was on the same level as the Ikūn-pîša’s.20 We also see Ilum-ma acting on his own initiative, in IPLA 7 he asks Ikūn-pîša to give a shekel of gold to Sumu-abum and a jar of wine to both Sumu-la-El and Immerum on his behalf. This means that Ilum-ma was certainly not poor, and he also had his own estate (“house”).21 His letters attest to his attempts at securing good diplomatic relations with the Amorite rulers in the lower Diyala region and Northern Babylonia, his aim was probably to assure safe trade routes. That his efforts were not without peril will become clear below. Nūr-Sîn Nūr-Sîn was an agent of the TIM 7 organization. From IPLA 37, written by him from Mari, we learn that he was involved in the caravan trade of tin and “Dilmunite” copper along the Euphrates. He appears to be subordinate to Arwium and Ikūn-pîša. In IPLA 17 he is away from his house and he asks Ikūn-pîša to take care of his affairs in his absence. That Nūr-Sîn calls Ikūn-pîša his “lord and father” in IPLA 17 could be taken literally, in which case he could be an actual son of Ikūn-pîša acting as the TIM 7 organization’s representative in Mari.22 Ilšu-bānî Ilšu-bānî is apparently also a trade agent of the TIM 7 organization. In IPLA 18 he writes that he received a shipment of copper from the two Ikūn-pîšas and that he needed a gift for Sumu-la-El and Sumu-abum. Ilšu-bānî calls Ikūn-pîša “my brother” in IPLA 19, a badly preserved letter in which he seems to be in trouble. However, we cannot just state 20 We cannot discount the possibility that a-ḫa-am in IPLA 5: 34 could also denote something like “helper”. 21 In IPLA 4: 40-43 and IPLA 7: 26-27 he asks Ikūn-pîša to take care of his house. 22 For the Old Assyrian families, see Veenhof 2014.

12

PART 1

– ANALYSIS OF THE MATERIAL

that he was also a son of Arwium because the name was very common and the economic and administrative texts from the TIM 7 organization mention at least eight different Ilšu-bānî’s and none of them is a son of Arwium.23 Time: unknown/ Independent Sippar rulers to Sumu-la-El Time: independent Sippar rulers to Sumu-la-El

Time: Sumu-la-El to Sabium

Arwium (∞ Geme-Ninsun?)

Ikūn-pîša

Sukatum lukur dutu

Nūr-Sîn (?)

Ḫāliqum

Kanikrum

Ḫiššatum

Adayatum

The Arwium Family Tree

Ḫammī-ṣura Ḫammī-ṣura was a king from the Sippar region and the recipient of IPLA 39. From this letter we know that he was involved in the Euphrates trade and had contacts with Sippar’s trade organization in Mari and Mišlān. He is perhaps also the writer of IPLA 25. Ḫammī-ṣura is furthermore mentioned in seven texts from early Old Babylonian Sippar.24 Special mention must be made of his appearance in the texts found by a Belgian team at Tell ed-Dēr, of which copies were published in De Meyer 1978. These seventy-five unedited texts have received little attention over the years.25 They were found in what appears to have been a private house and they document crediting, commercial, agricultural, and administrative activities.26 Four loan documents carry year names that are attributed to Ḫammī-ṣura.27 Ḫalun-pī-umu Ḫalun-pī-umu was a king who ruled Marad, carrying an unusual name that has several different spellings.28 He seems to have been the first independent king of Marad ruling from ca. 1890/1885 until 1879 BCE. We know at least one and perhaps two of his year

23 See 24 CT

Edzard 1970: 224. 48 90, BM 16474 (published in De Boer 2014a: 432), ED II (= De Meyer 1978) 24, 25, 26, 27

and 57. 25 Goddeeris 2002: 216-220, “The central building of complex AI”. 26 For the exact archaeological context, see Gasche 1978. 27 See De Boer 2014a: 119-121 for an overview of attested year names of Ḫammī-ṣura. 28 a-lu-pú-ú-mu, a-lum-pí-ú-mu, ḫa-lam-pu-ú, a-lum-pí-ú-mu, a-li-im-pu-mu, a-lum-pu-mu. The writing Ḫalun-pī-umu was chosen, because a homonym features in a Tell Leilan treaty (the father of Mutiya, Eidem 2011 L.T.-2), whose name is written as ḫa-lu-un-pí-mu and ḫa-lu-pí-ú-mu. This is probably the best rendering of the name.

2. THE MAIN PROTAGONISTS OF THE IKŪN-PΊA ARCHIVE

13

names.29 However, it might be that his rule over Marad postdates the events in the Ikūnpîša letter archive. He is known because of his conquest of Dilbat in the year 1879 BCE. Leemans 1966 reconstructed the events surrounding this conquest, concluding that Ḫalun-pī-umu ruled Dilbat between Sumu-la-El year 2 month V (1879 BCE) and the beginning of Sumu-la-El year 3 (1880 BCE). The year name of Sumu-la-El 3 also records the defeat of Ḫalun-pī-umu. The struggle between Sumu-la-El and Ḫalun-pī-umu has often been connected to the events in IPLA 14. In this letter, Ikūn-pîša writes to the (unknown) recipients about how he went to the Amorite assembly and met with Sumu-abum, Mašparum, and Sumun-abi-yarim. He stresses that they are united and that Mašparum will go and talk to Ḫalun-pī-umu about his intentions concerning war or peace. At the end of the letter, Ikūn-pîša motivates the addressees to also take action. Sumu-la-El, nor Dilbat is mentioned in IPLA 14 so it probably concerns other events. From IPLA 10 we now know that Ḫalun-pī-umu and Sumu-la-El worked together in supplying somebody with an amount of silver. Finally, Ḫalun-pī-umu had a daughter called Šāt-Aya, who was a nadītum devoted to Šamaš and Aya in Sippar, just as Ikūn-pîša’s and Sumu-la-El’s daughters. Her name occurs in a text (Edubba 7 113) and a seal impression (Edubba 7 113 and 118) from SipparYaḫrūrum. Ilum-ma-Ila Ilum-ma-Ila was the earliest of the known independent Sippar kings. He never occurs as sender or recipient in the IPLA letters but features in those sent by Ilum-ma (IPLA 1-8). It is said that he established a pact and he had a serious problem with Ilum-ma. In eleven other economic documents from Sippar, people swear by the name of Ilum-ma-Ila.30 Mašparum Mašparum was a ruler as well, but his unknown seat of power was probably somewhere in the Diyala region.31 We only have a few letters documenting him, IPLA 5, in which he is associated with Sumu-abum and Ilum-ma-Ila, and IPLA 14 in which he is seen as a member of the “Amorite assembly”. Mašparum is furthermore the writer of a badly preserved letter found in Ešnunna (AS 22 43) and is mentioned in another one addressed to the Ešnunna king Ipiq-Adad I (AS 22 40). These letters contain many synchronisms with other rulers, but also attest to the contacts that existed between the Amorite rulers in the Diyala region and Northern Babylonia.

29 De

Boer 2013: 81. De Boer 2014a: 116-119. 31 Charpin 2004a: 100 suspects that Mašparum ruled Šadlaš, this town or Diniktum are the most likely candidates. 30 See

14

PART 1

– ANALYSIS OF THE MATERIAL

Yawium The name Yawium occurs only a few times in the early Old Babylonian period and it is therefore assumed that he was the king of Kiš, known from a string of year names from the archive of one Ṣīssu-nawrat.32 He probably ruled Kiš from ca. 1880 BCE until 1869 BCE, the year in which Sumu-la-El of Babylon “destroyed” Kiš.33 The two letters written by Yawium, IPLA 12 and 13, are too broken to provide any more meaningful information about him. Sumu-abum Sumu-abum was a complex and highly influential figure.34 Until recently, he was considered the founder of Babylon’s First Dynasty. This was mainly based on the fact that he was mentioned as Babylon’s first king in king-lists and lists of year names written in later periods.35 In addition, contracts bearing his year names have been found all over Mesopotamia,36 making it difficult to connect him to one specific city. A few years ago, Charpin and Goddeeris –independently from each other– established that Sumu-la-El should be considered the first king of Babylon.37 IPLA 14 suggests that Sumu-abum played an important role amongst the Amorite rulers and led the “Amorite assembly”. This is corroborated by the letter YBC 9955, where the sender explicitly writes to Sumu-abum that “Enlil has appointed you to rule over the armies”.38 This all points to the central role that Sumu-abum played around 1880 BCE in the establishment of the multitude of city-states led by Amorite kings. In the other IPLA letters, Sumu-abum is portrayed as a powerful ruler and he has an important, but mostly unspecified role in the Ilum-ma letters (IPLA 3, 5, 7, and 9). IPLA 7 and 18 refer to audience gifts for him and in IPLA 10 we learn that Sumu-la-El was his subordinate. Finally, in IPLA 42 Sumu-abum decides whether a statue of the goddess Annunîtum was to go to Babylon or not. Around 1864 BCE, Sumu-abum led a coalition of Babylon and Isin against Kazallu, after which he briefly sat on the throne of Isin.39 After this, we lose track of him and it is 32 The archive of Ṣissu-nawrat belongs to the so-called “Mananâ-dynasty” texts, see Goddeeris 2002: 284-286 and De Boer 2014a: 423. 33 De Boer 2014a: 237-238 and De Boer 2018. 34 The most recent overview of Sumu-abum can be found in De Boer 2018. 35 See Grayson 1980-1983: 100 (su-mu-a-bi lugal mu.15.kam) and Horsnell 1999 (Volume I): 175286. 36 For example: Sippar (VAS 8 1), Dilbat (YOS 14 128), the so-called “Mananâ dynasty” from Damrum (RA 8 p.70-71, AO 4665), and Kisurra (YOS 14 351). 37 Charpin 2004a: 80-86, Goddeeris 2002: 318-324, and Goddeeris 2005. 38 Edited in De Boer 2018: 57-59. 39 For more information on this episode, see De Boer 2018: 63-66. In this article I was hesitant to consider Sumu-abum as an ephemeral king of Isin. However, thanks to a new text from Nippur carrying a Sumu-abum year name (Farber and Wilent 2018) and a re-evaluation of several manuscripts of the Sumerian King List, I am now confident that Sumu-abum was indeed a short-lived Isin king, just like his successor Ikūn-pī-Ištar.

2. THE MAIN PROTAGONISTS OF THE IKŪN-PΊA ARCHIVE

15

likely that he died around 1863 BCE.40 On the basis of the approximate dating of the Ikūn-pîša Letter Archive (see below, ca. 1885-1880 BCE), we might conclude that he was politically active for at least twenty years. Sumun-abi-yarim Sumun-abi-yarim was a king in the lower Diyala region.41 Aside from the IPLA letters, he features in the oath formulas of three documents from Tutub,42 Uzarlulu,43 and Nērebtum.44 If he had ruled more than one city, he would have predated Ḫammi-dušur45 and Sîn-abūšu.46 These two kings ruled large parts of the lower Diyala region between ca. 1875 and 1825 BCE,47 thus after the events documented by the Ikūn-pîša archive. Sumun-abi-yarim is mentioned in connection to Išīm-Šulgi, a town that had a šakkanakkum as its ruler.48 Nevertheless, the fact that he and Mašparum are the only rulers in the Diyala region who are mentioned in the IPLA letters does lead us to suspect that he ruled a large part of the lower Diyala region. In order to guarantee safe trade routes through this region, the TIM 7 organization would have had to deal with Sumun-abi-yarim. Nonetheless, he only plays an indirect role in the Ikūn-pîša archive: he had a seat in the “Amorite assembly” according to IPLA 14 and he is mentioned in the Ilum-ma letters. Sumu-la-El Sumu-la-El is the first king of the First Dynasty of Babylon, who ruled from 1880 to 1845 BCE,49 and occurs in the IPLA letters as a subordinate of Sumu-abum50 and even fearful of him.51 Some special connection must have existed between Sumu-la-El and 40 In addition, an economic text from the TIM 7 organization (TIM 7 22) recalls the death of a son of Sumu-abum, a certain Ḫanbatiya. 41 See also Van Koppen 2012, whose translation of the name is “Sumu-abum hat sich erhaben gezeigt”. The name must mean something else because of the inclusion of an /n/ after “Sumu”. In addition, a queen of Yamhad is called Sumunna-abi (mentioned in ARM 26/1 10: 18), see Durand 1988: 106 n. b. 42 JCS 9 p.106 no. 57. 43 Al-Hashimi 1964 no. 44 (IM 67097). 44 OBTIV 27. 45 An early OB king whose rule must have extended over large parts of the lower Diyala region, see De Boer 2014a: 217-218. 46 An early OB king who ruled after Hammi-dušur, see De Boer 2014a: 222-228. 47 Due to the recently published treaty by Guichard 2014, Ikūn-pī-Sîn can be added to this list; for additional comments, see De Boer 2014b. 48 We should not discount the possibility that the šakkanakkum of Išīm-Šulgi could have ruled at the behest of another king but on the other hand, some city rulers carried the explicit title šakkanakkum, such as the kings of Dēr (RIME 4: 676-679) and rulers of Mari. The title šakkanakkum (Sumerian: gìr-nita2) in the Diyala and neighboring regions was inherited from the Ur III period. 49 See De Boer 2018 for an extensive reevaluation of Sumu-la-El’s reign. 50 According to IPLA 7, Ilum-ma wants to give a shekel of gold to Sumu-abum and a jar of wine to both Sumu-la-El and Immerum. 51 According to IPLA 10, Sumu-la-El fears repercussions if the two Ikūn-pîšas do not deliver 10 minas of gold.

16

PART 1

– ANALYSIS OF THE MATERIAL

Sumu-abum, also because in IPLA 18 they are travelling together. Sumu-la-El wrote two letters to Ikūn-pîša (IPLA 10: to both Ikūn-pîšas, and IPLA 11). From IPLA 10 we learn that Sumu-la-El and Ḫalun-pī-umu (who Sumu-la-El had to chase from Dilbat during his second regnal year) worked together. IPLA 11 concerns the dispatch of a messenger called Erībam and Sumu-la-El’s concerns about not having any silver available. In IPLA 32, a rābiṣum in Sumu-la-El’s service is mentioned and in IPLA 38 a field that Sumu-la-El expected to be given is mentioned. It is curious that nothing in the IPLA letters hints at Sumu-la-El’s royal position. This is perhaps due to the early date of the archive: it is either from the beginning of Sumu-laEl’s reign, or it predates his time as king of Babylon. Another explanation could be that these letters were considered private and not official. A similar situation is seen in the Old Assyrian waklum letters, where the Old Assyrian king (waklum), sometimes wrote letters to Kaneš on official business and sometimes on a personal note; in these letters his royal position is also not always evident.52 As king of Babylon, Sumu-la-El managed to unite most of Northern Babylonia into a single state to rival other kingdoms such as Ešnunna, Malgium, Isin, Larsa, and Uruk. He took power in all Northern Babylonian cities and replaced their local rulers.53 This expansion was followed by the building of fortifications around the kingdom. Sumu-la-El had also established close diplomatic contacts with Uruk by marrying off a daughter to king Sîn-kāšid. Another daughter of his, Ayalatum, was a nadītum in the “cloister” of Sippar.54 The core of the Babylonian kingdom established by Sumu-la-El would remain united until the end of Mesopotamian history.

52 Michel

2001: 61-76 and Kryszat 2004. not all local rulers: there are at least three local rulers attested within Babylon’s borders after Sumu-la-El’s conquests: Altinû and later Lipit-Ištar in the area of Sippar (cf. De Boer 2014a: 132-136), and a certain Itūr-asdu (Van Koppen 2019). Their exact status is unknown. 54 a-ia-la-tum, CT 47 11: 24 (Sîn-muballiṭ); a-ia-la-tum dumu-munus [su-m]u-la-[dingir], Al ‘Adhami, Iraq 59: 73-75 (envelope): 33 (Apil-Sîn 2); da-a-la-tum dumu-munus su-mu-la-dingir, CT 8 29b: 22 (Apil-Sîn). 53 Albeit

3. DATING THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE The letters from the archive are not dated, nor do they contain references that can be linked to historical events known from year names. In order to date the letter archive we have to rely on internal criteria. The most useful are synchronisms, meaning that when a text mentions one or more rulers, they probably were contemporaries. There are four good examples of this: IPLA 3 refers to Sumu-abum, Ilum-ma-Ila, Sumun-abi-yarim, and possibly Sumu-la-El; IPLA 5 mentions Sumu-abum, Ilum-ma-Ila, and Mašparum; IPLA 7 provides synchronisms between Immerum, Sumu-la-El, and Sumu-abum; and finally IPLA 14 mentions Sumu-abum, Mašparum, Ḫalun-pī-umu and Sumun-abi-yarim. We must somehow find a window of time which allows for all of these synchronisms to have taken place, bearing in mind that the letters were written at different times. From the Mari letters we know that groups of interrelated letters often reflect events taking place in a restricted amount of time. For the Ikūn-pîša letters the same can be assumed and a chronological window of at the most ten years seems appropriate. The information inherent to the letters suggests a dating of the letter archive around ca. 18851880 BCE. This is based on the following observations: • Ḫalun-pī-umu, the king of Marad, was still alive and active in the archive. In an article on the chronology of the Marad kings,55 I argued that he ruled from ca. 1890/1885 until 1879, the latter date is the year in which he was defeated (and likely killed) by Sumu-la-El of Babylon. Part of the archive should predate 1879 BCE. • Although often mentioned in the archive, Sumu-la-El does not behave like the king of Babylon. If we did not know better, we might have concluded –on the basis of the letter archive– that he was merely a deputy of Sumu-abum. This provides the clue that Sumu-la-El was not yet king of Babylon at the time of the letter archive. Sumu-la-El’s reign at Babylon started around 1880 BCE. • The most often mentioned pre-Babylonian, independent ruler of Sippar is Ilum-ma-Ila, who is commonly considered one of the earliest rulers of Sippar.56 Other, later, (semi-) independent rulers from Sippar and its vicinity are mentioned only once (Immerum and Ḫammī-ṣura) or not at all (Buntaḫtun-Ila, Altinû). • Yawium, the king of Kiš, is the sender of two letters to Ikūn-pîša. I have argued that Yawium was defeated (and probably killed) by Sumu-la-El in 1869 (commemorated in Sumu-la-El year names 13-17). In addition to this, we can suspect that Yawium’s reign must have begun around 1885 BCE, after the two other known rulers of early Old Babylonian Kiš, Ašduni-yarim and Agānuḫi.57 55 De

Boer 2013. 1975: 2 thought of the sequence Immerum→Buntahtun-Ila→Sumu-la-El (disregarding Ḫammī-ṣura), Charpin 2004a: 92 (n. 336) is not as explicit but does confirm the sequence Immerum→ Buntahtun-Ila. 57 De Boer 2014a: 237-238. 56 Harris

18

PART 1

– ANALYSIS OF THE MATERIAL

• Mašparum is mentioned twice in the archive, but also twice in the early Old Babylonian letters from Ešnunna, where there is a synchronism with Ipiq-Adad I, whose reign can tentatively be dated around ca. 1900-1890 BCE.58 The main argument against an early date around 1885-1880 BCE is that the economic and administrative texts from the TIM 7 organization show prosopographical connections to other Sippar texts dated to Sumu-la-El’s successors Sabium, Apil-Sîn, and Sîn-muballiṭ, who ruled between 1844 and 1793 BCE: • • • • • • • • •

The father of Ikūn-pîša, Arwium, is mentioned in a text with an oath to Sumu-la-El.59 Sukatum, the daughter of Ikūn-pîša is a witness in texts dated to Sabium and Apil-Sîn.60 Ea-bānî, son of Āmur-Ea, is attested in a text from Sabium 8.61 Iddin-Ilabrat, son of Lu-Ninšubur, features in texts from the time of Sabium and Sîn-muballiṭ.62 Iddin-Šamaš, son of Pūṣatum, is seen in a text from the reign of Sîn-muballiṭ.63 Ilšu-abūšu, son of Ilī-ublam, is mentioned in a text from the reign of Sabium.64 Ilšu-bānî, son Nūr-ilīšu, is seen in texts datable to Sumu-la-El, Sabium, Apil-Sîn and Altinû.65 Ilšu-tillassu, son of Puzur-Šamaš, occurs in texts from the reigns of Sabium and Sîn-muballiṭ.66 Ilum-nāṣir, son of Ilī-imgur, is attested in a text from the reign of Sabium.67

58 De

Boer 2014a: 200-205. II/1 13. 60 CT 8 29b: 25 (Apil-Sîn 1) and BDHP 22: 23 (Sabium 11). 61 3[0-a]-bu-šu ù é-a-ba-ni dumu-me a-mur-é-a, TIM 7 71 iii: 4’-5’ (undated); é-a-ba-ni dumu a-mur-é-a, TIM 7 77: 10 (undated); é-a-ba-ni dumu a-[mur -é-a] TIM 7 87: 7 (undated); é-a-ba-ni dumu a-mur-é-a, MHET II/1 41: 35 (Sabium 8). 62 i-din-dnin-š[ubu]r dumu lú-dnin-šubu[r], TIM 7 102: 5-6 (undated); i-din-dnin-[šubu]r dumu lú-dninšubur, TIM 7 62 ii: 2 (undated); i-din-dnin-šubur dumu lú-dnin-šubur-ka, MHET II/1 40: 28 (Sabium); i-din-dnin-šubur dumu lú-dnin-šubur, CT 8 4b: 6 (Sîn-muballiṭ). 63 i-din-dutu dumu pu-ṣa-tum, TIM 7 73: 12, (undated); i-din-dutu dumu [p]u-ṣa-tum, TIM 7 83: 10 (undated); i-din-dutu dumu pu-ṣa-tum, MHET II/1 95: 18 (Sîn-muballiṭ). 64 i-túr-rum dingir-šu-a-bu-šu dumu-me ì-lí-ub-lam, TIM 7 23: 11-12 (undated); dingir-šu-a-bu-šu ù dingir-na-ṣir dumu-meš ì-lí-ub-lam, MHET II/1 42:18-19 (Sabium c). 65 dingir-šu-ba-ni dumu nu-úr-ì-lí-šu, TIM 7 24: 4-5 (undated); dingir-šu-ba-ni dumu nu-úr-ì-lí-šu, TIM 7 149: 2-3 (undated); dingir-šu-ba-ni dumu nu-úr-ì-lí-šu, TLB 1 220: 29-30 (Apil-Sîn); dingir-šu-ba-ni ˹dumu nu˺-ú[r-ì-l]í-šu, BE 6/1 9: 26 (Sumu-la-El and Sabium); dingir-šu-ba-ni dumu nu-úr-ì-lí-šu, CT 48 63: 28 (Sumu-la-El and Altinû). 66 dingir-šu-illat-sú dumu puzur -dutu, TIM 7 13: 2’-3’ (undated); dingir-šu-illat-su dumu puzur -dutu, 4 4 MHET II/1 46: 19 (Sabium 13); dingir-šu-ba-ni igi dingir-šu-illat-sú, dumu-me puzur4-dutu, CT 4 49a: 23-24 (case = MHET II/1 68) (Apil-Sîn); dingir-šu-illat-su dumu puzur4-dutu, MHET II/1 100 (= CT 45 18+): 46 (Sîn-muballiṭ); dingir-šu-ba-ni dumusic dingir-šu-illat-sú igi na-bi-ì-lí-šu, dumu-me puzur4-dutu, VS 8 52/53: 37-39 (Sîn-muballiṭ); dingir-šu-illat-su, BE 6/1 20: 3 (Sîn-muballiṭ); dingir-šu-illat-su dumu puzur4-dutu, MHET II/1 129: 9-10 (Sîn-muballiṭ). 67 dingir-na-ṣir dumu ì-lí-im-gur, TIM 7 68 iii: 8 (undated); dingir-na-ṣi-ir dumu ì-lí-im-gur, MHET II/1 43: 5 (Sabium). 59 MHET

3. DATING THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

19

• Nabi-ilīšu, son of Aḫūni, is mentioned in texts from the reigns of Immerum, Sabium and Apil-Sîn.68 • Nabi-ilīšu, son of Warad-ilīšu, occurs in a text from the time of Sîn-muballiṭ.69 • Nanna-kiag, son of Sîn-iddinam, is seen in a text from the reign of Sabium.70 • Nanna-mansum, son of Ikūn-pîša, is attested in a document from the time of Sîn-muballiṭ.71 • Nanna-mansum, son of Sîn-šēmî, is mentioned in texts from the time of Immerum and Sabium.72 • Puzur-Ninkarrak, son of Erībūni, is mentioned in texts from the reigns of Immerum and Sabium.73 • Puzur-Šamaš, son of Abum-waqar, occurs in documents from the reigns of Apil-Sîn and Sîn-muballiṭ.74 However, there are also a few individuals mentioned in the TIM 7 organization documents who occur only in other Sippar documents datable to the early independent Sippar rulers: • Ahulap-Sîn, son of Išme-Sîn, time of Immerum.75 • Ikūn-pîša, son of Mannum-šāninšu, time of Immerum.76 • Inim-Nanna, son of Lu-Ninšubur, time of Immerum.77

68 na-bi-ì-lí-šu dumu a-ḫu-ni, TIM 7 6: 12 (undated); na-bi-[ì-lí-šu] dumu a-ḫu-[ni], TIM 7 9: 10 (undated); na-bi-ì-lí-šu dumu a-ḫu-ni, TIM 7 21: 15 (undated); na-bi-ì-lí-šu dumu a-ḫu-ni, CT 8 23a: 23 (Sabium); na-bi-ì-lí-šu dumu a-ḫu-ni, BE 6/1 4: 20 (Immerum); na-bi-ì-lí-šu dumu a-ḫu-ni CT 47 4: 28 (Apil-Sîn); na-bi-ì-lí-šu dumu a-ḫu-ni, MHET II/1 31(= CT 4 45a): 28-29 (Sabium). 69 na-bi-ì-lí-š[u] dumu ìr-ì-lí-š[u], TIM 7 68 iii: 5 (undated); na-bi-ì-lí-šu dumu ìr-ì-lí-šu, CT 2 36: 17 (Sîn-muballiṭ). 70 [dšeš]-ki-ki-ág d[umu] 30-i-din-nam, TIM 7 84 rev. i: 1’ (undated); dšeš-ki-ki-ág dumu 30-i-din-nam, CT 2 37: 33-34 (Sabium). 71 dšeš-ki-ma-a[n-sum] dumu i-ku-pi -š[a], TIM 7 18: 15 (undated); dšeš-ki-ma-an-sum dumu i-ku-pi -ša, 4 4 TIM 7 69 iv: 5 (undated); dšeš-ki-ma-[an]-sum dumu i-ku-un-pi4-ša, MHET II/1 103: 20-21 (Sîn-muballiṭ). 72 dšeš-k[i-m]a-an-s[um] dumu 30-x-[…], TIM 7 68 iii: 13 (undated); dšeš-ki-ma-an-sum dumu 30-še-mi, TIM 7 77: 3 (undated); dšeš-ki-ma-an-sum dumu den-zu-še-mi, MHET II/1 39: 32-33 (Sabium); [dšeš-ki]-maan-sum dumu den-zu-še-mi, BE VI/1 4: 6 (Immerum); dšeš-ki-ma-an-sum dumu 30-še-me, BE VI/1 12: 4 (Sabium). 73 puzur -dnin-[kar-ra-ak] dumu e-ri-bu!-ni, TIM 7 5: 9 (undated); puzur -dn[in-kar-ra-ak] dumu e-ri4 4 bu!-ni, TIM 7 18: 17 (undated); puzur4-dnin-kar-ra-ak dumu e-ri-bu-ni, MHET II/1 38: 23-24 (Sabium); puzur4-dnin-kar-ra-ak dumu e-ri-bu-ni, BE 6/1: 15 (Immerum); puzur4-dnin-kar-ra-ak dumu e-ri-bu-ni šu?, MHET II/5 581: 40 (undated). 74 puzur -dutu d[umu a]-bu-wa-qar, TIM 7 55: 6 (undated); puzur -dutu dumu a-bu-um-wa-qar, TCL 1 4 4 64: 24-25 (Apil-Sîn); puzur4-dutu dumu a-bu-um-wa-qar, CT 4 44b: 18 (Sîn-muballiṭ). 75 a-ḫu-la-ap-30 dumu iš-me-30, TIM 7 79: 4 (undated); a-ḫu-la-ap-den-zu dumu iš-me-30, BE 6/1 4: 18 (Immerum). 76 i-ku-pi -ša dumu ma-nu-um-ša-ni-in-[šu], TIM 7 9: 4-5 (undated); i-ku-pi -ša dumu ma-nu-um-ša-ni4 4 in-šu, TIM 7 77: 2 (undated); i-ku-pi4-ša dumu ma-nu-um-ša-ni-in-šu, BE 6/1 4: 23-24 (Immerum). 77 inim-dšeš-ki dumu lú-dnin-šubur-ra, TIM 7 79: 5 (undated); inim-dšeš-ki igi den-líl-ma-an-sum dumu-meš lú-dnin-šubur-ka, MHET II/1 9 (= CT 8 47a): 21-23 (Immerum).

20

PART 1

– ANALYSIS OF THE MATERIAL

• Qīš-Nunu, son of Imgurīya/Imgur-Sîn (b. Annum-pîša), time of Immerum.78 • Sîn-erībam, son of Nūr-ilīšu, time of Immerum, Buntaḫtun-Ila, and Sumu-la-El.79 If IPLA and the economic/administrative texts published in TIM 7 are indeed from (exactly) the same time, we would expect to find oaths by and/or year names from the early rulers Ilum-ma-Ila, Ḫammī-ṣura, or Immerum. But they are not attested in the TIM 7 economic and administrative texts.80 This means there is a chronological discrepancy between the date of the letters around 1885-1880 BCE and the fact that people from the TIM 7 organization are found in other texts dating between 1844 and 1793 BCE. Some of the above prosopographical connections could be dismissed due to coincidence, meaning –for example– that Ea-bānî, son of Āmur-Ea, from the TIM 7 texts coincidentally has a namesake in later dated Sippar texts. However, there are too many prosopographical connections to dismiss them all. A more convincing explanation of the chronological difference is that the TIM 7 economic and administrative texts cover a larger (and slightly later) period of time than the letter archive. This would explain the absence of the main protagonist in the letters, Ikūn-pîša, son of Arwium, from the TIM 7 economic and administrative texts and that of one of the main figures there, the creditor Annum-pîša, son of Imgur-Sîn, does not occur in the IPLA letters. It is nevertheless clear that IPLA and TIM 7 are two distinct text groups from the same organization because both were found in the same location and –most importantly– there are significant prosopographical connections between TIM 7 and IPLA, most notably through Geme-Ninsun and Arwium.81 The few dates that we do find on the TIM 7 documents are hardly attested elsewhere and only one can be clearly attributed to a ruler: 1) TIM 7 9: 14-15, mu x x […] damar.utu x x x. “Year: […] …Marduk.” 2) TIM 7 22: 11’-13’, mu ḫa-an-ba-ti-ia dumu su-mu-a-bi-im i-mu-tu. “Year (in which) Ḫanbatīya, the son of Sumu-abum, died.” 3) TIM 7 36, case: [m]u e a-ab-ba-ḫé-gál “Year: the canal Abba-ḫegal” (Sabium 13). 4) TIM 7 117: 16, mu [giš]gu-za, […] i-pu-šu. “Year (in which) […] made a throne.” 5) TIM 7 117: 22, [mu èr]-ra-qú-ra-ad ba-[ug7]. “Year: Erra-qurrād died.” 6) TIM 7 117: 26, mu na-ra-am-ì-lí-[šu ba-ug7]. “Year: Narām-ilīšu [died].” 7) TIM 7 117: 35 & 42 mu su-[mu]-a-tar ba-ug7. “Year: Sumu-atar died.”82

78 qí-iš-nu-nu, TIM 7 141: 4’ (undated); qí-iš-nu-nu, TIM 7 149: 6 (undated); qí-iš-nu-nu d[umu] im-gur-ia, TIM 7 10: 4 (undated); qí-iš-nu-nu dumu im-gur-den-zu, BAP 10: 4-5 (Immerum). 79 30-e-ri-ba-am dumu nu-úr-ì-lí-šu, TIM 7 55: 17 (undated); den-zu-e-ri-ba-am dumu nu-úr-ì-lí-šu, CT 8 47b: 16-17 (Immerum); den-zu-e-ri-ba-am dumu nu-úr-ì-lí-šu, CT 45 1: 16-17 (case of BDHP 31) (Sumu-la-El and Buntahtun-Ila). 80 The name Immerum occurs, but he is almost certainly not the king (cf. Edzard 1970: 225). 81 It must also be said that at least three texts purportedly found in the same location are from a much earlier date than the other TIM 7 or IPLA documents; at least one Ur III text (TIM 7 1 from Šu-Suen 9), and two undated administrative texts, nos. 115 and 116. 82 Also found on a “Mananâ-dynasty” text, Gordon Smith College 38: 30-32 and the Diyala text TIM 3 134: 8.

3. DATING THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

21

8) TIM 7 117: 38, mu ba-le-pu-úḫ ba-ug7. “Year: Ba’li-epuḫ died83.” 9) TIM 7 117: 45, [mu (x) x]-ma?-an ba-ug7. “Year: … died.” Most of these dates stem from one document, TIM 7 117, which is a list recapitulating a number of silver loans. Almost all of the dates commemorate someone’s death. It has been thought that these types of year names always concern rulers, but texts from Šaduppûm have shown that local dignitaries were also mentioned in this type of year name.84 I conclude that the Ikūn-pîša Letter Archive mentions events from a restricted period of time, ca. 1885-1880 BCE. It predates most of the economic and administrative texts published by Edzard in TIM 7 mainly covering a period of ca. 1885-1830 BCE. The letters were discarded or stored before the majority of the TIM 7 texts were written.

83 Also

found on a text from Tutub, see Harris 1955 no. 74: 6. is known through Hussein 2008: 82, an often attested year name commemorates the death of a certain Nabi-ilīšu, the abu bītim. 84 This

4. DIPLOMATIC AND POLITICAL INFORMATION 4.1 THE PACT BETWEEN IKŪN-PΊA

AND ILUM-MA-ILA

The majority of the letters sent by Ilum-ma to Ikūn-pîša seem to deal with one specific event: the conclusion of a pact or treaty somewhere in the Diyala region. Ilum-ma acts as Ikūn-pîša’s agent in this matter. The exact nature of this pact is not stated, but we can suspect that it had something to do with the commercial interests of the TIM 7 organization. Because of the difficult nature of these texts, the reconstruction below must remain tentative; the exact order of events is unknown, and it is doubted even whether all letters are connected. The letters in question are: IPLA 1 IPLA 2 IPLA 3 IPLA 4 IPLA 5 IPLA 6 IPLA 9

(IM (IM (IM (IM (IM (IM (IM

49225, Sumer 23 pl. 14 and 15) 49221) 49238 + IM 49543) 49219, Sumer 23 pl. 5 and 6) 49240, Sumer 23 pl. 9 and 10) 49274, Sumer 23 pl. 7 and 8) 49534, Ikūn-pîša to Ilum-ma)

At the end of IPLA 1, Ilum-ma asks Ikūn-pîša to write him instructions concerning Išīm-Šulgi. This was a town located in the Diyala region,85 but unfortunately little is known about it with certainty.86 It could have been established by the Ur III king Šulgi, perhaps as a military fortress.87 It is possible that groups of Amorite mercenaries had populated this fortress and gained some autonomy at the end of the Ur III period and into the early Old Babylonian period. Two letters, IPLA 2 and IPLA 6, deal with the taking of omens. There are several reasons to enquire about the will of the gods. One such reason is well known from the Mari letters: oracular consultation concerning political or diplomatic matters.88 In IPLA 2 we read that Ikūn-pîša had written to Ilum-ma that he had consulted “the god” (i.e. through extispicy) and that there was no denunciation, perhaps this referred to the conclusion of a pact: 4

You (Ikūn-pîša) wrote to me (Ilum-ma), 5 as follows: 6-11 “I asked the god: it is well and in the future it is well! There is no denunciation!” 12 This is what you have written to me.

85 Note that MHET II/5 665: 4 seems to contain a reference to a locality also called Išīm-Šulgi near the irrigation district of Paḫuṣum in the Sippar region (Tanret 1998: 76f). 86 Edzard 1976-1980: 179, RGTC 3: 111, Owen 1997: 378-379. 87 We cannot prove this, even though I would like to refer to a list of tax payers from Išīm-Šulgi’s military; CT 32 pl. 19-22 (Steinkeller 1987: 32 (fig. 2) and Sallaberger 1999a: 198-199), see also text Nesbit A, published by Owen 1997: 369-370. There is another town in the Diyala composed with Šulgi’s name: Šulgi-Nanna. 88 See Durand 1988: 368 (no. 185-bis) and the commentary by Charpin and Ziegler 2003: 242 n. 691.

4. DIPLOMATIC AND POLITICAL INFORMATION

23

Ilum-ma replies by stating that he also carried out an extispicy. His reasons to consult the gods seem to be different: they are connected to traveling. Again, from the Mari letters we know that important movements, by ambassadors or troops, were the subject of oracular consultation.89 Ilum-ma writes in IPLA 2 that currently the omens for traveling are not good. He explains what he will do based on a new extispicy. It is clear that Ilum-ma’s goal is to have Ilum-ma-Ila swear an oath: 27

As soon as my diviners 28 bring me (their new results): If they tell me to go 35 I will go, 31 together with 32 Etel-pī-Sîn, 33 the messenger 34 of Sumun-nabi-yarim, and 36-38 I will have Ilum-ma-Ila swear an oath after which 39 I will return home. 40-41 If the exta are not favorable, 42-43 then Etel-pī-Sîn will carry my report to him. 44 I have (already) waited ten days! 29

In IPLA 3, Ilum-ma appears to be in Išīm-Šulgi. It starts with a remark by Ilum-ma that he should not be indebted to too many people: 4-5

If you agree, 6-7 I should not make those to whom I owe a favor (too) numerous, I should not owe a favor to Sumun-abi-yarim and Sîn-nādā.

8-11

(so)

Ilum-ma probably already owed something to Sumun-abi-yarim, an important lower Diyala king, and Sîn-nādā.90 These two men might have been involved in brokering the treaty. The second part of IPLA 3 is hard to understand. Ilum-ma states that he did not make Ilum-ma-Ila swear an oath forcibly: 12-15

Furthermore, [I] said that I did [not] have Ilum-ma-Ila swear an oath by force

Consequently, Ilum-ma suggests to Ikūn-pîša to talk to Ilum-ma-Ila: 17

I (thought) [this]: “18-19 You should say [to Ilu]m-ma-Ila [the following]: 20 “[to…] speak…

The lines following line 20 in IPLA 3 are unfortunately fragmentary. However, the letter is still concerned with the swearing of oaths. Sumu-abum is mentioned, after which the letter is again better to understand: Ilum-ma claims that a certain person will do whatever Ikūn-pîša tells him to do (perhaps Sumu-abum?). This person will promise Ikūn-pîša an oath at the big gate and when this happens, Ikūn-pîša must promise him to introduce Ilum-ma. After this, Ilum-ma asks Ikūn-pîša to help him, followed by some broken lines: 33-35

Furthermore, [whatever] you say to him, I know that he will do whatever you say. When he has promised you to swear an oath at the big gate, 39 act like a prince, 40-41 give him your word that I may enter. 42 Please my lord, 43 one arm 44 and one help 45 that… 46-48 […]… 36-38

89 Durand

1988: 28-29. text from Tutub from about the same time mentions a Sîn-nādā, who was a “sukkal”, and may have been an official of Sumun-abi-yarim (Harris 1955: 119 no. 105: 15). 90 A

24

PART 1

– ANALYSIS OF THE MATERIAL

The last part of IPLA 3 deals with an oath by Sumu-la-El. Ikūn-pîša had promised Ilum-ma to have him swear an oath. Ilum-ma hopes that the oath will be acceptable to Ikūn-pîša. The end of the letter underscores that Ikūn-pîša is Ilum-ma’s lord. Perhaps Ikūn-pîša was by now on his way to the meeting himself: 49-50

[If] the swearing of an oa[th by Sumu]-la-El, 51 [that] you have promised me (takes place), then may the oath be acceptable to you. 54-56 Please my lord, you alone, come to me. 57-58 I must see you tomorrow. 52-53

IPLA 4 continues with Ilum-ma’s experiences at the (supposed) diplomatic gathering. Something happened concerning Ilum-ma-Ila. It is unclear what exactly, but maybe it concerns the swearing of an oath on false grounds, as was alluded to in IPLA 3. IPLA 4 vividly describes Ilum-ma’s anxiety and mental distress about this: 8-11

What have I done that is not pleasing to Šamaš that he has done this to me? 16-17 In my fear I acted 12 like a bird 13 that, confronted with a falcon, 14-15 entered into man’s lap. 18 May Šamaš give me counsel, 19 whether I will die 20 or stay alive!

Ilum-ma swears that he “did not commit any guilty act against his lord Ilum-ma-Ila” (lines 23-26). He urges Ikūn-pîša to appease Ilum-ma-Ila. Ilum-ma explains his side of the story: the šakkanakkum (local leader of Išīm-Šulgi) had written several times to him and Ilum-ma thought that it was a simple matter of going there, meeting people and then leaving again. He urges Ikūn-pîša not to worry and to calm Ilum-ma-Ila with this (admittedly meager) discourse: 29-31 Speak to Ilum-ma-Ila in the following manner (for me): 32-33 “When the šakkanakkum-governor wrote to me for the fifth time, 34 I thought: 35 “I will go, 36-37 I will meet (him), and I will set off.” 38 My lord should not worry, 39 appease him with these words!

Then we have IPLA 5 where Ilum-ma writes how he asked Sumun-abi-yarim (the lower Diyala king) to accompany him to Ilum-ma-Ila. The events in this letter could either take place before or after the affairs mentioned above. In the first scenario, Ilum-ma wants to travel with Sumun-abi-yarim to Ilum-ma-Ila to let him swear the oath. In the second scenario, Ilum-ma is going after Ilum-ma-Ila after the troubles described in IPLA 4. Sumun-abi-yarim replies that he is not going to Ilum-ma-Ila and asks why Ilum-ma should go with him. Ilum-ma then implores Sumun-abi-yarim for advice, who responds by saying that he will first consult his assembly: 5-6

I spoke to Sumun-abi-yarim, saying the following: 7 “Let me go with you”. 8 He answered me: 9-10 “I will not convene with Ilum-ma-Ila, 11 why should you go (with me)?” 12 I reacted: 13 “My time is running out, 14 give me advice!” 15 He replied saying: 16-17 “I want to know the opinion of my assembly before 18 I can give you counsel.” 19-20 May Sumun-abi-yarim come back to me!

Ilum-ma asks his addressees (two men called Ikūn-pîša) to find out what Sumun-abiyarim’s assembly thinks and to write it to him; he will act according to their letter. Sumuabum and Mašparum were also informed about the matter, because in the second part of IPLA 5, Ilum-ma hopes that they will be quiet. He asks his addressees to influence these two men and Ilum-ma-Ila, so that he can return to Sippar:

4. DIPLOMATIC AND POLITICAL INFORMATION

25

21

As for both of you: 22-23 get to know the opinion of his assembly and 24-25 let your report be sent to me after which 26-27 I will do what you write to me (so that) I can go home permanently. 28-29 I will not take the [x] zi-ri that I held back. 30 I thought: 31-33 “Perhaps Sumu-abum and Mašparum are appeased concerning the case”. 34-35 I have no brother apart from you two, 36 it is in you that I trust! 37-41 You can make Sumu-abum, Mašparum, and Ilum-ma-Ila do whatever you say. 42 Keep me well (in this matter) 43-44 by bringing me to Sippar!

The assembly of Sumun-abi-yarim is reminiscent of the secret council (pirištum) of the kings of Mari and Babylon known from the Mari texts. This council had no fixed members, but it appears to be a meeting in which the king could discuss his policies with close advisors.91 Ikūn-pîša is mentioned together with Sumun-abi-yarim and the šakkanakkum of IšīmŠulgi in IPLA 6. This letter contains, like IPLA 2, many references to omens. First Ilum-ma writes about unfavorable omens causing him to delay Sumun-abi-yarim: 10-11

They both discussed with each other and 12 they said the following: 13 “The exta are not favorable! 14 Wait one month!” 15 Because of this, 16-18 I have caused delay to Sumun-abiyarim again.

In the second part of IPLA 6, Ilum-ma wants to know about an oracular consultation performed in the presence of Sumun-abi-yarim, the šakkanakkum of Išīm-Šulgi and Ikūn-pîša. He asks whether it was anger or appeasement: Another thing, as to the wording of the message of 21 Sumun-abi-yarim 22 and the message 23 of the šakkanakkum 24 of Išīm-Šulgi; 25 is their message (only) 26 a petition 27 and supplications? 28-29 They gave their extispicy report in your presence. 30 Did you pay attention to (its) appearance? 31 What is its meaning? 32-34 Write to me whether it was anger or appeasement, 35 I have to know! 19

The letters do not tell us how the affair ended exactly, but a kind of epilogue is perhaps to be found in IPLA 9, a letter from Ikūn-pîša addressed to Ilum-ma. Ikūn-pîša writes that “we” have taken the matter of Ilum-ma’s entrance (perhaps into Sippar as Ilum-ma asked in IPLA 5) in hand: 7’-9’

We will take everything into our hands before you enter, 10’ Sumu-la-El to him, (but) 12’-14’ he did not talk about this to Ilum-ma-Ila.

11’

has just talked

If the tentative reconstruction of these events is correct, then we first see the dealings in establishing a pact between Ikūn-pîša and Ilum-ma-Ila and secondly the involvement of other Amorite rulers, namely Sumu-la-El, Sumu-abum, Mašparum, Sumun-abi-yarim, and the unnamed šakkanakkum “governor” of Išīm-Šulgi. What their exact role is in these letters is hard to ascertain: they might be participating in a larger political/tribal alliance or facilitating the pact between Ikūn-pîša and Ilum-ma-Ila. Mixed with this matter of Ilum-ma-Ila we have Ilum-ma’s problems with obtaining the right (travel) omens for himself, Sumun-abi-yarim, and a messenger. 91 Charpin

2004a: 260-261.

26

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Ilum-ma was first supposed to have Ilum-ma-Ila swear an oath and apparently this went wrong, to Ilum-ma’s misfortune. He pleads with Ikūn-pîša to appease Ilum-ma-Ila and to influence the opinion of other Amorite rulers. Ikūn-pîša himself then comes to the scene and we see him mentioned together with the šakkanakkum of Išīm-Šulgi and Sumun-abiyarim. They are present during an extispicy from which Ilum-ma wants to know the outcome (about the consequences of an alliance?). Later, in IPLA 9 Ikūn-pîša writes that he and others (among which is Sumu-la-El) have taken the matter in hand. 4.2 OTHER DIPLOMATIC

OR

POLITICAL INFORMATION

Apart from the pact between Ikūn-pîša and Ilum-ma-Ila, there are several other letters referring to diplomatic or political events. Some of these have to do with maintaining good relations with local rulers, mostly through the offering of gifts. First of all, in IPLA 7, Ilum-ma asks Ikūn-pîša to give tāmartum-audience gifts to Sumuabum (one shekel of gold), Sumu-la-El (one jar of wine) and Immerum (also one jar of wine). IPLA 18 is from Ilšu-bānî to Ikūn-pîša and another Ikūn-pîša. In the letter it becomes clear that Ilšu-bānî is receiving Sumu-abum and Sumu-la-El and that he needs some kind of gift (tāmartum) to receive them. He asks either of the Ikūn-pîšas to come to him in person, or to send him honey. Honey (dišpum/làl) was an expensive and exclusive product in this part of Mesopotamia. Honey was not the only luxury product used to smooth relationships: a certain Etel-pī-Ištar wrote to Ikūn-pîša that he needed a liter of fine oil (IPLA 22). IPLA 41 has the interesting information that the “Amorites” are assembled, the sender (unknown) asks the addressee (unknown) for advice, he also wants to know when the Amorites will disband. Just like Ilšu-bānî in IPLA 18, he asks for honey as an audience gift (tāmartum). Another type of present, the tadmiqtum is seen in a very broken context in IPLA 52.92 IPLA 50 mentions that the word or affair of “the Amorite” is “false or bad”. Two highly damaged letters (IPLA 12 and 13) were probably sent by the king of Kiš, Yawium. Two other letters were sent by the first king of Babylon, Sumu-la-El. IPLA 11 has to do with the dispatch of a messenger, sealed tablets and the fact that Sumu-la-El has no silver. One can wonder why Sumu-la-El had to write such a thing to a businessman in Sippar. IPLA 10 is written to the two men called Ikūn-pîša. According to it, Sumu-la-El and Ḫalun-pī-umu are working together; they will pay “the silver of Marduk-rīš”. In addition, Sumu-la-El asks the both addressees to take a large sum of gold to Sumu-abum on the day they receive his tablet. At the end of the letter Sumu-la-El repeats the same request. The reason why such a fortune had to be brought to Sumu-abum is unclear, perhaps as a kind of tribute or gift, or the Ikūn-pîšas owed the gold to Sumu-la-El or Sumu-abum. The administrative texts from TIM 7 also mention incidental expenditures in a diplomatic context.93 Old Assyrian texts a tadmiqtum is a loan or commission, where merchandise was entrusted (without interest) to a trader to sell it “as well as possible”, see Veenhof 2008: 131 n. 595 and Veenhof 1972: 110-111. 93 See Goddeeris 2002: 199-203. Two examples: TIM 7 154: 7-9 (beer for when the men of Šadlaš and the son of Sabiya were present), TIM 7 160: 8’-12’ (… this all for when Šu-Sîn, the son of Ṭabāya and the men of Nērebtāni (= Nērebtum?) were present). 92 In

4. DIPLOMATIC AND POLITICAL INFORMATION

27

IPLA 14 is undoubtedly one of the most important letters found in the Ikūn-pîša correspondence because of its clear diplomatic and military implications. Ikūn-pîša writes to the (unknown) addressees how he went to the Amorite assembly and convened with Sumu-abum, Mašparum, and Sumun-abi-yarim. He stresses that they are united and that Mašparum will go and talk to Ḫalun-pī-umu about his intentions concerning war or peace. Ikūn-pîša spurs the addressees to also take action. Geopolitically this letter is very informative, and we can suspect that Sumun-abi-yarim and Mašparum represented the two main rulers in the lower Diyala region and Sumu-abum appears as a pan-tribal leader active in the Diyala region and Northern Babylonia. However, Ḫalun-pī-umu as ruler of Marad does not really fit: why would a ruler from the Diyala (Mašparum) take up arms against somebody in faraway Marad? Perhaps Ḫalun-pī-umu was not yet king of Marad at the time of IPLA 14’s writing. He might have been present somewhere else in the Diyala or Northern Babylonia. Unfortunately, the names of the addressees are only partly preserved, but they were not necessarily rulers. It is impossible to say whether this text is a copy or a letter that was never sent. The early “independent” kings of Sippar (Ilum-ma-Ila, Immerum, Buntaḫtun-Ila, Altinû, and Ḫammī-ṣura) are less attested in the texts from the TIM 7 organization (both TIM 7 and IPLA) than one might expect. In the letters three of them are mentioned: Ilum-ma-Ila, Immerum, and Ḫammī-ṣura. This last “king” is the recipient of IPLA 39 (and perhaps the writer of IPLA 25). Why IPLA 39 was found in Ikūn-pîša’s letter archive is not clear: it is hard to believe that Ḫammī-ṣura was affiliated with the TIM 7 organization. Nevertheless, the senders of IPLA 39, the kārum of Sippar and its “head” dwelling in Mari and Mišlān, call Ḫammī-ṣura “our lord”. The text seems to show that several “rulers” were active at the same time in and around Sippar. IPLA 39 establishes that there existed a trade organization of Sippar in Mari and Mišlān, but also that there were diplomatic contacts with an unnamed king of Mari and/or Mišlān.94 In IPLA 29 the writer (name is lost) appears to be in a difficult situation: he was apparently caught and is being held for ransom. He begs his “lord” Ikūn-pîša to help him so he will not die. IPLA 32 was sent by the otherwise unattested Ipiq-Adad to Geme-Ninsun. He asks Geme-Ninsun to intercede with Ikūn-pîša on his behalf. He mentions a rābiṣum of Sumu-la-El assigned to him. The exact role of this “commissioner” is still largely unclear. He must have had some function during trials in the early Old Babylonian period.95 The word rābiṣum is sometimes translated as “attorney”, and as such it is especially frequent in Old Assyrian sources.96 According to the Old Assyrian king Erišum’s description of proper court proceedings,97 the rābiṣum was a royal appointee.

must have been one of the šakkanakkum kings, see Durand 2006-2008: 561. 1996 (= FAOS 20/1: 256 and FAOS 20/2: 332) and Harris 1975: 129. Not mentioned by Dombradi is an interesting occurrence of the word from early OB Tutub (Harris 1955: 117 no. 98: 4’, see Charpin 2004b: dutu lu ra-bi-iṣ, “let Šamaš be the rābiṣum-protector (of this agreement)” (AHw 935b translates zum Bösen). 96 See the index of Veenhof 2008: 380, Larsen 1976: 184-189, and Dercksen 2004b: 240-241. 97 RIMA 1 A.0.33.1 p. 19-21 line 55: [x x x]-˹ni˺ màškim ša é-kál-lim. 94 This

95 Dombradi

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IPLA 42 (sender and addressee lost) is of considerable interest, as it concerns the role of Sumu-abum, the relationship between the gods Marduk and Annunītum, Marduk’s temple in Babylon (the Esagila), and contains one of the first mentions of Annunītum in Sippar sources.98 The letter revolves around the transportation of Annunītum’s cultic statue to the temple of Marduk in Babylon. It was Sumu-abum who had to give permission for this divine journey.

98 Annunītum

is also twice mentioned in TIM 7 153: 4 and TIM 7 154: 14.

5. PERSONAL AND FAMILY AFFAIRS Because the TIM 7 organization was essentially a family-run business, we also have a few letters discussing private affairs. Ikūn-pîša’s daughter, Sukatum, wrote to her father in IPLA 24 to find her a precious stone for a piece of jewelry. There are two cases in which the writer of a letter asks Ikūn-pîša to take care of his house, Nūr-Sîn in IPLA 17 and Ilum-ma in IPLA 4. IPLA 43 is a letter addressed to a certain Adad-i-[…] by a woman called Me-Nin[…], who appears to be in trouble because she has nobody to take care of her. She asks the addressee to approach Ikūn-pîša about her problems. A personal matter is also alluded to in the fragmentary letter IPLA 51 where someone went missing and the writer wants him to be found. IPLA 30 is the most affectionate letter in the corpus. In it, Geme-Ninsun (whom we suspect to be Ikūn-pîša’s mother, see above) wrote to Ikūn-pîša that she heard that he was ill and that she has set off to visit him. Another medical situation is mentioned in IPLA 23, where the otherwise unknown Nidin-Ištar asks Ikūn-pîša to send him a physician.

6. AGRICULTURAL MATTERS The possession of land and livestock was an important sign of wealth in Ancient Mesopotamia. Many texts, both letters and economic and administrative texts attest to agricultural production and related activities by the TIM 7 organization: lending of barley, accounts of barley, field leases, etc.99 The families constituting the organization certainly owned fields that they had cultivated.100 The work was carried out by tenant farmers who occasionally wrote letters to Ikūn-pîša and others dealing with their problems: Lipit-Ištar and Ibbi-Sîn in IPLA 15, Bazizum in IPLA 16, and Nanna-mansum in IPLA 38. Several letters make it clear that Ikūn-pîša was somehow involved in the allotment of fields. Whether this concerns the assignment of fields to lessors or to people of the TIM 7 organization is not exactly clear. Members of the TIM 7 organization seem to be the lessors in a few field leases.101 It is possible that the organization had a surplus of manual labor to cultivate the fields of others, but it could also have done this in return for certain services or work. From IPLA 38 we learn that Sumu-la-El, the (later) king of Babylon, was involved with the fields administered by the TIM 7 organization. This is important, because later a sister of King Hammurabi, the nadītum Iltani, administered crown domains in the vicinity of Sippar. Whether Sumu-la-El already owned (parts of) these lands at the time of the Ikūn-pîša letters remains to be proven. IPLA 38, if interpreted correctly, shows that Sumu-la-El wanted the writer of the letter (Nanna-mansum) to transfer a field. Perhaps we have here a precursor of similar systems developed later by the Babylonian kingdom, i.e. the Palastgeschäfte102 and the corvée/ilkum system).103 The collection and sale of barley under what looks like a Palastgeschäfte-system is alluded to in IPLA 50. IPLA 44 is less explicit, but its contents could also very well be explained from the point of view of the Palastgeschäfte, for it is written by someone who wants to claim barley on the threshing floor and it mentions the weighing out of silver to be sent to a certain Ennum-Sîn. 99 See for more information on these topics the studies by Leemans 1978 and Goddeeris 2002. There are some texts documenting huge quantities of barley and sesame, but these are almost all connected to the activities of the creditor Annum-pîša. 100 See Goddeeris 2002: 58 (for the Imgur-Sîn family) and p. 62-63 (for the family of Arwium). 101 This is certain for at least TIM 7 32 (Šamaš-iddinam, son of Annum-pîša, is the lessor) and TIM 7 35 (Itūr-kīnum, also known from TIM 7 15), see also Goddeeris 2002: 210-211. 102 The Palastgeschäfte is a system in which the Babylonian state outsourced the collection of certain taxes to middlemen. These middlemen (or better: taxfarmers) were often merchants, who would collect the taxes (mostly perishable products such as dates or fish) and sell them for silver which was then given to the state. The merchants could earn a significant profit because they sold the products for a much higher price than the amount of silver the Babylonian state expected to obtain from them, see Stol 2004: 919f. 103 A system in which the Babylonian state would offer fields (sometimes also cultivated by crown tenants) to officials or soldiers in exchange for civil/military service, corvée duty, and taxes, see De Boer 2016 and Stol 2004: 747.

7. TRADE The TIM 7 organization was involved in international trade. Letters were sent from Mari and the Diyala region, and the organization tried to safeguard trade routes by strengthening ties with local rulers. Furthermore, a text written in Old Assyrian script was found in the TIM 7 archive. 7.1 THE TRADE IN COPPER AND TIN The trade in metals was an important activity for the TIM 7 organization and the most important metal being traded was copper. The TIM 7 organization procured perhaps part of its copper via Dilmun in the Persian Gulf.104 TIM 7 190 is a text written in Old Assyrian script dealing with nearly 23 minas of copper still to be collected in Assur; but it is unlikely that Assur was an important source of copper for traders from Sippar.105 The TIM 7 texts do not inform us about the provenance of the tin, but it is almost certain that it came from either Northwestern Iran, Northeastern Afghanistan, Uzbekistan, or Tajikistan.106 The tin mined there was transported across Iran either to Susa from where it was shipped along the Zagros foothills to Dēr, Malgium and the Diyala region, or it was sent over “The Great Khorasan Road” via Choga Gavaneh,107 through the Zagros gates, down the Diyala valley, and towards Ešnunna in the lower Diyala region. From the Diyala region the tin was transported to places like Assur and Sippar.108 Concerning trade routes, we must also mention the inscription of the Old Assyrian king Ilušuma, who ruled around ca. 1980 BCE.109 At the end, he claims to have established the addurārum110 of the Akkadians and their children, “washed” their copper, and established the addurārum from the front of the midrum (i.e. the marshes of southern Iraq), Ur, Nippur, Awal, Kismar, and Dēr until the City (of Assur). Veenhof has suggested that these

104 IPLA

37: 9 mentions copper from Dilmun: urudu tilmun-n[a]. The copper was mined and smelted in Oman and transferred to Dilmun (Bahrain or Failaka) from where it was transported to Ur, see Reiter 1997: 162-163 and Stol 2004: 876-878. The designation “Dilmunite copper” could also be an indication for the quality. 105 Larsen 2015: 192. Another Assyrian, Aššur-emūqī, occurs in TIM 7 152: 10, 15. The trade between Sippar and Assur is furthermore studied by Walker 1980 and Veenhof 1991. 106 See Dercksen 2016-2018: 301-302. 107 Texts found there were published by Abdi and Beckman 2007. 108 There are of course other possibilities, see the summary of the whole discussion in Reiter 1997: 209-258, especially p. 223-231 and more recently Larsen 2015: 200-201. 109 The text is RIMA 1 A.0.32.2 (Grayson 1987: 16-18). 110 The term usually indicates the original situation or “status quo”, but its exact meaning in this inscription is still disputed.

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towns provide an itinerary for the copper trade from the Persian Gulf to Assur.111 If this holds true, the caravans would bypass the Sippar region, however by the time of the TIM 7 organization, a hundred years later, the situation might have been different. The Euphrates trade between Sippar and Mari is well represented in IPLA, but the trade between Sippar and Ur not at all. Metals were transported to Mari112 by “trade expeditions” (ḫarrānum). Texts from TIM 7 dealing with metals are the following: 113 • TIM 7 190,114 of which the top is broken away, is a memo, written in Old Assyrian script concerning parts of transactions that still need to be paid by a list of debtors to an unnamed creditor. It provides the information that [PN1…PN2…etc.], Šu-Enlil, son of Ilī-x-[x]; Aššur-nāṣir, son of Šazua; Minnāya; and Nannīya, son of Immerum, have together a total of 1373 shekels115 of copper as an “outstanding claim” (bābtum116) in Assur. The connection to the TIM 7 organization is not apparent: none of the persons mentioned in the text appears in other sources, not even in the many Old Assyrian texts. The only explanation is that one of the men in TIM 7 190 is somehow affiliated to the TIM 7 organization. Edzard (1970: 187) wrote that the text must have come down from Assur with a metal transport. • TIM 7 191 is a memo about the checking of the weight of five copper kettles by one Ilī-tūram. • TIM 7 192 is a small clay cylinder with the lines: “2 talents and 25 minas of copper (mixed with) lead”. • TIM 7 193 is an account of copper in šuqlum117 “ingots”, broken up ingots (ḫussurum), and scrap metal (ḫušû) assigned to two men: Nūrīya (6 talents 24 minas šuqlum, 8 talents 48 minas ḫussurum, 8 talents 42 ½ minas scrap) and Sîn-iddinam (9 talents 27 minas šuqlum, 8 talents 37 1/3 minas ḫussurum, 5 talents 21 minas scrap). • TIM 7 194 is a fragmentary account of large quantities of metal in šuqlum “ingots”, ḫussurum and scrap metal assigned to at least one man called Sîn-mušallim. • TIM 7 195 begins with the exchange rates of bronze ([x+]2 shekels) and tin (11 shekels) per shekel of silver (possibly realized in Mari, see IPLA 37) and how much silver is credited to Ilšu-bānî, Nūrīya, Ilšu-tillassu, and Sîn-iddinam. The high amounts of silver 111 Veenhof 2008: 127, the itinerary would go from the marshes to Ur, Nippur, crossing the Tigris in Maškan-šāpir’s vicinity towards Dēr, going to Kismar in the Diyala region, Awal in the Hamrin bassin, and finally along the Jebel Hamrin towards Assur. The advantage of such an itinerary would be to bypass the populated area of Northern Babylonia. 112 Mari also had other ways of procuring copper: from Anatolia via Aleppo/Imar/Karkemish and from Cyprus, it must have reached the city by boat, see Reiter 1997: 165-168. 113 The collations by Reiter 1997, Anhang II, p. 78*-79*, were used for the texts originally published and edited by Edzard 1970. 114 See already Leemans 1960: 101-102, Edzard 1970: 187-188, and Goddeeris 2002: 208. 115 This total is more than the sum of the individual entries because a part of the text is lost. 116 On the use of bābtum in Old Assyrian contexts, see the comments by Veenhof 1972: 420 n. 537. 117 For a discussion of the word šuqlum (“what has been weighed”), see Reiter 1997: 176 and Dercksen 1996: 66. Reiter (followed by Stol 2004: 876) translates šuqlum as “Barren” (ingots). Its meaning is clearly different in Old Assyrian (a packet with a standard quantity of ca. 60-65 minas of tin consisting of wrapped and packed plaques).

7. TRADE

33

are noteworthy: 3 minas (1½ kg), 5½ minas and 9 shekels (almost three kg), 2⅓ minas (ca. 1.3 kg), and 3⅓ minas and 3½ shekels (ca. 1.7 kg). The text ends with large amounts of copper: 42 talents and 30 minas of copper in “ingots” (šuqlum) (ca. 1305 kg), 34 talents and 15 minas of ḫussurum copper (ca. 1028 kg) and 24 talents and 50 minas of scrap copper (ca. 745 kg). The total amount of copper is ca. 3078 kg. If transported by donkey (each donkey carrying ca. 60-90 kg)118 one would need a caravan of about 40 donkeys. Is it possible that TIM 7 195 is a type of caravan account?119 One of the men in this text, Ilšu-bānî could be the same man as the writer of IPLA 18 where he had received a small shipment of copper and he explains what he had done with it. TIM 7 195  9 10 11 12 13

TIM 7 196

40 + [x]3 gú 30 ma.na ˹urudu˺ šu-uq-lum 34 gú 15 ma.na urudu ḫu-sú-ru-um 24 gú 50 ma.na /ḫu-šu-ú

 7  8  9 10

[40?+] 4 gú 13 gín [š]u-uq-lu[m] 24 gú 37 ma.na /ḫu-šu-ru-ú! 34 gú 30 ma.na /ḫu-šu-ú

• TIM 7 196 is analogous to TIM 7 195 because both end with similar large amounts of copper (see above). The main difference is in the beginning of TIM 7 196 where it is written that 60 shekels of silver “amounts to” (ik-šu-du)120 10.040 shekels of another metal (in šuqlum), presumably copper. By the same token, 60 shekels of silver also amount to 15.330 of ḫussurum copper, so this copper is much cheaper. • TIM 7 197 is a damaged text enumerating four copper kettles (ruqqum) according to their weight and value in silver. 7.2 OBSERVATIONS

ON THE

TRADE WITH MARI AND ASSUR

For the organization of the trade between Sippar and Mari we can draw parallels with the Old Assyrian merchants. Generally speaking, the Old Assyrian firms were organized along family lines but ties could also be based on economic interests, such as investor and investee or a partnership through joint-stock funds. The father as head of the family often led the trading firm and lived in Assur but here as well other arrangements existed. The father was helped in his business by his wife, sons, brothers, and servants.121 One of the agents of the TIM 7 organization staying in Mari was Nūr-Sîn. In IPLA 37 he writes to Arwium and the otherwise little known Girni-isa a commercial report. In IPLA 17, probably the same Nūr-Sîn calls Ikūn-pîša his “lord and father”. We might suspect that

118 Dercksen

1996: 61. Old Assyrian caravan accounts were usually written in the form of letters, see Larsen 1967: 97f. 120 Veenhof 1972: 413-416. 121 See the overview in Larsen 2007 and Dercksen 2014: 64-66. Sometimes the head of the family would move to Anatolia, see Veenhof 2014. 119 The

34

PART 1

– ANALYSIS OF THE MATERIAL

Nūr-Sîn was actually a son or at least a relative of Ikūn-pîša and Arwium, and it makes sense that the TIM 7 organization’s trade was also organized along family lines. The Old Assyrian parallel is reinforced by IPLA 39, a letter sent to king Ḫammī-ṣura of Sippar by the trade organization (kārum) of Sippar in Mari and Mišlān. The Assyrian merchants operating from Kaneš were organized in the kārum Kaneš. Even though there is no direct evidence that trading families from Sippar were organized in a kārum in Mari and Mišlān, it is the most logical conclusion that they were. From this follows also that the TIM 7 organization was only one of many similar enterprises in Sippar.122 How were goods transported between Sippar and Mari? There are basically two options: overland with a (donkey) caravan or on the Euphrates with a boat. IPLA 37 explicitly mentions a boat (gišmá), which when traveling downstream was the cheapest mode of transport. However, in our case it would have to be towed upstream from Sippar, which is difficult and expensive. The boat mentiond in IPLA 37 could have arrived from upstream (Imar/Karkemish) to Mari. IPLA 37, IPLA 27, and IPLA 39 call the transport between Mari and Sippar an “expedition” (ḫarrānum, literally: road, but also “business trip”). We could envisage a combination of boats and donkey caravans where a donkey caravan would go up to a port where its cargo would be loaded onto boats.123 Similar to IPLA 37 is the largely broken letter IPLA 40. It starts with prices of various commodities: copper, tin, two varieties of wool, sesame (oil), oil of good quality, oil, and finally lard, after which the text breaks off. It was written by a certain Sîn-imittī to Elali and Ur-sig, two poorly known men. One of the major interests of IPLA 40 is the fact that it mentions wool instead of textiles.124 Wool in itself was bulky and had a low value. It was transported over short distances from its place of procurement to where it was manufactured into textiles. The Assyrians always exported textiles, the more lucrative finished product, to Anatolia.125 The textiles exported by the Assyrians were either bought from the “Akkadians” (i.e. merchants from Babylonia or the Diyala) or produced in Assur by Assyrian women.126 The wool for the local Assyrian production was bought in Assur, we know from the Mari texts that part of this wool was acquired from people living in the Suḫum region along the Middle Euphrates.127 We might also assume the export of the famous “Akkadian textiles” through and/or from Sippar to Assur, because a number of administrative texts attest to the manufacture of cloths for the TIM 7 organization.128 TIM 7 58 and 106-110 deal with textiles and wool. TIM 7 109 documents the allocation 122 Another such example is the so-called “Central Building of Complex AI” (Goddeeris 2002: 216-220), found by a Belgian team at (also) Tell ed-Dēr, De Meyer 1978. 123 Some tentative evidence is found in the late Old Babylonian letter AbB 12 55 where the merchant Awīl-ilim recounts how he entered the Middle Euphrates port of Yabliya and reached a caravan (illatum). 124 Textiles could have been mentioned in the broken part of the letter. 125 Veenhof 1972: 130: “Wool occurs in OA texts in a double function: as a raw material indispensable for the production of woollen textiles by Assyrian women, and as an article of trade in Anatolia.” For the Old Assyrian wool trade: Veenhof 1972: 130-139, Veenhof 2008: 87 (with bibliography), and Larsen 2015: 189-201. 126 Veenhof 1972: 98-128 and Veenhof 2008: 83-84. 127 Charpin and Durand 1997: 377 and 387f, with Dercksen 2004b: 160 and Veenhof 2008: 87. 128 Also discussed by Leemans 1978: 200-201 and Goddeeris 2002: 196 and 207.

7. TRADE

35

of 3 or 2 minas of wool or as the weight of a textile to women; this may represent a “ration” allocated to weavers. A similar list is TIM 7 58 which mentions a number of women and states that two women had half a mina of wool. The next step in the process, the delivery of finished cloths to the TIM 7 organization, seems to be represented by the lists TIM 7 106 and 107. Even though the cloth was made by women, they are delivered by men and only once by a woman. Among the men in TIM 7 106 are Girni-isa and Ur-sig, who were involved in trading,129 perhaps the cloths were fabricated by female relatives and delivered by their male family members. Another crucial text is TIM 7 108 because it enumerates large amounts of cloths (a total of ca. 178) and their value in silver (total ca. 4½ minas), followed by KI and a personal name. This indicates that the cloths were due from, received, or in the possession of these people. Edzard remarked that the cloths and their values indicate large scale trading.130 We arrive at a price of about 1 or 1½ shekels per cloth, substantially lower than the prices paid to Assyrians for kutānum cloths in Assur: between ca. 3 and 8½ shekels.131 7.3 TRADE WITH THE DIYALA REGION AND OTHER LOCALITIES Apart from the trade with Mari and Assur, there are also contacts with the Diyala region in both the letters and the economic and administrative texts. The diplomatic contacts with the main ruler of the lower Diyala region, Sumun-abi-yarim, have already been discussed above. IPLA 21 is a letter written by Puzur-Kubium to Ikūn-pîša. The second part of it deals with the presence of a certain Nūr-Ea in Lasimi, a town that probably lies in the Diyala region. However, the best indications of trade contacts with the Diyala come from the administrative texts. TIM 7 198 is a unique text in the corpus dealing with the production and export of ceramics. The ceramics were produced in at least ten ovens and were exported to Transtigridian Dēr and Akšak in the lower Diyala region. In TIM 7 152: 12, a small amount of flour is dispensed “to Akšak” and a similar entry is found in TIM 7 157: 15. Men from Šadlaš (also in the lower Diyala region) are mentioned as visitors in TIM 7 154.132 Men from “Nērebtani” (Nērebtum?) are visiting in TIM 7 160: 10. A small town called Sabum, which lay either in the Diyala region or in the vicinity of Kisurra, occurs in IPLA 41. There are no texts from the TIM 7 organization directly attesting to trade relations with Southern Mesopotamian cities such as Isin, Uruk, Ur or Larsa. However, there are some indications of contacts with towns in Northern Babylonia, especially with Kiš (the letters sent by Yawium: IPLA 12 and 13). The city of Kiš is mentioned in a broken context in TIM 7 152: 19’, and a town in Kiš’ vicinity, Dibubu, features in IPLA 29. accounting for homonymy, they were the recipients of respectively IPLA 37 and 40. 1970: 132 “Wegen der hohen Beträge und der Summe von rund 5½ Minen Silber is am ehesten Tuchhandel en gros zu erwägen, so daß unser Text eine Private Geschäftsnotiz sein könnte.” 131 Dercksen 2014: 77 and Veenhof 1988: 254. 132 TIM 7 154: 8, a-wi-lu-ú ša-ad-la-á[ški], not seen by Edzard 1970. 129 Not

130 Edzard

PART 2 THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

8. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN ILUM-MA AND IKŪN-PΊA 1. IM 49225 Ilum-ma to Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

a-na i-ku-pí-ša qí-bí-ma um-ma dingir-ma-ma den-líl-en-nam ˹ù˺ i-ku-pí-ša

40

PART 2

10

L.E. R. 15

20

25

U.E. 30 Le.E. i

ii 35

–

THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

šum-ma i-ta-wu-ma {I} a-wa-ti-ia ṣa-ba-am ú-˹la˺-ma-du ù ˹at˺-ta ša pí-i ṭú-pí-im lu-mi-id šum-m[a m]a-ma-˹an˺ [la ú-la]-mi-du-˹šu˺ [š]u[m-ma i]- ˹in˺-[ka] ˹ma˺-[ḫ]i-ir ù at-ta la tu-l[a-ma-ad] [i]š-tu ši-bi-ia ù a-wa-ti-ia da-na-˹ti-im˺ i-na qá-ti-ia ṣa-ab-ta-ku a-˹di˺ u4-mi-im ša i-lu-um ú-ša-la-ma-ni-ma a-la-ka-am-ma {UD KI} a-ta-wu-ú a-{AŠ}-šu-um {ŠU UM} li-bi la ṭà-bu pu-te-tu-um ka-ab-ta-am ša i-in-ka ma-aḫ-ru e-pu-uš ši-pí-ra-tu-ia ma-da-ku-˹um˺ mi-i[m]-ma la ta-ḫa-da-ra / ma-ma-an ˹ša a˺-wa-ti- [i]-ga-ma-ru-šu-um [šum]-˹ma˺ la ka-ti / i-ba-ši ṭe4-mi ù ṭe4-em ši-pi-ir-ti-im ša -šim-dšul-gi šu-up-ra-am-ma lu i-de

Translation 1-3

Speak to Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) Ilum-ma. As for Enlil-ennam and Ikūn-pîša, if they talk with each other and 7-8 inform the group about my issues, 9-10 then you must inform them according to the contents of the tablet. 11-12 But if nobody [has info]rmed them, 13-14 then, [if you] agree, 15 you must (also) not in[form] them about it. 21 I can come and 22 talk it over 16-18 after I have taken a hold of my witnesses and difficult issues, 19 when the day has come 20 when a god guides me to safety. 23-24 On account of the fact that I am not at ease, 25 pu-te-tu-um 26 is burdensome to me. 27-28 Do whatever you think is best. 29 My messages to you are many 30 but do not worry at all. 30-33 Is there anybody apart from you who can settle my issues? 34-36 Send me my instructions and the instructions concerning Išīm-Šulgi so that I will be informed. 4-6

8. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN ILUM-MA AND IKŪN-PΊA

41

Bibliography – Al-‘Adhami 1967, pl. 14 & 15 (copy) – Wu Yuhong 1994: 34-35 (transliteration, translation, and commentary) – Goddeeris 2002: 174 (translation) Commentary Ilum-ma begins the letter with a remark about Enlil-ennam and Ikūn-pîša (a homonym of the addressee), when they talk with each other, they will inform “the group” about his “words/cases/issues/matters”. We do not know what these are, but the later mentioning of witnesses suggests we might be dealing with a legal case. It is possible that the main problem of Ilum-ma in this letter is, in fact, the one he has with Ilum-ma-Ila in IPLA 4. Ilum-ma then asks the addressee to also inform the group based on what is written on a tablet but if nobody would have told them about it, he prefers to keep the matter quiet. Ilum-ma needs to gather his witnesses and when the cases have been resolved he will come and talk. The next section is unclear because of the word pu-te-tu-um. Ilum-ma admits that he writes a lot, but tries to flatter the recipient by appealing to his problem-solving skills. Finally, he asks the addressee to send him specific instructions on Išīm-Šulgi. Because of this last request, it is possible that this letter predates IPLA 4 when Ilum-ma has already gone there. 25)

32)

The word pu-te-tu-um is not found in the dictionaries. Goddeeris 2002 has not translated it but Wu Yuhong 1994: 35 has an interesting idea: “frankness”, derived from Dt petûm. Even though petûm does occur in the Dt stem, it seems incorrect to derive a substantive pu-te-tu-um from it. An Old Assyrian text (Matouš Prag I 439: 19) is quoted in the CAD P: 546-547 for the word puttû, which occurs in the text as pá-tù-ú-tim with the proposed translation “informed, knowledgeable”. Veenhof (personal communication) is of the opinion that this OA reference should be translated as “far off, remote”. Mayer 2017: 27 derives pu-te-tu-um from Dtn petûm and suggests the translation: “(weil…) es mir zu schwer fällt, immer wieder (oder: detailliert) zu informieren”. The dative suffix -šu-um is difficult to translate, a phrase such as “Is there anybody apart from you who can settle my cases for him?” does not make much sense.

42

PART 2

–

THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

2. IM 49221 Ilum-ma to Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

a-na i-ku-pí-ša qí-bí-ma um-ma dingir-ma-ma ta-aš-pu-ra-am um-ma at-ta-ma i-la-am a-ša-al-ma ša-˹al˺-ma-at ˹a˺-na wa-ar-ki-at u4-mi-im

8. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN ILUM-MA AND IKŪN-PΊA

43

ša-al-[m]a-at t[a-g]e-er-tum ú-la i-ba-ši ki-am ta-aš-pu-ra-am ù a-na-ku ú-la e-gi 15 ˹6?˺ ˹pu-ḫa-dì˺ e-pu-uš-ma L.E. [x x x]-˹x-šu˺-[nu] [ba-ru-ú ú]-˹ba˺-lu!-ni-ma [um-ma šu]-nu-ma R. ši-ru-um ú-[l]a i-ša-ar 20 ú-ṭú-ul {Ú KU Ú} la ta-la-ak ù a-na-ku a-mu-ur-ma ši-ru-um i-ni ú-la ma-ḫi-ir 25 e-te-el-pí-den-zu 2 u4-mi a-ka-la a-ša-˹ar ba-ru-ú-a˺ ú-ba-lu-ni-ma šum-ma a-la-ka-am 30 iq-ta-bu-ni i-na še-˹ep˺ e-te-el-pí-den-zu ma-ar ši-ip-ri-im ša ˹su˺-mu-na-bi-ia-ri 35 i (sic for a)-˹la˺-ka-am-ma U.E. ˹dingir-ma˺-ì-la ni-iš i-li-im ú-ša-áz-ka-ar-ma* e-ru-ba-am 40 Le.E.i šum-ma ši-ru-u[m] la i-ša-˹ar˺ ṭe4-mi e-te-el-pí-den-/zu ii ú-ba-la-š[u-u]m 10 u4-mi ú-te-qí 10

Translation 1-3

Speak to Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) Ilum-ma. You wrote to me 5 as follows: 6-11 “I asked the god: it is well and in the future it is well! There is no denunciation!” 12 This is what you have written to me. 13 As for me, 14 I have not been negligent. 15 I have performed an extispicy on ˹six? lambs˺ and 16-17 [the diviners], bringing me the[ir results], 18 said [as follows]: 19 “The exta are not favorable, 20 look, 21 do not go!” 22 Then I myself inspected them and 23-24 the exta are indeed unacceptable to me. 25-26 (As a result), I will detain Etel-pī-Sîn for two days. 4

44

PART 2

–

THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

27

As soon as my diviners 28 bring me (their new results): If they tell me to go, 35 I will go 31 together with 32 Etel-pī-Sîn, 33 the messenger 34 of Sumun-nabi-yarim and 36-38 I will have Ilum-ma-Ila swear an oath, after which 39 I will return home. 40-41 If the exta are not favorable, 42-43 then Etel-pī-Sîn will carry my report to him. 44 I have (already) waited ten days! 29

Commentary The context of this letter seems to be the conclusion of a pact, by means of an oath, between Ikūn-pîša, represented by Ilum-ma, and one of the Sippar kings, Ilum-ma-Ila. Ikūn-pîša had earlier written to Ilum-ma that he had consulted a deity during an extispicy and that the outcome was positive, stating that there shall be no denunciation (of the oath presumably). Ilum-ma then informs his superior that he has already used six lambs for an extispicy and that the diviners have reported the results to him. They advised Ilum-ma not to leave and he agrees, however, as a result, he will also detain Sumun-abi-yarim’s messenger Etel-pī-Sîn. It was not unusual for an extispicy to be performed before somebody went on an important mission, this was done to determine if no harm would befall that person during the trip. After this, Ilum-ma writes what he will do when his diviners bring him another report. A new extispicy was performed probably after some time when the earlier obtained results were no longer valid. If it is favorable, Ilum-ma will go to Ilum-ma-Ila to have him swear an oath, after which he will return home. If it is unfavorable, Ilum-ma will have Etel-pī-Sîn carry his report to Ilum-ma-Ila. The last lines mention that Ilum-ma has already waited ten days. Alternatively, we could also translate “he has (already) waited ten days”. 10)

15)

30) 31)

38) 39)

The keyword taggertum, “denunciation”, can refer to the formal announcement of a treaty’s termination, but here we find it in the context of an extispicy. It also occurs in the early Old Babylonian letter AbB 9 216: 12 and on a number of Old Babylonian omen texts (cf. CAD T: 38-39). A parallel for puhādum epēšum is found in ARM 2 139 (= LAPO 18 960): 9-10. The last sign of pu-ḫa-dì is actually TI. The choice was made not to read pu-ḫa-ti (puḫattum = female lamb) because the plural would be puḫādātum. Also, for extispicy, male animals were ordinarily used. On the usage of the perfect in this phrase: GAG § 80e. The term i-na še-ep is unclear. To make sense of the text a contextual translation was chosen: “together”. This passage was quoted in CAD Š/2: 305b, with the meaning “transport/routing”. The sign MA is not on the copy but visible on the photograph. The verb errubam is understood here in the sense of “to return back (home)”, see CAD E: 268a.

8. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN ILUM-MA AND IKŪN-PΊA

3. IM 49238 + IM 49543 Ilum-ma to Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

a-na i-ku-pí-ša qí-bí-ma um-ma dingir-ma-ma šum-ma i-in-k[a] ma-ḫi-ir be-el gi-mi-li-ia la uš-ma-ad Isu-mu-na-bi-ia-ri

45

46

PART 2

10

15

L.E. 20 R.22

25

30

35

40 U.E.

45 Le.E.i

50 ii

55 iii

–

THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

ù den-zu-na-da gi-mi-la-am e-li-ia la i-ša-[k]a-nu ù dingir-m[a]-ì-la ki-ma i-na nu-la-ni ni-iš i-li-im [la] ú-ša-áz-ki-˹ru˺ [aq-t]a-bi [x x x] x x x x kum [um-ma] a-na-ku-ma [a-na dingi]r-m[a]-ì-la [um-ma a]t-ta-ma [x x (x)] qí-bi [x x (x)] x r[a] ad ka [x x (x)] ri ik [i-na ba]-bi-im ra-bi-im [x x] x za-ku-ur-šu-ma [lu-uš-te]-ri-ba-ku-uš [x x (x)] x bi i[a] [ù ki-a]m i-pu-ul-ka [x x] x ka-bi-it-ku-/ma [x x] x aq-bi [x x (x) su]-mu-a-bi-im [x x (x)]-ma li-iq-bi [x x (x) su-mu]-˹a-bu˺-u[m] ˹ù˺ [mi-ma š]a t[a-q]a-bu-šu-/um-ma ša [p]í-ka i-pé-šu a-na-ku i-de i-nu-ma a-na ni-iš i-li-im a-na ba-bi-im ra-bi-i[m] pí-šu it-ta-ad-nu-ku-um lu e-te-le-ti a-na šu-ru-bi-ia pí-ka i-di-šu-um šum-ma be-li at-˹ta˺ a-ḫa-am iš-te-en ù ti-˹la?˺-ta-am iš-te-at ša za um? ri? ka [x x x x x] [x x x] x* x* [x x x] mu-um [šum-ma ni-iš i]-li-im [ša su-mu]-le-el [ša p]í-ka [t]a-di-na-am ˹ù˺ ni-i[š] i-li-im li-ṭì-ba-ku-um šum-ma be-li at-ta we-di-ši-ka-ma

8. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN ILUM-MA AND IKŪN-PΊA

47

al-ka-am ur-ra-am lu-˹mu˺-ur-ka

Translation 1-3

Speak to Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) Ilum-ma. If you agree, 6-7 I should not make those to whom I owe a favor (too) numerous, 8-11 (so) I should not owe a favor to Sumun-abi-yarim and Sîn-nādā. 12-15 Furthermore, [I] said that I did [not] have Ilum-ma-Ila swear an oath by force, 16 […] … to you. 17 I thought [this]: “18-19 You should say [to Ilu]m-ma-Ila [the following]: 20 “[to …] speak, 21-22 […] … 23 [in] the great [ga]te 24 I did not make him swear, so 25 [let me have] him come in for you.” 26 […] … 27 [and] he answered you as follows: 28 “[…] is important to you and 29 […] I said 30 [… Su]mu-abum” 31 […] he must say 32 [… Sumu]-abum. 33-35 Furthermore, [whatever] you say to him, I know that he will do whatever you say. 36-38 When he has promised you to swear an oath at the big gate, 39 act like a prince, 40-41 give him your word that I may enter. 42 Please my lord, 43 one arm 44 and one help 45 that …46-48 […] … 49-50 [If] the swearing of an oa[th by Sumu]-la-El, 51 [that] you have promised me (takes place), 52-53 then may the oath be acceptable to you. 54-56 Please my lord, you alone, come to me. 57-58 I must see you tomorrow. 4-5

Commentary This letter is complex due to its length and fragmentary nature. It clearly belongs to the letters sent by Ilum-ma concerning diplomatic affairs. It starts with a remark by Ilum-ma that he should not be indebted to too many people, he mentions Sumun-abiyarim and Sîn-nādā as examples. The second part of the letter is very hard to understand, the translation and interpretation are tentative. Ilum-ma states first that he did not have Ilum-ma-Ila swear an oath forcibly and he asks Ikūn-pîša to speak to Ilum-ma-Ila. After this, the letter is fragmentary for ca. thirteen lines. When the text becomes comprehensible again, Ilum-ma claims that a certain person will do what Ikūn-pîša tells him to do (perhaps Sumu-abum, Ilum-ma-Ila, or Sumu-la-El). After this person has promised Ikūn-pîša to swear an oath, he must make sure that Ilum-ma can come as well. The writer then asks Ikūn-pîša to help him, followed by some broken lines. In the last part of the letter, Ilum-ma expresses the hope that an oath by (perhaps) Sumu-la-El will turn out favorably and he hopes to see Ikūn-pîša soon.  9)

24) 39)

A Sîn-nada is encountered in texts from Tutub as a sukkal/šukkallum (“minister/ vizier”), Harris 1955: 119 (no. 105: 15); perhaps he was an official of Sumun-abiyarim. One would expect a form of Š zakārum, but any correct form of this verb does not fit the traces. The noun etellum is used here predicatively.

48

PART 2

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4. IM 49219 Ilum-ma to Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

a-na i-ku-pí-ša qí-bí-ma um-ma dingir-ma-ma a-na i-šim-dšul-gi at-ta-la-ak ep-ši-iš

THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

8. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN ILUM-MA AND IKŪN-PΊA

ú-ḫa-da-ru-ni-ni mi-na-am ˹e˺-pu-uš ša dutu la ṭà-bu-šu-um-ma 10 e-pé--am an-ne-am i-te-ep-ša-ni ki-ma i-ṣú-ri-im ša i-na pa-ni ka-su-sí-im* a-na sú-un a-wi-li-im 15 i-ru-bu i-na pu-lu-uḫ-ti-ia e-ru-ub dutu /li-im-li-ka-ni L.E. ù-lu lu-mu-ut R. 20 ù-lu lu-ub-lu-uṭ ú-la ni-na-wi-ir-ma ṭe4-mi ú-la a-di-ku-um ar-na-am a-na dingir-ma-ì-la 25 be-li-ia ú-la ub!-la-am a-na mi-ni-im i-lu-um [k]i-am i-pu-ša-ni a-na dingir-ma-ì-la 30 ki-am qí-bi um-ma at-ta-ma ki-ma ša-ka-na-ku-um ḫa-am-ši-šu iš-pu-ra-am um-ma a-na-ku-ma 35 lu-li-ik lu-na-am-ra-am-ma lu-ut-ta-al-ka-am be-li la i-ḫa-da-ra-am i-na a-wa-ti-im ne-eḫ-šu (U.E. uninscribed) Le.E.40i ˹a˺-pu-tum bi-ta-am wa-ar-ka-ti ii šu-li-im den-zu-i-dí-nam 45 ša-al-ma šum-ma ḫa-ab-de-ra-aḫ iii du-na-am e-pé-ša-am ik-ta-la 50 a-na dingir-ma-ì-la qí-bí-ma li?-bi?-tu?-um? [l]a? i?-qá?-li?-il? li?-it?-ḫu?-ši?

49

50

PART 2

–

THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

Translation 1-3

Speak to Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) Ilum-ma. I have just gone to Išīm-Šulgi. 6-7 They are frightening me in an evil way. 8-11 What have I done that is not pleasing to Šamaš that he has done this to me? 16-17 In my fear I acted 12 like a bird 13 that, confronted with a falcon, 14-15 entered into man’s lap. 18 May Šamaš give me counsel, 19 whether I will die 20 or stay alive! 21 (Because) we did not meet 22 I did not give you my report. 23-26 I have not committed any guilty act against my lord Ilum-ma-Ila! 27-28 Why has a god treated me in such a way? 29-31 Speak to Ilum-ma-Ila in the following manner (for me): 32-33 “When the šakkanakkum-governor wrote to me for the fifth time, 34 I thought: 35 “I will go, 36-37 I will meet (him), and I will set off.” 38 My lord should not worry, 39 appease him with these words! 40 Please, 41-43 keep the house after my departure in good order! 44-45 Ask Sîn-iddinam 46-49 whether Ḫabdi-Eraḫ has delayed the stronghold’s construction. 50-51 Speak to Ilumma-Ila 51-52 …! 4-5

Bibliography – Al-‘Adhami 1967, pl. 5 & 6 and p. 161-165 (copy, transliteration, translation, and commentary) – Wu Yuhong 1994: 32-34 (transliteration, translation, and commentary) – Goddeeris 2002: 172 (translation) Commentary Ilum-ma went to Išīm-Šulgi on a mission and something happened between him and Ilum-ma-Ila. What happened is not exactly clear, but Ilum-ma is very anxious about this and he is apparently facing some kind of trial or punishment. Ilum-ma asks Ikūn-pîša to speak to Ilum-ma-Ila on his behalf. Ilum-ma’s side of the story is explained: the šakkanakkum-governor (local leader of Išīm-Šulgi) had written several times to him and Ilum-ma thought that it was a simple matter of going there, meeting him and then leaving again. He urges Ikūn-pîša not to worry and to calm Ilum-ma-Ila with this discourse. In the last part, Ilum-ma asks Ikūn-pîša to take care of his house, he also worries about the building of a dunnum, usually translated as a fortress, but here perhaps a stronghold on Ilum-ma’s lands. It is not uncommon that large farms in Mesopotamia had fortified positions for protection.  6)

10)

The form ep-ši-iš is difficult to interpret but the context suggests a negative connotation. Al-‘Adhami interpreted it as “bad deed”. Wu Yuhong translated “maliciously” and Goddeeris read “his acts”. An adverbial form of epēšum is not known to me. J.G. Dercksen proposed ma-ši-iš “(to make me) forget”. Notice the form an-ne-am, instead of the expected an-ni-am.

8. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN ILUM-MA AND IKŪN-PΊA

51

12-13) This saying is unique, there are two ways of understanding it, either Ilum-ma makes an analogy with himself as a frightful bird finding comfort in man’s (i.e. Ikūn-pîša’s) presence when faced with a predatory bird. Or, the other interpretation (Streck 2016: 578) is that the bird flies in his panic into man’s lap making his situation actually worse. The translation offered above can be interpreted in both ways. The kasūsum is a type of falcon, see Ebeling 1957: 4-5, and Salonen 1973: 207-208. 13) The final sign IM is not on the copy. 32) Note that Išīm-Šulgi’s leader bore the title šakkanakkum (Sumerian gìr-nita2) at this date. The early Old Babylonian letter AbB 2 106: 1-3 reads: Ia-ma-na-nu-um gìr-nita2, 1dingir-šu-ba-ni di-ku5, lú i-šim-dšul-gi. Was this Am(a)nānum perhaps the šakkanakkum of Išīm-Šulgi? The name is also encountered in CT 4 7a: 12 and MHET II/1: 17-18. 51-52) The last signs of this letter are problematic. The available photographs are insufficient to check whether Al-‘Adhami’s vague copy is correct. The readings above are based on the copy and should be taken with a grain of salt. What one would expect at the end of this letter is a final exhortation by Ilum-ma that Ikūn-pîša must talk to Ilum-ma-Ila in order to solve his problems.

52

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

5. IM 49240 Ilum-ma to Ikūn-pîša and Ikūn-pîša

 1

a-na i-ku-pí-ša ù i-ku-pí-ša qí-bí-ma

8. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN ILUM-MA AND IKŪN-PΊA

 5

10

15

20 L.E. R. 25

30

35

40

45 U.E.

50

um-ma dingir-ma-ma a-na su-mu-na-bi-ia-ri aq-bi-ma um-ma a-na-ku-ma i-ti-ka lu-li-ik um-ma šu-ma i-ti dingir-ma-ì-la ú-la a-pa-ḫu-u[r] a-na mi-ni-im t[a-la-a]k um-m[a] ˹a˺-na-k[u-ma] ú-m[u-i]a ir-te-˹qú˺ mi-[i]l-ka-ni um-ma [š]u-ma ṭe4-em ˹pu˺-uḫ-ri-ia lu-ul-ma-˹da˺-am-˹ma˺ ka-ta-am lu-˹um-li-ik˺ su-mu-na-bi-ia-ri-im li-tu-ra-am-ma ù at-tu-nu ṭe4-em pu-uḫ-ri-[š]u li-im-da-ma a-wa-at-ku-nu li-ṣí-pa-am-ma ša ta-ša-pa-ra-ni-˹im˺ lu-pu-uš lu-te-er-ba-am [x] zi-ri {X}* [š ]a? ak-lu-[m]a? la a-le-qé-/am um-ma a-˹na˺-ku-ma mi-de su-mu-a-˹bu˺-um ù maš-pa-ru-um i-na a-wa-ti-i[m n]e-ḫu ˹ú˺-la-nu-ku-n[u] ˹a˺-ḫa-am ú-la i-šu a-ku-nu-ši-im-ma ták-[l]a-/ku su-mu-a-bu-um maš-pa-ru-um ù dingir-ma-˹ì-la˺ ša pí-ku-nu šu-pu-ša-am te-le-e- šu-li-m[a-ni]-ni ša a-na ud-[ki]b-nunki-ma qú-ri-ba-ni-ni a-wi-la-am {I-NA} ša i-na le-et du-ri-im ˹ú ? a˺-šu-um ṭú-pí [t]a-˹aq˺-bi--ni-im i-nu-ma ṭe4-mi-ia uš-ta-ak-li-šu

53

54

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

Translation 1-4

Speak to Ikūn-pîša and Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) Ilum-ma. I spoke to Sumun-abi-yarim, saying the following: 7 “Let me go with you”. 8 He answered me: 9-10 “I will not convene with Ilum-ma-Ila, 11 why should you go (with me)?” 12 I reacted: 13 “My time is running out, 14 give me advice!” 15 He replied saying: 16-17 “I want to know the opinion of my assembly before 18 I can give you counsel.” 19-20 May Sumun-abi-yarim get back to me! 21 As for both of you: 22-23 get to know the opinion of his assembly and 24-25 let your report be sent to me after which 26-27 I will do whatever you write to me (so that) I can go home permanently. 28-29 I will not take the [x] zi-ri that I held back. 30 I thought: 31-33 “Perhaps Sumu-abum and Mašparum are appeased concerning the case”. 34-35 I have no brother apart from you two, 36 it is in you that I trust! 37-41 You can make Sumu-abum, Mašparum, and Ilum-ma-Ila do whatever you say. 42 Keep me well (in this matter) 43-44 by bringing me to Sippar! 45-46 As for the man who is next to the city wall, 47-48 to whom you spoke concerning my tablet, 49 at the time of my message, 50 I stopped him (from doing what he did). 5-6

Bibliography – Al-‘Adhami 1967, pl. 9 & 10 (copy) – Wu Yuhong 1994: 29-30 (transliteration, translation, and commentary) – Goddeeris 2002: 173 (translation) Commentary The letter is addressed to both Ikūn-pîšas and starts with a dialogue between Ilum-ma and Sumun-abi-yarim. Ilum-ma wants to accompany him to Ilum-ma-Ila but Sumun-abiyarim lets him know that he will not be meeting with Ilum-ma-Ila. Ilum-ma responds by asking Sumun-abi-yarim’s advice. The latter replies that he wants to know the opinion of his assembly first. Ilum-ma then urges the addressees to send him information from Sumun-abi-yarim’s assembly. The exact nature of this assembly is not clear, but it is probably a meeting with close advisors. Ilum-ma promises to act on the information that the Ikūn-pîšas will send him and that he will return home afterwards. Apparently, the letter continues discussing the problems between Ilum-ma and Ilumma-Ila. After the unclear lines 28-29, Ilum-ma mentions that Sumu-abum and Mašparum are perhaps in agreement about something, possibly about the affair concerning Ilum-maIla. Ilum-ma continues by expressing his trust in the two Ikūn-pîšas, because they are somehow able to influence Sumu-abum, Mašparum, and Ilum-ma-Ila. Ilum-ma asks the Ikūn-pîšas to keep him well and to bring him back safely to Sippar. The letter ends with another subject that is not entirely clear.

8. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN ILUM-MA AND IKŪN-PΊA

13)

25)

27)

28)

55

CAD U/W distinguishes between ūmu rēqu (p. 145b’, c’) and ūmu rīqu or rāqu. (p. 149a 2’). Stol 2012: 536 in his review of CAD U/W provides additional examples of this expression, he translates our phrase as ūmuja irteqū milkanni “my time is running out; give me advice”, which is followed here. The verb ṣêpum (here in the N-stem) is mostly attested in Mari letters. Von Soden (AHw: 1091b) only has this passage (from Sumer 23) and he proposed “aufschreiben”. Durand has given the more likely meaning “to send a letter”, see Durand 1988: 156 n. f and Durand 1997: 300 n. a, and p. 432 n. b. AHw: 236 proposes for the Gt erēbum “für die Dauer eintreten”, CAD E does not give a separate meaning for the Gt stem. Kouwenberg 2010: 655 translates Gt erēbum as “to enter”. One of the proposed meanings of erēbum is “to go home” (CAD E: 268a, not in AHw), such a meaning does seem to fit the context better. Given this information, the verb is translated here as “to go home permanently”. Wu Yuhong 1994: 29 read [a]-sí-ri. He translates: “I will not take(?), the captives (?) I held”. However, it is hard to believe that the text talks about captives. We could read [ù] zi-ri, where zi-ri could mean something like “my hatred” (zīrum, cf. CAD Z: 136-137).

56

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

6. IM 49274 Ilum-ma to Ikūn-pîša

1

5

˹a-na i˺-ku-pí-[ša] qí-bí-˹ma˺ um-ma dingir-ma-ma dingir a-ša-al-ma ú-za-ki-˹ma˺ {X X} i-k[u?-pí?]-ša ˹lú?*˺/x* x* x?* ba-ru [x (x)] x x x im

8. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN ILUM-MA AND IKŪN-PΊA

10

15

L.E. R.20

25

30

35

U.E. 40 Le.E. i

ii 45

57

ù ša ša-ad-˹la-áš?˺ ba-ru-um ša-nu-um ki-la-l[i]-in uš-ta-˹wu˺-ma um-ma šu-nu-ma ši-ru-um ú-la i-ša-ar 1 iti ú-ṭú-ul a-šu!-um ki-am a-ta-ar su-mu-na-bi-ia-ri-˹im˺ ú-še-ti-iq ša-ni-ta-am a-wa-a[t ši]-pí-ir ˹su˺-mu-[na-b]i-ia-ri-˹im˺ ˹ù˺ [ši]?-p[i?-i]r? [ša]-˹ka-na˺-ki-im ša [i]-˹šim˺-dšul-gi ši-pí-[ir]-ta-šu-nu te-es-˹li˺-tu-um-ma ù ú-ne-ne-tum te-er-ta-šu-nu ma-aḫ-ri-ka i-di-nu bu-na-am ta-ṭú-ul ki-i ṭe4-mu-um šum-˹ma˺ ú-zu-˹um˺ šum-ma ne-eḫ-tu-um šu-up-ra-am-ma lu i-˹de˺ ki-i ta-am-li-ik al-pí ú-še-bé-er ši-ip-ra-am [li?]-pé-šu ú-u[l x x] x am [x] x x x mi-im-˹ma˺ ša i-˹in˺-[k]a ma-aḫ-ru šu-up-ra-am {X X}

Translation 1-3

Speak to Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) Ilum-ma. I asked the god and 5 offered a sacrifice for purification. 6 Ik[ūn-pî]ša?, the man from …, 7 a […] diviner, 8 and one from Šadlaš?, 9 a second diviner, 10-11 they both discussed with each other and 12 they said the following: “13 The exta are not favorable! 14 Wait one month!” 15 Because of this, 16-18 I have caused delay to Sumun-abi-yarim again. 4

58

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

Another thing, as to the wording of the message of 21 Sumun-abi-yarim 22 and the message 23 of the šakkanakkum 24 of Išīm-Šulgi; 25 is their message (only) 26 a petition 27 and supplications? 28-29 They gave their extispicy report in your presence. 30 Did you pay attention to (its) appearance? 31 What is its meaning? 32-34 Write to me whether it was anger or appeasement, 35 I have to know! 36 How did you advise? 37 Shall I move the oxen across, 38-39 [should] they work? not […] 40 … 44 Write me 41-43 whatever agrees with you. 19

Bibliography – Al-‘Adhami 1967, pl. 7 & 8 (copy) – Wu Yuhong 1994: 31-32 (transliteration and translation) – Goddeeris 2002: 173 (translation) Commentary The first subject of this letter has to do with omens, two diviners discussed an omen that was unfavorable for one month and this has caused additional delay to Sumun-abiyarim. The second subject of the letter has probably again to do with omens. Ilum-ma mentions a message (or an omen report?) from Sumun-abi-yarim and the governor of Išīm-Šulgi. Ilum-ma wants to know if it is only about requests and “supplications”. He continues by asking Ikūn-pîša about an extispicy performed for Sumun-abi-yarim and the governor. The letter suggests that there were only two possible outcomes: appeasement or anger, we are dealing here with a diplomatic or military affair. The last subject of the letter is unclear, but it seems to have something to do with somebody else’s oxen.  5)  6)  7) 14) 16) 18) 30)

For this specific translation of D zakûm, see Durand 1988: 57. The sign LÚ (or NI) at the end of the line is not shown on the copy. Perhaps ba-ru-[um š]a ˹ne-pé-ši-im˺. The validity of the omen was one month, cf. Durand 1988: 57-59. For the special usage of naṭālum with the meaning “to wait”, see CAD N/2: 125b. The verb a-ta-ar, translated here as a hendiadys, is strange, we would expect atūr-ma. For this specific meaning of Š etēqum: CAD E: 392-393 (only texts from later periods are quoted). The word būnum usually means “face”, but here the appearance of the exta must be meant.

8. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN ILUM-MA AND IKŪN-PΊA

7. IM 49222 Ilum-ma to Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

10

a-na i-ku-pí-ša qí-bí-ma um-ma dingir-ma-ma a-na šu-mi-ka t[a]-ak-la-ku-ma ˹a˺-[n]a su-mu-le-el [mi]-im-ma ˹ú˺-[l]a a-ša-pa-ra-am qi-ta-ba-am ˹a˺-[nu-m]e-am {AM X}

59

60

PART 2

L.E. 15 R.

20

25

U.E. 30 Le.E. i

35 ii

–

THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

[li-i]q-ta-na-a[b?-b]i? ˹a˺-di-šu iq-ta-˹na-ab?˺-[bu?-ma] ˹a-na˺ ṭú-b[i?-im?] li-bi uš-ta-ni ˹1?˺ gín kù-gi! (ZI) na-šu-ku-um ta-ma-ar-t[i] a-na su-mu-a-b[i]-im i-[di-in] ù 1 ku-ku-ra-at ka-ra-ni-im a-na su-mu-le-el 1 ku-ku-ra-at ka-ra-ni-im a-na i-me-ri-im šum-[m]a be-li at-ta bi-ti šu-li-im we-de-ši-˹ka˺-ma a-na ṣe-ri-[ia] al-ka-am-ma mi-im-ma [š]a ki-ma na-˹ṭú˺-ti-ša [i] ni-ta-wu [ma-a]r ˹ši˺-ip-ri-im ša ma-ma-an i-ti-[k]a la i-la-ka-a[m]

Translation 1-3

Speak to Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) Ilum-ma. I trust in your reputation so 6-8 I will not write anything to Sumu-la-El. 9-10 [Th]is constant talking, 11 [let him] keep on talking, 12 as long as 13 he keeps on talking, 14-15 my mood will be directed towards happi[ness?]. 16 1? shekel of gold 17 is being carried to you, 18-19 g[ive] it as my audience gift to Sumuabum. 20-22 Furthermore, one jar of wine is for Sumu-la-El and 23-25 one jar of wine is for Immerum. 26 Please my lord, 27 keep my house in good order! 28-30 Come to me, you alone, and 31-33 let us talk about all that is appropriate. 34-37 Nobody’s [mess]enger must come here with you. 4-5

Bibliography – Al-‘Adhami 1967, pl. 11 & 12 (copy) – Wu Yuhong 1994: 30-31 (transliteration, translation, and commentary) – Goddeeris 2002: 173 (translation)

8. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN ILUM-MA AND IKŪN-PΊA

61

Commentary Ilum-ma trusts Ikūn-pîša and states that he will not write to Sumu-la-El. The following lines 9-15 are largely incomprehensible but perhaps Ilum-ma indicates that as long as Sumu-la-El is constantly talking, he is not being a threat. One shekel of gold is being brought to Ikūn-pîša which is intended as Ilum-ma’s gift to Sumu-abum. In addition, Ilum-ma provides two jars of wine for Sumu-la-El and Immerum. As in IPLA 4, Ilum-ma asks Ikūn-pîša to take care of his house and he wants him to come and discuss something. Durand 1997: 405 n. c and p. 594 writes that a tāmartum is the audience gift that an ambassador presents during a first conversation with the person to whom he is mandated. CAD T: 114 quotes the passage from this letter, but translates it as: “present(?)”. A further discussion of the term is found in Lerouxel 2002: 418-427. 20 & 23) This is a type of container or jar. Sallaberger 1996: 113 interprets kurkurattu as the feminine form of kurkurru, see Stol 2011: 248-249 for a more detailed survey of the word. 32) An abstract noun of naṭûm is otherwise not attested, making this reading tentative. 18)

62

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

8. IM 51028 Ilum-ma to Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

˹a˺-n[a] ˹i˺-ku-pí-ša ˹qí˺-bí-ma um-ma dingir-ma- [a-n]a den-líl-en-nam ˹10*˺+7 ½ ma-na kù-babbar a-na ṣí-ib-tim [i]š-tu 11 mu-kam ˹ù˺ iš-tu 7 mu-˹kam˺ [a-di-šu-u]m ù ši-ba-am ú-la aš-ku-[š]u-˹um˺ […] x x ˹den˺-líl-en-nam […] x x [x] ma […] x End of obverse and beginning of reverse missing

R.1’

[…] x x x x […a-na] ˹x x ar˺-den-zu

8. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN ILUM-MA AND IKŪN-PΊA

63

[iq-bi-am] um-ma šu-ma [x x] x x kù-babbar lu-uš-qú-ul-ku-um  5’ [ú]-la ki-˹am? a?-na?˺ x im? hi? ti ia ˹x x x˺ [x x] ˹x˺ ma […] [i]-la-ak-ma i-na ud-[kib]-˹nun˺ki [k]a-ar-ṣí-ia ˹i-ka˺-al-ma [lu-u]m-na-am 1 gú i-pé-ša-ni U.E.10’ [a-nu-u]m-ma ma-ḫa-ar igi-ia […] […] x x […] […] i li la ni ma […] ˹um˺-ma šu-ma Left edge broken

Translation 1-2

Speak to Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) Ilum-ma. Eleven and seven years ago, 6 [I gave] 4 (a total of) 17 ½ minas of silver on interest 3 to Enlil-ennam. 6 As of yet, I have not set up a witness against him. 7 […] Enlil-ennam 8-9 … 5

End of Obv. and beginning of Rev. missing 1’

[…] 2’ [… to …]ar-Sîn. 3’ [he said] as follows: 4’ “[…] let me weigh out the silver for you. 5’-6’ If not, to my … […].” 7’-8’ He will go and in Sippar he will slander me and 9’ cause me harm worth one talent (of silver)! 10’ Now, in my presence 11’-13’ … he said: … Commentary The letter seems to deal with a debt owed by Enlil-ennam to Ilum-ma. He has not yet confronted him by calling in a witness.  9’) The reading of this line was suggested to me by J.G. Dercksen.

64

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

9. IM 49534 Ikūn-pîša to Ilum-ma

 1

 5

10

15 R.1’

a-na dingir!-ma qí-bi-[ma] um-ma i-ku-pí-ša-[ma] iš-tu-˹ma maš?˺-pa!-ru-um ˹i˺-l[i-ka]-am-ma ˹a-na˺ [x x x x] bi* im [x x x x x] ma [um-ma] ˹a˺-na-ku-ma be […] ˹x˺ wa-ra-ad-ka di-nu-um [x x] ri x x a-na ˹sí-pí˺-irki lu ˹x x˺ ba aš la [… sú]-mu-a-bi-im-ma [ù? su?-mu?-na?-bi?-i]a-ri-im […i]q?-ta?-bi-šu Rest of the obverse broken

˹ù˺ sú*-m[u*…] ˹x* x*˺ ˹x x x˺ [x] i-ru?-ba-am!

8. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN ILUM-MA AND IKŪN-PΊA

5’

10’

U.E. 15’ Le.E. i

20’ ii

25’

65

˹x˺ […] ša a […] [x] ˹x x˺ […] a ˹x x˺ […] ˹x al˺ [x] ˹x˺ ˹mi˺-im-˹ma˺ [l]a?-ma ˹e˺-re-bi-[k]a i-na qa-ti-/ni [n]i-ṣa-ba-at su-mu-la-˹dingir˺ [i]q-ta-bi-šu a*-˹na dingir-ma˺-ì-la qá-ba-am a-nu-me-am ù-la iq-bi ù a-na bi-ti-im […] x x […] […] ˹a˺-na-ku […] […]x ki […] […] ri x[…] […] x šu x […] […] ša ki-ma […] ga am x x […] a-na-ku-ma […]x bi kum […]x an ma da ˹x˺

Translation 1-2

Speak to Ilum-ma thus (says) Ikūn-pîša. Since Mašparum? came here and 5 to […] 6 […] 7 I said: 8 […] your servant, 9 the trial … 10 to Sippar 11 I should […] 12 [… Su]mu-abum 13 [and Sumun-abi]-yarim(?)… 14 has told him… 3-4

Lines 15-6’ are too broken for a coherent translation 7’-9’ We

will take everything into our hands before you enter, 10’ Sumu-la-El 11’ has just talked to him, (but) 12’-14’ he did not talk about this to Ilum-ma-Ila. 15’ Moreover, to the house 16’-25’ Rest too broken for a coherent translation Commentary This text was originally a large letter, but much has been lost. The letter was perhaps a response to Ilum-ma from Ikūn-pîša concerning his return to Sippar. There is no photograph of the left edge. 13’) The demonstrative pronoun a-nu-me-am (annumûm) was discussed by Durand 1997: 397 n. b (“chez toi, là où tu es”, already in ARMT 18 14: 9) and more recently by Kouwenberg 2012: 20-28.

9. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN AMORITE RULERS AND IKŪN-PΊA 10. IM 50425 Sumu-la-El to Ikūn-pîša and Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

a-na i-ku-˹un˺-pí-ša ˹ù˺ i-ku-un-pí-ša-ma ˹qí˺-bí-ma ˹um-ma˺ su-˹mu˺-la-dingir-m[a] Ia-˹lum-pí˺-ú-mu [k]ù-babbar š[a da]mar-utu-ri-i[š]

9. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN AMORITE RULERS AND IKŪN-PΊA

10

15

67

ni-n[a]-ad-di-in šum-ma a-ḫu-ú-i[a] at-tu-n[u] i-na u4-mi-[im] ša ku-nu-[ki] ta-am-ma-[ra] 10 ma-na kù-g[i] ša i-ti-˹ku-nu˺ i-ba-aš-šu-˹ú˺ i-na ki-la-a[l-li-ku-nu] L.E. uninscribed

R.

20

25

30 32

iš-te-en kù-gi-šu li-il-qé-e-ma ˹a˺-n[a] ṣe-e-er Isa-mu-a-bi-im a-na ba-ni-ni-im li-bi-˹il˺ ḫu-˹mu-um?/ra?˺ […] i-na a-[w]a-t[i]-i[m] la i-ṣa-ba-tu-ni-[ni] i-na u4-mi-im ša ku-[n]u-ki ˹ta-am˺-ma-ra qá-d[u-u]m kù-gi a-n[a] ṣ[e]-e-er I˹sa˺-mu-a-bi-[i]m te-l[e]-a-ni[m] U.E. uninscribed

Translation 1-4

Speak to Ikūn-pîša and Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) Sumu-la-El. Ḫalun-pī-umu (and I), we shall give the silver of Marduk-rîš. 8-9 If you are my brothers, 10-12 when you see my sealed letter, 16-17 one of you two must take his (share in) gold 13-15 of the ten minas of gold at your disposal and 19-22 bring it to Sumu-abum for Baninim. 23 Hurry! 24-25 They should not look to me (for information) concerning this affair! 26-28 When you see my sealed letter, 29-32 you will go up to [Su]mu-abum with the gold! 5-7

Commentary The letter is addressed to two men called Ikūn-pîša. Sumu-la-El and Ḫalun-pī-umu will together pay the silver of Marduk-rîš. Sumu-la-El then implores both addressees to take a huge(!) sum of gold to Sumu-abum on the day they receive this tablet, perhaps as a kind of tribute or tax. It is puzzling that the gold is eventually intended for Baninim. Sumu-la-El warns that he should not be bothered (or reprimanded?) about the affair.

68  6)

PART 2

–

THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

The reading of this line is tentative. The name Marduk-rîš is unusual (one would rather expect Rîš-Marduk), but not exceptional, for example, dutu-ri-iš dumu ì-lí-be-lí, CT 2 44: 34 (undated); dutu-ri-iš dumu i-din-dmar-tu, CT 2 40a: 19 (time of Sîn-muballiṭ). 21) The word ba-ni-ni-im is puzzling. One could amend ba--ì-lí-im “to Babylon”, but such a syllabic writing of Babylon would be unique. Baninum could be another toponym, but we lack the geographical determinative. Furthermore, it is possible to read here a declined personal name, a parallel for the same name (written in this curious fashion) is found in Durand 2019: 57-59. Here we find the seal impression of the nomad chief Bannum, with his name written as [b]a-ni-nu-u[m]. The first /i/ in the writing of this name is syncopated. Also, a-na ba-ni-ni-im could refer to a construction common in Akkadian where ana + verb = “in order to do…”, e.g. ana banêm “in order to build”. Finally, the word could be a noun denoting a type of tax or tribute. 23) The meaning of ḫu-˹mu-um?/ra?˺ […]is unclear, one might suspect a construction with the verb hamāṭum “to hurry”, perhaps ḫummuṭiš “quickly” is meant. 24-25) The phrase ina awātim X ṣabātum must be an idiom, CAD Ṣ: 25 offers the following options for awātum with ṣabātum: “to convey a message, to conceive an idea, and to memorize a message”, but none of these make much sense here. Durand 1998: 94 proposes “to get word from somebody (obtenir de quelqu’un des propos)”, something similar is probably the case here; “they” should not come to Sumu-la-El for information or complaints about the delivery of the gold.

9. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN AMORITE RULERS AND IKŪN-PΊA

11. IM 49258 Sumu-la-El to Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

10

R. 15

a-na i-ku-pí-ša qí-bí-ma um-ma su-mu-la-dingir-ma a-nu-um-ma I˹e˺-ri-ba-am a-ṭá-[a]r-da-kum ku-nu-[k]a-[ti]m le-[qè]-˹e˺-[ma] x […] ga […] […] […] geme2?[…] ṣí-d[i-tam ú-ul i-šu-ma] še-am a-š[a-am] ù kù-bab[bar-u]m i-na qá-ti-ia ú-ul i-ba-aš-ši ku-nu-ka-tim

69

70

PART 2

–

THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

le-qè-{X}-ma at-ta ˹ù e-ri˺-[ba-am] ˹x˺ at ta an

20

Translation 1-3 4-6

Speak to Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) Sumu-la-El. Herewith I have sent Erībam to you, 8 ta[ke] 7 the sealed tablets and

9-11

[…]

12

…

[…] [I have no travel ?] provisions ?, [so] 15 I [want to buy] grain, 16-18 however, I have no silver at hand! 20 Take 19 the sealed tablets, 21 you and Erī[bam?] 20 … 13

Commentary Sumu-la-El has sent a certain Erībam to Ikūn-pîša and asks him to take some tablets, after this the tablet is broken for four lines. In the second part of the letter, Sumu-la-El seems to mention that he wants to buy grain, but he does not have any silver. He then talks again about the tablets that Ikūn-pîša must take, paralleling the beginning of the letter. 12) 22)

The sign GEME2 could be the beginning of a personal name. One would expect a verb of motion (“come here!”). The sign AN at the end is written archaically, while the same sign in Sumu-la-El’s name is not written like this. Perhaps it is a dual used predicatively: “you two are …”

9. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN AMORITE RULERS AND IKŪN-PΊA

12. IM 50847 Yawium to Ikūn-pîša and Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

a-na* i-ku-pi4-ša dumu ib-ni-dim ù i-ku-pi4-ša dumu ar-wi-um qí-bí-ma um-ma ia-wi-um-ma šum-[ma…] Rest of the Obv. is missing

R.1’

[…] i d[i…] li iš te [x x] šu-li-a-ni-[im] ˹ki-ma˺ ta-li-k[à?-nim] 5’ ˹x ˺ ˹šu˺ ˹ri˺ i tim ˹x˺ [x x] a am? ˹te le?˺ […] U.E. ˹ú uk˺ [x] ˹x ku nu˺ Le.E. 10’ ma-di-iš it ˹ta˺? […] a-pu-tum

71

72

PART 2

–

THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

Translation 1-6

Speak to Ikūn-pîša, son of Ibni-Adad, and Ikūn-pîša, son of Arwium, thus (says) Yawium. 7 I[f ….] Rest of the Obv. is missing

Let [… and] 3’ have […] come up he[re], 4’ when you have co[me here…] … very […], 11’ it is urgent! 1’-2’

10’

5’-9’

[…]

Bibliography – Edzard 1970: 16 n. 20 (first four lines cited) Commentary The interest of this letter lies in the fact that it gives the patronymics of the two Ikūnpîšas. Yawium seems to be making an urgent request, involving the men to bring somebody to him.  1) The sign NA is missing in Al-‘Adhami’s copy.  2’) Perhaps a precative of Gtn še’ûm or a Št-stem.

9. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN AMORITE RULERS AND IKŪN-PΊA

73

13. IM 50553 Yawium to Ikūn-pîša

 1

[a-na] ˹i˺-ku-pí-š[a] [qí-b]í-˹ma˺ [um-m]a ia-wi-um-ma […]x am šu ni šu ˹lam?˺ […]x tim […]x […] x x

 5

Rest of the Obv. is missing

R. 1’

5’

[…] x x […] mi […] x im ma […] ⅓? gín 15 še kù-babbar-um […] kù-babbar-im […]

Translation 1-3

[Speak to] Ikūn-pîša [thu]s (says) Yawium…

Commentary A copy of the reverse was not found in Edzard’s notes and its contents are only known to me from his transcriptions. The tablet could no longer be found in the Iraq Museum.

74

PART 2

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

14. IM 49341 Ikūn-pîša to Bēl-[…] and Iṣi-[…]

 1

 5

a-na be-el-[…] ù i-ṣí-[…] qí-bi-[ma um-ma i-k[u-pí-ša] a-na pu-ú[ḫ-r]i-[i]m ˹ša˺ a-mu-r[i-im] a-li-ik a-zi-[iz]

9. THE CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN AMORITE RULERS AND IKŪN-PΊA

10

L.E.15 R.

20

25

30 U.E. Le.E.

75

ma-áš-p[a-r]u-[um] ù su-mu-˹un˺-a-bi-ia-/˹ri-im˺ i-ti sa-mu-a-bi-˹im˺ ip-ḫu-ru a-wa-sú-nu iš-ti-at [r]i-[k]i-˹sú-nu˺ iš-te- xxxx [u]t-ta-ma-m[u-(ú)] [i]-la-{X}-ak [m]a-áš-pa-ru-um i-[ti] ˹a˺-li-im-pu-mu i-ša-la-am-ma šum-ma i-sa-li-/im i-sa-li-im šum-ma la ˹ki˺-[a]m ˹ma˺-áš-[p]a-˹ru˺-[u]m ka-ki-šu i-le-qé-ma i-ti a-lum-pu-mu im-ta-ḫa-aṣ qá-dì-ma sa-mu-a-bi-[im] ṭe4-em-ku-nu lu ṣa-a[b-t]a-t[u-nu] ma-áš-p[a-ru-um] i-ti a-l[um-pu-mu]/ i-na-ma-a[r] [ṣí-i]m-da-at a-wi-le-e da-na-at

Translation 1-3

Speak to Bēl-[…] and Iṣi-[…], thus (says) Ik[ūn-pîša]. I went to the assembly of Amurrum and attended (it). 8 Mašparum 9 and Sumunabi-yarim 10-11 have convened with Sumu-abum. 12-13 They are one in their word and bond. 14 … 15 they swore to each other. 16-19 Mašparum will go and ask Ḫalun-pī-umu; 20-21 if he will make peace, he will (also) make peace, 22 if not so, 23-25 (then) Mašparum will take up his weapons and 26-27 he will do battle with Ḫalun-pī-umu. 28 Together with 29 Sumu-abum, 30-31 you (two) should take action! 32-33 Mašparum will meet with Ḫalun-pī-umu. 34 The pact of the men is strong! 5-7

Bibliography – Al-‘Adhami 1967, pl. 1 & 2 and p. 152-156 (transliteration, translation, photograph, and copy) – Kraus 1984: 10 (translation and commentary)

76

PART 2

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

– Wu Yuhong 1994: 28 (transliteration, translation, and commentary) – Goddeeris 2002: 172 (translation) Commentary This letter is without a doubt one of the most interesting ones found in the Ikūn-pîša correspondence because of its clear diplomatic and military implications. It is also one of two letters that was written by Ikūn-pîša (together with IPLA 9). It was perhaps a copy of a letter that was never sent. Ikūn-pîša recounts to the two (unknown) recipients how he went to the Amorite assembly and convened with Sumu-abum, Mašparum, and Sumun-abi-yarim. He stresses that they are united and that Mašparum will go and talk to Ḫalun-pī-umu (the (future) king of Marad) about his intentions concerning war or peace. Ikūn-pîša spurs the addressees to also take action. The text has often been seen in connection to Ḫalun-pī-umu’s usurpation of Dilbat and Sumu-la-El’s response to this but neither Sumu-la-El, nor Dilbat, occurs in this letter. 1-2) The exact identity of the addressees eludes us. Possible reconstructions are Bēl[šunu] for the first and an Amorite name like Iṣi-[ašar/sarê/qatar/ram etc.] for the second. 15) Stems with a reduplicated middle (or final) radical are rare and usually called R-stems. See earlier Whiting 1981 and more recently Kouwenberg 2010: 438-444. 17-19) The verb šâlum is normally not encountered with the preposition itti or a ventive element. Perhaps another verb is written here, however, šalāmum seems not possible (despite its attestations with itti) because the correct verb would have been išallim. AHw: 1143b claims that šalāmum has the theme vowels i/i and a/a, but gives no examples of išallam. 18 & 26) The scribe had no clear idea on how to render Ḫalun-pī-umu’s name. 28) This form is interpreted as qadēma, which is well attested in contemporary Old Assyrian texts, cf. Kouwenberg 2017: 440. 31) The reconstruction of this line was first suggested by Kraus 1984: 10 n. 22 as lu ṣa-a[b-t]a-t[u-nu], The traces on the photograph only seem to show lu ṣa-a[b…]. 34) Goddeeris 2002: 172 interprets this line as a prediction of the outcome of Mašparum’s and Ḫalun-pī-umu’s meeting. It could also be a confirmation of the strong ties between the rulers alluded to in the first part of the letter.

10. VARIOUS PEOPLE TO IKŪN-PΊA 15. IM 50501 Lipit-Ištar and Ibbi-Sîn to Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

L.E R.10

a-na i-ku-pí-ša qí-bí-ma um-ma li-pí-it-/iš8-tár ù i-bi-den-zu- šu-˹ku˺-sú ša e-ši-ib-/dingir* ma-˹la˺ i-ba-šu-ú {X X} [x] ˹iku˺ a-šà ˹ša˺ ša-kà-ni-im [l]a ta-ša-/am a-šà ša ma-nu-/um-ki-den-zu ù-la li-bi šu-ku-si-šu ú-ra-am

78

PART 2

15 U.E. Le.E.

–

THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

ú-la! ta-aq-bi-/am la ta-qà-bi kù-bi ša-kà-/ni-im a-na dumu-š[u] /i-din la ta-na-di-in

Translation 1-4

Speak to Ikūn-pîša, thus (say) Lipit-Ištar and Ibbi-Sîn. Do not buy 5-6 the subsistence field, as much as there is, 5 belonging to Ešib-El! 7-9 It is an [x] iku field meant for planting. 11-13 The field of Mannum-kî-Sîn is not part of his subsistence field. 14 In the future 15-16 you cannot say: “you did not tell me”! 17-19 Do not give (him?) its silver for planting, give it to his son. 10

Bibliography – Al-‘Adhami 1967, pl. 13 (copy) – Goddeeris 2002: 174 (translation) Commentary A difficult letter dealing with the allotment and/or sale of subsistence fields. The writers mention a field belonging to Ešib-El and they urge Ikūn-pîsa not to buy it. The field of one Mannum-kī-Sîn is not part of Ešib-El’s field. The last lines are elusive.  5)

Al-‘Adhami had forgotten to copy the DINGIR sign of this personal name. It is probably Amorite, Yašib-El, in which /ia/ becomes /e/.  7) On the photograph this line appears to have been erased. 9, 16 & 17) Note the usage of the sign GA to write /kà/ (line 9 and 17) and KA to write /qà/ (line 16). 15) The scribe made a mistake by writing LU instead of LA, this stock phrase is well known, albeit more often with šapārum, for example in AbB 6 177: 35-36 and AbB 10 175: 19-20. 18-19) My interpretation of these lines is that the writer first wrote la ta-na on line 18, but did not finish writing the verb, instead he wrote the full verb on line 19 and continued the sentence in line 18.

10. VARIOUS PEOPLE TO IKŪN-PΊA

16. IM 49234 Bazizum to Ikūn-pîša

a-na i-ku-pí-˹ša˺ qí-bí-ma um-ma ba-zi-˹zu˺-um-ma šu-um-m[a b]é-li a-ta  5 ˹a˺-[šà]-˹lam x˺[i]ku e-pu-uš i-˹na-an˺-na 18 iku e-r[i]-/iš ˹ù˺ [x ik]u? ú-˹ḫu-ru˺ L.E. ˹x˺ zu zi x im ú ú-ku-li na /˹x x˺ R.10 iš-tu 4 iti 2 al-pu-ú ú 3! a-wi-lu-/ú i-ku-lu 1.3.0.0 gur še-am 15 a-na gu4-ia a-di-in [x x]x x na x /ti im U.E. [x x]x pa ri i ˹a˺-n[a š]a-ka-ki-i[m] Le.E.20 šu-ma be-li a-šà i-na-d[i-in] [x+].4.0.0 gur še-am i-[di-in]  1

79

80

PART 2

–

THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

Translation 1-3

Speak to Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) Bazizum. Please my lord, 5 I worked on a field of ˹x˺ iku, 6 (and) as of now I have planted 18 iku, 7 (but) [x iku] is still to be done. 8 … 9 and the fodder is spent. 10-13 Since four months two oxen and three men have eaten (from it). 14-16 I have given 480 sila3 of barley to my oxen 17 […] 18 […] 19 fo[r h]arrowing. 20 If my lord giv[es] a field, (then) g[ive] (also the necessary) [x+] 240 sila3 of barley! 4

Commentary The writer is a tenant farmer working for Ikūn-pîša, he first reports on his progress and complains that he does not have enough barley to feed the plow teams working the fields. He implores Ikūn-pîša to give him the necessary barley.  3) A Bazizum is also on a list of silver loans, in TIM 7 117: 32 he has a debt of 33 shekels. 7-9) Lines 8-9 were quoted (without translation) by the CAD R: 178a as bīt kāṣirim ú-ra-qú še … īkulu. 9 & 12) The use of the sign Ú instead of Ù is rare. 12) Al-‘Adhami’s copy has the number 4, but the photographs rather show 3. 15) One would expect “gu4-hi.a-ia” or al-pí-ia.

10. VARIOUS PEOPLE TO IKŪN-PΊA

17. IM 49229 Nūr-Sîn to Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

a-na ˹i˺-ku-pí-ša qí-˹bí˺-ma um-ma nu-úr-den-zu-ma šum-m[a] ˹a˺-[b]i ˹ù˺ be-lí a[t-t]a la ta-šu-ša-/ni ˹ù a-aḫ˺-ka e-l[i] é-ti-ia la ta-na-di gi4-mi-la-k[a]

81

82

PART 2

10

L.E. R.15

20

U.E.25 Le.E.

–

THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

a[n]-ni-a[m] [t]u-ra-am [e?-le?]-˹i?*˺ [x x x] x [at?-t]a-ap-la-as [k]i?-ma-ma tab-ba-/ka a-na-ku a-ta bur/gir? ù ú-ta ú-di a-na [x x]-ka-/ma 3 al-[pí] ˹ša x / x x˺ ⅔ ma-na kù-babbar iš-qú-lu-ma ši-n[a i]p-ṭú-/ru-ni-im bu-ra-am ša ki-[ma] 1 ma-na kù- i-na i-ni-ia wa-˹aq˺-[ru] i-te9-ez-bu-/ni-im šum-ma a-bi at-tá šu-pu-ur [l]i-ip-ṭú-ru-ni-šu-ma a-wa-at al-p[í] ku-šu-ud

Translation 1-3

Speak to Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) Nūr-Sîn. If you are my father and my lord, do not cause me distress! 6-8 Do not be negligent about my house, 9-11 [I can] return this favor of yours. 12 […] 13 […I] have seen, 14-15 because I am your partner, you … 16 moreover … 17 As for your […], 18 the three oxen that …, 19-20 they paid 2⁄3 mina of silver and 21 they redeemed two for me. 22-25 They left me a calf worth one mina of silver in my eyes! 26 If you are my father, write (them). 27 Let them redeem it for me and 28 succeed in the matter of the oxen! 4-5

Commentary Nūr-Sîn is seen in the Ikūn-pîša letter archive as a merchant residing in Mari (IPLA 39). Here he is away from his house and asks his superior Ikūn-pîša to take care of his affairs in his absence. The second part of the letter deals with a problem the writer has with redeeming cattle. 18-28) The translation proposed by the CAD P: 295a is followed here.

10. VARIOUS PEOPLE TO IKŪN-PΊA

18. IM 49537 Ilšu-bānî to Ikūn-pîša and Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

10 L.E. R.

15

a-na i-ku-pí-ša ù i-ku-pí-ša-ma qí-bi-ma um-ma dingir-šu-ba-ni-ma ˹sa˺-mu-a-bi-im ù su-mu-le-el i-ta-al-ku-nim ki-ma a-na ta-ma-ar-tim pa-nu-um i-ba-šu-ú ú-la ti-de-a ú-lu a-tu-nu-ú al-ka-ni-im ú-lu 5 sila3 làl šu-bi-la-ni-im a-[m]i-ni šu-lu-um [gem]e2-dnin-sún la ta-aš-pu-ra-am

83

84

PART 2

20 U.E. Le.E.

–

THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

urudu ˹ša˺ tu-ša-bi-lam 1 gú il-qú-ú 1 gú ú-te-ru-ni-šu-ú ù 1 gú ù 2 gú ˹a˺-na qá-ti-ka e-zi-ma ú-li-am 1 ˹⅓˺ ma-na i-di-šu

Translation 1-4

Speak to Ikūn-pîša and Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) Ilšu-bānî. Sumu-abum and Sumu-la-El have just come here. 8-10 Don’t you know that they are expecting an audience gift? 11 Either you yourselves, 12 come here, 13-14 or send me five liters of honey! 15-17 Why did you not write to me about Geme-Ninsun’s wellbeing? 18 (As for) the copper that you sent here; 19 they took one talent 20 (and) they gave him? back one talent. 21-23 Furthermore, I left behind and set aside one or two talents for your own usage. 23 Give him 1 ⅓ minas. 5-7

Bibliography – Al-‘Adhami 1967, pl. 17 (copy) – Edzard 1970: 16 (first three lines cited) – Goddeeris 2002: 173 (translation) Commentary This is one of the four letters addressed to both Ikūn-pîšas. The first subject concerns an audience gift that is supposed to be given to Sumu-abum and Sumu-la-El. For the second subject Ilšu-bānî asks about Geme-Ninsun’s wellbeing. The third subject deals with a shipment of copper that the addressee(s) had sent to Ilšu-bānî. Perhaps TIM 7 195 is related to this letter, here an Ilšu-bānî has received 3 minas of silver. According to Edzard’s notes (cf. Edzard 1970: 16 n. 20), a sealed envelope belonged to this letter. He transcribed: dub dingir-šu-ba-ni, a-na i-ku-pí-ša, ù i-ku-pí-ša-ma. For the word tāmartum, see the discussion under IPLA 7. The idiomatic expression pa-nu-um i-ba-šu-ú is not known to me. The context makes it clear that an audience gift should be presented to Sumu-abum and/or Sumu-la-El. The translation offered is tentative, one could also read: “There is the will (to give) an audience gift” or “It is correct (to give) an audience gift”. The copy shows an É at the beginning of line 9, but the photograph shows a clear PA. 13) Honey or syrup (dišpum) was a very luxurious and expensive product, see Maiocchi 2012: 11-14. 15-22) The scribe had switched from the plural to the singular from line 15 onwards to address the Ikūn-pîšas, as is evidenced by the singular verbs and the usage of qá-ti-ka.

8) 9)

10. VARIOUS PEOPLE TO IKŪN-PΊA

85

19. IM 50467 Ilšu-bānî to Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

[a-na] ˹i˺-ku-p[í-š]a [qí]-bí-˹ma˺ um-ma dingir-šu-ba-[ni-m]a a-pu-ut-tum [šu]m-ma a-ḫi a-[t]a erased

[…] x x x […] x Rest of the obverse broken

R.1’

5’

U.E 10’

[…] ˹x˺ […] […] ma la […] [ x x]-ia a-na šar-r[i-i]m [x i]-di-in a-pu-tum [x kù?]-gi! sa-ma-am ˹x˺-ma?-am [x x] ma-na kù-gi! ˹x x˺ ˹ma-na˺ [x x] ˹i˺-na qà-ti-a [i-ba]-ši-a-am [x x] ma ú-la im-ḫu-ur [x x] x ši ni šu ú

Translation 1-3 4

Speak to Ikūn-p[îš]a, thus (says) Ilšu-bā[nî]. Please, 5 if you are my brother, 6-8 […]

Rest of the obverse broken 1’-2’

… my […] […giv]e to the king, 4’ […], please! 5’ [an x amount] of … red [go]ld… 6’ [x] mina of gold … mina 7’ of […] 8’ [is av]ailable to me. 9’ […] he did not receive 10’ […] … 3’

86

PART 2

–

THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

Commentary The copy of the upper edge was not found in Edzard’s notes. A second subject seems to begin in line 5’ concerning red gold? and other large amounts of valuable metals. Ilšu-bānî states that he has a certain quantity in possession. There are no photographs available for this text.

10. VARIOUS PEOPLE TO IKŪN-PΊA

20. IM 50472 Šamaš-nāṣir to Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

10 L.E. R. 15

˹a-na˺ [i-ku]-pí-ša qí-bi-ma um-ma [d]utu-na-ṣi-ir-ma [aš-šum] ˹⅔˺ ma-na kù!-babbar [š]a ta-di-nam ½ ma-na 2 ½ gín kù-babbar [a]-na den-zu-i-dí-nam as-ni-iq 7½ gín kù-babbar ši-ta-ti [de]n-zu-en-num [na]-ši-ku-um ù ṭú-pa-am [ša x] ma-˹na kù-babbar˺ ˹na?˺-˹ši-ku˺-um [k]ù-˹babbar ù ṭú˺-pa-am [le?-qé ? l]i-ba-šu [ṭà?-ab ?] a-wa-sú ga-am-/ra-at

87

88

PART 2

20

U.E.25

–

THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

[ù] ˹a˺-šà ša-ṭe6-er [x x] ki-na-tu-ú [x x] še-am ia-ta/-ra-tum [x x] x x [x x]x am ˹ù den-zu-en˺-num še-am ˹e˺-ri-iš-ma le-mu na-/da-na-am x x x a ia-ta/-ra-tum xxx

Translation 1-3

Speak to Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) Šamaš-nāṣir. Concerning the 40 shekels of silver that you gave me, 6-8 I have distributed 32 ½ shekels to Sîn-iddinam. 9-11 Sîn-ennum is carrying 7 ½ shekels, the rest, to you. 12-14 He is furthermore carrying a tablet (concerning) […] mina of silver to you. 15-16 [Take?] the silver and the tablet, 16-17 he will be cont[ent?] (and) his affair will be settled. 18 [Also], the field is registered (on a tablet), 19 […] the servants 20 […] the barley, Yatarātum 21 … 22 […] 23-24 I have asked Sîn-ennum for barley, but he is unwilling to give (it). 25 … Yatarātum 26 … 4-5

Commentary Ikūn-pîša gave 40 shekels of silver to Šamaš-nāṣir who explains what he did with it: he gave 32 ½ shekels to Sîn-iddinam and is returning the rest through Sîn-ennum. This man also carries a tablet intended for Ikūn-pîša. The second part deals with a field, barley and a man called Yatarātum. At the end we can still read that Šamaš-nāṣir had asked Sîn-ennum for barley, but did not receive it. 24)

Note the use of the verb lemûm to denote Sîn-ennum’s unwillingness; for this verb, see Veenhof 1986: 240-241.

10. VARIOUS PEOPLE TO IKŪN-PΊA

21. IM 49224 Puzur-Kubium to Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

10 L.E. R. 15

a-na i-ku-pí-ša qí-bí-ma um-ma Ipuzur -˹ku-bi-um˺-ma 4 a-na mi-ni-im k[i-a]m-ma ta-aš-pu-ra-am ki-m[a] Iden-zu-en-nam la a-ra-mu wa-ar-ki-šu igi-3-[g]ál k[ù]-babbar la ú-ba-lu i wa i mi ma ˹x x˺ a gi ak ˹x˺ [(x)] ˹a-wi˺-lum i-na-ma la-sí-miki wa-/ši-ib šum-ma be-lí ù a-b[i a]t-[ta] Inu-úr-é-a a-ṣe-er Iba-ga-a-˹a˺ [š]u-pu-úr ˹ú˺-lu i-ti Iba-ga-a-a

89

90

PART 2

20

U.E.25 Le.E.

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

ù a-bu-ḫu-um a-˹ḫi˺-šu wa-ši-ib i-na-ma la-sí-miki wa-aš-bu Iba-ga-a-a nu-úr-é-a ma-gi-ir mi-ma ù-ul i-k[a-l]a i-di-ka i x[x x] nu-úr-é-a t[u/li x x] ù šum-ma ˹x x˺ ar ne ù-ba-al a-na-ku i-ki-sí-a /lu-uš-qú-ul

Translation 1-3

Speak to Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) Puzur-Kubium. Why did you write to me as follows, that 6-7 I do not like Sîn-ennam? 8-9 That I would not (even) carry ⅓ (shekel) of silver after he left 10 … 11 … 12-13 Is the man staying in Lasimi? 14 If you are my lord and father, 15-17 send Nūr-Ea to Bagāya, 18-21 or does he (already) stay with Bagāya and Abuhum, his brother? Are they (also) staying in Lasimi? 22-24 Bagāya agrees with Nūr-Ea, he will not hold anything back. 25 … your wage 26 Nūr-Ea […] 27-28 Moreover, if he will bring …, I myself am willing to pay (it) from my own purse. 4-5

Commentary Puzur-Kubium asks why Ikūn-pîša wrote him that he did not “love” Sîn-ennam. The second part of the letter deals with Nūr-Ea’s presence in the town of Lasimi and his dealings with Bagāya there. Puzur-Kubium pleads with Ikūn-pîša to send Nūr-Ea to Bagāya. The letter ends with the message that the writer is willing to pay something from his own purse.  3)

On this divinity (a demon and/or deified stillborn child): Lambert 1980-1983 and Römer 1973, the writing ku-bi-um (instead of ku-bi or ku-bi-im) is unusual. Another possibility is that the scribe made a mistake, and we should read: puzur4-ku-bi-ma  8) There is a special sign to write ⅓, which one would expect here, there is no indication if this amount is in shekels or in minas. 10) The signs are written very clearly, but I have no convincing solution for I WA I MI MA. Perhaps i-pi-i mi-ma “in the mouth, whatever…”? 12 & 20) The particle -ma after i-na is problematic. It is here taken as a particle indicating a question, see GAG § 123b. 13) Lasimi is the name of a town, probably derived from the Akkadian word for courier: lāsimum (kaš4). RGTC 3: 152 only knows a town called Lasumi, attested in texts from Nērebtum/Išchali. Lašimi occurs in lexical lists, in the so-called Harmal Geographic List (MSL 11: 58: 100, la.ši.miki) and in the Nippur Forerunner of Ḫḫ XX-XXII (MLS 11: 104: 270, kaš4ki). Frayne 1992: 47 has an interesting idea:

10. VARIOUS PEOPLE TO IKŪN-PΊA

19) 28)

91

tablets and seals found at Uzarlulu/Tell Ad-dhiba’i indicate that Lāsimu was its city god. This suggests that the name of the city changed from an earlier Lāsimu to Uzarlulu. Whatever the case, the information seems to point towards the Diyala region as Lasimi’s location. The name Abuḫum/Apuḫum is unknown to me. I interpret i-ki-sí-a as an assimilated form of ina kīsīya (see also a-ṣe-er in line 16 for ana ṣēr).

92

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

22. IM 52251 Etel-pī-Ištar to Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

R. 10

a-na i-k[u-p]í-ša qí-bí-ma um-ma e-˹te-el-pi4-iš8-tár˺ šu-ma ki-ma su-mu-la-dingir ta-ba-ši-am 1 sila3 ì-dùg-g[a] šu-bi-la-am ˹be?-li? a? ta?-ma? ú-la a-bi at-ta

Translation 1-3

Speak to Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) Etel-pī-Ištar. If you are to me like Sumu-la-El, 7-8 send me 1 liter of good oil! 9 You are my lord 10 and are you (also) not my father? 4-6

Bibliography – Al-‘Adhami 1967, pl. 4 and p. 160 (transliteration, translation, and copy) – Goddeeris 2002: 175 (translation) Commentary The writer asks Ikūn-pîša to send him one liter of good oil. I do not understand the end due to the unreadable signs in line 9. 4-6) A parallel of this construction (kīma … bašûm) is found in AbB 1 86: 16-18. Another possibility for the translation is “If you want to be like Sumu-El”.  9) The reading is tentative.

10. VARIOUS PEOPLE TO IKŪN-PΊA

93

23. IM 49233 Nidin-Ištar to Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

R. 10

a-na ˹i˺-ku-˹pí˺-[ša] ˹qí˺-bí-ma um-ma ni-˹di˺-in-iš8-tár-ma a-na na-bi-ì-lí-šu a-zu aš-ta-na-pa-ra-am-ma ú-la i-la-kam šum-ma a-ḫi at-ta ṭú-ur-da-aš-šu-ma sí-im-ma-am li-mur-ma ˹ù li˺-it-ta-al-kam mi-˹im˺-ma ˹la a-ka-al-la-/aš-šu˺ ˹x x x x˺ am

Translation 1-3

Speak to Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) Nidin-Ištar. I have repeatedly written to the physician Nabi-ilīšu, but 6 he does not come here! 7 If you are my brother, 8 send him to me so that 9-10 he can see the wound 11 and (then) he may go. 12-13 I will not detain him whatsoever! 14 Do not come here (yourself ). 4-5

Bibliography – Al-‘Adhami 1967, pl. 3 and p. 157-158 (transliteration, translation, and copy) – Goddeeris 2002: 175 (translation)

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Commentary The writer of this letter asks for a physician called Nabi-ilīšu to be sent. The reason for this is a wound, although nothing is said about its severity, or even if the writer, NidinIštar himself, is in need of the medical care. He promises Ikūn-pîša not to detain the physician. 14)

Perhaps ˹la ta-la-ka˺-am? One would expect something along the lines of li-tu-ra-am “he can go back”, but this does not fit the remains visible on the tablet.

10. VARIOUS PEOPLE TO IKŪN-PΊA

95

24. IM 49253 Sukatum to Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

L.E. 10 R.

15

a-na i-ku-pí-ša qí-bí-ma um-ma ˹sú-ka˺-tum-ma a-na ak-šaki a-la-ak-[m]a* sa-am-ta-am da-mi-iq-ta-[a]m ma-la ki-ša-di-im a-na d˹nin˺-gal am-ra-am-ma {Ú} aš-ra-nu-um ka-sa-ap-ša pu-ur-sà-am lu-ša-bi-la-˹kum˺ ap-pu-tum

Translation 1-3

Speak to Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) Sukatum. I am going to Akšak, 6-10 look for carnelian of good quality, as much as (is needed) for a necklace for Ningal. 11-13 Decide on its silver (price) for me over there. 14 I will send it to you. 15 It is important! 4-5

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Bibliography – Al-‘Adhami 1967, pl. 4 and p. 159 (transliteration, translation, and copy) – Goddeeris 2002: 175 (translation) Commentary Sukatum (Ikūn-pîša’s daughter) tells her father that she is going to Akšak. He must find her carnelian (pieces for beads) of good quality to be used in a necklace intended for (the statue? of) Ningal. She is the spouse of Sîn/Nanna and had, apart from her temple in Ur, shrines in Nippur, Uruk, and Larsa (Richter 2004). Sukatum is willing to send the necessary silver to Ikūn-pîša. Carnelian was imported from regions to the east, like the Iranian plateau or Central Asia (Tosi 1976-1980: 448-452). A fragment of an envelope is preserved with this tablet carrying the number IM 49253b (see photographs). Part of the address is readable: [d]ub a-na i-k[u-pí-ša]. The seal on the fragment shows an introduction scene with a figure in a long robe in front of a seated king holding a cup, a lunar crescent(?) is in between the two figures. The seal has an inscription of two or three lines, of which only a part is readable: […] x?, […r]u?-bu-um, dumu x a um. Apparently Sukatum used here a different seal from the one excavated by Baqir and Mustafa.  3)

 5)  8)

A cylinder seal (IM 49470, Baqir and Mustafa 1945: 51, photograph in Sumer 1, plate I) was found during the excavations bearing the name of Sukatum, Ikūn-pîša’s daughter: sú-ka-tum lukur dutu, dumu-munus i-ku-pí-ša, geme2 dutu ù da-a. This seal does not seem to feature on the fragment IM 49253b. Al-‘Adhami had not copied the final sign of this line. The reading of d˹nin˺-gal seems likely, but other readings are possible.

10. VARIOUS PEOPLE TO IKŪN-PΊA

97

25. IM 49542 Ammi-ku-x to Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

10 R.

15

20

a-na i-ku-pi4-ša qí-bí-ma um-ma am-mi-ku-˹x˺-[m]a šum-ma a-ḫi at-[ta] ma gul? li x[…] ar-ta-am?-[(x)] i-ku-pi4-š[a] šu-um-gi-i[r-ma] li-li-[ka-am] an-na-bu?-u[m?] ù qa-x[ x?] a x x [x] […] na ˹x˺ i-mu-du-[ni-im] gi-mi-la-[am] an-ni-a[m] lu ti-[de] šum-x[ x x] ù t[u…] li-li-ka-[am-ma] qa-ti li-iṣ-[ba]-/at x

Translation 1-3

Speak to Ikūn-pîša thus (says) Ammi-ku-˹x˺. If you are my brother, 5 … 6 I have just … 7-9 Convince Ikūn-pîša to come here, 10 Annabum? 11 and Qa-x[(x)] 12 … 13 … 14 they imposed (on [me]) 15-17 Be consci[ous] of this fav[or]! 18-19 I[f …] and […] 20-21 Let him c[ome here], so that he can assist me. 4

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Commentary The writer of the letter, Ammi-ku-˹x˺, is apparently on equal footing with Ikūn-pîša. He asks him to have another Ikūn-pîša to come and help him. The tablet could no longer be found in the Iraq Museum, and as a consequence, there are no photographs for this text.  3) 17)

This letter was possibly written by Ḫammī-ṣura, one of the early Sippar rulers (and the addressee in IPLA 39). On the expression lū tīde, see Mayer 2013: 268.

10. VARIOUS PEOPLE TO IKŪN-PΊA

99

26. IM 50417 ˹x˺-[…] to Ikūn-pîša

˹a-na˺ i-k[u-pí-ša] qí-b[í-ma] um-ma ˹x˺-[…] 1 ˹ma-na˺ […] ˹x˺ […]

1

5

Left edge uninscribed

˹šum*-ma* a*-[bi/ḫi] ˹at˺-t[a]* ˹i?˺-na ga? ga? ˹x˺ [x] ˹a?˺-li-˹kà˺-am

R.

Rest of reverse uninscribed

Translation 1-3 4-5

Speak to Ik[ūn-pîša] thus (says) x[…]. [Send? me?] one mina of […] 6-7 If you are my father/brother. 9 I arrived 8 in …[…]

Commentary The writer asks Ikūn-pîša for a favor and tells him that he arrived somewhere.

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27. IM 51021 Nūr-Sîn to Ikūn-pîša and Sîn-[…]

[a-n]a* ˹i*˺-˹k[u*-pí-ša] ˹ù* den*-zu*-x*˺-[…] [qí-bí-m]a* [um]-˹ma* nu*˺-ú[r*-den]-˹zu˺ [š]a-˹al˺-ma-˹a-ku˺ ù te-˹er˺-˹ti˺ ša-al-ma!-at ha-ra-nu-um wa-ṣú-ša qé-ru-ub a-˹ta-la˺-ak

 1

 5

R. 10

Rest of reverse uninscribed

Translation 1-4

[Speak] to Ik[ūn-pîša] and Sîn-˹x˺[…] thus (says) Nū[r-Sî]n I am well 6 and my consignment is in good order. 8-10 (As for) the caravan, its departure is imminent, 11 I will depart (soon). 5

Commentary The photograph shows more than the copy made by Edzard (indicated with *). This letter should be seen in the context of caravan trade, probably with Mari.  3)

Perhaps we should restitute the name to den-zu-e[n-nam/num], Sîn-ennam/ennum is mentioned in IPLA 20 and 21.

10. VARIOUS PEOPLE TO IKŪN-PΊA

28. IM 50526 […] to Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

10

R. 15

a-na i-˹ku˺-p[í-ša] ˹qí-bí-ma˺ u[m-ma] u[m]-˹ma x x x˺ […] a-d[i?] ˹x˺ […l]i ka ˹li x x˺ [x x] x ˹x˺ te ˹x x x˺ [x-n]a bi-ti-šu [x x x] ˹si? ru?˺ [x] x [x] ˹x x˺ [x x] x ˹x x˺ k[a…] x 1 gú ˹20[+?] ˹ma˺-na ḫu-bu-[u]l ˹x˺-ba ˹x x˺ [x] zi ga ar-ḫa-ti-šu a-na nu-úr-dx i-ta-di-in ˹mi˺-ma-ma a-ta

101

102

PART 2

20

25

U.E. 30

–

THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

i-na ˹x x x˺ ˹ú-la˺ ˹x x˺ ḫa mu [a]-na ˹x x˺ ir ˹ú˺ ˹x˺ i ˹x˺ kam [x] ˹x x˺ bu x* ti šu ˹x˺ x x ma ma ag ra /˹ti˺ im a-˹šum m[i]-ma-ka ixxú a x[x x] ˹x x x˺ ka a-n[a] ˹x x x˺ […] ˹x x˺ la […] ˹x˺ ka ḫa x […] ˹i˺ ši […]

Translation 1-3

Speak to Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) ….

The rest of the letter is too unclear for a coherent translation

Commentary Despite the fact that parts of this letter are reasonably well preserved, it is difficult to propose a translation that would make sense. There is no photograph of the upper edge.

10. VARIOUS PEOPLE TO IKŪN-PΊA

29. IM 49255 […] to Ikūn-pîša and […]x zu

 1

 5

10

L.E. R.15

[a-na i-ku]-pi4-ša [ù x x (x)] x zu [qí-bí-ma u]m-˹ma˺ [x x x] x* x* x* x* [a-šum x g]ú ša x [ša] aš-pu-ra!-ku-m[a?] [x (x)] har x at [x] x [x]-ru-um a-na di-bu-buki il-l[i-ik] ù i-tu-ra-a[m] a-na pa-ar-ṣí-im [i]-ta-ša-ab a-šum [x] x ù {U} ta-aš-pu-ra-/am [i]-na-na a-˹na?-ku?˺ [t]a bi e ma ri

103

104

PART 2

20

25

U.E.30 Le.E.

–

THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

ša za nim x zu im-ta-aḫ-ru ú-še20{ṢI}-ṣí-šu šum-ma be-lí at-ta ù ia-ti kù-babbar i-te-er-šu-ni-ni ku-uš-da-ni-ma šu-ṣí-ni a-wi-lu-[ú] [a]-ḫu-ia 1 gú kù-babbar wa-ṣa-ba-am i-ta-ú šum-ma be-lí at-ta ku-uš-da-an-ni la a-ma-a[t] ki-ma il-li-ku-ni-ma /a-na kù-babbar […] x x-li-lu [ku]-uš-da-an-n[i i]-na e-bu-ri-im at ˹x˺ ˹x˺ ta an a ˹ša˺ am ki im na? ni? im? x

Translation 1-4

[Speak to Ikūn]-pîša [and …], thus (says) … [Concerning the x tal]ent of … 6 [about which] I have written you 7 … 8-9 [x]-rum w[ent] to Dibubu 10 and has returned here. 11-12 He has just attended the ritual. 12 As for 13 … you wrote to me, 14 now I 15-16 …17 (that) he has approached, he had him set free. 18 Please, if you are my lord, 19-20 they have demanded silver from me, 21 come to my aid and 22 set me free! 22 The men, 23-24 my “brothers”, they have talked about adding one talent of silver! 25 If you are my lord, 26 come to my aid, 27 I do not want to perish! 28-30 When they had come here, they … for the silver. 31 Come to my aid! During the harvest … 32 … 5

Commentary It is possible to reconstruct two affairs. The first deals with an unnamed person who went to Dibubu, came back and stayed for some kind of ritual. The second matter is about the writer’s dire situation. He seems to be detained and asks his adressees to help him. Photographs of the lower and left edges are lacking.  9) 23)

The town Dibubu is attested in only one other OB text: AbB 9 118 (= YOS 2 118). The “brothers” are probably business partners.

11. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF GEME-NINSUN 30. IM 49235 Geme-Ninsun to Ikūn-pîša

 1

 5

a-na i-ku-pi4-š[a] qí-bí-ma um-ma geme2-dnin-[sún-ma] ki-ma ma-ar-ṣ[a-ta] eš-me-e-[ma] i-na e-le-[pí-im]

106

10

L.E. 15 R.

20

25

U.E. 30 Le.E.

PART 2

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

a-na a-˹la˺-ki-im a-˹na˺ ṣ[e]-ri-k[a] ˹ar˺-ka-ba-am-m[a] Ie-ri-ib-é-a ù dingir-na-ṣi-ir ˹uš-te˺-lu-ni-in-ni [u]m-ma šu-nu-ma [m]a-ru ši-ip-ri i-ti ma-ru ši-ip-/ri-˹šu-/nu˺ i ni-iš-pu-ur-˹šu˺-[nu-ma] li-mu-ru-ni-šu ˹šum-ma mi-im˺-ma ˹x x x ti? x˺ i ni-li-ik-ma i ni-i[r]-d[i]-ki mi-im-ma la tu-ḫa-d[a-ri] ù šum-[ma x]x mu-x[x] qí-[bi-ma] ti-bi-am-[ma] a-ta-al-k[a-am] ù na-ap-lu-[um?] ma-la su-mu-[…] tu-še20-di-[šu] šu-u[p]-ra-a[m] šum-ma ú-ra-am la a-mu-ur-ka e-te-bi-am-ma a-ta-la-kam ù ì-lí-a-a ma-aḫ-ri-ka li-ši-ib

Translation 1-3

Speak to Ikūn-pîša, thus (says) Geme-Nin[sun]. I heard that you are ill, so 6-9 I boarded a boat to go to you. 10-12 Erīb-Ea and Ilumnāṣir brought me upstream. 13 They (said) thus (to me): 14-16 “Let us send messengers with their messenger(s), 17 so they can check in on him (= Ikūn-pîša). 18 If there is any 19 problem, 20 we are willing to go and 21 take you along, 22 do not worry at all!” 23 Now, i[f …], 24 spe[ak up?], 25-26 get up and set off to me! 27-29 As for Naplum?, as much as you had Sumu-[…] reveal (about him), 30 write it to me! 31 If I have not seen you tomorrow, 32 I will get up and set off to you. Also, let Ilīyâ, 33 stay with you. 4-5

Commentary Geme-Ninsun heard that Ikūn-pîša (probably a relative of hers) was ill, so she took a boat to see him. The two men that brought her upstream first propose to send messengers to see on Ikūn-pîša, but in case of a problem they propose to go and take Geme-Ninsun themselves. Geme-Ninsun then tells Ikūn-pîša to come to her if…

11. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF GEME-NINSUN

107

In the second part of the letter, Geme-Ninsun asks Ikūn-pîša to write to her about a certain Naplum?, the information regarding this man was obtained from Sumu-[…]. The letter ends with the message that if Geme-Ninsun does not see Ikūn-pîša tomorrow, she herself will go to him. As an afterthought she states that Ilīyâ should stay with Ikūn-pîša. 19) 23) 26)

This line is unclear on the photograph and copy, one would expect a word like ḫiṭītum. It is possible to read either Sumu-la-El or Sumu-abum. The normal OB form of the imperative alākum Gt with a ventive is atlakam, not atalkam as here. Von Soden lists the comparable form atalkī as a dialect form (AHw: 33b), cf. Kouwenberg 2010: 358.

108

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31. IM 50507 [PN] and Geme-Ninsun to [PN]

[a-na PN] [qí-bí-ma um-ma] ˹a?˺-[…] x […] ù geme2-dnin-sú[n-ma] Igeme -dnin-gal 2 dumu-mu[nus!*] den-zu-ub-l[am] ḫi ri is […] a-wa-tu[m?…] a-šu-[um…] a x […]

1’

5’

Rest of the obverse broken

[…] x r[i?…] x x i x […] x li x […] a-˹na˺ a-wa-tim a-˹ni!˺-tim a-aḫ-ka la ta-na-di [ge]me2-dnin-sú[n]

R.1’’

5’’

Rest of reverse and upper edge broken

Translation [Speak to PN, thus (say)] 1’ [PN] 2’and Geme-Ninsun. Geme-Ningal, daughter of Sîn-ublam…

3’-4’

Rest of the obverse too broken for a translation 1’’-3’’

…

6’’-7’’

Do not be negligent 4’’-5’’ towards this matter! 8’’ Geme-Ninsun […]

11. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF GEME-NINSUN

109

Commentary The name of the addressee and first writer seem to be in the break (despite the copy) the second writer appears to be Geme-Ninsun. The subject of the letter concerns a certain Geme-Ningal.

110

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32. IM 52259 Ipiq-Adad to Geme-Ninsun

 1

 5

L.E. R.10

15

U.E. 20 Le.E.

[a]-˹na˺ geme2-˹d˺nin-sú[n] qí-bi-ma um-ma i-pí-iq-dim-ma šum-ma um-mi at-ti a-na i-ku-pí-ša qí-bi-ma a-aḫ-šu e-li-i-a la i-na-di šum-ma a-la-ak-/šu la i-ba-ši ša-li-šu-ma a-na sa-mu-le-el li-iš-pu-ra-am-ma lu-ta-al-kam ra-bi-ṣú-um ša sa-mu-le-e[l] iš-ku-[n]a-am di!-i-[ni?…] i la […] x x […] ù-la ú-ša-d[i?-in?]

11. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF GEME-NINSUN

111

Translation 1-3

Speak to Geme-Ninsun, thus (says) Ipiq-Adad. If you are my mother, speak to Ikūn-pîša (that) 6-8 he must not be negligant towards me! 9-10 If his departure will not take place, 11-13 ask him to write to Sumu-la-El and 14 I can set off. 15-17 The rābiṣum that Sumu-la-El has assigned to me, 18-20 my lawsuit … […] 21 he has not collected. 4-6

Commentary This letter proves that Geme-Ninsun was a powerful woman and able to influence Ikūn-pîša’s decisions. The matter about which the sender Ipiq-Adad writes is unclear, but it involved Sumu-la-El. 12 & 16) The writing of Sumu-la-El’s name as sa-mu-le-el is unique to this text.

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

33. IM 49239/21 Šamaš-mušallim to Geme-Ninsun

 1

 5

L.E. 10

15

a-n[a] [gem]e2-dnin-sún [qí-b]í-ma [u]m-ma d˹utu-mu˺-[š]a-lim-ma i-na ka-˹ṣa˺-ti-im 0.1.0 še i-na li-l[i]-ti-im / 0.1.0 še e-[z]i-ib šà-[ga]l ša ki-n[a-te]-e ù-še-li ù i-na mu-ši-[ti]-˹im˺ 15.0.2.1 še i-na ma-aš-ka-ni-/im ù-da-mi-iq-ma ˹x x˺ ut? bi-t[i]-im ša na am ˹ri? im?˺ ù-še-bé-er

Translation 1-3

Speak to Geme-Ninsun, thus (says) Šamaš-mušallim. In the early morning, 60 liters; 5 in the evening, 60 liters; 6 aside from 7 the fod[de]r that I had the personnel bring up. 4

8-9

1 There

is another tablet in the Iraq Museum with the same number, but this tablet does not seem to be linked to the Tell ed-Dēr archives.

11. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF GEME-NINSUN

113

10

Moreover, during the night, 13 I did my best 16 to transfer 11-12 4521 liters of barley from the threshing floor 14-16 … Commentary The writer reports on how much barley was consumed during the morning and the evening meal. He ends by stating that he did his best to transfer a large amount of barley from the treshing floor. Šamaš-mušallim, not attested elsewhere, may have been a manager of the estate to which Geme-Ninsun also belonged. Sixty liters per meal suggests a considerable number of participants and the letter may refer to a special occasion. One expects li-li-a-ti-im. It seems as if something was also written upside down in a smaller script on the lower edge (see photograph). 9, 13 & 16) The usage of the sign Ù for the verbs, instead of Ú is noteworthy.  5)  9)

12. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF ARWIUM 34. IM 49257 Arwium to [PN]

 1

 5

L.E.10 R.

15

[a-na PN] x* [q]í-bi-[ma] um-ma ˹ar˺-wi-um-ma ˹a˺-šu-u[m m]i-ni-im [x] x am ša a-ša-ar /ki-a[m] ˹x*˺ [x x] x lu […] um ma […] x ú-ša-bi-/la-kum […] ˹im˺ […] ṭe4-ma-am […] šum-ma […] kù-babbar 12*? [ma.na + x] ½ gín le-q[é]-am la te-/zi-ba-am ù šu-ma la i-di-kum ta-ra-aš-šu a-pu-tum a-la!-kam / a-ta-al-kam la tu-ša-ba-am

12. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF ARWIUM

115

Translation 1-3

Speak [to PN], thus (says) Arwium. Why 5 […] … where thus 6-7 […] … 8 […] I had brought to you 9-10 […] … the message 11 […] if 12 […] the silver… 13-14 Take 12? [minas?] and [x+] ½ shekels for me, do not leave it behind! 15 Furthermore, if he has not given it to you, 16 take him along. 17-19 Please, do come here, you must not stay there! 4

Commentary The beginning of this letter is too broken to understand. The second part deals with the collection of silver. 17) 18)

The infinitive alākam is used to emphasize the Gt imperative in line 18. It is not unusual for an infinitive in the G-stem to emphasize a Gt verbal form. For the dialect form atalkam, see the comments to IPLA 30: 26.

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35. IM 52242 Arwium to several (four?) addressees

 1

 5

10

[a-na PN] x [PN] dumu [PN] x [PN] ù x [PN] qí-bi-ma u[m-ma] ar!-wi-u[m-ma] ki-ma a […] x ri ta-am-[ma?-ra?…] x a x […] x […] Rest of the obverse and reverse are not inscribed, except for a small BI at the top

Commentary This short and damaged letter is addressed to several (four?) persons by Arwium. The actual message only takes up three lines, a translation is not warranted.

12. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF ARWIUM

36. IM 49236 [PN] to Arwium

 1

 5

R. 1’

 5’

10’ U.E.

[a]-˹na ar˺-wi-um ˹qí˺-[bí]-ma um-ma […]-˹x˺-ma […t]e-er-ti-i […] x [x] lu [x] […] x zi [x] […] ˹te˺ ni ku […]˹x x˺ ku [x] x [x] x x […] ˹x˺ a-na 15 gín kù-babbar i-di-na-am a-di wa-aš-ba-ku be-el-ni e-li-šu ši-ni-šu im-ta-˹aq˺-t[a]-/am a-pu-tum ṣa-ba-sú-m[a] kù-babbar šu-uš-qí-il-/šu ˹a˺-aḫ-ka la ta-na!-di [šu]m-ma a-bí ù be-˹li˺ [a]t-ta a-na a-wa-at [ṭ]up-pí-im la te-gi ˹kù-babbar˺ šu-˹uš˺-qí-il-/šu

117

118

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

Translation 1-3

Speak to Arwium, thus (says) [PN]

4-10

The obverse is too broken for a coherent translation

1’-2’

… he sold to me for 15 shekels of silver. 3’-5’ While I was present, our lord has swooped down on him twice! 6’-7’ Please, seize him and make him pay the silver! 8’ Do not be negligent! 9’ If you are my father and my lord, 10’-11’ do not neglect the wording of the tablet, 12’ make him pay the silver! Commentary The second part of this letter contains the order to collect silver from an unnamed person. “Our” boss had already tried to make him pay twice, but apparently with no success.

12. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF ARWIUM

37. IM 52834 Nūr-Sîn to Arwium and Girni-isa

 1

 5

10 L.E. R. 15

a-na ar-wi-um ù gìr-ni-sà qí-bi-ma um-ma nu-úr-den-zu-ma ša-al-ma-a-ku ù te-er-ti ša-al-ma-a[t] i-na ma-riki wa-aš-ba-a-[ku] te-er-˹ti˺ ša gišmá i-ṭe4-ḫi-am ša-al-ma-˹at˺ 1 ⅓ ma-na 5 gín-ta urudu tilmun-n[a] ˹11˺ gín-ta an-na šu-uq-l[um] [wa-ṣí ḫ]a-ra-ni-im qé-ru-ub […] x x [….] […] […] x x[…]

119

120

PART 2

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

ša x […] ˹du˺? x […] u[m?-m]a? […] x […] 20 ˹i na˺ […] x x […] x x […] x x […] x x[…] 25 x x […] U.E. [um]-˹ma a-na-ku˺-[ma] ˹a˺-wa-at ar-wi-um x […] le-qé-ma a-na mi-[…] […] te-er-ti x x x x Le.E.30i ṣí-ib-ma {X X} [š]a ki-ma ar-wi-um [i]š-pu-ra-am e-pu-/uš ii ù ša te!-zi-b[a-am] a-na šu-mi-ka 35 i-ti-iq a-[wa?-at?-ka?] ú-la im-gu-/ru

Translation 1-3

Speak to Arwium and Girni-isa, thus (says) Nūr-Sîn. I am well 5 and my merchandise is well. 6 I am staying in Mari. 7-8 My merchandise that is approaching by boat is (also) well. 9-10 (The prices are here:) Dilmunite copper at 85 shekels (and) a packet load of tin at 11 shekels of tin (per shekel of silver) 11 The [departure] of the caravan is imminent. 4

12-25

Lower edge and reverse illegible

26

I (said) thus: 27-28 “take up the case of Arwium […] and […] 29-30 my order, add … act according to what Arwium has written! and 33 Moreover, what you have left with me, 34-35 has travelled overland on your account. They have not agreed [with? your? instruction?]. 31-32

Commentary Nūr-Sîn (who was also the sender of IPLA 17) is writing this letter from Mari, from whence we also have IPLA 39, which was written by the Sippar merchant organization. He mentions that a boat with merchandise is arriving at Mari. This boat may have started from a town upstream of Mari, such as Emar or Karkemish; however, shipping upstream did happen, as is clear from the letter AbB 2 84, which refers to a cargo of tin, probably coming from the east. The prices mentioned make it likely that the merchandise to be sold consisted of tin and Dilmun copper (the name refers to the place of transit for the copper mined in Oman). The price of tin is the same as in TIM 7 195: 2.

12. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF ARWIUM

 2)

121

The writing gìr-ni-sà provides the spoken variant of the name “His feet are good”, the correct written form being gìr-ni-ì-sa6. 10) For a discussion of the word šuqlum see Reiter 1997: 176. 30-36) The copy does not show the vertical line separating the two columns on the left edge.

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE 38. IM 49226 Nanna-mansum to “my lord”

 1

 5

a-na be-lí-ia qí-bí-ma um-ma dšeš-ki-ma-an-sum-ma a.šà ša ú-da-am ta-aq-bi-˹am˺ li-{X}-˹we˺-du-ni-im i-na li-bi a-šà šu-a-ti

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE

123

18{X} iku ù 36{X} iku a-šà e-re-ša-am ta-aq-bi-am 10 šum-ma li-bi be-lí-ia a-šà ša pí-ka ta-di-na-am li-we-du-ni-im ša-ta-am {X X} R. be-{X}-er-ki-ia 15 qú-li-{X}-el a-di al-pí-{IN}-ni e-pí-na-am ú-ša-ra-am ca. four lines of free space a-šà ša su-mu-le-el 20 na-da-na-am iq-bi-am U.E e-li be-lí-ia šu-du-na-am i-šu-ú Le.E.25 šum-ma li-bi be-lí-ia a-šà a-ni-am ù a-ni-am a-na i-ku-pí-ša dumu ar-wi-im i-di-in

Translation 1-3

Speak to my lord, thus (says) Nanna-mansum. The field about whose assignment you talked to me, 6 let them assign it to me! 7-9 Within that field you told me to cultivate 18 or 36 iku. 10 If it pleases my lord, 11-12 let them assign to me the field that you promised me! 14-15 Have me start the work fast 13 this year, 16-18 until (the moment that) I can release our oxen from the plow. 19-21(As for) a field that Sumu-la-El told me to give, 22-24 it is my lord who should have it given! 25-27 If it pleases my lord, give this or that field to Ikūn-pîša, son of Arwium. 4-5

Bibliography – Al-‘Adhami 1967, pl. 16 (copy) – Goddeeris 2002: 174 (translation) Commentary The writer Nanna-mansum is addressing his superior, who is not Ikūn-pîša, son of Arwium, because he is mentioned in this letter. The letter first deals with the assignment of a field to Nanna-mansum. This field was promised to him by the addressee and Nanna-mansum asks him to keep his promise, so that he can quickly work the field. The second part of the letter is about a field that Sumu-la-El expected Nanna-mansum to give, the latter indicates that his lord (i.e. the addressee) should give it. A field must be

124

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

given to Ikūn-pîša, son of Arwium. Remarkable is the empty space on the tablets’ reverse. This is exactly on the same spot where there would be room for seal impressions on economic texts. In addition, the letter has numerous erasures and these are not always indicated on the copy. There is no clear photograph of the upper edge. 14-15) Literally: “make my knees lighter”. Mayer 2017: 29 translated “mach dieses Jahr meine Knie leicht, (bis mir PN den Saatpflug herschickt)!” A similar passage (with qalālum in the G stem) is found in the Anam letter (editio princeps: Falkenstein 1963: 56-71, see the translation by Van Koppen 2006: 127-130), column iv: 30-31: …le-em-nu-um ù a-a-bu-um, bi-ir-ka-šu i-qal-li-la. Falkenstein has not translated this passage, the CAD B: 256 suggests: “the evil foe will act swiflty”. Van Koppen translates: “the knees of the evil foe will be swift (to attack)!”

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE

125

39. IM 49307 The kārum of Sippar residing in Mari and Mišlan and its leadership to Ḫammī-ṣura

 1

 5

10

15

˹a˺-na ḫa-am-mi-ṣu-ra be-l[í]-/ni qí-bí-ma um-ma ka-ru-um ud-kib-nunki ša i-na ma-riki ù mi-iš-la-an wa-aš-b[u] ù qá-qá-sú ši-pí-ir-ka i-li-ka-˹ma˺ ši-bu-ul-ta-ka a-na ḫa-la-dingir i-di-in um-ma šar-ru-um-ma ˹ku˺-ru-um ù ḫa-la-dingir a-di [k]ù?-an la ˹ni-iṣ-ba-tu˺ ḫa-ra-na-am ù-la nu-wa-ša-ar a-na ki-am ma-ru ši-ip-ri-/ka

126

L.E. 20 R.

25

30

PART 2

–

THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

ni-ik-la um-ma ni-nu-ma a-wa-at-ni a-na ḫa-am--˹ṣú-/ra˺ bí-il a-di ma-ru ši-ip-ri-/ka [ú-w]a-[š]a-ru […] x x-šum […a]m-mi-ni x x x ra am ḫa-ra-na-am la tu-wa-/˹ša-ra-am˺ [ša]r?-ru-um [x] x ni […] ˹x˺ [x] ˹x˺ ˹ha-ra˺-n[a-am …] i-ni-mi-[id? a?-di?] ni x ad x x x ḫa-[ra]-na-am la ˹tu-wa-ša˺-/[r]a-˹am˺

Translation Speak to Ḫammī-ṣura, our lord, thus (says) the Sippar kārum that is residing in Mari and Mišlān, as well as its leadership. 7 Your messenger has come here and 8-9 he gave your consignment to Ḫalālum.10-14 This is what the king (said): “(As for) Kurum and Ḫalālum, as long as we have not seized the meteoric iron we will not release the caravan. 15-16 For this reason we are (also) detaining your messengers”. We (replied) as follows: 17-18 “Present our case to Ḫammī-ṣura!” 19 Until he will let your messengers go, 20 … to him 21 … why 23 […] … ,24 you do not have to release the caravan! 25 [The k]ing … 26 … 27-28 was imposed […] (on) the caravan. [Until ?] 29 we … 30 do not release the caravan (coming) here! 1-6

Bibliography – – – –

Leemans 1960: 106-107 (transliteration and translation) Edzard 1970: 15 n. 15 (corrections on Leemans 1960) Goddeeris 2002: 174 (translation) Charpin 1989 (commentary)

Commentary Charpin 1989 already pointed out that the most interesting piece of information comes from the fact that the Sippar kārum had commercial offices in both Mari and Mišlān. The letter itself deals with a dispute between the Sippar kārum and a local king (probably of Mišlān or Mari). The king apparently detained some of Ḫammī-ṣura’s messengers and a trade caravan because iron? has not yet been seized. The kārum asks to put the matter before Ḫammī-ṣura, which calls to mind the Old Assyrian treaties where the traders were bound to Assyrian law, instead of local law. The reverse of the letter is fragmentary, the kārum is urging Ḫammī-ṣura to hold back a trade caravan in Sippar that is on its way to Mari and Mišlān. This is probably to prevent another caravan from being detained as well.

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE

127

The name of the trade organization is not written kār Sippir (as a genitive construction), but rather kārum Sippar: “Sippar trade organization”. The famous Assyrian trade organization in Anatolia is called kārum Kaneš instead of kārum Aššur.  6) The sign at the end looks more like a MA than a ZU. We would also expect the sign MA right after the name of the writer. The “head” (qaqqadum) of a kārum is only encountered in this letter. 12-13) The tablet is broken in two between lines 12 and 13. Edzard 1970: 15 n. 5 reads a name at the beginning: [ra]bi-ilum. K.R. Veenhof suggested to read [k]ù-an, the Old Assyrian logogram for meteoric iron, which was very expensive and sought after during the Bronze Age. 26) In spite of the copy, the photograph shows that only one line is missing.  3)

128

PART 2

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40. IM 49305 Sîn-imittī to Elali and Ur-sig

 1

 5

a-na e-la-li ù ur-sig5 qí-bi-ma um-ma den-zu-i-mi-/ti-ma 1 ma-˹na˺ 18 gín-ta urudu 18 gín-ta an-na 1 ½ ma-na-ta síg

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE

10

L.E. 15 R.

20

25

30 U.E. Le.E. 35

129

di-in-˹ki˺-a-tum 1 ⅔ ma-˹na˺-ta síg ra-ba-tum 2 ma-na-t[a] še-giš-ì ½ ma-na-ta ì-dùg-g[a] ⅓ ma-na 2 gín ì-gi[š] [⅓?] ma-na ì-šah x ma ma [x] x […] […] x […] x x […] [x x] x x […] […] [x n]a x x [….] […] […] x x […] uš? x […] iš me? […] [x] x […a]r [x] x na-ra-am-é-a ú-ṣí-ni-im šu x x ta ma ar ù a-na-ku i-ti-šu-nu-ma ú-ṣí-am a-na me-nim ki-ma ṭup-[pa-am] [l]a ˹ú-ša-bi-lam ta-aš-pu-ra-nim˺ a i [x] x […]

Translation 1-4 Speak

to Elali and Ur-sig, thus (says) Sîn-imittī. (The prices are:) 5 78 shekels of copper per (shekel of silver), 6 18 shekels of tin per (shekel of silver), 7-8 90 shekels of Diniktum? wool per (shekel of silver), 9-10 100 shekels of soft wool per (shekel of silver), 11 120 shekels (of silver) for sesame (oil) per (gur), 12 30 shekels (of silver) for fine oil per (gur), 13 22 shekels (of silver) for oil per (gur), 14 [20?] shekels (of silver) for lard per (gur), 15-27 28

Most of the reverse too broken for a coherent translation

… Narām-Ea 29 has gone out to you 30… 31-34 as for me, I have gone out with them. Why did you write to me that I did not send a tabl[et]? 35 … […]

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Commentary The sender seems to be in the Diyala region and reports at what rates he can buy a range of products. The list of commodities gives prices per shekel of silver. These are: – Copper at 78 to 1. – Tin at 18 to 1; this is very low, the next lowest OB price is 16:1 (TIM 1 20 from Larsa). The cheapest price in Assur known from the Old Assyrian texts is 17:1 (AKT 3 39), cf. Dercksen 2014: 106. – Wool from Diniktum(?) at 90 and soft wool at 100. There is a wide variety in wool prices, see Stol 2004: 971-972. The superb “thin” bu-ṣi wool costs “only” 180:1 in Ešnunna (Farber 1978: 23-26 and Stol 2004: 961-965, where this text is referred to). Lassen 2010: 173 mentions a case of 12 minas of wool for one shekel of silver (= 5 shekels per talent) in YOS 12 23; ‘royal’ prices are 360:1 (6 minas of wool per shekel of silver = 10 shekels per talent: Laws of Ešnunna) and even 900 (15 minas per shekel = 4 shekels per talent: Samsi-Addu Assur, RIMA 1 A.0.39.1). None of these prices approach the expensive rates of 90 and 100 mentioned in this letter. – Sesame: if the price is correctly interpreted as 2 minas of silver for 1 gur (= 300 liters), this product costs 1 shekel of silver for 2.5 liters, a very high price. CAD Š/1:305a mentions prices ranging from 4 to 2 shekels of silver per gur. – Fine oil (ì-dùg-ga): 30 shekels of silver for 1 gur, that is 1 shekel = 10 liters. – Oil (ì-giš): 22 shekels of silver for 1 gur, that is 13 2⁄3 liters for 1 shekel; cf. 12:1 in the Laws of Ešnunna and 20:1 in Samsi-Adad Assur, RIMA 1 A.0.39.1. – Lard (ì-šah): [20?] shekels of silver for 1 gur, that is 1 shekel = 15 litres (Laws of Ešnunna: 15:1). Note that the copy and photograph do not correspond completely on the reverse with respect to the line numbers.  2)  8)

An Ur-sig is also mentioned in TIM 7 106: 3’, a list of garments delivered by various persons. Read di-in-[na]-a-tum in CAD Š/3:62a (“dinnû wool”) and Stol 2004: 962 (“hart”). The damaged third sign is, however, rather KI.

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE

41. IM 49228 I[x x x]-x-x to [PN]

 1

 5

L.E.10 R.

15

˹a-na˺ [PN] ˹qí˺-b[í-ma] ˹um˺-m[a] ˹i*˺-[x x x]-˹x-x-ma˺ x […] ta x [x] ˹x x˺ i ta x x x x ˹dumu˺ a-li-šu iq-bu-ni-im m[a]-ri-šu iṭ-˹ru˺-d[a-a]m-/ma i-sa-bi-im wa-a[š-b]u-ú a-m[u-ru]-ú pa-˹ḫi-ir˺ ki ta-am-/li-ik šum-ma pa-ṭá-ar a-mu-ri-im te-iš-m[i-ma?] 0.0.2.0 làl a-na t[a-m]a-a[r]-/ti-im [š]u-bi-[la]m ù ku-nu-kà-šu li-[i]b-/lu-ni-i[m] ša-al-ma-ku ù ṣú!-ha-ru-ú ša-[a]l-/[m]u

131

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Translation 1-3

Speak to […] thus (says) I[x x x]-x-x. […] 8 They told to me 7 (he is) an inhabitant of his city.9 He sent me his sons and 10-11 they are staying in Sabum. 12-13 The Amorites are assembled, how did you advise? 14-15 If you hear about the disbanding of the Amorites then 16-17 send me 20 liters of honey as an audience gift and let them bring me his sealed document. 18 I am well 19 and the servants are also well! 4-6

Commentary The second subject of this letter must deal with an important person who had ties with the Amorites. The Amorites are now assembled, but when they disband, the writer of the letter asks for the recipient to send him an enormous amount of honey or syrup as an audience gift as well as a sealed document. 10)

These signs are taken as a sandhi spelling of i-na sa-bi-im. For the town of Sabum, see RGTC 3: 198 and Stol 2006-2008. According to Charpin 2004a: 75 n. 244, there was a town called Sabum in the vicinity of Kisurra. Michalowski 2011: 135 locates Sabum in the Diyala region.

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE

42. IM 49227 [PN] to [PN]

 1

 5

[a-na ….] x [qí-bí]-ma [um-ma PN-ma] […] x […] x […r]i ib […]-na-am [x] ˹x sag-íl˺ ˹x x é˺ damar-utu

133

134 10

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

li-še20-ri-bu damar-utu mi-d[e]

ú-ne-ni-ša i-le-qé a-ša-ri-iš la a-la-ka-am-ma 15 la a-da-li-ip L.E. {X} an-nu-ni-tum a-na ká-dingir-raki R. re-de-(DE-RE)-a-am e-li-ia i-šu Isa-mu-a-bi-im 20 a-ša-al-ma ú-za-ku-ma a-na ká-dingir-raki re-de-a-am 25 ú-ul im-gu-ur šum-ma an-nu-ni-tum a-na ká-dingir-raki re-de-a-am i-ma-ga-r[a-a]n-ni 30 ú-ma-a[m-m]a lu-ur-de-a-[š]i a-pu-tum U.E. šum-ma k[i?-˹am˺ ˹lu˺ ḫa-˹di˺-[a]-˹ku*˺ Le.E.35 i [a?-nu?-um?]- ˹ma˺? ˹a˺-na é [d]˹amar-utu˺ lu-ur-de-[a]-˹ši˺ {X X} ii mi-de aš-šum a-[n]a é damar-utu la e-re-bi-im 40 ma-ar-ṣa-at

Translation 1-3

[Speak to PN thus says PN]. […] 6-9 … They should bring the […]num… into the Sagil, … Marduk’s temple. 10-12 Maybe Marduk will accept her petitions. 13-14 I will not go there lest 15 I get nervous. 16-19 It is my duty to conduct Annunītum to Babylon. 20-21 I asked Sumu-abum and 22 he released (her) but 23-25 he did not consent to (me) escorting (her) to Babylon. 26-29 If he allows me to escort Annunītum to Babylon, 30-31 I will escort her even today! 32 Please, 33-34 if it could [be so], I will be so ha[ppy]! 35 [No]w, 36-37 I want to escort her to Marduk’s temple, 38-40 perhaps she is upset about (her) not entering Marduk’s temple. 4-5

Bibliography – De Boer 2018: 62 (translation)

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE

135

Commentary The goddess Annunītum has to entreat Marduk’s assistance and the writer of the letter is obliged to bring her statue to Babylon. Sumu-abum does not seem to agree with Annunītum’s journey to Babylon and the writer must first get his consent. The writer hopes that he will be able to bring her to Babylon. The addressee seems to be someone able to influence Sumu-abum, perhaps it is Ikūn-pîša. The letter ends with the concern that Annunītum might be upset if she cannot enter Marduk’s temple. This letter is significant on many different levels: the role that Sumu-abum played in authorizing a divine journey, the relationship between the gods Marduk and Annunītum, and one of the first explicit mentions in cuneiform sources of Marduk’s temple in Babylon.  5) A form of erēbum Š is expected, perhaps “let me take into (the temple)”.  7) The copy is more explicit than the photograph for this line. 10-12) For the particle midde and its connotations, see Wasserman 2012: 43-63. 16) For Annunītum in Sippar see Myers 2002: 93-105. 22) The exact meaning of ú-za-ku-ma (probably zukkûm, D zakûm) in this context is problematic. We expect uzakki. Another option is to translate zukkûm (as in IPLA 6: 5, see Durand 1988: 57) as follows: “I asked Sumu-abum and they (the priests?) performed a purification ritual”.

136

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

43. IM 49272 Me-Nin[…] to Adad-i-[…]

 1

 5

10 L.E.

a-na dim-i-[…] ˹qí˺-[bí]-ma ˹um˺-[m]a me-dni[n-x-ma] a-di ma-ti na-di-a-ku ˹ti-de-e˺ at-t[a] [k]i-ma a-še-r[a-am] ˹ù˺ pa-qí-d[a-am] [l]a i-šu-[ú] a-na mi-ni-[im] ˹x˺ [x] x […] ˹ki?-ma?˺ [i-ku-pí-ša]?

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE

R. 15

20

25

Le.E 30

137

dumu ar-w[i-um] i-la-kà-a[m-ma] ˹ṭe4˺-em-kà ṣa-ba-[at-ma] [q]í-bí-šu-um [u]m-ma at-ta-m[a] ˹a˺-na mi-ni-im ta-[aq-bi] ki-ma bi-it Ilugal-ibila iḫ-li-qú-u16 ù kù-babbar {I} an-ni-k[i-a-am] e-eḫ-ta-li-iq-˹ma?˺ e-pé-ra-am i-na ni-bi-ḫi-kà šu-pu-uk-ma ga x am mu-ḫ[u]-/u[r] ga-še-er x [x (x)] du ub kù-ba[bbar wa-a]t-ru-um i-ti Ia[r-wi-um i]-ba-ši

Translation 1-3

Speak to Adad-i[…], thus (says) Me-Nin[…]. How long am I being neglected? 6 Do you (not) know 7-9 that I have no provider or caretaker? 10-11 Why […] 12-14 because [Ikūn-pîša?], the son of Arw[ium] is coming here, 15-17 make up your mind and speak to him as follows: 18 “Why did you [say] 19 that the house of 20 Lugal-ibila 21 has perished? 22-23 It was (only) the silver that was lost over there! 26 Pile up 24 earth 25 in your field covered with wild growth 27 and accept …”. 28-29 … 29-30 The [rem]aining sil[ver] is with A[rwium]. 4-5

Commentary A woman, possibly a nadītum priestess is complaining that she is not being taken care of. She tries to motivate the addressee to speak to [Ikūn-pîša?], son of Arwium about the house of one Lugal-ibila and its financial situation. Presumably this has to do with the writer, who might be dependent on Lugal-ibila. According to the writer, Ikūn-pîša should heap up earth in his field covered with wild growth, perhaps this signifies that he must cultivate it so that the writer can receive food.  3) 20) 21)

On the reading of the element “me” in personal names see Such-Gutiérrez 2001: 88-89. Lugal-ibila is an archaic Sumerian name, the same man is perhaps the addressee in IPLA 48. The sign UM is very rarely used with the value /u16/ in the OB period, see for example the year name “f” of Sîn-abūšu in the texts TIM 3 21-26, where a verb is written as: ib-ru-u16 (Diyala region).

138 23)

25)

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

The prefix of this verb shows plene writing. Curiously, it has the vowel /e/ instead of the expected /i/ for the third person singular, the phenomenon is described in GAG §9h and §25b. The copy seems to show at the end of line 23 a damaged ˹MA˺, but the photograph is not as clear. This passage was quoted in the CAD N/2: 204, it proposes “wild growth” or “field covered with wild growth” for the word nib’u. Stol 1998: 350 studies the word in more detail.

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE

44. IM 50871 A-[…] to x[…]

 1

 5

10

a-na x[…] qí-b[í-ma] um-ma a-x […] a-wi-lu-˹ú˺ še-am ú-la ˹i˺-[šu] a-na Ien!-num-de[n-z]u aq-bi-ma u[m-m]a ˹a-na-ku˺-/ma i-na ma-aš-˹kà-na˺-tim še-am lu-uṣ-[b]a-[a]t um-ma šu-ut-ma ˹e-zi-ib˺ a-na mi-nim i-na ma-aš-kà-ni-im

139

140

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

ta-ṣa-ba-at-ma ri-ig-ma-[am] 15 ta-ša-k[à-na-a]m* L.E. ki-ma a-ḫ[u-ka] a-na-ku R. še-um li-i[b?-ši?-ma] ki-ma li-bi e*-x[…] 20 i-nu-ḫu lu-pu-u[š] a-na ṣú-ḫa-ri-im ma-ru ši-ip-ri-šu i-la-kà-kum a-wa-t[a-a]m du-ni-na-šum 25 x x x x ša mi-sà-ri-im kù-babbar šu-qú-ul-ma a-na Ien!-num-d˹en-zu˺ [š]u-bi-lam [t]ab-ba-e im-ta-ra-/aṣ?-[m]a* a-na a-li-i[m] it-ru-/ni-šu 30 ù! a-na-ku ú-la [ti-de] ri-qá-ku-ma mi-m[a] e-pé-ša-am ú-la a-[le-i] U.E. i-na ša-am-ni-[a] 0.4.1.0 ì-[giš…] Le.E.35 0.2.4.0 ì- si-ta-at ša-am-ni-a šu-bi-/lam 2 ½ gín ši-ti kù-babbar-pí-a x x li ša ša-hi-i ša-˹ma˺-[a]m

Translation 1-3

Speak to […] thus says A-[…]. The gentlemen do not [have] (any) barley. 6-7 I spoke to Ennum-Sîn (saying) thus: 8-9 “Let me seize the barley on the threshing floors.” 10 He (replied to me) thus: “Forget it! 11-15 Why do you want to seize (the barley) at the threshing floor and create a scandal?” 16-17 Because I am your b[rother], 18 let the barley [become available] and 19-20 as soon as E[…] has calmed down, let me do it.” 24 Talk firmly 21 to the servant 23 who comes to you as his 22 his messenger. 25 … of the misarum, 26 pay out the silver and send (it) to Ennum-Sîn. 28 My associate has fallen ill and 29 they have brought him along to the city. 30-32 As for me, [do you] not [know]? I am (now) unoccupied, I [can]not [do] anything! 33 From my oil; 34 250 liters [has? been? spent?], 35 send me the rest of my oil, 160 liters. 36-37 (From) the rest of my silver, 2 ½ shekels, buy me … of pigs. 4-5

Commentary This letter has many features typical for the (very) early OB period: the use of šūt instead of šū (line 10); frequent use of the sign GA with the reading /kà/ (lines 8, 12, 15, and 23); the form ú-la instead of ú-ul (lines 5 and 32); the writing of a-na mi-nim instead

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE

141

of the sandhi form ammīnim (line 11); use of a construct state ending in /u/ (line 22); and the writing of mi-ma instead of later mi-im-ma (line 31). The writer states that “men” are short on barley and he wants to claim barley at the threshing floor but Ennum-Sîn advises against this and proposes his own course of action. The second part of the letter is about someone’s (perhaps Ennum-Sîn’s) servant and silver that needs to be sent to Ennum-Sîn. Apparently, the writer’s associate fell ill and people brought him to a city. The writer continues that he himself cannot do anything for the moment (he might be a merchant?) and he asks the addressee to arrange some affairs with his oil and silver. 10) šu-ut is an archaic form of šū cf. GAG § 41d and CAD Š/3: 391f. 19-20) Literally: “let me act in such a way that PN’s heart calms”. The sign E in line 19 was not copied, but is visible on the photograph. 25) The first signs could be “ú e-li!” or perhaps “kù-babbar še-am”, but none of these readings give anything useful. The word mi-sà-ri-im at the end is puzzling, the translation found in the dictionaries (a belt or metal band) does not fit the context unless one assumes that silver was sometimes kept in people’s belts. One can also assume that mi-sà-ri-im is a variant spelling of mīšarum, but this would be its only attestion. 28) The reconstruction of this phrase is tentative, mostly because the sign AZ is uncertain. The final MA is omitted in the copy, but visible on the photograph of the tablet. 36-37) Note that the copy differs slightly from the photographs of the left edge.

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

45. IM 52840 Ilum-ma to Immerum and […]-ia

[a-na im-m]e-ri-im [ù x x]-i-a [qí-b]í-ma [um-ma] dingir-ma-ma […] šu?-bi?-lam?-ma […] x ki […] im ti […] ša […]

 1

 5

R.1’

 5’ U.E.6’

[…ud-kib]-nunki […] an ni […]-iš8-tár […] am […] la […] i-zi-iz […] x ar

Rest of the obverse broken

Translation 1-3

Speak to Immerum and […]-ia, thus (says) Ilum-ma.

The letter is too broken to warrant a further translation.

Commentary There is no photograph of the upper edge.

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE

46. IM 50449 Annebabdu to Lugal-ibila

 1

 5

a-na lugal-ibila [qí-b]i-ma [um-ma an]-né-ba-ab-du7-ma [a-na ka-šim] ki-ma a-na dutu [ta-ak-la-ku] ṣú-ḫa-ar-tum [x x x] x mu šu ud iq x […] […]x x ta ú-la […] […] x

143

144

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

Rest of the obverse broken

R.1’

 5’ U.E.

x x ša ka x na x x ša-am-ma i-di-šum 6 sa[g?-ì]r? šu-ri-am 1 gišgu-za x x x a-na da-di-lu-na i-[n]a pá?-ni-˹ka?˺ bi-lam a-wi-lum li-˹ba?˺-šu lu-mu-un?/-kum šu-ma la te-le qá-ab-li-/sà ša ku-sí ḫa-ra-nim bi-la-šum 1 gišbanšurx? ša gištaškarin a-na da-ru bi-la-ši-im

Translation 1-3 4

[Spea]k to Lugal-ibila, [thus] (says) [An]ne-babdu. [I trust in you] like I do in Šamaš! 5 The female servant 6-8 … Rest of the obverse broken

… buy … and give (it) to him. 2’-3’ Have six slaves? escorted here. 3’-5’ Carry here one …-chair at your disposal for Dadi-iluna?. 5’ The gentleman, his temper has turned sour towards you! 6’-7’ If you can not, (then) bring the middle part of a sedan chair here for him. 8’ A table of boxwood, 9’ bring it here for her forever. 1’-2’

Commentary The meaning of this letter eludes me. From the reverse we learn that the addressee Lugal-ibila was involved in the production or trade of furniture. There is no photograph of the obverse.  4’) The interpretation of this name is tentative.  9’) The form ana dâru is rare and possibly an example of a locative adverbial form with a redundant ana, see GAG § 66.

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE

145

47. IM 52241 Mugiši to Ḫatītum

a-na ḫa-ti-tim qí-bi-ma um-ma mu-gi-ši-ma 0.4.0.0 zú-lum ⅓? ma-˹na˺-[…] igi-˹4˺-[gál…]

 1

 5

Rest of the obverse broken, Reverse not inscribed

Translation 1-3 4

Speak to Ḫatītum, thus (says) Mugiši. 240 sila3 of dates, 5 ⅓? mina of […] 6 ¼ of […]

Rest of the obverse broken, reverse not inscribed

 1)

A woman called Ḫatītum also features in TIM 7 93: 1 (a list of barley rations).

146

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

48. IM 52839 Ilum-bā[nî] to Akuki

1

5

a-na a-ku-k[i] qí-bí-[ma] um-ma dingir-˹ba˺-[ni-ma] ša-˹al˺-m[a-ku] i-na ma-r[iki] [wa-aš-ba-ku] Rest of the obverse broken

R.1’

U.E.5’

Le.E.

a […šum?-ma?] i-in-kà m[a-aḫ-ra-at] 1 gú kù-babbar im-qú-t[am] 1 ma-na kù-babbar ù 2 gí[n] [it?]-tu-ra-am te-l[e-qé?-šu?…] ˹šu?˺-dnin-šubur ù [PN…] [x x] di ˹x˺ ra ba? […] […]-li-im […]-ši-im

Translation 1-3 4

Speak to Akuki, thus (says) Ilum-bā[nî] I am [well], 5-6 [I am staying] in Mari…

Rest of the obverse broken 1’

[… if ?] 2’ (it) [pleases] you. 3’ 1 talent of silver arrived [here], 4’ 1 mina of silver and 2 she[kels] reached me 5’, will you take (it)? 6’ Šu?-Ilabrat and [PN] 7’-9’ … […]

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE

147

Commentary The writer resides in Mari. The rest of the letter is badly broken, and the translations are tentative, a considerable amount of silver is mentioned (1 talent of silver is about 30 kg).

148

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49. IM 49547 [PN] to [fPN]

About two thirds of the obverse is lost

 1’

L.E. 5’ R.

10’

15’

[…] x i ki ˹li-il˺-qú-ni-ki-˹im˺-ma! x? šu-bi-li-im ˹an-ni-a*˺-am mi-im-ma ˹aš˺-pu-ra-ki-im ˹2˺ [+x] gur še 2 sila3 ˹ì-šah˺ ù ši-˹ra-am˺ ša mi-qí-˹tim˺ šu-bi-li-im u[k-t]i-in-nu [x š]a tim ˹ša˺ x [x] x […] [ú]-na-ḫi-lu-[ma] [ú]-˹ku˺-ul-ta-[am…] i-ka-[lu…] ù an-ni-ki-[am] ú-ku-ul-t[a-am…] […n]u i […]

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE

Le.E. 20’

149

šu-bi-l[i-im…] x i di x […] la x […]

Translation [Speak to fPN, thus (says) PN] About two-thirds of the obverse is lost 1’-3’

Let them take […] to you and send it here! 4’-5’ This, all that I have written to you (send it)! 6’-9’ Send me 2 [+x] gur of barley, 2 liters of lard and the meat from the fallen livestock. 10’ They have confirmed (it). 11’…12’ I handed (it) over [and] 13’-14’ [they will e]at the fo[od]. 15’ Furthermore, here, 16’ the foo[d…] 17’ … […] 18’ Send [me] 19’-20’ … Commentary Given the many verbal forms in the second person feminine singular, the addressee was a woman, possibly Geme-Ninsun. The letter deals with agricultural matters and the writer requests several things and talks about food provisions. Two lose fragments were found with the tablet in the Iraq Museum, these are probably part of the obverse, see the photographs. However, there is no photograph of the left edge.

150

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50. IM 49344 [PN] to [PN] Obverse lost

Obverse lost

R.1’

 5’

10’ U.E.

[x+].3.0.0 še-gur ú-ša-di-in ù šum-ma la ia-/ti ma-ma-an ù-la /ú-ša-di-in 0.2.1.0 še-ta a-na kù-babbar! sag a-na-di-na-am-ma at-ta-la-˹kam˺ a-wa-at a-mu-ri-im le-em-né-et-˹ma˺ ù-la a-la-ka[m]

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE

Le.E.

151

ša-al-ma-ku [x] x x [x] x ki-ma kù 1 gú […?]

Translation [Speak to PN, thus (says) PN] (Obverse lost) 1’-2’

I have collected [x+]180 liters of barley. 3’-4’ If it was not for me, nobody would have collected (it)! 5’-7’ I will sell the barley for good quality silver at a rate of 130 liters (per shekel) and (then) I will set off. 9’-12’The word of the Amorite is evil and I will not come. 13’ I am well, […] 14’ because the value is one talent […?] Commentary This letter was sent by somebody who collected barley as rent and sold it for silver at a high price. Such practices are well known from the Palastgeschäfte from the later OB period, but the context here is unclear. In the second part of the letter there is an interesting reference to “the word of the Amorite”, that is “evil/bad/false”. There are no photographs available for this tablet.  6’) See Reiter 1997: 91 for kù-babbar sag. Instead of BABBAR, the copy has a vertical wedge. 14’) On Edzard’s copy there does not seem to be extra room for additional signs.

152

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

51. IM 51051 [PN] to [PN] Obverse lost

Obverse lost

R.1’

 5’

10’

U.E.

˹il˺-qé-[e]-ma i-ta-al-kam a-pu-tum šum-ma a-bí ù be-li at-ta a-aḫ-ka la ta-na-di a-pu-tum šu-ma i-na a-li-im la wa-ši-ib a-li-ma wa-aš-bu li-ta-ma-ru-šu šum-ma ta-ṣa-ba-sú kù-babbar le-qé-šu!-ma kù-babbar la e-˹ḫa-li˺-i[q]

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE

Le.E. 15’

153

[šum-ma]˹i˺-ta-ki-ir ˹x x˺ […]x ˹ḫu˺ ù il-la-tum […]x x /i-na ˹ki˺-ma […]

Translation [Speak to PN, thus (says) PN] Obverse lost 1’-2’

… he took and he went there. 3’-4’ Please! If you are my father and my lord, 5’-6’ do not be negligent! 7’-10’ It is important, if he is not staying in town, let them find him wherever he is staying. 11’-12’ If you seize him, take the silver from him so that the silver is not lost. 14’ If he denies (the claim) …15’ … and the caravan 16’ … Commentary The writer sent this letter to his “father and lord”. He wants somebody to be found and that the silver in this person’s possession is seized. Perhaps this person went missing or fled because of a debt or theft concerning silver. There are no photographs available for this tablet.

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THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

52. IM 52260 [PN] to [PN] Beginning lost

Beginning of obverse lost

[iq-b]i-˹šu˺ m[a] [um]-ma šu-m[a] ta-ad-mi-qà-ti-šu ka-la-ma [x] zu? ˹x˺ [x x] x x [x x] x x […]

 1’

 5’

Rest of obverse and beginning of reverse lost

R.1’’

 5’’

[…] x […] […] x x ˹um˺ […] […] x [x] x ˹mi˺-[m]a la ta-n[a?-zi?-i]q? […] a-ḫ[u]-˹wa-qar˺ […] x x ka […] Rest of the reverse lost

Translation [Speak to PN, thus (says) PN (and PN?)] Beginning of obverse lost 1’

[He spok]e to him, 2’ thus he (said): 3’-4’ all of his tadmiqtum’s and 5’-7’ … Rest of obverse and beginning of reverse lost

1’’-3’’

[…]

4’’

Do not worry at all! 5’’ Aḫu-waqar 6’’ …

Commentary This fragment mentions a discourse held by somebody concerning tadmiqtum’s.

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE

155

 3’) TIM 7 130 also mentions a tadmiqtum. Edzard 1970: 147 comments on this word and translates it as Vergütung. It is translated by the CAD T: 35 as “1. goods entrusted (for sale) to an agent and their yield, 2. (a type of investment)”, and by the AHw: 1300 as “Gutmachung”; “1) aA zinsloses Darlehen” and “2) aB ein zinsloser Geschäftsreisevorschuβ”. Akkadian has more than one word for “gift”, we already encountered the words gimillum and tāmartum in the other letters from the Ikūn-pîša correspondance. Durand 1998: 173 n. j interprets tadmiqtum in the context of an oath as a present one gives to obligate somebody else, with the gimillum as its counterpart. There is also the closely related word dumuqtum from the same root, also meaning “gift” (Durand 2000: 400 n. e). In Old Assyrian texts tadmiqtum is a commercial term for a loan or commission, where merchandise was entrusted (without interest) to a trader to sell it “as well as possible” (Veenhof 2008: 131 n. 595 and Veenhof 1972: 110-111). If the letter was set in a diplomatic context, the translation “present” would be fitting but in a business setting “investment” or a similar word would be better.

156

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53. IM 51027 [PN] to [PN] Beginning lost

Beginning of the obverse lost

1’

R.5’

[x] ni ˹x˺ i-nu-ú-ma ma-ḫe-e-ru-um im-ta-aq-tu šu-ur-˹ru-um˺ x x […] Rest of the reverse lost

Translation [Speak to PN, thus (says) PN] Beginning of the obverse lost 1’… 2’-4’

when the market price had gone down. 5’ The beginning 6’ …

Rest of the reverse lost

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE

157

54. IM 49540 The museum number consists of four fragments of (different?) letters. All of them are too broken for any meaningful translation. There are no copies for these fragments, for 49540/c there is no photograph. a) Note that the photograph of the obverse also shows a part of the left edge.  1 [a-na PN] qí-bi-[ma] um-[ma PN] iš-t[u…]  5 še-x x […] x x x[…] la? x […] x x x […] Rest of the obverse and reverse broken

Le.E.1’’ […] x x x x […] x x ru bi im x x […] b) Because of the shape, this tablet is perhaps a school exercise.  1’ […] šu x […] bi x Reverse broken

c) There are no photographs for fragment.  1’ […] ka? x x[…] d) Beginning of obverse broken  1’ [x] x x […] ṭe4-em x […] mi-im-m[a…] bi d[a?…]  5’ in ni […] L.E. i ta x […] a-pu-tum R. be-li a[t-ta…] dutu im […] 10’ ṭú-ur-d[a-…] in ni lu[m?…] ta pa x […] i di a x […] Rest of reverse broken

Le.E.1’’ 1 sag-ìr ma-nu-u[m-…] ˹ù˺ x a ú um x […] [a?]-di a-˹la˺-kam x […]

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55. IM 49541 A fragment of an envelope from a letter addressed to Ikūn-pîša

1’ [a-n]a i-ku-p[í-ša…] [x] x um tu […] [x] i da ku […] […] x ma x […] Rest broken

Commentary This fragment also carries a seal impression that was published by Al-Gailani Werr 1988 as no. 164 (on p. 86, photograph on plate no. 49). The amount of text on the fragment is unusual for a fragment of an envelope. Usually, the envelope only has the name of the sender and addressee inscribed on it. There is no photograph for this fragment.

13. THE CORRESPONDENCE OF VARIOUS PEOPLE

159

56. IM 50440 [PN] to [PN] Beginning lost

Beginning of obverse lost

1’

5’

[…] mu [x] x x [x] x di k[a?] ma [ú?-ša?]-ab-ba-l[a-a]k-kum [m]u? bu x [x] x x lu šu-bi-la-[…] lu at-ta bi x […] a-na-ku x […] Rest of the obverse lost, on the reverse only some indistinguishable signs are visible

Commentary Four fragments are actually catalogued under number IM 50440 (see photograph). Two of the fragments show traces of a seal inscription.

INDICES TO THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE rcp: recipient of the letter snd: sender of the letter fragm: the name is fragmentary in the text

PERSONAL NAMES Abuḫum: a-bu-ḫu-um IPLA 21: 19 Adad-i[…]: dim-i-[…] IPLA 43: 1(rcp) Aḫu-waqar: a-ḫu-wa-qar IPLA 52: 5’’ Akuki: a-ku-ki IPLA 48: 1(rcp) Ammi-ku-x: am-mi-ku-˹x˺ IPLA 25: 3(snd) Annabum: an-na-bu-um IPLA 25: 10(fragm) Annebabdu: an-né-ba-ab-du7 IPLA 46: 3(snd) Arwium: ar-wi-um IPLA 34: 3(snd); IPLA 35: 7(snd, fragm); IPLA 36: 1(rcp); IPLA 37: 1(rcp), 27, 31; IPLA 43: 30(fragm) Arwium father of Ikūn-pîša: i-ku-pi4-ša dumu ar-wi-um; (2) i-ku-pí-ša dumu ar-wi-im IPLA 12: 3-4(rcp); IPLA 38: 26-27(2); IPLA 43: 12-13(2, fragm) ˹a?˺-[…] x […] IPLA 31: 1’ a-x […] IPLA 44: 3(snd) Bagâya: ba-ga-a-a IPLA 21: 16, 18, 22 Bazizum: ba-zi-zu-um IPLA 16: 3(snd) Bēl-[…]: be-el-[…] IPLA 14: 1(rcp, fragm) Dadi-iluna?: da-di-lu-na? IPLA 46: 4’

Elali: e-la-li IPLA 40: 1(rcp) Enlil-ennam: den-líl-en-nam IPLA 1: 4; IPLA 8: 3, 7 Ennum-Sîn: en-num-den-zu IPLA 44: 6, 27 Erībam: e-ri-ba-am IPLA 11: 5, 21(fragm) Erīb-Ea: e-ri-ib-é-a IPLA 30: 10 Ešib-El: e-ši-ib-dingir IPLA 15: 5 Etel-pī-Ištar: e-te-el-pi4-iš8-tár IPLA 22: 3(snd) Etel-pī-Sîn: e-te-el-pí-den-zu IPLA 2: 25, 32, 42 e-x[…] IPLA 44: 19 Geme-Ningal daughter of Sîn-ublam: geme2dnin-gal dumu- den-zu-ub-lam IPLA 31: 3’-4’ Geme-Ninsun: geme2-dnin-sún IPLA 18: 16(fragm); IPLA 30: 3(snd, fragm); IPLA 31: 2’(snd), 5’’; IPLA 32: 1(rcp); IPLA 33: 1(rcp, fragm) Girni-isa: gìr-ni-sà IPLA 37: 2(rcp) Ḫabdi-Erah: ḫa-ab-de-ra-aḫ IPLA 4: 46 Ḫalālum: ḫa-la-dingir IPLA 39: 9, 11 Ḫalun-pī-umu: a-lum-pí-ú-mu; (2) a-li-impu-mu; (3) a-lum-pu-mu IPLA 10: 5; IPLA 14: 18(2), 26(3), 33(3, fragm)

162

INDICES TO THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

Ḫammī-ṣura: ḫa-am-mi-ṣu-ra; (2) ḫa-am-ṣú-ra IPLA 39: 1(rcp), 17(2) Ḫatītum: ḫa-ti-tim IPLA 47: 1(rcp) Ibbi-Sîn: i-bi-den-zu IPLA 15: 4(snd) Ibni-Adad father of Ikūn-pîša: i-ku-pi4-ša dumu ib-ni-dim IPLA 12: 1-2(rcp) Ikūn-pîša: i-ku-pí-ša; (2) i-ku-un-pí-ša; (3) i-kupi4-ša IPLA 1: 1(rcp), 5; IPLA 2: 1(rcp); IPLA 3: 1(rcp); IPLA 4: 1(rcp); IPLA 5: 1(rcp), 2(rcp); IPLA 6: 1(rcp), 6(fragm); IPLA 7: 1(rcp); IPLA 8: 1(rcp); IPLA 9: 2(snd); IPLA 10: 1(2, rcp), 2(2, rcp); IPLA 11: 1(rcp); IPLA 13: 1(rcp, fragm); IPLA 14: 1(snd, fragm); IPLA 15: 1(rcp); IPLA 16: 1(rcp); IPLA 17: 1(rcp); IPLA 18: 1(rcp), 2(rcp); IPLA 19: 1(rcp); IPLA 20: 1(rcp, fragm); IPLA 21: 1(rcp); IPLA 22: 1(rcp, fragm); IPLA 23: 1(rcp, fragm); IPLA 24: 1(rcp); IPLA 25: 1 (3, rcp), 7(3); IPLA 26: 1(rcp, fragm); IPLA 27: 1(rcp, fragm); IPLA 28: 1(rcp, fragm); IPLA 29: 1(3, rcp, fragm); IPLA 30: 1(3, rcp); IPLA 32: 5; IPLA 55(rcp, fragm) Ikūn-pîša son of Arwium: i-ku-pi4-ša dumu ar-wi-um; (2) i-ku-pí-ša dumu ar-wi-im IPLA 12: 3-4(rcp); IPLA 38: 26-27(2); IPLA 43: 12-13(2, fragm) Ikūn-pîša son of Ibni-Adad: i-ku-pi4-ša dumu ib-ni-dim IPLA 12: 1-2(rcp) Ilīya: ì-lí-a-a IPLA 30: 32 Ilšu-bānî: dingir-šu-ba-ni IPLA 18: 4(snd); IPLA 19: 3(snd) Ilum-bānî: dingir-ba-ni IPLA 48: 3(snd, fragm) Ilum-ma: dingir-ma IPLA 1: 3(snd); IPLA 2: 3(snd); IPLA 3: 3(snd); IPLA 4: 3(snd); IPLA 5: 4(snd); IPLA 6: 3(snd); IPLA 7: 3(snd); IPLA 8: 2(snd); IPLA 9: 1(rcp); IPLA 45: 4(snd)

Ilum-ma-Ila: dingir-ma-ì-la IPLA 2: 36; IPLA 3: 12, 18(fragm); IPLA 4: 24, 29, 50; IPLA 5: 9, 39; IPLA 9: 12’(fragm) Ilum-nāṣir: dingir-na-ṣi-ir IPLA 30: 11 Immerum: i-me-ri-im; (2) im-me-ri-im IPLA 7: 25; IPLA 45: 1(2, rcp, fragm) Ipiq-Adad: i-pí-iq-dim IPLA 32: 3(snd) Iṣi-[…]: i-ṣí-[…] IPLA 14: 2(rcp, fragm) ˹i˺-[x x x]-˹x-x˺ IPLA 41: 3(snd) Kārum Sippar (Sippar trade organization): ka-ru-um ud-kib-nunki IPLA 39: 3(snd) Kurum: ku-ru-um IPLA 39: 10 Lipit-Ištar: li-pí-it-iš8-tár IPLA 15: 3(snd) Lugal-ibila: lugal-ibila IPLA 43: 20; IPLA 46: 1(rcp) Mannum-kī-Sîn: ma-an-nu-um-ki-den-zu IPLA 15: 11 Mannum?: ma-nu-um? IPLA 54/d: 1’’ Marduk-rīš: damar-utu-ri-iš IPLA 10: 6(fragm) Mašparum: maš-pa-ru-um; (2) ma-áš-pa-ru-um IPLA 5: 32, 38; IPLA 9: 3(fragm); IPLA 14: 8(2, fragm), 17(2), 23(2, fragm), 32(2, fragm) Me-Nin[…]: me-dni[n-x] IPLA 43: 3 Mugiši: mu-gi-ši IPLA 47: 3(snd) Nabi-ilīšu: na-bi-ì-lí-šu IPLA 23: 4 Naplum?: na-ap-lu-um? IPLA 30: 27 Nanna-mansum: dšeš-ki-ma-an-sum IPLA 38: 3(snd) Narām-Ea: na-ra-am-é-a IPLA 40: 28 Nidin-Ištar: ni-di-in-iš8-tár IPLA 23: 3(snd)

INDICES TO THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

Nūr-Ea: nu-úr-é-a IPLA 21: 15, 23, 26 Nūr-Sîn: nu-úr-den-zu IPLA 17: 3(snd); IPLA 27: 4(snd, fragm); IPLA 37: 3(snd) Nūr-dx: nu-úr-dx IPLA 28: 15 Puzur-Kubium: puzur4-ku-bi-um IPLA 21: 3(snd) Sîn-ennum: den-zu-en-num; (2) den-zu-en-nam IPLA 20: 10, 23; IPLA 21: 6(2) Sîn-iddinam: den-zu-i-dí-nam IPLA 4: 44; IPLA 20: 7 Sîn-imittī: den-zu-i-mi-ti IPLA 40: 3(snd) Sîn-nādā: den-zu-na-da IPLA 3: 9 Sîn-ublam father of Geme-Ningal: geme2dnin-gal dumu- den-zu-ub-lam IPLA 31: 3’-4’ Sîn-x-[…]: den-zu-x-[…] IPLA 27: 2(rcp, fragm) Sukatum: sú-ka-tum IPLA 24: 3(snd) Sumu-abum: su-mu-a-bi-im; (2) sa-mu-a-bi-im; (3) su-mu-a-bu-um IPLA 3: 30(fragm), 32(fragm); IPLA 5: 31(3), 37(3); IPLA 7: 19; IPLA 9: 12(fragm); IPLA 10: 20(2), 31(2); IPLA 14: 10(2), 29(2); IPLA 18: 5(2); IPLA 42: 20(2) Sumu-la-El: su-mu-le-el; (2) su-mu-la-dingir; (3) sa-mu-le-el IPLA 3: 50(fragm); IPLA 7: 6, 22; IPLA 9: 10’(2); IPLA 10: 3(2, snd); IPLA 11: 3(2, snd); IPLA 18: 6; IPLA 22: 5(2); IPLA 32: 12(3), 16(3); IPLA 38: 19

Sumun-abi-yarim: su-mu-na-bi-ia-ri; (2) su-muna-bi-ia-ri-im; (3) su-mu-un-a-bi-ia-ri-im IPLA 2: 34; IPLA 3: 8; IPLA 5: 5, 19(2); IPLA 6: 17(2), 21(2, fragm); IPLA 9: 13(2, fragm); IPLA 14: 9(3, fragm) Sumu-[…] IPLA 30: 29 Šamaš-mušallim: dutu-mu-ša-lim IPLA 33: 3(snd, fragm) Šamaš-nāṣir: dutu-na-ṣi-ir IPLA 20: 3(snd) Šu-Ilabrat?: šu-dnin-šubur? IPLA 48: 6’(fragm) Ur-sig: ur-sig5 IPLA 40: 2(rcp) Yatarātum: ia-ta-ra-tum IPLA 20: 20, 25 Yawium: ia-wi-um IPLA 12: 6(snd); IPLA 13: 3(snd) ˹x x ar˺-den-zu IPLA 8: 2’ […]-iš8-tár IPLA 45: 3’ ˹x˺-[…] IPLA 26: 3(snd) [x x]-i-a IPLA 45: 2(rcp) ˹x x x˺ […] IPLA 28: 3(snd) [x x (x)] x zu IPLA 29: 2 (rcp) [x x x] x x x x IPLA 29: 3(snd)

GEOGRAPHICAL NAMES Akšak: ak-ša-ki IPLA 24: 4 Amurrum: a-mu-ri-im; (2) a-mu-ru-ú IPLA 14: 6(fragm); IPLA 41: 12(2, fragm), 15; IPLA 50: 10’

163

Babylon: ká-dingir-raki IPLA 42: 17, 23, 27 Dibubu: di-bu-buki IPLA 29: 9 Dilmun: tilmun-na IPLA 37: 9

164

INDICES TO THE IKŪN-PΊA LETTER ARCHIVE

Išīm-Šulgi: i-šim- dšul-gi; -šim-dšul-gi (2) IPLA 1: 35 (2); IPLA 4: 4; IPLA 6: 24(fragm) Lasimi: la-sí-miki IPLA 21: 13, 21 Mari: ma-riki IPLA 37: 6; IPLA 39: 4; IPLA 48: 5 Mišlān: mi-iš-la-an IPLA 39: 5

Sabum: sa-bi-im IPLA 41: 10 Sippar: ud-kib-nunki; (2) sí-pí-irki IPLA 5: 43; IPLA 8: 7’(fragm); IPLA 9(2, fragm); IPLA 39: 3; IPLA 45: 1’(fragm) Šadlaš: ša-ad-la-áš IPLA 6: 8(fragm)

DIVINE NAMES Annunītum: an-nu-ni-tum IPLA 42: 16, 26 Ilum: i-lu-um; (2) i-la-am; (3) dingir IPLA 1: 20; IPLA 2: 6(2); IPLA 4: 28; IPLA 6: 4(3) Marduk: damar-utu IPLA 42: 8(é damar-utu, fragm), 10, 36 (é damar-utu), 39(é damar-utu)

Ningal: dnin-gal IPLA 24: 9(fragm) Šamaš: dutu IPLA 4: 9, 18; IPLA 46: 4; IPLA 54/d: 9’

PROFESSIONS asûm: physician IPLA 23: 4(a-zu) bārûm: diviner IPLA 2: 17(uncertain), 27(˹ba-ru-ú-a˺), IPLA 6: 7(ba-ru), 9(ba-ru-um) mār šiprim: messenger IPLA 2: 33(ma-ar ši-ip-ri-im); IPLA 7: 34([ma-a]r ˹ši˺-ip-ri-im); IPLA 30: 14([m]aru ši-ip- ri), 15(ma-ru ši-ip-/ri-˹šu-nu˺); IPLA 39: 15(ma-ru ši-ip-ri-/ka), 19(maru ši-ip-ri-/ka); IPLA 44: 22(ma-ru ši-ipri-šu)

rābiṣum: an official IPLA 32: 15(ra-bi-ṣú-um) šakkanakkum: governor IPLA 4: 32(ša-ka-na-ku-um); IPLA 6: 23([ša]-˹ka-na˺-ki-im) šarrum: king IPLA 19: 3’(šar-r[i-i]m); IPLA 39: 10(šarru-um), 25([ša]r?-ru-um) šiprum: messenger IPLA 39: 7(ši-pí-ir-ka)

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