The holy spirit in German literature until the end of the twelfth century 9783111560762, 9783111190129

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STUDIES IN GERMAN LITERATURE Volume XIII

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• • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • • •

THE HOLY SPIRIT IN GERMAN LITERATURE UNTIL THE END OF THE TWELFTH CENTURY by EUGENE EGERT

1973

MOUTON THE H A G U E · P A R I S

© Copyright 1973 in The Netherlands Mouton & Co. N.V., Publishers, The Hague No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER: 72-94461

Printed in The Netherlands by Geuze & Co., Dordrecht

To my wife and Jeffrey and Julie

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the Canada Council, whose grant in 1969 made it possible for me to spend several weeks in Europe collecting secondary material for my research; and also to the University of Alberta for its Research Grant to pay for the typing and duplicating of the manuscript. Edmonton, Alberta May 1972

PREFACE

The subject of the Holy Spirit in medieval German literature is closely connected with theology, for the doctrine of the Spirit is a theological one. Along with other theological doctrines, it appears in many of the German religious works of the Middle Ages and even in some of the secular works. As devout Catholics, the German poets generally accept the doctrine of the Spirit without question, although at times they may not understand its abstract theological aspects. The purpose of this study is to examine the role of the Holy Spirit in German vernacular literary works until the end of the twelfth century, attempting to determine to what extent the poets take over the accepted dogma without further comment and to what extent they introduce independent formulations and speculations. The literary consequences of the doctrine will also be investigated to a limited extent, especially as they are reflected in the poets' use of significant number symbolism. This study is an updating and thorough revision of my doctoral dissertation, accepted for the Ph. D. degree by the Department of Germanic Languages, University of Texas at Austin. Since completing the dissertation, I have checked all the recent publications on the topic, as well as German dissertations and other items not available on this continent. Also, I have read the major collections of MHG sermons from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, to check for parallel comments that shed light on the literary works. The dissertation has also been reorganized and enlarged in the actual writing. Chapter I (Introduction) includes new sections on the gifts and charisms, the trinitarian designations, symbols for the Spirit, and artistic representations. Chapters II-VI of the disser-

10

PREFACE

tation (Formulaic and Symbolic References, Acts and Functions, Gifts and Charisms, Votive Mass, Literary Use in the Prologue and Epilogue) were reworked completely. Whereas in the dissertation I treated the subject matter by topic, I here discuss each work separately. In other words, the references to the Holy Spirit are discussed as an integral part of the poem as a whole and their importance evaluated. Chapters VI (Der arme Hartmann's Rede vom Glauben) and VII (Priester Arnold's Von der Siebenzahl) have undergone minor revisions, and Chapter VIII (Das St. Trudperter Hohe Lied) has been revised more extensively. The Conclusion is somewhat expanded. In this work I have grouped the poems loosely by general subject matter in Chapters III-V. The O H G documents are treated separately in Chapter II. The three major works mentioned in the above paragraph have been retained as separate chapters (VI-VIII). To facilitate an overall view of the subject, a chronological survey, summarizing the role of the Holy Spirit in some of the more important works, concludes the investigation.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Acknowledgements

7

Preface

9

List of Abbreviations

15

I. Introduction

17

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Previous Research Historical Development of the Doctrine The Gifts and Charisms Trinitarian Formulae Symbols for the Holy Spirit Artistic Representations Linguistic Background

II. Old High German Documents 1. Catechismal and Homiletic Documents 2. Interlinear Translations 3. Theological Prose 4. Gospel Harmonies 5. Notker the German III. Biblical Adaptations and Commentaries 1. Wiener and Milstätter Genesis 2. Wiener and Milstätter Exodus 3. Vorauer Bücher Moses 4. Williram's Expositio in Cantica Canticorum . . .

17 19 23 26 29 34 35 39 39 44 45 48 54 62 62 69 72 79

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12.

Frau Ava's Johannes Priester Adelbrecht's Johannes Baptista Baumgartenberger Johannes Baptista Frau Ava's Leben Jesu Der wilde Mann's Veronica Vom himmlischen Jerusalem Vom Himmelreich Linzer Antichrist

IV. Dogmatic and Didactic Works 1. Ezzolied 2. Summa Theologiae 3. Frau Ava's Sieben Gaben des heiligen Geistes. . . 4. Paternoster 5. Von der Siebenzahl 6. Anegenge 7. Deutung der Meßgebräuche 8. Heinrich von Melk's Priesterleben and Erinnerung 9. Der wilde Mann's Girheit and Christliche Lehre . . V. Legends, Prayers, Mariendichtung, Allegory, and Secular Narrative 1. Priester Arnold's Juliana 2. Margaretelegenden 3. Trierer Silvester 4. Pilatus 5. Alber's Tundalus 6. Sanct Brandan 7. Heinrich von Veldeke's Servatius 8. Gebetbuch von Muri 9. Benediktbeurer Sammlung . . . : 10. Lambrechter Meßgebete 11. Benediktbeurer Gebet zum Meßopfer 12. Vorauer Gebet einer Frau 13. Heinrich's Litanei 14. Milstätter Sündenklage 15. Vorauer Sündenklage

82 84 84 85 89 97 98 99 101 101 103 105 111 114 117 126 128 131

136 136 137 138 139 140 141 143 146 147 148 148 150 150 158 159

TABLE OF CONTENTS

16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24.

Rheinauer Sündenklage Vorauer Marienlob Melker Marienlied Arnsteiner Marienlied Priester Wernher's Maria Physiologus Kaiserchronik Rolandslied O rendei

VI. Der arme Hartmann's Rede vom Glauben 1. Introduction 2. The Prologue 3. The Father and the Son 4. The Holy Spirit: Introduction 5. The Holy Spirit: First Counsel 6. The Holy Spirit: Second Counsel 7. The Holy Spirit: Third Counsel 8. The Holy Spirit: Fourth Counsel 9. The Holy Spirit: Fifth Counsel 10. The Holy Spirit: Sixth Counsel 11. The Holy Spirit: Seventh Counsel 12. The Holy Spirit: Eighth Counsel 13. The Holy Spirit: Ninth Counsel 14. The Holy Spirit: Tenth Counsel 15. Conclusion VII. Priester Arnold's Loblied auf den heiligen Geist . . . . 1. Introduction 2. The Prologue 3. The Gifts of the Spirit 4. The Caritas Group of Strophes 5. The Spirit in the Physical Universe 6. The Septiformis Strophe 7. The Spirit and Man 8. The Seven Signs at Christ's Birth 9. The Laudate Dominum

13

160 160 161 162 162 165 166 172 174 176 176 177 179 180 182 182 183 185 186 187 187 188 188 188 189 190 190 191 198 199 202 203 206 209 210

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

10. The Epilogue VIII. St. Trudperter Hohes Lied 1. Introduction 2. The Prologue 3. Trinitarian Designations 4. Trinitarian Representations 5. The Virgin Mary 6. Symbols for the Spirit 7. Activities of the Spirit 8. Gifts of the Spirit 9. Conclusion IX. Conclusion

212 214 214 215 223 225 230 233 234 235 240 241

Selected Bibliography

247

Index

258

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

AT Β Beiträge BL VS BNL DTM Germania Grieshaber Hoffmann JEGP Jeitteles Leyser Maurer Mellbourn MPG MPL MSB MSD MTU Pfeiffer PMLA PSQ

Altdeutsche Textbibliothek Beiträge zur Geschichte der deutschen Sprache und Literatur (Halle, Tübingen) Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins, Stuttgart Bibliothek der gesammten deutschen National-Literatur Deutsche Texte des Mittelalters Germania: Vierteljahresschrift für deutsche Alterthumskunde Grieshaber, Frans K., Deutsche Predigten des 13. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1844-46). Hoffmann von Fallersleben, August H., Fundgruben für Geschichte deutscher Sprache und Litteratur, 2 vols. (Breslau, 183037; reprint Hildesheim, 1969). Journal of English and Germanic Philology Jeitteles, Adalbert, Altdeutsche Predigten aus dem Benedictinerstifte St. Paul in Kärnten (Innsbruck, 1878). Leyser, Hermann, Deutsche Predigten des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts {BNL, 11,2) (Quedlinburg und Leipzig, 1838; reprint Darmstadt, 1970). Maurer, Friedrich, Die religiösen Dichtungen des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts, 3 vols. (Tübingen, 1964-70). Mellbourn, Gert, Speculum Ecclesiae: Eine frühmittelhochdeutsche Predigtsammlung (Lunder Germanistische Forschungen, 12) (Lund, 1944). Migne Patrologia Graeca Migne Patrologia Latina Sitzungsberichte der königlichen bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu München Müllenhoff, Karl und Wilhelm Scherer, Denkmäler deutscher Poesie und Prosa aus dem VI1I-XII Jahrhundert, 3rd ed. by Elias Steinmeyer, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1892; reprint Zürich, 1964). Münchener Texte und Untersuchungen zur deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters Pfeiffer, Franz, Deutsche Mystiker des vierzehnten Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1845; reprint Aalen, 1962). Publications of the Modern Language Association of America Philologische Studien und Quellen

16 QF

LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

Quellen und Forschungen zur Sprach- und Kulturgeschichte der germanische Völker Schönbach Schönbach, Anton E., Altdeutsche Predigten, 3 vols. (Graz, 188691; reprint Darmstadt, 1964). Steinmeyer Steinmeyer, Elias von, Die kleineren althochdeutschen Sprachdenkmäler (Berlin, 1916; reprint 1963). ΤΗ Das St. Trudperter Hohe Lied VL Die deutsche Literatur des Mittelalters: Verfasserlexikon, ed. Wolfgang Stammler und Karl Langosch, 5 vols. (Berlin, 193355). Wackernagel Wackernagel, Wilhelm, Altdeutsche Predigten und Gebete aus Handschriften (Basel, 1876; reprint Hildesheim, 1964). Wilhelm Wilhelm, Friedrich, Denkmäler deutscher Prosa des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. (München, 1914-18; reprint 1960). WSB Sitzungsberichte der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Wien WW Wirkendes Wort ZfdA Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum und deutsche Literatur ZfdPh Zeitschrift für deutsche Philologie

I INTRODUCTION

1. PREVIOUS RESEARCH

The history of the doctrine of the Holy Spirit has been treated quite thoroughly in recent years. Useful summaries can be found in the major encyclopedias of religion listed in the last part of the bibliography. For a more comprehensive survey of the doctrine in its historical development the book by Karl F. Nösgen is helpful.1 He begins with the teaching of the Apostolic Fathers and ends with his own century. Even more detailed are three works in English which cover the history of the doctrine from the New Testament to the Reformation. The first is Henry B. Swete's study, The Holy Spirit in the New Testament.2 The second is Swete's work covering the patristic period, that is the first five centuries of the Church. 3 Although it overlaps with the work by Nösgen, Swete's second book is of considerable value in that it provides more detail. Swete first treats in chronological sequence the teaching of the Church Fathers and then concludes with a useful topical summary, discussing the early Church's view of the Holy Spirit's role in creation, in inspiration, in the incarnation, and so forth. The investigation begun by Swete was carried on into the medieval period by Howard Watkin-Jones.4 Following the same arrangement as Swete, Watkin-Jones furnishes a fairly detailed account of the teaching on the Holy Spirit by the 1

Geschichte der Lehre vom heiligen Geist (Gütersloh, 1899). (London, 1909; reprint Grand Rapids, 1965). 3 The Holy Spirit in the Ancient Church (London, 1912; reprint Grand Rapids, 1966). 4 The Holy Spirit in the Medieval Church (London, 1922). 2

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medieval theologians. He begins with Isidore of Seville and ends with the century of the Reformation. Concerning the role of the gifts of the Holy Spirit in medieval German literature there has been some work done. In an unpublished dissertation Barbara Tillmanns examined the seven gifts in the German literature of the Middle Ages. 5 Beginning with a summary of the work done previously and a brief sketch of the theology, she discusses the gifts of the Spirit under various headings : the gifts in the pater noster interpretations, in documents dealing mainly with the Holy Spirit, in the literature of mysticism, in didactic works, and in poems about Mary. Her investigation, although it is not exhaustive, includes works from the twelfth to the fifteenth centuries. Individual poems that deal with the gifts had been discussed before, but Tillmann's study for the first time provides a systematic survey of the seven gifts in medieval German works. There have been a number of studies on the Trinity in medieval German literature. In an unpublished Swiss dissertation, F. Allemann investigated the doctrine of the Trinity in German literature until the thirteenth century. 6 His work thus serves as a supplement to the present study. Kurt Ruh examined the role of the Trinity in German mysticism and scholasticism. 7 And P. Kern has just published a study in which he deals with, among other topics, the Trinity in the literature of the late Middle Ages. 8 There have of course been a number of studies on individual poems, particularly of the twelfth century, in which the Holy Spirit is also discussed, because in some He assumes an important role. These individual studies are too numerous to mention here, but 5

"Die sieben Gaben des Heiligen Geistes in der deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters", diss. Kiel, 1962. 6 "Das Mysterium der Dreifaltigkeit in der deutschen Literatur bis zum 13. Jahrhundert", diss. Fribourg, 1958. This work was to appear in the Schmidt Verlag, Berlin, but unfortunately it has not been published. Despite several attempts, including a personal check in the Fribourg library, I was unable t o obtain a copy of the dissertation for examination. 7 "Die trinitarische Spekulation in deutscher Mystik und Scholastik", ZfdPh, 72 (1951), 24-53. 8 Trinität, Maria, Inkarnation: Studien zur Thematik der deutschen Dichtung des späteren Mittelalters (PSQ, 55) (Berlin, 1971).

INTRODUCTION

19

they will generally be cited in the course of the investigation. As experts in medieval literature will soon discover, they have often served as background to my own examination. The goal of the present study is to furnish a comprehensive view of the Holy Spirit in German literature prior to the courtly period. The doctrine as such will not be central, but rather what the German poets did with the doctrine.

2. HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT OF THE DOCTRINE

The doctrine of the Holy Spirit is based on the Bible. Although the subject is not as prominent as in the New, already the Old Testament contains a number of references to the Spirit. These can be divided into three main categories : the cosmical or world relations of the Spirit of God, the theocratic or redemptive relations, and the individual or personal relations. In connection with the cosmical relations, the Spirit of God is involved in the creation of the universe (Gen. 1:2; Job 26:13; Ps. 32:6) and of man himself (Gen. 2:7; Job 33:4). God through His Spirit is immanent in the world (Ps. 139:7 ; Isa. 40:7). In connection with the redemptive relations, the Spirit of God is the source of divine strength, bestowed upon the leaders of Israel for special tasks (e.g., Joseph, Gen. 41:38; Moses, Num. 11:17,25; Gideon, Judg. 6:34; Saul, I Sam. 10:6,10; David, I Sam. 16:13). In the prophets the Spirit is the source of divine revelation and inspiration (e.g., Eze. 2:2; Mie. 3:8). The predictions concerning the Messiah included the idea that the Spirit of God and all His gifts would be given to Him (Isa. 11:1-3). In connection with the personal relations, the ethical role of the Spirit is mentioned in the Psalms (51:11,12; 143:10) and in the prophets (e.g., Isa. 63:10,11; Eze. 36:27; 37:14). Although the attribute of holiness is only seldom associated with the Spirit (Ps. 51:11 ; Isa. 63:10,11), this idea was no doubt implicit in the concept of the Spirit of God. The writers of the Old Testament thus generally view the Spirit as God exerting His power. There is no explicit teaching about the

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INTRODUCTION

Holy Spirit as a separate person within the Godhead; He has personality only to the extent that He is identified with God Himself, present and active in the universe. It is the doctrine of divine immanence. In the New Testament the work of the Holy Spirit is recognized in the incarnation (Matt. 1:20; Luke 1:35), in Christ's baptism (e.g., Matt. 3:16), in His temptation (Matt. 4:1), in His ministry (Luke 4:18), and perhaps in His passion (Heb. 9:14). After His descent on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2), the Holy Spirit was present and active in the early Apostolic Church (e.g., Acts 8:15; 10:44; 19:6). Most of the New Testament doctrinal teaching on the Holy Spirit is found in the writings of John and Paul. According to the instruction of Christ - recorded only in John - the Holy Spirit was to be an advocate, helper, and comforter to the disciples (John 14:16; 15:26; 16:7). He is also called the Spirit of truth (14:17), because He was to guide the believers into all truth (14:26; 16:13). The Spirit would indwell the disciples (14:16,17) and bear witness to Christ (15:26), reminding them of all He had taught them (15: 26). The Holy Spirit would also bring conviction to the sinner (16:8-10) and accomplish his spiritual regeneration (3:5). The Spirit proceeds (eternally) from the Father through the Son (15:26). In Paul's view, the Holy Spirit acts as mediator between man and Christ, just as Christ acts as mediator between man and God. The Spirit is the source of the divine charisms (I Cor. 12) and fruits (Gal. 5:22,23), which help the believer live as a Christian. He also assures the believer of his divine sonship (Rom. 8:16), leads and guides him (Rom. 8:14), and brings the love of God into his heart (Rom. 5:5). In fact, the Holy Spirit transforms the believer into a sacred temple of God (I Cor. 3:16; 6:19). According to Paul, the Holy Spirit thus regenerates, sanctifies, and fills the believer, making him a son of God. In the post-Apostolic era the doctrine of the Holy Spirit was at first neglected in favor of the doctrine concerning Christ. The Apostles' Creed, for instance, contains nine articles about Christ but only one short article on the Holy Spirit : "Credo in Spiritum sanctum". Perhaps this period lacked a clear statement regarding

INTRODUCTION

21

the nature and operations of the Holy Spirit, because it was still in contact with the supernatural manifestations of the Spirit prominent in Apostolic times. The most important contributors to the doctrine of the Holy Spirit in the ante-Nicene period were Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Tertullian, and Origen.9 Although these early Church Fathers did not work out a definite statement of the Spirit's role within the Trinity, they agreed on two fundamental points : that He was a divine being and that He was an independent person. The Holy Spirit, however, was not strictly equal with the Father and the Son, but rather subordinate to both. The Arians continued the doctrine of the subordination of the Son to the Father and of the Holy Spirit to the Son. In their view, the Spirit was the first creature of the Son. The Holy Spirit was thus seen as the last member of the Trinity, both in time as well as in rank. Even among followers of the orthodox Nicene doctrine there was still uncertainty for some time about the position of the Spirit in the Godhead. The Church, however, could not continue with such indecision. The formula of baptism and the trinitarian benedictions implied an equality of essence among the members of the Trinity - there could be no mixture of creator and creature. Well aware of the importance of the matter, Athanasius (ca. 296373) taught the consubstantiality of the Holy Spirit with the other persons of the Godhead. This doctrine was accepted at the Councils of Alexandria (362), Rome (375), and Constantinople (381), and so became an accepted article of the Nicaeno-Constantinopolitan Creed, which declares that the Holy Spirit, who proceeded from the Father and spoke through the prophets, is the source of life and is to be worshipped and glorified together with the Father and the Son. This article finally settled the question of the deity of the Holy Spirit. Aurelius Augustine (354-430) developed the doctrine of the Trinity by teaching that the Holy Spirit proceeds from the Son as well as from the Father. He also affirmed that the Spirit is the love bond between the Father and the Son. Apparently because of the 9

This brief historical sketch is drawn mainly from the works by Nösgen, Swete, and Watkin-Jones.

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INTRODUCTION

influence of Gregory the Great (540-604), Augustine's view of the double procession of the Holy Spirit was generally accepted in the Western Church. At the third Synod of Toledo (589) the so-called Filioque clause was inserted in the Latin version of the Nicene Creed. From Spain the insertion passed into the Church in the West; by the ninth century the Filioque clause was included in the Latin credo throughout the Western Church. The doctrine of the double procession became an important cause of dissension between East and West, the East continuing to teach the procession of the Spirit from the Father alone. Thus in Western Christendom the doctrine concerning the Holy Spirit was firmly established by the end of the patristic era. The Latin Church taught that the Holy Spirit was a divine person consubstantial with the Father and the Son and proceeding from Both. In the medieval Church the chief point of interest for most theologians writing on the Holy Spirit was the Filioque controversy. In the West by far the majority of theologians followed the lead of Augustine and sought to prove the double procession. Regarding the progress of the doctrine of the Holy Spirit in the Middle Ages, Watkin-Jones writes: "Statements of belief touching the Holy Spirit outside the debatable area of the procession do not undergo severe changes, while the few changes themselves are usually not of outstanding importance." 10 Nösgen points out that the medieval schoolmen and mystics do not seem to have a clear understanding of the nature and work of the Holy Spirit.11 Anselm of Canterbury (1038-1109), for example, is concerned mainly about proving the double procession. Rupert of Deutz (d. 1135) discusses the Holy Spirit in his work on the Trinity, but does not always distinguish clearly between the work of God as Spirit and the actual work of the Holy Spirit. Bernard of Clairvaux (1091-1153) seems to know the Spirit only as gratia infusa in the individual believer. And even the great theologian Thomas Aquinas (1227-74) deals only briefly with the Holy Spirit in his Summa and at that draws mostly from Augustine. 10 11

Holy Spirit in the Medieval Church, 16. Lehre vom heiligen Geist, 99-107.

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3. T H E G I F T S A N D C H A R I S M S

The Holy Spirit figures to a considerable extent in medieval German poems through the seven gifts, by which He helps and influences man. 12 The Biblical basis for the doctrine about the seven gifts is the Messianic prophecy of Isaiah: E t egredietur virga de radice lesse, E t flos de radice eius ascendet. E t requiescet super e u m spiritus D o m i n i : Spiritus sapientiae et intellectus, Spiritus consilii et fortitudinis, Spiritus scientiae et pietatis; E t replebit e u m spiritus timoris D o m i n i . (11 : l - 3 a )

Since the time of Justin Martyr in the second century this passage was interpreted as having been fulfilled at the baptism of Christ, when the Spirit of God descended upon Him in the form of a dove. Christ received all the gifts as a permanent possession, while believers may receive them from Him for specific purposes. The Hebrew text of Isaiah lists only six gifts, namely wisdom, understanding, counsel, might, knowledge, and the fear of the Lord (11:2). The third verse then continues, "And his delight shall be in the fear of the Lord". (RSV) Already the Septuagint, a Greek translation of the Old Testament, connected this 'delight in the fear of the Lord' with the gifts and included piety as the sixth gift. All Latin translations follow the Greek text and list seven gifts. The first three centuries of Christian exegesis of the Isaiah prophecy were concerned mainly with a defence against the Jews. In the fourth century trinitarian and christological questions came to the fore, and Isa. 11:1-3 was used as proof for the humanity of Christ as well as for His deity and that of the Holy Spirit. The significance of the number seven was emphasized more now, and as a result the gifts were associated with other groups of seven from the Bible. Hilary of Poitiers (d. 368) went one step further by combining the statement from Ps. 110:10 ("initium sapientiae timor Domini") with the Isaiah text. For him the last gift, the fear of the For further information on the seven gifts, see Tillmanns, " D i e sieben Gaben", 6-21, who provides a useful summary of the topic.

12

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INTRODUCTION

Lord, thus became the basis for the other six gifts and there was established an inner relationship between the gifts. Ambrose (d. 397) also dealt with the quotation from the Psalms and interpreted the 'beginning of wisdom' to mean a renunciation of the world. He stated that the believer receives the seven gifts at baptism and that they are to help him reach maturity. Augustine combined the seven gifts with the beatitudes - he omits the eighth one - and with the requests of the Lord's Prayer. By means of the Lord's Prayer we ask for the gifts, he taught. The gifts and beatitudes represent levels on which we rise, from fear to wisdom, which is Christ Himself. The gifts of wisdom and understanding serve the contemplative, mystical life, while the other five gifts serve the active, earthly life. Gregory also wrote of the seven steps by which man arrives at eternal life, and he explained why the gifts, if they are related to man, are enumerated in the reverse order, namely from fear to wisdom. According to him, the gifts are effective aids in man's spiritual development. The doctrine regarding the seven gifts reached its high point in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. There was much discussion about the differences between the gifts and the virtues and which of these groups is superior. In very simple terms the result seems to be that the virtues help man in the natural side of life, while the gifts help him in the supernatural side. The gifts free man from his natural limitations so that he can more readily obey the divine directives. Often the gifts are given to help the virtues : one or more of the gifts are associated with a virtue to act against a cardinal sin or to remove the obstacles that may hinder the effectiveness of the virtues. In short, the Catholic Church teaches that the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit are supernatural aids to assist the Christian in overcoming his natural limitations. The symbolic value of the number seven has also contributed to the teaching about the gifts. Ambrose established the importance of this number by connecting it with the Spirit's seven gifts, which he called virtues: "Bonus septimus numerus... Septem enim virtutes principales sancii Spiritus propheta Esaias complexus est." 13 13

Epistolae (MPL, 16), 1185.

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Augustine referred to the prophet Isaiah and to the Revelation in attributing the number seven to the Holy Spirit.14 Near the end of the same work he associates the number seven with the Spirit even more clearly: "qui septenario numero significatur."15 Later writers simply repeat the notion that seven is in a unique way the number of the Holy Spirit.16 The nine charismata of the Holy Spirit as cited by Paul are mentioned only seldom in medieval German literature. Their enumeration is found in I Cor. 12:8-10: Alii quidem per Spiritum datur sermo sapientiae : alii autem sermo scientiae secundem eundem Spiritum : alteri fides in eodem Spiritu: alii gratia sanitatum in uno Spiritu : alii operatio virtutum, alii prophetia, alii discretio spiritum, alii genera linguarum, alii interpretatio sermonum.

These extraordinary manifestations of the Holy Spirit are intended for the common good of the church, and according to I Cor. 12 and 14 (and the book of Acts) they were in evidence in the Apostolic Church. In post-Apostolic times the manifestation of the charismata became infrequent, but not extinct.17 Among the Montanists in the second century, for instance, ecstatic religious experiences were encouraged, especially the exercise of the gifts of prophecy and of tongues. The famous Latin Father Tertullian gave the group considerable prestige by adopting their views. He affirmed that the spiritual charismata were seen frequently in his time. Irenaeus speaks of several miraculous gifts of the Spirit evident in his time, including prophecy and gifts of healing. Others who mention the charismata are Athanasius, Eusebius of Caesaria, Cyril of Jerusalem, Basil the Great, Gregory Nazianzen, Gregory of Nyssa, and 14 15 16 17

Enarrationes in Psalmos (MPL, 37), 1960. {MPL, 37), 1961. E.g., Isidore, Liber numerorum {MPL, 83), 187. See Morton T. Kelsey, Speaking with Tongues (London, 1964), 32-49.

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INTRODUCTION

Chrysostom. 18 After the fourth century there is little evidence that the nine charismata were practised within the Western Church. Augustine, for example, relegates speaking in tongues to a past age and describes it as a gift for the Apostolic era. It seems that the Church's view regarding the other gifts was similar. Since the German poets were in general orthodox Catholics, it is not surprising to find so few references to the charismata, even in works that deal in considerable detail with the Holy Spirit.

4. T R I N I T A R I A N

FORMULAE

Perhaps the best known reference to the Holy Spirit occurs in connection with the Biblical baptismal formula, which names all three members of the Trinity: "baptizantes eos in nomine Patris, et Filii, et Spiritus sancii" (Matt. 28:19). This formula is also used in special prayers for healing, protection, and salvation. In medieval times the trinitarian formula was spoken only at specified times during the liturgy but was used frequently along with the sign of the cross in private devotion.19. As acknowledgment of the Trinity, the most fundamental doctrine of Christianity, the sign of the cross, whether made on oneself or on an object, was held to possess a supernatural operative power if accompanied by the trinitarian formula. It could bestow divine grace upon the crossed person and afford divine protection against physical or spiritual danger. Consequently it is quite natural that many writers invoked the blessing and protection of the Trinity by using this formula. Medieval authors frequently refer to the Trinity by means of accepted formulae that seek to interpret the special attributes of each member of the Godhead. The first such formula stems from Augustine. Interpreting the Trinity from a psychological point of The testimony of these Fathers has been examined in three articles by Andrew T. Floris, "The Charismata in the Post-Apostolic Church", Paraclete, 3,4 (Fall 1969), 8-13; "Two Fourth-Century Witnesses on the Charismata", Paraclete, 4,4 (Fall, 1970), 17-22; "Chrysostom and the Charismata", Paraclete, 5,1 (Winter 1971), 17-22. 19 Robert Stroppel, Liturgie und geistliche Dichtung zwischen 1050 und 1300 (.Deutsche Forschungen, 17) (Frankfurt, 1927), 187. 18

INTRODUCTION

27

view, he designates the Father as memoria, the Son as intelligentia, and the Holy Spirit as voluntas (or sometimes caritas). Among other images of the Trinity, Augustine especially emphasizes the human soul. Just as the soul has three separate faculties (memory, understanding, will) which work inseparably and form a unity, so also the three persons of the Trinity unite to form one Godhead. Augustine gives the clearest formulation of the doctrine in his De Trinitate: "Mens imago Trinitatis in sui ipsius memoria, intelligentia et volúntate." 20 During the Middle Ages numerous Latin writers follow Augustine in making use of his trinitarian formula, among them Isidore of Seville, Alcuin, Rhabanus Maurus, Anselm of Canterbury, Honorius of Autun, Bernard of Clairvaux, and Hugo of St. Victor.21 As one example, one may note the concise formulation by Honorius of Autun: "Pater memoria, Filius intelligentia, Spiritus sanctus voluntas intelligitur."22 The Augustinian trinitarian formula was used not only by medieval German poets but also by the authors of sermons and religious pamphlets, thus furnishing further evidence that it was quite well known. In a work entitled Von der Erkenntnis der Wahrheit, which may be by David von Augsburg (ca. 1210/20-1271), the author declares succinctly : "An drin dingen ist dir der engel unde diu sêle gelîch: an der verstantnüsse, an dem vrien willen, an der gehügede."23 Later the same author uses caritas, the alternate form for voluntas, to designate the Holy Spirit.24 The so-called St. George Preacher, also from the thirteenth century, similarly interprets the Trinity by means of the Augustinian formula: "nu ist bi der gehúgde der vatter bezaichent an der schrift und der sun bi der vernunst und der hailig gaist bi der minne." 25 Just as intelligence comes from memory, he continues, so 20

(MPL, 42), 984. For a detailed list see Hartmut Freytag, Kommentar zur frühmittelhochdeutschen Summa Theologiae (Medium Aevum, 19) (München, 1970), 43-44. 22 Elucidarium (MPL, 172), 1111. 23 Franz Pfeiffer, Deutsche Mystiker des vierzehnten Jahrhunderts, I (Leipzig, 1845; reprint Aalen, 1962), 367,35-36. This work will be abbreviated as Pfeiffer. 24 Pfeiffer, I, 368. 25 Der sogenannte St. Georgener Prediger, ed. Karl Rieder ( D T M , 10) (Berlin, 1908), 234,19-21. 21

28

INTRODUCTION

the Son came (geborn und geflossen) from the Father, and as love comes from both memory and intelligence, so the Holy Spirit proceeds (flusset) from both the Father and the Son.26 Apparently because it was abstract and difficult to comprehend, the Augustinian formula never became as wide spread as the Abelardian formula. In this formula of the Trinity, which is generally attributed to Peter Abelard (1079-1142), the controversial French theologian, the Father is designated by potentia, the Son by sapientia, and the Holy Spirit by bonitas (or amor, caritas, or dilectio). These attributes for the members of the Trinity also stem from Augustine, but he never combined them into a formula. This task was apparently accomplished by Abelard, who writes in his Introductio ad theologiam: "Quod autem nomine Patris divina potentia, nomine vero Filii seu Verbi divina sapientia, nomine Spiritus Sancii ipsa Dei benignatis seu Charitas specialiter exprimatur, nec nos auctoritas nec ratio subterfuget." 27 Other theologians of the time are also familiar with the formula, namely William of Conches, Hugo of St. Victor, Bonaventura, and Thomas Aquinas. 28 The Abelardian formula occurs also in medieval German sermons and other theological works. The German Lucidarius, for instance, a brief catalogue of secular and religious knowledge composed near the end of the twelfth century, uses it to express the idea of the triune nature of God : "in Gote sint drie naturen, daz ist der gewalt, unde die wisheit, unde die michel guothe." 29 In a sermon on the Trinity from the Oberaltaicher Collection, which may still have been composed in the twelfth century, the author speaks of the Father, of wisdom (the Son), and of love (the Holy Spirit) ; he does not associate power with the Father. 30 The St. George Preacher not 26

Freytag, Kommentar, 44, does not mention the St. George Preacher, but he cites a reference from Tauler; see also R. Hebert, "Eine alemannische Fronleichnamspredigt", ZfdPh, 34 (1902), 56. 27 (MPL, 178), 991. 28 Ingrid Ochs, Wolframs 'WillehaW-Eingang {Medium Aevum, 14) (München, 1968), 31. 29 Ed. Felix Heidlauf (DTM, 28) (Berlin, 1915), 3,18-19. 30 Anton E. Schönbach, Altdeutsche Predigten, II (Graz, 1888; reprint Darmstadt, 1964), 115-116. This important collection of sermons will hereafter be cited simply as Schönbach.

INTRODUCTION

29

only uses the Augustinian formula, as was seen above, but also the Abelardian. 31 In Von der Erkenntnis der Wahrheit, the tract cited previously, the author combines the two formulae, associating power with memory, wisdom with understanding, and goodness with will, and he uses the Abelardian formula by itself too. 32

5. SYMBOLS FOR THE HOLY SPIRIT

Drawing on the Bible as well as on patristic writings, the German poets make use of various symbols to represent the Holy Spirit and His attributes ; the most common symbols are the dove, fire, water, wind, oil, and clouds. The use of the symbol of the dove for the Spirit goes back to the account of creation in Gen. 1:2, "Spiritus Dei ferebatur super aquas", whereby the image of a bird is implied. A more direct basis, is the dove Noah sent out of the ark to determine the level of the receding water (Gen. 8:8-12). In allegorical interpretation Noah's dove is a préfiguration of the Holy Spirit.33 More important, however, for establishing the dove as a fixed symbol for the Spirit are the Gospel narratives of Christ's baptism, at which time the Holy Spirit came upon Him in the form of a dove (e.g., Matt. 3:16). Some medieval theologians also explain the dove symbol by reference to Christ's words about the harmless nature of the dove (Matt. 10:16). Isidore, for example, no doubt has this passage in mind: "Spiritus sanctus idcirco in Columbae specie venisse scribitur, ut natura ejus per avem simplicitatis et innocentiae declaretur." 34 The symbol of the dove speaks, among other things, of the purity of the Holy Spirit, of His heavenly origin, and of peace. The association of the dove with the Spirit, particularly in connection with Christ's baptism, can be found repeatedly in medieval 31

St. Georgener Prediger, 234. Pfeiffer, I, 366-367, 368, 386; for other references in thirteenth-century sermons, see Franz Pfeiffer, Altdeutsches Uebungsbuch (Wien, 1866), 179; "Bruder David von Augsburg", ZfdA, 9 (1853), 9, 10, 15, 16, 17, 37, 48, 49, 50; "Drei Predigten aus dem XIII. Jahrhundert", Germania, 7 (1863), 340. 33 E.g., Honorius of Autun, Speculum ecclesiae {MPL, 172), 964. 34 Etymologarium (MPL, 82), 270. 32

30

INTRODUCTION

German sermons. One of the most detailed treatments of the dove symbol occurs in the sermon De Spiritu sancto by the Schwarzwälder Preacher. 35 This will serve as just one example. He discusses seven attributes of the dove which signify similar qualities of the Holy Spirit. Firstly, the dove is without gall, and the Spirit wants to make us without gall and bitterness. Secondly, the dove cries; the Spirit wants to make us cry over our sins. Thirdly, the dove nests in a rock with holes ; the Spirit wants to help us rest in such a stone, which is Christ with His five wounds. Fourthly, the dove likes to fly above the water; the Spirit wants to teach us to sit on the water, which is the Scripture. Fifthly, the dove is patient, and we are to become patient with the Spirit's help. Sixthly, the dove does not harm the corn or other birds ; similarly the Spirit wants to help us so that we do not harm others. And finally, the dove is compassionate, and so the Holy Spirit wants to make us compassionate. A second common symbol for the Holy Spirit is fire, both in New Testament and in medieval times. The basis for this symbol is found in John the Baptist's prophecy about the coming Messiah, "ipse vos baptizabit in Spiritu sancto et igni" (Matt. 3:11), and in the narrative of the Spirit's descent on the Day of Pentecost, "Et apparuerunt illis dispertitae linguae tanguam ignis, seditque supra singulos eorum" (Acts 2:3). Isidore of Seville, for example, explains the symbol of fire by reference to the unusual phenomona recorded in Acts. 36 According to these two Biblical passages, the symbol of fire represents the Spirit as the divine refiner and inspirer. In the Old Testament, fire signified the presence of the Lord (Exod. 3:2), His protection (Exod. 13:21), His approval (Lev. 9:24), and His judging, sanctifying, cleansing power (Lev. 10:2; Isa. 6:1-8). These meanings were continued in their association with the Spirit in New Testament and subsequent times. One of the most comprehensive treatments in medieval German of the Holy Spirit as fire can be found in Strieker's Vom heiligen Geist (105-202).37 He discusses five properties of fire: it gives light 35

Franz K. Grieshaber, Deutsche Predigten des XIII. Jahrhunderts, I (Stuttgart, 1844), 31-33. Hereafter this work will be referred to as Grieshaber. 36 (MPL, 82), 270; see also (MPL, 197), 451 and 468; (MPL, 172), 964. 37 Ute Schwab, Die bisher unveröffentlichten geistlichen Bispelreden des Strickers (Göttingen, 1959), 49-73.

INTRODUCTION

31

and warmth, it hardens and softens, and it destroys. Each of these properties is connected with a similar ministry of the Spirit in the soul and life of man. The so-called St. George Preacher also discusses the Spirit as fire in his sermon Von dem hailgen gaist.3ñ The preacher begins by stating that the Holy Spirit, like fire, can harden soft hearts and soften hard ones. Furthermore, fire cannot be concealed, and similarly one will see outward evidence if the Spirit's fire is in the soul. In some of the sermons from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries the authors simply speak of the fire of the Holy Spirit and His enflaming ministry in the soul of man. 3 9 Another common symbol for the Holy Spirit in the New Testament is water; the use of this symbol is based on Christ's words about the Spirit in John 7:38-39: "Qui credit in me, sicut dicit Scriptura, ilumina de ventre eius fluent aquae vivae. Hoc autem dixit de Spiritu." Isidore bases his remarks concerning the symbol of water on these verses. 40 And Richard of St. Victor, a twelfthcentury theologian, also refers to John 7 when he compares the grace of the Holy Spirit with the waters of life. 41 Under the symbol of water the medieval authors seek to illustrate several attributes of the Holy Spirit. As one of the four basic elements, water is essential to physical life; similarly the Spirit is essential to spiritual life. Water refreshes, and so does the Holy Spirit. Water quenches thirst, and similarly He quenches evil desires and thoughts. And finally, water cleanses, and so does the Spirit. In German homiletic literature there is a detailed discussion of the Holy Spirit as water in the sermon on the Spirit, cited above, by the so-called St. George Preacher, who speaks of Him as a fountain. 4 2 The cool fountain quenches the thirst, man can see himself in 38

St. Georgener Prediger, 58-59. For example, Grieshaber, I, 34; Adalbert Jeitteles, Altdeutsche Predigten aus dem Benedictinerstifte St. Paul in Kärnten (Innsbruck, 1878), 81, 114 - this work will now be cited as Jeitteles; Hermann Leyser, Deutsche Predigten des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts (BNL, 11,2) (Quedlinburg und Leipzig, 1838; reprint Darmstadt, 1970), 89 - abbreviated simply as Leyser; Pfeiffer, I, 394; Schönbach, I, 24; III, 24; and Philipp Strauch, "Alemannische Predigtbruchstücke", ZfdPh, 30 (1898), 194. 40 (MPL, 82), 270. 41 {MPL, 196), 492. 42 St. Georgener Prediger, 58-59. 39

32

INTRODUCTION

the fountain, and man washes in the fountain. Then the preacher gives a moral interpretation of these qualities of water. The Holy Spirit quenches the heat and the thirst of the world ; man sees himself in the clear fountain of the Spirit, recognizes his sins and the need for penitence and confession, and becomes aware of the danger that might come to him from the world, the devil, and his own body; and finally, the soul washes in the fountain of the Spirit, and His grace illuminates the soul. Strieker, in his Vom heiligen Geist, also deals briefly with the symbol of water (17-40), stressing in particular the cleansing ministry of the Spirit. The third basic element, wind (or air), is also used as a symbol for the Holy Spirit. The association of the Spirit and the wind is based ultimately on one of the primary meanings of the Hebrew ruach, the word for Spirit. The same word is also used to mean breath, wind, or air. Gen. 2 : 7 states that God breathed into Adam the breath of life, that is, His own Spirit (ruach). The Greek pneuma and Latin spiritus both kept the physical and spiritual meaning of the Hebrew original. The association of the Holy Spirit with wind was no doubt reinforced by two important New Testament references: John 3:8, "Spiritus ubi vult spirat", and Acts 2:2, "et factus est repente de cáelo sonus, tanquam advenientis spiritus vehementis". The wind speaks of life and of power. The symbol was common throughout the Middle Ages in Latin and in German works. Hugo of St. Victor, a twelfth-century writer, for example, clearly interprets the wind - for him it is specifically the east wind - as representing the Holy Spirit. 43 In German works the St. George Preacher also has the east wind signify the Spirit, who comes into the heart after the north wind (i.e., sin) has been driven from the heart and enables man to do good works. 44 In another German sermon the south wind signifies the Holy Spirit, who like the wind warms and encourages productivity. 45 Oil is another common Biblical and post-Biblical symbol for the Holy Spirit. It may be referred to as the oleum, the unctio, or the 43 44 45

(MPL, 177), 20. St. Georgener Prediger, Leyser, 92.

160.

INTRODUCTION

33

chrisma. The use of this symbol goes back to the Old Testament, where special persons (and buildings) were consecrated to God's service by an anointing with oil that frequently represented the reception of the Holy Spirit. The prophet Elisha was to be anointed for his office (I Kings 19:16); Aaron and his sons were anointed as priests (Exod. 30:30) ; and David was anointed as king by Samuel (I Sam. 16:13). In the New Testament the principal basis for this symbol is the reference to Christ's anointing by the Holy Spirit: "quomodo unxit eum Deus Spiritu sancto" (Acts 10:38; see also Luke 4:18). It is generally held that Christ was anointed by the Spirit at His baptism. In Greek the very name Christ means 'the anointed one'. Consequently, His followers, the Christians, it was taught, also were anointed by the Spirit: "Et vos unctionem, quam accepistis ab eo, maneat in vobis" (I John 2:27; see also 2:20). From references such as these the Holy Spirit came to be equated with the unctio and was then commonly referred to under this symbol in medieval theology and literature. Isidore, for example, mentions the passages from I John to show why the Holy Spirit is called the unctio,46 Rupert of Deutz interprets the liturgical oil as symbol of the Spirit.47 In German sermons there are occasional references to the oil of the Holy Spirit. In one from the Oberaltaicher Collection the author asserts that David was a chosen prophet, anointed by the Spirit's oil.48 The St. George Preacher speaks of Christ the anointed one and then goes on to declare that the Holy Spirit is the anointing (salb) of t h e C h r i s t i a n . 4 9

A somewhat unusual symbol for the Spirit is clouds or in particular the pillar of cloud, which may mean either the pillar of cloud that guided the Israelites during their journey through the wilderness (Exod. 13:21), or the cloud that descended on the holy tabernacle (Exod. 34:9-10). Rhabanus Maurus, the famous abbot of Fulda, teaches that in mystical interpretation clouds signify the incarnation of Christ. However, as he interprets the baptism and 48 47 48 49

(MPL, 82), 270; see also (MPL, 96), 138. (MPL, 170), 23; see also (MPL, 172), 962. Schönbach, II, 140; see also Pfeiffer, I, 319-320. St. Georgener Prediger, 297.

34

INTRODUCTION

transfiguration of Christ, he expands this view. The cloud that descended on the mount of transfiguration (Matt. 17:5), Rhabanus interprets, represented the Holy Spirit.50 In the twelfth century Bruno Astensis interprets the column of cloud which led the people of Israel as the grace of the Holy Spirit that illuminates man and keeps him from sin and error. 51 In vernacular sermons of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries I found only one reference to the Holy Spirit symbolized by clouds. The Schwarzwälder Preacher, like Rhabanus, refers to the Mount of Transfiguration as his starting point, and then he provides an allegorical interpretation of the symbol.52 6. ARTISTIC REPRESENTATIONS

The use of the symbols discussed above is closely connected with representations of the Holy Spirit in Christian art. 53 The most common, and earliest, symbol is the dove. It appears in art as early as the second century. By the time of the Council of Nicea (325) the dove had become the unambiguous symbol for the Spirit, and its use was formally approved by the Council of Constantinople in 536. Thus it became the traditional symbol even in depictions of the Trinity - the Holy Spirit is usually represented as a dove hovering between the Father and the Son. It is found in those representations of Biblical accounts which tell of the activity and presence of the Holy Spirit, such as the baptism of Christ, where the dove usually hovers directly above His head, the annunciation, the descent of the Spirit on the Day of Pentecost, and even occasionally the birth of Christ. In scenes of the creation the Spirit is portrayed as a dove brooding over the waters. In portrayals of the seven gifts these sometimes appear as seven doves. In scenes of the Day of Pentecost already the early ones make use of the dove in addition to the tongues of fire - these may proceed from the dove. 60

(A/PL, 111), 276. (MPL, 164), 264. 52 Grieshaber, I, 31, 33. 53 The following survey is drawn primarily from M.-D. Beck, "Heiliger Geist in der Kunst", Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart, II (Tübingen, 1958), 128990; and Wolfgang Braunfels, Die heilige Dreifaltigkeit (Düsseldorf, 1954). 51

INTRODUCTION

35

However, already early in the Middle Ages the Holy Spirit could be depicted anthropomorphically as well. The representation of the Trinity as three similar figures was based primarily on the typological interpretation of the three men who visited Abraham (Gen. 18:1-2). Writers and artists often interpreted these three angels as a symbolic manifestation of the Trinity. Three persons also appear in depictions of the creation of man, of the counsel within the Godhead, and of the crowning of the Virgin Mary. Sometimes the divine persons are differentiated in that the Father is shown as an old man, the Son as a mature man, and the Holy Spirit as a young man. From the tenth century on, the Holy Spirit is also depicted in human form without reference to the Trinity : sometimes as a child floating in a basket over the primeval chaos, sometimes as a boy or youth, sometimes as an adult, and sometimes as an old man. Since the thirteenth century the Trinity is sometimes represented by a striking figure by means of which the artists sought to portray visually the mystery of the triune Godhead. This figure could take on various forms: three heads and three bodies grafted together, three heads grafted on one body, or one head with three faces. Such representations, however, were labelled as heretical by Bishop Antoninus of Florence (1389-1459) and as monstra by Cardinal Bellarmine (1542-1621). Although Pope Urban VIII in 1628 expressly forbade the use of the three-headed figure as representation for the Trinity, it was never completely repressed. In 1745 Pope Benedict XIV warned about depicting the Trinity as three similar men and urged that either the dove or the tongues of fire be used to represent the Holy Spirit. 7. LINGUISTIC BACKGROUND

The Latin word spiritus, from which we take our word spirit, is a translation of the Greek pneuma, which in turn rendered the Hebrew ruach.5i Ruach seems to have had five major areas of mean54 For more details on this subject, see Werner Betz, "Die frühdeutschen spiritus-Übersetzungen und die Anfänge des Wortes 'Geist'", Liturgie und Mönchtum, 20 (1957), 48-55; and Ernst Lutze, "Die germanischen Übersetzungen von spiritus und pneuma", diss. Bonn, 1960.

36

INTRODUCTION

ing: theological (i.e., Spirit of God, Spirit as a gift, and Spirit given for a specific task), demonological (angels and devils), anthropological-psychological (spirit of man, disposition, courage, and anger), physiological (breath of life or simply breath), and physical (wind). Before Christianity, pneuma and spiritus had only the last three meanings, which served as a bridge for adopting the other two, the theological and demonological. In Christian documents the Greek word pneuma took over the theological and demonological meanings from the Hebrew ruach, and the Latin spiritus in turn took over these meanings from pneuma, so that spiritus in the Christian era had all five areas of meaning. In this investigation I am particularly concerned with the theological meaning of Spiritus: Spirit of God, the Holy Spirit as a person - not found in Hebrew texts - and the Spirit as a gift. The first translation of the theological concept of Spiritus (actually pneuma) into a Germanic language was Gothic ahma in Wulfila's translation of the Bible. To render pneuma, he consistently used only ahma, which apparently is connected with the Gothic words aha ('mind', 'intellect') and ahjan ('to believe', 'to think'). 55 When Christianity was introduced to the West Germanic world in the seventh and eighth centuries, there was no native word that could render the Latin spiritus in all of its meanings. In the O H G period two translations for Spiritus - the capital S is used to denote the theological meaning - stand side by side: atum, the South German word for breath, and geist, a loanword from AngloSaxon. In the O H G Glosses the most usual translation for Spirit is atum (I 30,53; 34,118; 218,7; 326,2; 549,11; 729,28; 733,58; 733, 63).56 However, geist occurs on one occasion (III 14,5). Similarly in the South German Murbacher Hymnen, atum predominates, but once the translator uses geist (11,6,3), and once he uses atum as well as geist (III,6,4). 57 In the Reichenau translation of the Benediktinerregel we generally find atum except in the prologue where we find

55

Lutze, "Übersetzungen", 133-137. Die althochdeutschen Glossen, ed. Elias Steinmeyer and Eduard Sievers, 5 vols. (Berlin, 1879-1922; reprint Zürich, 1969). 57 Ed. Eduard Sievers (Halle, 1874). 56

INTRODUCTION

37

58

geist (193,4). The Bavarian Exhortatio translates Spiritus only once and that, as might be expected, by atum (II); 5 9 similarly the South Rhine Franconian Bruchstück einer Beichte (2).60 But the loanword geist penetrates quite substantially into one South German work, the Weissenburger Katechismus, which translates Spiritus by atum only twice (53, 118).61 Throughout the translation of the Athanasian Creed, however, this translator consistently uses geist. And the St. Galler Paternoster uses geist in both of its translations for Spiritus (10,14). 62 In South Germany the physiological meaning of the native word atum ('breath') was thus extended to include the theological concept of the Holy Spirit or God's Spirit. Geist, on the other hand, was a specific word used by the Anglo-Saxon missionaries and was brought by them into Germany. The gradual replacement of atum must be viewed in the larger context of the North-South linguistic influence brought about by the increasing importance of the northern missionary activity centered at Fulda. Under AngloSaxon influence the northern terminology of Christianity came into contact with the southern terminology, and the two exerted a mutual influence on each other. In general, the South German terms remained the dominant ones. However, geist, the northern term, became the dominant translation for Spiritus, perhaps because it was not burdened in German with profane usage and because it occurred in a sacred formula. Although geist soon became the common form - all the other OHG documents use only geist - atum maintained itself in isolated cases until the end of the twelfth century. In the Vorau Manuscript of the Ezzolied it occurs twice (403, 413).63 Also in the first half of 58 Elias von Steinmeyer, Die kleineren althochdeutschen Sprachdenkmäler (Berlin, 1916; reprint 1963), No. XXXVI. This anthology will be cited from now on as Steinmeyer. 59 Steinmeyer, No. IX. 80 Steinmeyer, No. XLVII. 61 Steinmeyer, No. VI. 62 Steinmeyer, No. V. 63 Friedrich Maurer, Die religiösen Dichtungen des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts, 3 vols, (Tübingen, 1964-70), I, No. 7. This important collection of early MHG texts will be cited simply as Maurer. All references to his edition will be quoted as short lines, even though Maurer prints the poems in volumes 1 and 2 as long

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INTRODUCTION

the twelfth century Frau Ava once uses atum in her Leben Jesu (71),64 as does the author of the Milstätter Sündenklage (280).65 And even in the second half of the twelfth century atum can still be found as translation for Spiritus in Priester Wernher's Maria (A. 2405; D.2743).66 The German translations for sanctus are wiho and heilec, the former generally used with atum and the latter with geist. However, in at least two cases the South German atum was replaced by the loanword geist without the usual corresponding replacement of wiho by heilec. Hence the St. Galler Paternoster has the rare combination of fona uuihemu keiste (10) and in uuihan keist (14). Similarly the Murbacher Hymnen once has the form mit uuihemu keist (II,6). 67 The twelfth-century poets using atum translate sanctus by heilec, thus giving rise to the equally rare combination of heiliger âtem. The most common forms, however, are wiho atum and heiliger geist, with the latter soon predominating.

lines. The numbering will be according to the usual consecutive line numbers, which are always given in the right hand margin, since it would introduce unnecessary confusion to use Maurer's own system of numbering according to individual strophes. 64 Maurer, II, No. 41. 65 Maurer, II, No. 24. ββ Ed. Carl Wesle, 2nd ed. by Hans Fromm (ATB, 26) (Tübingen, 1969). 67 Betz, Liturgie und Mönchtum, 20, 49, apparently was not aware of this combination in the Murbacher Hymnen.

II OLD HIGH GERMAN DOCUMENTS

1. CATECHISM AL AND HOMILETIC DOCUMENTS

Beginning with the earliest documents of the OHG period there are numerous references in medieval German literature to the Holy Spirit and His ministries. As might be expected, most of them occur in religious works. Especially in the OHG documents, mention of the Holy Spirit is often purely formulaic: it is required by the structure of the work in which it appears. These formulaic references to the third person of the Trinity occur most frequently in the catechismal and homiletic documents (i.e., baptismal vows, catechisms, confessions of faith, prayers, and sermons). The primary purpose of these early works is to explain in simple terms the mystery of the Trinity and other important tenets of the Christian faith. In the OHG translations of catechismal and homiletic works the reference to the Holy Spirit is almost always part of the established Christian formula, of which the most important part is the affirmation of faith in the Holy Trinity. The pattern is generally the same. The baptismal vows, for example, consist of two parts: the abrenuntiatio and the confessio. In the first part the catachumen by answering three questions renounces the devil, his works, and his pomp. Similarly, in the second part he affirms the Christian faith by answering three questions regarding the Trinity. The simplest form of this confession at baptism is found in the Sächsisches Taufgelöbnis,1 Having renounced the devil (1-6), the catachumen is asked to affirm his faith in the Trinity : 1

Steinmeyer, No. III.

40

OLD HIGH GERMAN DOCUMENTS gelobistu in ec g e l o b o gelobistu in ec gelobo gelobistu in ec gelobo

got alamehtigan fadaer? in got alamehtigan fadaer. Crist, godes suno? in Crist, gotes suno. halogan gast? in halogan gast. (7-10)

The Fränkisches Taufgelöbnis similarly begins with the renunciation of the devil (1-5).2 The confession of faith follows with the same questions concerning belief in the three persons of the Godhead but then adds four more questions concerning the unity of the Trinity, the church, baptism, and life after death (6-13). The question regarding the unity of the Trinity is of some interest: "Gilaubistu einan got almahtigan in thrinisse inti in einisse?" (9) As in the three preceding cases, the answer is simply: "Ih gilaubu." (10) This question about the unity of the three persons within the Godhead, which comes from the Athanasian Creed, forms an essential part of orthodox doctrine. There are of course also simple declarations of faith in the Holy Spirit in the early translations of the creeds. The St. Galler Paternoster und Credo, a literal translation of the Lord's Prayer (1-6) and of the Apostles' Creed (7-16), renders the Latin "credo in spiritum sanctum" by "kilaubu in uuihan keist" (14).3 In the same way the article "qui conceptus est de spiritu sancto" is translated almost word by word : "der inphangan ist fona uuihemu keiste" (9-10). Similar affirmations occur in the Weißenburger Katechismus, a compilation of five works concerning Christian doctrine: the Lord's Prayer (1-37), an enumeration of twenty cardinal sins (3846), the Apostles' Creed (47-55), the Athanasian Creed (56-109), and the Gloria (110-118).4 The translation of the Apostles' Creed repeats literally the article concerning the conception of Christ by the Holy Spirit (48-49) and that concerning faith in the third person of the Trinity (53).5 A substantial part of the Athanasian Creed 2

Steinmeyer, N o . IV. Steinmeyer, N o . V. 4 Steinmeyer, No. VI. 5 Ursala R. Mahlendorf, "OS gêst: OHG geist", JEGP, 59 (1960), 485, fails to list this reference in her study. 3

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deals with the doctrine of the Trinity (58-87). The Trinity is viewed as an eternal unity, the Son begotten by the Father in eternity and the Holy Spirit proceeding from the Father and the Son from eternity. Each is a distinct person, yet at the same time the three are the one true God. Furthermore, each has the attributes of deity: each is uncreated, infinite, eternal, and omnipotent. The Gloria of the Weißenburger Katechismus ends with a common formulaic reference to the Trinity: "Heilento Christ, mit uuihen adume In guatlichi gotes fateres." (117-118) Notker the German (d. 1022) in his Katechismus, of which we have two versions, translated and commented on, in some instances, the Lord's Prayer (A. 1-25; B. 1-18), the Apostles' Creed (A. 26-62; B. 19-37), and the Athanasian Creed (A. 63-220; Β. 38-113).6 In the Apostles' Creed the article about the conception of Christ by the Holy Spirit is translated without further comment (A. 35-36; B. 24-25). However, the article "credo in spiritum sanctum" is rendered freely, to indicate the doctrines of the double procession of the Holy Spirit and of the unity of the Trinity: "Gelóubo an dén héiligen Geist, der fone pâtre et filio chumet unde sament in ein Gót ist." (Α. 51-52; Β. 31-33) Unlike the Weißenburger Katechismus (58-87), Notker's translation of that part of the Athanasian Creed dealing with the Trinity not only translates but also attempts to explain the Latin original (A.69-167; B.40-86). Formulaic references to the Holy Spirit continue to occur in the various Glauben und Beichten, which date from the ninth to the twelfth centuries. As in the baptismal vows and the creeds, these confessions affirm faith in the three persons of the Trinity and in the unity of the triune Godhead. 7 Of some interest is the Bamberger Glauben und Beichte, which is more independent than the others. 8 In the confession of faith in the Trinity it alludes to the doctrine of 6 Karl Miillenhoff and Wilhelm Scherer, Denkmäler deutscher Poesie und Prosa aus dem VIII-XII Jahrhundert, 3rd ed. by Elias Steinmeyer, 2 vols. (Berlin, 1892; reprint 1964), No. LXXIX. This collection of texts will now be referred to as MSD. 7 Steinmeyer, Nos. XXVIII,135,12-21W; XLVII,l-3; LIII,1-4; LIV,16-18; LV,343,19-22; LVI,18-24; LVII,2-6; LVIII,2-5; LIX,1-17; LX,l-6; LXI,l-5. Mahlendorf, JEGP, 59, 485, does not cite XLVII,l-3. 8 Steinmeyer, No. XXVIII.

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the double procession (135,12-17) and in the vein of the Athanasian Creed gives a fuller statement concerning the mystery of the Holy Trinity (135,17-136,19). Following the pattern of the Apostles' Creed, the Glauben und Beichten in some cases also mention the supernatural conception of Christ through the power of the Holy Spirit.9 In translating this article of the creed there are only slight variations. The Bamberger Glauben und Beichte speaks of the incarnation as being "uone demo tougenen wérche des heiligosten geistis" (136,30-31), an idea not found elsewhere in the OHG documents. The confessions of sin themselves contain only one reference to the Holy Spirit. In the pura confessio of the Benediktbeurer Glauben und Beichte III the author humbly prays that God will forgive his sins because of, among other things, the grace of the Holy Spirit (102-105).10 The same author in the consolatio indulgentie prays: "Antlaz aller iwer sunden, vristmal iwers lebenes, bezzerunge iwer werche, riwigiz herze, staticheit guotis lebenes ruoch iu ze verlihen mit den gnaden des heiligen geistis unser herre der almahtige gôt an disem lebene. Amen." (123-126)11 According to the Lorscher Beichte the priest says the following Latin benediction over the penitent sinner: "Benedicat te deus pater, custodiat te deus filius, inluminet te deus spiritus sanctus." (47-48)12 There are also a few brief references to the third person of the Trinity in some of the OHG sermons and prayers. The author of the Exhortatio adplebem christianum, for instance, begins by addressing himself to the congregation and solemnly instructing it to listen to the true faith, which was inspired by God and instituted by the Apostles (1-8).13 This faith, he continues, is expressed in only a few words but contains great mysteries (8-11). The reason for the brevity is then explained: "uuiho atum cauuisso dem maistron dera christanheiti dem uuihom potom sinem deisu uuort thictota suslihera churtnassi, daz diu allem christanem za galauppenne ist ia 9

Steinmeyer, Nos. XXVIII,135,22-24W; XXVIII, 136.30-35B; LVI,26; LVII.8; LIX.3-4; LX,6-7; LXI.6-7. 10 Steinmeyer, No. LX. 11 See also Steinmeyer, No. LVI,74-78, where only the Latin text is quoted. 13 Steinmeyer, No. XLVI. 13 Steinmeyer, No. IX.

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auh simplun za pigehanne, daz alle farstantan mahtin ia in hucti cahapen." (11-19) The Geistliche Ratschläge, also a homiletic document, is the first German work in which the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit are associated with seven of the famous Old Testament saints.14 It is the one instance where men are endowed with the Spirit. There is simply an enumeration after the introductory statement that there are seven gifts and that they were divided among the patriarchs (29-30): Adam had the spirit of wisdom, Noah the spirit of intellect, Abraham the spirit of counsel, Isaac the spirit of fortitude, Jacob the spirit of knowledge, Moses the spirit of godliness and David the spirit of the fear of the Lord (31-37). The author concludes with the assertion that all of these gifts rested on Jesus Christ (38), and that He with His wisdom created and redeemed us and wrote our name in heaven (38-40).15 Otloh, the author of a German prayer in prose, enumerates seven requests in the first part (1-26).16 In the sixth petition he prays that God may impart to him all those qualities pleasing to Him (20-21). He makes his request because of the merits of Christ's birth, His passion, His holy cross, His resurrection, His ascension, and because of the grace and comfort of the Holy Spirit (21-24). Recognizing the role of the Spirit in helping man overcome the deceits of the devil, Otloh goes on to pray in the last petition : "Mit demo trosti mih unta starchi mih wider alle uara, uuider alle spensti des leidigin uiantes." (24-26) In the benedictions said for the benefit of travellers there are also a few references to the Holy Spirit. The Münchner Ausfahrtsegen contains only a Latin formulaic mention : "In nomine domini nostri Jhesu Christi... et in nomine spiritus sancii." (33-34)17 The author of the Tobiassegen prays that God may bring the traveller home safely and that Christ may give him a good trip (32-43).18 Then he prays succinctly: "der heilic geist dich bewar" 14 15

Steinmeyer, N o . XXXI. For a discussion of the possible sources for this work, consult MSD, II,

417-418. 18 17 18

Steinmeyer, N o . XXXV. MSD, No. XLVII,3. MSD, No. X L VII,4.

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(44). Several of the manuscripts (Cdef), it should be pointed out, read der helige engil for der heilic geist. After line 56 - in ef they appear before line 55 - Manuscript C contains two lines which again stress the protective ministry of the Spirit : "des heligen geistes siben geben lazen dih mit haile leben." 19 These lines are missing in Manuscripts Abd; MSD (II, 296) maintain that they are a later addition resulting from the insertion of engil in place of geist in line 44. Manuscript C concludes after line 94 with the brief prayer that the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit may protect the traveller. Manuscript f, on the other hand, reads : "der vater und der sun und der hailig gaist, der sey deins gefertes voleist..." 20 This writer ascribes the protective role particularly to the Holy Spirit, while the writer of Manuscript C clearly ascribes it to all three members of the Trinity. The other manuscripts conclude differently: may the holy cross be above you, on your right hand, and on your left hand - a trinitarian form is no doubt intended - and may it be a shield against all mishap and enemies (131-134). Only the Trinity can accomplish this (134-135).

2. INTERLINEAR TRANSLATIONS

The Benediktinerregel, an early ninth-century German translation of the famous Latin Rule, names the Holy Spirit only twice.21 In the first instance - in the prologue of the Rule - it is merely a translation of the injunction from Rev. 2:7: "der eigi oorun horendo hoore huuaz keist qhuede samanungu" (193,3-5). At the end of the seventh section (De humilitate) the Rule teaches that the monk who has passed through the various stages of humility arrives at the perfect love of God (217,22-27). He will now do everything for the love of Christ, because of habit and because of delight in virtue (217,27-218,4). God will make this evident in His servant, free of mistakes and sins, through the Holy Spirit (218,4-8). 19

MSD, I, 187. MSD, I, 190. 21 Steinmeyer, No. XXXVI. This work has also been edited recently by Ursala Daab, Die althochdeutsche Benediktinerregel (ATB, 50) (Tübingen, 1959). 20

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Another interlinear translation from the OHG period is the work known as the Murbacher Hymnen.'2·2' They are a translation of twenty-six Ambrosian hymns, perhaps intended to instruct foreign monks in the language of the people. Most frequently the Holy Spirit is named in relation to the other two persons of the Trinity. 23 These passages require no further comment. Regarding the question of the procession, one hymn affirms that God through the Son is the source of the Holy Spirit (VI,2). In another strophe the third person of the Trinity is called the Spirit of the Father (XXIII,4). The hymns also contain references to the radiance of the Spirit being imparted to man's senses (111,2), to the spiritual intoxication produced by the Spirit (111,6), to the fullness of the Spirit (VIII, 10), to the original descent of the Spirit (XI,2), to the will of the Spirit (XXII,7), and to singing in the Spirit (IX,3 ; XII,2; XIII,3).

3. THEOLOGICAL PROSE

Like the creeds, the OHG Isidor, a translation of the De fide catholica contra Iudaeos by Isidore of Seville, also stresses the indivisibility of the Trinity.24 The author has compiled a large number of Old Testament passages which prefigure the doctrine of the Trinity and the deity of Christ. In the third section, which deals with the deity of Christ, the German translator has inserted an independent reference to the Holy Spirit where it is probably not warranted. The Latin sentence, "Qui dum idem christus secundem carnem sit filius dauid, In spiritu tarnen dominuseius et deus est" is rendered as follows: "Dhoh christus in dhes fleisches liihhamin sii dauides sunu, Oh ir ist chiuuisso in dhemu heilegin gheiste got ioh druhtin." (207-309) The phrase in spiritu probably refers to Christ's spirit as opposed to His body and not likely to the Holy Spirit. Quoting from 2 Sam. 23:2, the author then adduces further evidence that Christ is God 22 Ed. Eduard Sievers (Halle, 1874). These hymns have now also been edited by Ursala Daab, Drei Reichenauer Denkmäler der altalemannischen Frühzeit (ATB, 57) (Tübingen, 1963), 29-76. 23 See 1,1-2; 11,6; VI,2,7; XIX,12; XXII,7; XXIII,4; XXIV,16; XXVa.l; XXVI,5. 24 Ed. Hans Eggers (ATB, 63) (Tübingen, 1964).

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(209-214). Here there is only a passing reference to the Spirit in the Biblical phrase Druhtines gheist (213). In the same section the deity of the Holy Spirit is also defended by means of the quotation from Job 33:4-6, which speaks of Him as the divine creator (240-249). Dealing with the significance of the Trinity, the fourth section contains the most references to the Holy Spirit. The opening lines state the central argument: "Araugit ist in dhes aldin uuizssodes boohhum dhazs fater endi sunu endi heilac gheist got sii." (252253) The Jews, however, do not believe this doctrine regarding the Trinity, because they believe that God is one (253-257). They do not know that the three persons of the Godhead are at the same time only one (257-261). The first proof passage is again 2 Sam. 23:1-3 (262-272). While the Latin has a pronoun (quis) to refer back to the Spiritus domini of the Biblical text, it is significant that the German translator repeats the noun gheist in line 269, no doubt for greater emphasis. 25 The phrase Gotes gheist, the author goes on to affirm, clearly means the Holy Spirit (273-276). Similarly the reference to the Spirit in Ps. 32:6 is an evident mention of the third person of the Trinity (276-284). Continuing to use references concerning the creation, Isidore goes on to quote Ps. 147:18 and Gen. 1:1-2 as further proof of the Trinity in the Old Testament (285-298). The creation of man (Gen. 1:26-27 ; 3:22) furnishes more evidence (299-308). The prophet Haggai, he continues, has a reference to the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit (309-316). According to Isa. 48:16, Christ was sent into the world by the Father and the Holy Spirit (317-327). And in Isa. 42:1 and 61:1 the Holy Spirit was promised to the Son by the Father (328-336). The three fingers of Isa. 40:12 speak of the three persons of the Godhead (337-347). The Trinity is also prefigured in Isa. 6:2-3 where the seraphim had three pairs of wings and three times exclaimed holy, holy, holy (348-360). All of these passages prove that already the Old Testament revealed God as a triune being, Isidore concludes (361-374). In the fifth section, which deals with the humanity of Christ, the author declares that the Holy Spirit spoke through the Psalms in regard to the birth of Christ (413-416). 25

See also Mahlendorf, JEGP, 59, 485.

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The sixth and seventh sections contain no references to the Holy Spirit, but in the eighth the German translator includes an independent reference. The Latin text simply states that the prophet Hosea could not have been a liar in his prediction about the coming Messiah. The translator expands the brief "qui dicit" to "dher quhad heiligu gheistu" (599-600). 26 Thus where Isidore simply stated that Hosea spoke, the translator stresses the idea that the prophet spoke by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit. The ninth section opens with the traditional doctrine regarding the conception of Christ through the agency of the Holy Spirit (606-609). The advent of Christ had been predicted by the Old Testament writers, among them Isaiah (11:1-3). The prophecy about the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit was fulfilled in the person of Christ (655-668). 27 The reason for the complete presence of the gifts of the Spirit in Christ is then carefully explained : "Bidhiu auur sindun oba dhemu so manacsamo gheba dhes gheistes chiforabodot, huuanda in imu ni ardot dher heilego gheist zi mezsse so in uns. Oh in imu ist elliu folnissa gotes ghebono ioh gheistes." (669-672). The last sentence is a rather free translation of the Latin "sed tota inest plenitudo diuinitatis et gratiarum". The whole explantion seems to be based on John 3:34, but goes considerably beyond this verse. The Monseer Fragmente also contain a number of references to the Holy Spirit. 28 The fragment of Isodore's tract contains the quotation from Job 33:4 (XXXV,20-26; Isidor 240-249) and the introductory sentence to the section on the Trinity (XXXV,28-30; Isidor 252-253). In the fragments from the translation of Matthew, Matt. 12:18 is given without further comment (V,6-8). The Evangelium secundem Matthaeum also contains the solemn warning 26

See Mahlendorf, JEGP, 59, 485. The Latin spiritus sapientie et intellectus is translated as firstandendi chidhanc, according to Eggers' edition, 73. He assumes, and it seems to me correctly, that this is the translation for intellectus only and sointerpolates gheist uuiisduomes as gloss for spiritus sapientie. Others, the latest being Mahlendorf {JEGP, 59, 485), suggest that the two dependent genitives have been made independent nominatives and that the German translator fails to translate spiritus. 28 Ed. George A. Hench (Strassburg, 1890). 27

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about the unpardonable sin against the Holy Spirit (VI, 8-12; Matt. 12:32-33) as well as the baptismal formula (XXV,14-15; Matt. 28:19). The Homilía de vocatione gentium includes a brief mention of Christ's sending the Holy Spirit to earth (XXVIII,30). The love of God, the author also declares, has been imparted to man by the Spirit (XXIX,8-9) ; this assertion is merely a translation of Rom. 5:5. But the subsequent thought that without this divine love nothing is of value because it is united with the Spirit is an independent assertion (XXIX,10-12).

4. GOSPEL HARMONIES

In general, the three old German Gospel Harmonies follow the New Testament narratives quite closely with regard to the doctrine of the Holy Spirit. The OHG Tatian usually simply translates the Biblical text.29 Several of the New Testament saints were endowed with a special anointing of the Holy Spirit. John the Baptist was filled with the Holy Spirit from his mother's womb (2,6; Luke 1:15). Elisabeth, the mother of John, was also filled with the Holy Spirit, who inspired her to prophesy about the mother of Christ (4,3; Luke 1:41). John the Baptist's father Zachariah was likewise filled with the Holy Spirit (4,14; Luke 1:67). The old man Simeon had the Holy Spirit, who had promised him that he would not die before he saw the Christ (7,4; Luke 2:25-26). He was then motivated by the Spirit to enter the temple at the time the parents brought in Christ (7,5 ; Luke 2:27). That the Holy Spirit was the cause of Christ's conception in the Virgin Mary is traditional teaching which the Tatian repeats without speculation or question. At the annunciation the angel Gabriel proclaimed to Mary that the Holy Spirit would come upon her (3,7; Luke 1:35). Matt. 1:18 teaches specifically that the third person of the Trinity was the agent of conception (5,7). The same message was also conveyed by the angel to Joseph (5,8 ; Matt. 1:20). In Christ's earthly life the Holy Spirit anointed Him for His 29

Ed. Eduard Sievers, 2nd ed. (Paderborn, 1892; reprint Darmstadt, 1961).

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special ministry. Usually the baptism is regarded as the occasion on which the Spirit was given to Him. Shortly before Christ's baptism, John the Baptist had predicted the appearance of the Messiah, who would baptize not with water but with the Holy Spirit and with fire (13,23; Matt. 3:11). After coming out of the water, Christ received the Spirit of God, who descended upon Him in the form of a dove (14,4; Matt. 3:16). John knew that this was the Messiah, because he had been told that the Spirit would come upon Him like a dove and that this was the one who would baptize in the Holy Spirit (14,6-7; John 1:32-33). After His baptism, Christ was led by the Spirit into the desert to be tempted by Satan (15,1 ; Matt. 4:1). His return into the regions of Galilee was in the power of the Spirit (17,8 ; Luke 4:14). During the ministry of Christ He made a number of remarks concerning the Holy Spirit - some of them are translated in the OHG Tatian. In Luke 4:18 Christ affirms that the Spirit of God was upon Him to anoint Him for service to mankind (18,2). And in John 3:34 Christ says of Himself : "then got santa, ther sprihhit gotes uúort, ni gibit imo zi mezze got geist." (21,7) It is interesting to note that the OHG translation expands the Latin text by inserting imo, which clearly refers the passage to Christ. The original simply stated that God does not give the Spirit by measure - the recipient of the Spirit is not designated. In accordance with the prophecy in Isa. 42:1, God put His Spirit upon Christ (69,9; Matt. 12:18). On one occasion the Tatian speaks of Christ's rejoicing in the Holy Spirit (67,7; Luke 10:21). Christ promised His disciples that the Spirit would inspire their speech when they had to defend their faith (44,13; Matt. 10:20). At another time the listeners were solemnly warned against the unpardonable sin of blasphemy against the Holy Spirit (62,8; Matt. 12:31-32). It is the third person of the Trinity who accomplishes the spiritual regeneration of the sinner, Christ told Nicodemus (119,3-4; John 3:5-7). The reference to geist here certainly goes beyond the mere designation of spirit as opposed to body, as Mahlendorf maintains.30 The Spirit's vivifying presence is also spoken of by means of the common symbol of 30

JEGP, 59, 487.

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water (129,5-6 ; John 7:37-39). In this case His presence is promised to believers. Near the end of His life Christ again promised His followers that He would send them the Holy Spirit, the Paraclete and Spirit of truth; He would teach, guide and comfort them (164, 2-3; 165,4; 171,1; 172,3; 173,1; John 14:16-17; 14:26; 15:26; 16:7,13). The OHG Tatian translates paracletum three times by fluobreri (164,2; 165,4; 172,3) and once by fluobargeist (171,1). These words are connected with OHG fluobiren ('to comfort') and fluobara ('comfort'). The necessity of finding a Germanic word for the Latin consolatio led the Anglo-Saxon church leaders to use frofor ('help') in that sense. In South Germany meanwhile the use of trost in the Christian meaning had become common. During the ninth and tenth centuries trost moved into Middle and Low Germany, but in the Tatian (and the Heliand) the Anglo-Saxon word was maintained. 31 The initial, partial fulfilment of the promise to send the Spirit occurred after the resurrection, as Christ appeared in the midst of the fearful disciples and breathed on them the Holy Spirit (232,6; John 20:22-23). Christ's last command to the disciples was that they should baptize believers in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit (242,2; Matt. 28:19-20). The OS Heliand has only approximately half as many references to the Holy Spirit as the Tatian,32 Of the fifteen references in the Heliand eight are translations from the Latin Tatian; the others are independent insertions or are based on Biblical material not in the Tatian. In all cases the third person of the Trinity is designated by the OS term hêlag gâst, regardless of the original. In three cases the author even uses the same term to refer to Jesus Christ (50; 291; 335). The Heliand poet opens his narrative with an independent introduction in which he asserts that the Evangelists wrote their Gospels with the special help of the Holy Spirit (9-31). This thought has no direct basis in the New Testament, but is in keeping with Christ's promise that the Spirit would remind the disciples of all that He 31 Friedrich Kluge, Etymologisches Wörterbuch der deutschen Sprache, 19th ed. by Walther Mitzka (Berlin, 1963), 793. 32 Ed. Otto Behagel, 8th ed. by Walther Mitzka ( A T B , 4) (Tübingen, 1965).

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had taught them (John 14:26). The thought is also reminiscent of the similar one in the Exhortatio (8-19), although there the idea of a written narrative is not indicated. Like the Tatian (3,7; 5,7-8), the Heliand too declares that the Holy Spirit would come upon the Virgin Mary (273-276) and that the miraculous conception was through the power of the Spirit (324-327; see also 2785-93). In regard to Simeon, the OS poet merely states that this New Testament saint had the Holy Spirit, an assertion which is entirely in consonance with Luke's account (463-468). Hence Edward H. Sehrt's suggestion that hêlag gâst here means "das Innere des Menschen, Sinn, Gemüt" is incorrect. 33 The Heliand poet is merely following the Gospel narrative as it was given in the Tatian (7,4-5). However, in the same passage he once uses the term uualdandes craft where the original was Spiritus sanctus (469). John the Baptist proclaimed the coming of the Messiah, who would baptize in the Holy Spirit (882-890). At Christ's baptism the Spirit revealed Himself in the shape of a dove (984-989). According to John, this appearance was proof that this person was the one he had predicted (995-1007). As in the Tatian (44,13), the OS poet records the promise concerning the Holy Spirit's help in answering accusers (1894-1903). At the wedding in Cana of Galilee, Christ informs the guests that He had the Holy Spirit to help Him (1999-2005). Although the idea itself is of course not new, the insertion at this point in the Heliand is new with the OS poet. The Tatian lacks any such comment in this context. The reference to the third person of the Trinity by means of the symbol of water is briefly paraphrased in the Heliand (3914-25). Christ's sermon about the Paraclete is given in only twelve lines (4702-13), in which the poet speaks of the Spirit's role as comforter and teacher (see also 5969-70). Otfrid von Weissenburg ('the EvangelienharmonieJ34 is more independent in his treatment of the Gospel narrative, including 33 Vollständiges Wörterbuch zum Heliand und zur altsächsischen Genesis, 2nd ed. (Hesperia, 14) (Göttingen, 1966), 177. Mahlendorf, JEGP, 59, 482, quotes the passage with apparent approval. 34 Ed. Oskar Erdmann, 4th ed. by Ludwig Wolff ( A T B , 49) (Tübingen, 1962).

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those sections which mention the Holy Spirit, than either the Tatian or the Heliand. With regard to the conception of Christ, the angel tells Joseph that the Holy Spirit was the cause (1,8,24). Of Zachariah Otfrid writes that God's holiness (gotes wihi) filled him and that he spoke concerning the ancient prophecies (1,10,1-2). The noun wihi is derived from the adjective wih, which was first used in South Germany for the translation of sanctus. This is apparently the only instance where wihi was used as a translation for Spiritus in the OHG documents. 35 In one reference, however, wihi is used in conjunction with geist. Simeon, Otfrid declares, was indwelt by God's Spirit, who promised him that he would live to see the Christ (1,15,5-7). The Holy Spirit fulfilled this promise: "thiu wihi gotes géistes giwérota inan thes gihéizes". (1,15,8) The Vulgate states that Simeon was motivated by the Spirit to come into the temple just when Christ was brought in by His parents. Otfrid rephrases this whole thought by simply affirming that the Holy Spirit carried out His promise. Although there is no direct Biblical basis for the idea, Otfrid teaches that the Spirit of God was on Christ even during His boyhood (1,16,27). However, the poet himself realizes that the thought is novel and may cause surprise, for he hastily assures his readers : "ni tharft thu wúntoron thaz, / want iz wás imo anan hénti zi síneru giwelti." (1,16,27-28) At Christ's baptism John saw the Spirit descending and resting on Christ (1,25,23-34). The Spirit was like a dove, which is a most appropriate symbol because of the goodness and gentleness of the dove (1,25,25-26). Furthermore, the dove is without gall and without bitterness, and it is never pugnacious or harmful (1,25,27-28). Otfrid then associates these gentle characteristics of the dove with those of the Holy Spirit (1,25,29-30). He is the only OHG poet to suggest an allegorical interpretation of the dove symbol. In the moraliter to the section on the baptism, he merely remarks that the dove was God's Spirit (1,26,7-8). John the Baptist's remark about the baptism in the Holy Spirit is given in only two lines (1,27,61-62). In his brief resumé of the early life of Christ, Otfrid again mentions 35

Gertraud Becker, Geist und Seele im Altsächsischen und im Althochdeutschen (Heidelberg, 1964), 91-92.

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the appearance of the Holy Spirit at the baptism, but this time the symbol of the dove is only implied (11,3,51-52). That the Spirit of God led Christ into the desert to be tempted by Satan is also clearly taught (11,4,1-2). In the spiritaliter on the passage dealing with the wedding at Cana of Galilee, Otfrid notes that the water pots each held two or three measures (11,9,95-96). Following previous commentaries (i.e., Bede and Alcuin), he associates the number two with the Father and the Son and the number three with the Holy Spirit (11,9,9798).36 The passage from John 3:5-7 is treated at some length. By using the terms go tes geist and heilego geist Otfrid makes it quite clear that the third person of the Trinity is the subject of the section (11,12,29-48). The Spirit, as well as God's other gifts, was imparted to Christ in full measure (11,13,31-34). As in the Tatian (21,7), it is specifically stated that Christ was the recipient of the Spirit of God. In his paraphrase of John 4:23-24, Otfrid takes unusual liberties with the original. The in spiritu of verse 23 he translates twice as geistlicho (11,14,68 and 70). However, verse 24 ("Spiritus est deus; et eos qui adorant eum, in spiritu et veritate oportet adorare") is rendered as : "Ther géist ther ist drúhtin mit fílu hohen máhtin ; / mit wáru wilit ther gótes geist, tház man inan béto meist." (11,14, 71-72) Otfrid seems to have disregarded the in spiritu of this verse. Becker suggests that the concept of worship 'in the spirit' was perhaps unfamiliar to him and that is why he failed to translate the phrase. 37 However, she fails to notice that he did translate the term only several lines previously. By making the Spirit the subject of both German sentences (i.e., ther geist and ther gotes geist) Otfrid not only changes the difficult Latin of the second sentence into good German but also gives special prominence to the third person of the Trinity as the object of true worship. The remarks about the Paraclete from John 14 to 16 are condensed into very few lines - only His role as teacher is mentioned (IV, 15, 37-40). Otfrid, however, is the only OHG poet to include Christ's 38 37

See the note in Erdmann's edition, 74. Geist und Seele, 89.

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promise in Acts 1:8, a verse which speaks of the power of the Holy Spirit (V,17,9-12). As in the Tatian (232,6), Otfrid also includes the account of the first impartation of the Holy Spirit after the resurrection (V,ll, 5-10). Alluding to the title of Paraclete, he declares in the spiritaliter that we need the comfort of the Spirit (V,12,51-56). That Christ gave the disciples the Holy Spirit teaches us to love one another (V,12,57-60). He gave them this gift twice, first while He was still on earth and then after He had ascended; the Spirit was to comfort them after His departure (V,12,61-64). These two events (i.e., the gift of the Holy Spirit to the eleven disciples and the Spirit's descent on the Day of Pentecost) can be explained allegorically : the first one teaches men to love one another and the second one to love God, Otfrid declares (V, 12,65-78). This idea, which recurs in medieval German literature, is based on the teaching of the Fathers. Gregory the Great, for example, states the same thought explicitly in his Homilies: "In terra datur spiritus, ut diligatur proximus; e cáelo datur spiritus, ut diligatur deus." 38

5. NOTKER THE G E R M A N

Notker the German (d. 1022) reveals a better understanding of the nature of the Holy Spirit than his German predecessors from the ninth century. It is mainly in his commentary on the Psalms that he discusses the Spirit and His activities in the world. 39 He views the third person of the Trinity as the active member of the Godhead, particularly as God's gracious gift to mankind. Notker frequently refers to the ministry of the Holy Spirit by means of the various symbols, the most common of which is perhaps water (see pp. 31-32). Using the image of a river, an image given by the text, he interprets the water of Ps. 1:3 as the vifivying grace of the Holy Spirit (2,7-9). Augustine, whom Notker used as his primary source, also refers to the Spirit in this connection, al38

(MPL, 76), 1199. The passage is also quoted in Erdmann's text, 237-238. Notkers des Deutschen Werke, ed. Edward H. Sehrt and Taylor Starck, 111,1-3 (ATB, 40, 42, 43) (Halle, 1952-55). 39

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though in a more specific way - by sending the Holy Spirit to the Apostles, Christ caused the churches to bring forth fruit. 40 In another passage (Ps. 31:6) water symbolizes the correct doctrine which the Holy Spirit would impart (171,6-11). Augustine speaks of our being watered by the Spirit with this doctrine. Writing of the streams of water (Ps. 45:5), Notker declares that the Apostles drank from the Holy Spirit's water before they themselves became living springs to their listeners ; unfruitful Christians then became fruitful (294,4-9). This thought is again taken from Augustine, who explicitly interprets the streams of Ps. 45:5 as the overflowing of the Holy Spirit in several of the early Apostles. In a subsequent comment (Ps. 103:13) Notker expresses a similar idea about the Apostles' being watered by the Spirit, even though Augustine here does not mention the ministry of the Holy Spirit (752,10-753,3). Notker in another place (Ps. 62:3) changes the image somewhat and speaks of the world as a desert without a path and without water; the Son of God came into this desert, becoming the way for His followers and giving them the water of the Holy Spirit (403,11404,2). Interpreting Ps. 64.10-11, Notker simply explains these verses to mean that the people of God were filled with the Spirit of God (422, 6-13). It is interesting to note that the German author uses some variety in his translation of Spiritus sanctus, for here he glosses the term as Gotes kéist.

In his remarks on Ps. 118:31 he uses the Psalmist's image of a thirsty person drinking water: "dürftiger sóuf ih spiritum bonum . der mir half ze getûonne . daz ih ketûon nemahta . per mandatum sanctum. et iustum . et bonum." (929,2-4) Those who are not led by their own spirit but by the Spirit of God are the sons of God, Notker continues with a quotation from Paul (Rom. 8:14) ; it is the Holy Spirit who enables them to perform good deeds (929,4-7). He once more draws on Augustine as source for the thoughts regarding 40

The above edition of Notker's work conveniently includes some possible Latin sources the German author may have used. Hence I can refer the reader once and for all to these volumes for all of my references to Notker's sources.

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the Spirit's ministry in the soul of man. In fact, the last part he takes over verbatim. Another common symbol Notker uses is fire, along with the associated properties of giving warmth and light (see pp. 30-31). Commenting on Ps. 25:2, he prays that God may purify him by burning away his own desires and thoughts through the fire of the Holy Spirit (132,8-11). Augustine writes of the calore spiritus tui. In another passage (Ps. 45:10) the German commentator declares that God gives the believer new weapons (e.g., faith, hope, and love), because his own sinful weapons have been destroyed by the fire of the Holy Spirit (296,13-297,3). Closely related to the symbol of fire are the references to the warmth of the Holy Spirit. In his comment on Ps. 18:7 Notker states no one can hide from God's warmth, which is the Spirit; He knows all hearts and warms and enflâmes them (92,6-8). Augustine in this passage writes of the purifying effect of the Spirit's fire. Notker later declares in an independent interpretation (Ps. 147: 18) that it is the warmth of the Holy Spirit which causes men to come to God (1046,13-15). In the comment on Ps. 104:18 he teaches that the Holy Spirit, who is fire, enflamed the tongues of the prophets and that therefore He appeared upon the disciples in flaming tongues of fire (773,9-12). Notker also uses the symbol of the wind to illustrate the ministry of the Holy Spirit (see p. 32). By means of a striking image of frozen streams being melted by the warm south wind (Ps. 125:4), he depicts the transforming activity of the Spirit in a sinner's heart; under the loving influence of the Holy Spirit the indifferent heart turns to God (967,15-18). In reference to Ps. 104:15 Notker introduces the symbol of the unctio (see pp. 32-33). He repeats the traditional view that the Holy Spirit consecrated the special leaders of Israel (771,17-772,4). In another passage (Ps. 132:2) he declares that Christ is both priest and head of His church; as the anointing oil ran down Aaron's beard and garments, so the Spirit flowed from Christ into the Apostles and then into His church (982,7-16). Once more Notker has borrowed the major features of this striking image from Augustine, which must have been rather common, for Honorius of

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Autun still uses it in the twelfth century with the same interpretation as Notker, and he also starts with the passage from Ps. 132:2. 41 A less common symbol for the Holy Spirit is the pledge (Eph. 1:13-14), which speaks of ownership, security, and authority. Through the pledge of the Spirit dwelling within, the believer is assured that he belongs to God. Thus Notker in his remarks on Ps. 144:13 can confidently declare to the Christians that they can be certain of eternal life because they have received the guarantee of the Holy Spirit (1034,15-1035,1). Notker also writes of the shade of the Holy Spirit. He teaches (Ps. 67:15) that the grace of the Spirit acts as a shade against the desires of the flesh (444,6-8). Discussing Ps. 98:7, which itself refers back to the event recorded in Exod. 34:9-10, Notker the German associates the cloud that descended on the tabernacle with the Holy Spirit, and the pillar he associates with strength and ornamentation (709,15-710,3). In this way God foreshadowed that He would strengthen His church by the Holy Spirit, he continues (710,3-4). There is no Biblical basis for the explicit use of clouds to represent the Holy Spirit, but Notker must have been familiar with the interpretation of writers like Rhabanus (see pp. 33-34). T h e poculum

of Ps. 22:5 N o t k e r calls t h e gratia sancii

spiritus

(120,9-10) ; here he is following no obvious source. He probably has in mind the contents of the cup (i.e., wine), since he remarks that this cup causes man to forget his previous pleasures. Thus the Spirit helps man overcome his past. Notker also speaks directly of some of the attributes and ministries of the Holy Spirit throughout history as well as in the present age. As member of the triune Godhead, the Spirit is of course omnipresent. In the comment on Ps. 138:7 he reaffirms this divine attribute by quoting Wisd. of Sol. 1:7(1003,6-9). During the Old Testament era the Holy Spirit was known primarily as the inspirator of the prophets. David prayed (Ps. 50:13) that God would not remove the Spirit from him, that is the Spirit of prophecy, Notker asserts (331,6-9; see also 416,13-14; 1103,2-7). 41

Speculum ecclesiae (MPL, 172), 962.

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The Spirit spoke about God through the writer of the Psalms, he declares in another comment (Ps. 77:65), because nobody would dare speak of God as sleeping except the Holy Spirit (554,3-7). The Spirit, who knows all things and is the voice of the prophets, also spoke through David specifically about Christ (822,2-823,1). In the New Testament, Christ promised to send the Holy Spirit to His disciples after He had ascended, Notker remarks in his note to Ps. 108:24 (818,14-819,3). In another passage (Ps. 90:12) he adds that the Spirit would liberate the Apostles from the law and fear and would fill them with love (665,4-7). Christ's promise regarding the giving of the Holy Spirit was fulfilled just as He had said. First He gave the Apostles the Spirit while He was still on earth (842,2-6; see John 20:22), and then He sent the Spirit on the Day of Pentecost (487,15-488,2; 1081,6-9). In one instance Peter is singled out as having received the Holy Spirit (1092,2-5). The Apostles received special help from the Spirit in proclaiming the Gospel (439,9-13) and as a result they became powerful preachers (675,7-11). Simon the magician, on the other hand, wanted the Holy Spirit only to gain fame by performing signs and miracles (977,1-5). Notker also encourages believers in his time to expect the gift of the Holy Spirit (12,14-13,3), because He will be given to believers (24,13-15), especially to the humble (765,15-766,2; see Isa. 66:2) and to those who ask (890,16-891,1 ; see Luke 11:13). He discusses several of the Holy Spirit's ministries, one of which is to convince man of his sin and cause him to turn to God (see John 16:8). In fact, he quotes this verse from John in his note on Ps. 9:6 (35,2-5). Using metaphoric language, Notker writes of the Spirit's power to forgive sin and impart a new spiritual life : only after man has been recreated by the Spirit does he know who he is (765,5-10; see also 766,16-767,2). Closely related to the Spirit's role in regeneration are the references to Him as the life-giving power of God, a doctrine based on Paul: "Spiritus autem vivificat." (II Cor. 3:6) Notker either quotes or alludes to this quotation from Paul several times (482,17-483,2; 881,5-8; 895,13-896,1 ; 1067,3-6). The Apostles received strength from the Holy Spirit, the author

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remarks in his comment on Ps. 32:6 (177,5-16). In another place (Ps. 141:4) he declares that man's spirit fails so that God's Spirit may strengthen him (1021,9-11). Ps. 19:3 ("Mittat tibi auxilium de sancto") Notker paraphrases as, "Er sende dir an irò trôst fóne spiritu sancto." (97,5-6) He thus changes the text somewhat in that the term sancto becomes spiritus sanctus and auxilium becomes trôst. Comfort is of course often associated with the Spirit, who in the New Testament is known as the Paraclete or Comforter (e.g., John 14:26; 15:26). The Holy Spirit also brings man into a proper relationship with God: "Din guoto geist léite mih in rehta erda. Reht erda ist der lîchamo . unz ér úndertán ist spiritui sancto." (1025,14-16) The Spirit speaks and gives instruction. In the comment on Ps. 84:9 Notker admonishes himself not to let the clamor of the world drown out the speaking of the Spirit (604,15-605,2). Referring to the mirabilia de lege tua (Ps. 89:17), he specifies them as, "Tougeniu mysteria (bizéichenida) déro spiritus sanctus zéigare ist." (659,4-5) From the Holy Spirit believers receive the inspiration to answer the enemies of the Christian faith (887,14-888,6), according to Christ's promise in Matt. 10:19-20, which the author quotes. The Spirit has all knowledge, Notker confidently affirms (951,19-21). Of the fruits of the Spirit listed by Paul in Gal. 5:22-23 Notker mentions only the first one, Charitas (495,17-496,3). In another passage he quotes from Rom. 5:5, which also speaks of the Holy Spirit as the source of love (880,17-881,2). Notker mentions the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit a number of times (see pp. 23-25). Ps. 11:7 speaks of God's words, which are as pure as silver that has been refined seven times ; the number seven is associated with the Spirit: "Vuanda septiformis gratia ist spiritus sancti..." (54,14-15). Probably he has the seven gifts in mind, for, as Karl Schlütz has shown, the term septiformis gratia Spiritus sancti was used already in the early Church to designate the gifts of the Spirit.42 Notker uses the same designation in his comment on Ps. 80:4, where he writes that the Jews, even wordly Jews, begin to blow the 42 Isaías 11,2 ( Die sieben Gaben des Hl. Geistes) in den ersten vier christlichen Jahrhunderten (Alttestamentliche Abhandlungen, XI,4) (Münster, 1932), 166.

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trumpet on a solemn day and then continue to blow it for seven days. Although the Jews did not know it, he asserts, this ceremony signified that the seven-fold grace of the Holy Spirit was to be proclaimed to all who would be baptized (574,9-15). In the Canticvm Esaie Prophetae Notker combines the term septiformis gratia spiritus sancii with the fontes salvatoris of Isa. 12:3 (1057,18-1058,1). Already the early Church taught that Christ is the giver of various gifts to the believers.43 He also uses other terms to indicate the seven gifts of the Spirit. At the end of Ps. 28 he admonishes his readers to pay homage to the third person of the Trinity, with whom the number seven is again linked: "Nota septem uoces psalmi spiritus sancti." (149,14-15) Because of the number seven, the gifts are probably intended. In this case Notker is drawing on no obvious source. In the commentary on the Cantica Qvindecim Gradvvm Notker discusses the composition of the number fifteen, citing seven different combinations of digits that equal fifteen. Referring to these seven possibilities, he concludes about the number fifteen : "Vnde ist si an disen septem modis des héiligen géistes zîerdon fól." (949, 11-13) Here he again alludes to the Spirit's activity through His gifts in that he stresses the number seven. In his translation of Boethius' De Consolatione Philosophiae Notker in one case interprets the term divines spiritus as the seven-fold Spirit of God (299,6-7).44 Schlütz has pointed out that the term Spiritus septiformis was used as early as the third century to refer to the seven gifts.45 Of the individual gifts Notker only mentions the last one, the spirit of fear. Interpreting Ps. 118:38, he writes: "Daz chit. hilf mir daz ze tûonne . daz du gesprîchest. Dien du gibest spiritum timoris tui. die sint dâr-âna state . ändere nesint." (885,20-886,2) This fear, he continues, is not a spirit of bondage but of adoption, an idea based on Rom. 8:15 (886,2-3). The first mention of the nine charisms of the Spirit (see pp. 25-26) 43

Schlütz, Isaías 11,2, 149. Notkers des Deutschen Werke, ed. Edward H. Sehrt and Taylor Starck, 1,1-3 ( A T B , 32-34) (Halle, 1933-34; reprint 1966). 45 Isaías 11,2, 165. 44

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in a German work is in Notker's commentary on the Psalms. In the comment on Ps. 59:8 he alludes to them (389,7-8). In another place (Ps. 77:54) he quotes I Cor. 12:11, which speaks of the distribution of the charisms (551,10-13). Discussing Ps. 103:15, Notker uses the symbol of oil as his starting point for naming some of the charisms of the Spirit, here called Gotis kenada: "Daz an imo óffeno skîne ételîh gratia dei (Gotis kenada) . éinuuéder curationum (suhtnéri) . aide linguarum (manigero sprâchon). aide prophetie (uuizzigonnis). aide ételiches carismatis (kelâzzis)." (754,6-8) He then cites and translates I Cor. 12:7 ("unicuique autem datur manifestatio Spiritus ad utilitatem"), a verse immediately preceding Paul's enumeration of the charisms (754,9-10). Of the nine charisms we see that Notker mentions only three: curationum (Paul's gratia sanitatum), linguarum, and prophetia. The remaining six he groups together under the general classification of ételiches kelâzzis, perhaps because he considered them to be less important or less striking. In his comment on Ps. 107:8 he once again alludes to the charisms, except that here he calls them misselichen donis (gebon) spiritus sancii (806,18-807,3). Paul, Notker writes in another passage (Ps. 147:17), was one of these crystals like morsels (1046,1-5). He goes on to explain why the Apostle was like a piece of bread: "uuanda er getéta in óugen manige geba spiritus sancti." (1046,5-6). The geba no doubt refer to the charisms, about which Paul wrote in I Corinthians.

III BIBLICAL ADAPTATIONS A N D COMMENTARIES

1. WIENER A N D MILSTÄTTER GENESIS 1

Genesis was translated into verse by an unknown poet about 1070. The earliest version of this poem is the Vienna Manuscript. The Milstatt Manuscript, which was written about fifty or sixty years later, is a revision and modernized version of the Vienna text. Since the Wiener Genesis contains the better text, it will be used as basis and the corresponding reference from the Milstätter Genesis will be given only if it is different. After a brief prologue (1-8), the Genesis poet begins his narrative by describing the creation of the angels (9-24). He continues with the creation and fall of Lucifer (25-78) and the divine decision to create man to replace the fallen angels (79-94). Then follows the creation account of the first five days (95-170). In this section there is the first reference to the Trinity. After creating the lights in the firmament, God explains their purpose : da mite sul wir machen tage unde vvochen, zîth unde iâr. (141-143) By using the plural form for God where the Vulgate uses the passive subjunctive (Gen. 1:14), the German poet seems to want to emphasize the traditional doctrine that all three persons of the Godhead were active in the creation of the physical universe. 1

The Wiener Genesis has been edited by Viktor Dollmayr {ATB, 31) (Halle, 1932); and the Milstätter Genesis (and Exodus) by Joseph Diemer, 2 vols. (Wien, 1862).

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63

The poet devotes a rather lengthy section to the creation of man (171-444), a section which divides almost symmetrically into three parts: the divine decision to create man (171-214, 44 lines), the creation itself (215-398, 184 lines), and the giving of life to the body (399-444, 46 lines). In narrating the decision to create man, the poet begins by paraphrasing the Biblical text: "Faciamus hominem ad imaginem et similitudinem nostram" (Gen. 1:26) is rendered by, " N v tûn wir ouch einen man / nach unserem pilidi getan..." (175176).2 Later in the same section he has God say: "Er sol uns sin gelich..." (207). The plural form of the verb faciamus was generally interpreted by the medieval Church to mean that the Trinity was involved in the decision to create man. 3 In the section dealing with the actual creation of man (215-398), the Genesis poet is quite independent. For my purposes the opening passage is of particular significance and warrants quoting in full : Der here werchman da nach einen leim nam, also der tut der uz wahsse ein pilede machet, also prouchet er den leim suîez geuiel in zuein, deme uater iouch deme sune, der spiritus sanctus al mit ime. irne waren doch nieht drî : der eine hete namen drî, der têt in sines uater wisheite nach des heiligen geistes geleite uz deme leime einen man nach sineme pilede getan. (215-228)·1 For this poet the here werchman (215) is the triune God, who formed man from the clay just like an artisan working with wax. The Trinity formed the clay in such a way that it was pleasing to the 2 In two passages (i.e., 89-94 and 527-538) where the same idea is expressed the poet uses the singular, despite the plural in the Biblical account. 3 See Alfred Weller, Die frühmittelhochdeutsche Wiener Genesis (Palaestra, 123) (Berlin, 1914; reprint New York, 1967), 6. 4 See Joseph Diemer, "Zu Genesis und Exodus", VVSB, 55 (1867), 331-337, for a comparison of the German creation narrative with that of Alcimus Avitus.

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individual persons of the Godhead (219-222).5 To avoid the impression that there were three gods present at the creation, the poet hastily adds that there were really not three but only one who had three names (223-224). It was this triune God who through Christ (in sines uater wisheite, 225) under the guidance of the Holy Spirit (nach des heiligen geistes geleite, 226) formed man from the clay, according to His own image (225-228). Thus the whole Trinity was involved in the creation, the Father being the source of power, the Son the active agent, and the Holy Spirit the helper. This view of the role of the Trinity in creation is entirely in keeping with the teaching of the Church. 6 In his notes to the Milstätter Genesis Joseph Diemer (II, 7-8) suggests that the text is corrupt in lines 225-226. He maintains that the reviser of the Genesis poem wanted to describe the Trinity by means of the Abelardian formula, according to which the Father was potentia, the Son sapientia, and the Holy Spirit bonitas (see pp. 28-29). Hence he suggests the reading gewalte for wisheite in line 225, and geleite in line 226 may be replaced by guote. However, this seems to be unlikely, because the der of line 225, which Diemer says refers to Christ, quite clearly refers to the triune God, the one who has three names. Furthermore, in Diemer's emendated text the designation for Christ (wisheit) is missing, leaving only the designations for the Father and the Spirit. As I have tried to show above, the text as it stands in the manuscripts makes good sense and corresponds to the teaching of the Church; hence it is unnecessary to attribute theological speculation of this kind to the German poet. 7 After the brief, general description of man's creation (215-228), the poet then describes in detail the creation of the individual parts (229-374). The last part of this section (375-398) tells how God

5 In his notes to the Milstatt version, Diemer (II, 7) paraphrases these lines: "Wie es den beiden, dem Vater und dem Sohne gefiel (zu handeln), so war der h. Geist ganz mit ihnen (d.h. einverstanden.)" 6 Henry B. Swete, The Holy Spirit in the Ancient Church (London, 1912; reprint Grand Rapids, 1966), 378-379. 7 See also Weiler, Wiener Genesis, 9.

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8

joined the individual parts together to form one body. In the Milstatt Manuscript this passage, which lacks lines 389-398 from the Vienna Manuscript, is preceded by a brief heading: "Wie die dri namene den mennischen lideten zesamene." (7,10) This caption again emphasizes the fact that the whole Trinity was involved in the creation of man. The last part of the section dealing with the creation of man depicts the impartation of life to Adam and some of his first activities (399-444). In a picturesque scene man becomes a living being: D t er daz pilede erlich gelegete fure sich, dû stûnt er ime werde obe der selben erde. sinen geist er in in blies, michelen sin er ime friliez. die adere alle wrden plûtes folle. zefleiskewart div erde, ze peine der leim herte, die adere pugen sich, sua zesamene gie daz lit. (399-410) Line 403 is taken from Gen. 2:7, while the idea that with the breath of God came great understanding (404) is not based directly on the Bible, but it must have been fairly common, for it reappears in slightly modified form in the Vorauer Genesis (6, 19-23) and in the Ezzolied{ 51-54). The Milstatt Manuscript again has a caption for this section: "Wie die roten erde got hiez lebentich werden / mit sinem adem den er in in begunde blasen." (7,18-19) Critics have often quoted this heading about the 'red earth', and some have tried to use it to determine the origin of the poem. Only recently was Kathyrn Smits able to solve the puzzle : the manuscript reads die toten erde, 8 Maria Therese Siinger, Studien zur Struktur der Wiener und Millstätter Genesis (Kärntner Museumsschriften, 36) (Klagenfurt, 1964), 95-99, interprets the creation account in a symbolical manner. The fact that the poet uses the word leim seven times (lines 216, 219, 227, 378, 386, 389, 408) indicates the activity of the Holy Spirit, she maintains. I must confess that her arguments did not convince me.

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not die roten erde.9 Thus all the chapter heading says is that God gave life to the dead earth by breathing into it His own Spirit. The subsequent sections of the Genesis deal with God's resting on the seventh day (445-462), the creation of paradise (463-526), man's becoming master in paradise (527-574), and with Adam's naming of the animals (575-582). Throughout there is no mention of the Holy Spirit or of the Trinity. In the account of the creation of Eve (583-619), however, the poet again uses the majestic plural for God: D v sprach aue got 'mich ne dunchet nieht gut daz s o eine si der man, wir sculen im eine hilfe tûn.'

(583-586)

These lines are a paraphrase of Gen. 2:18. It is somewhat surprising that the German poet uses the singular in line 584 (mich) and then, following the Biblical text more closely, uses the plural in line 586 (wir). Perhaps in this way he wants to point out the triune nature of God. In the account of the temptation and fall (620-1050) there is one further reference to God in the plural : Sehet n u ist A d a m uns glich worden, n u weiz er ubel unte güt, n u ist er alse got. N u sculen wir behüten mit unser wisheite daz er des obezes ieth gechore, dannen in der tôt ferbere, s o m ü z er iemer leben, in wize wesen. (983-992) 1 0

The first four lines of the above passage are based on Gen. 3:22, which has the plural form as well. Lines 987-988, however, are an independent addition to the Biblical account. The Milstatt Manu8

"Überlieferungsprobleme der Wiener und Millstätter Genesis", Seminar, 5 (1969), 63-64. 10 For a comparison of this passage with an early sermon, see Speculum Ecclesiae, ed. Gert Mellbourn (Lunder Germanistische Forschungen, 12) (Lund, 1944), 7. This collection of sermons will be referred to as Mellbourn.

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script has a different reading for these two lines : " N u schulen wir doch behüten mit der wisheit gûte..." (19,22). Diemer in his notes (II, 17) emendates them to read "mit der wisheit und der guote", which he takes to mean Christ and the Holy Spirit. Hence he sees in these lines another reference to the Abelardian formula of the Trinity, at least for the Son and for the Spirit. In this case Diemer's emendated text seems to be quite plausible. There is only one other reference to the Holy Spirit in the Genesis, and that is taken directly from the Bible (Gen. 41:38). Pharoah, speaking of Joseph, exclaims : wâ magen wir deheinen man finden, des gotes geistes so folien, so mich dunchet dirre man der minen troum so wol hat geskeiden?

(4126-29)

The Milstatt Manuscript here has the reading "gûtes geistes also uollen", which is no doubt a mistake on the part of the scribe, who wrote guíes for gotes.11 Of considerable interest are the pictures which accompany both the Vienna and Milstatt Manuscripts of the M H G Genesis. The Vienna text contains seven pictures - after that there is only space left for them. 12 The first three pictures precede the text itself, on leaves P, P, and IP. Picture 4 takes up almost all of leaf 4 r , picture 5 all of 4V, and picture 6 all of 5 r . Dollmayr (p. v) writes concerning picture 6: "...drei stehende Figuren mit langem, braun gemaltem Haupthaar und langem Bart (Christus zwischen zwei Propheten?)." Hermann calls it "Heiliger zwischen zwei Greisen", but also suggests that it might be Christ between two patriarchs. 13 The most interesting suggestion has come from F. P. Pickering, who believes that this is a portrayal of the Trinity. 14 11

Diemer, II, 39. These pictures have been described and reproduced by Hermann J. Hermann, Die illuminierten Handschriften und Inkunabeln der Nationalbibliothek in Wien, II. Teil: Die deutschen romanischen Handschriften (Leipzig, 1926), 235-239. 13 Handschriften, 238. 14 "Zu den Bildern der altdeutschen 'Genesis' : Die Ikonographie der trinitas creator", ZfdPh, 83 (1964), 110-111. 12

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Picture 7 takes up the top half of leaf 5V and immediately precedes the chapter of the Genesis dealing with the divine decision to create man. The picture has on the left a youthful, bearded figure with a nimbus, sitting on a throne, and on the right a standing figure; between the two figures there is a scroll held by both of them. Picture 1 of the Milstatt Manuscript (3r) is strikingly similar to the Vienna picture and was probably modelled after it.15 The most notable difference between them is that in the Milstatt picture the figure on the right has wings and a nimbus. The interpretations for this picture have varied too: Hermann (p. 238) suggests that the figures represent Christ and Adam respectively, while Hella Voss believes they are God and an angel.16 Pickering, on the other hand, suggests that this is a unique portrayal of the trinitas creator: the figure on the left is Christ as the wisdom of God and the one on the right the Holy Spirit.17 The scroll between them represents the decision to create, i.e., the faciamus hominem of the Biblical text. Picture 2 of the Milstatt Manuscript (3V) depicts the creation of Adam. The same two figures from picture 1 are present, the Holy Spirit, hoewever, hovering.18 Adam is lying on the ground, and Christ has placed His hands on his head. This picture corresponds to the text (215-228), because, as I showed above, the German poet viewed Christ as the active person in the creation, with the Holy Spirit as helper. In picture 3 (6r) - the giving of life to Adam - the same two figures are again present. Christ is holding Adam's right wrist with His left hand; to the right stands the Holy Spirit in ornate robes, holding the sceptre in His left hand. Regarding the dominant role of the Spirit in this picture, Pickering writes: "Mit Recht ist der Heilige Geist hier hervorgehoben : er ist der spiritus sanctus. Dem Menschen wird in dessen Beisein sein Teil: das spiritaculum vitae 15

The Milstatt pictures have been described by, among others, Robert Eisler, Die illuminierten Handschriften in Kärnten (Leipzig, 1907), 50-57, and they are now available in the recent fascimile edition of the manuscript (Graz, 1967). 16 Studien zur illustrierten Millstätter Genesis {MTXJ, 4) (München, 1962), 75-80. 17 ZfdPh, 83, 107-111. 18 Eisler, Handschriften, 50, who did not describe picture 1, views this secondary figure as an angel throughout the creation series.

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19

eingeblasen..." Picture 4 (8r) depicts Adam between the trees of life and of knowledge, and picture 5 (9r) depicts Adam giving names to the animals, while God watches. Picture 6 (9V) portrays the creation of Eve. Again we see the same two figures as in pictures 1 to 3, but here the Holy Spirit stands behind Christ in more of a subordinate role.20 The Spirit has less ornate robes, does not have the sceptre, and is without wings. This subordinate role corresponds to His less active participation in the creation of Eve. As is indicated by the text (583-586), the plural form for God shows that the Holy Spirit was involved here. In picture 7 (10r) the artist portrays the temptation of Eve and in picture 8 (ll r ) the fall of Adam and Eve. In picture 9 (12r) we see Adam and Eve standing on the right, Adam sorrowing and Eve crying. On the left the same youthful Christ figure with nimbus stands facing Adam and behind Christ the figure that was identified as the Holy Spirit in pictures 1, 2, 3, and 6.21 Here He has a simple nimbus, is without sceptre, has a very simple robe, and is crying. Perhaps the presence of the Spirit as assistant in this picture was influenced by the plural of the German text (983-992).

2. WIENER A N D MILSTÄTTER EXODUS 2 2

Exodus was translated into German verse about fifty years later than the Genesis, that is about 1120. The Wiener Exodus narrates the story of Moses up to Exodus 8:17, the Milstatt version up to the crossing of the Red Sea. The Milstätter Exodus is essentially the same as the Vienna version, except that it is complete; it was composed soon after the Wiener Exodus. The poet begins his work with a prologue that contains a prayer for the help of the Holy Spirit (1-34). He opens with a formulaic expression of sinfulness and a statement of his purpose, that is to 19 20 21 22

ZfdPh, 83, 112. Pickering, ZfdPh, 83, 112. Pickering, ZfdPh, 83, 113. Ed. Edgar Papp (Medium Aevum, 16) (München, 1968).

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narrate the story of God's dealings with Israel (1-10). The author of religious works is especially aware of his own sinfulness in the presence of a holy God (see line 2). It is thus common practice for the medieval poet to include in his prologue a humility formula expressing both his own sinfulness as well as his lack of poetic ability. 23 The confession of sinfulness, Julius Schwietering suggests, includes the admission of poetic inability. 24 It is sin which prevents the poet from carrying out his literary task. Therefore the important prerequisite for the inspiration of the Holy Spirit - which will overcome the lack of poetic ability - is the forgiveness of sin. The second part of the Exodus prologue consists of the poet's general prayer to Christ for divine help (11-20). He begins by humbly reminding Him of His great mercy in forgiving sin (11-12). This is the prayer for the forgiveness of sin he had mentioned in the opening lines. His prayer for inspiration is justified, the poet implies, because he is God's servant and because he is writing not for his own benefit but for the honor of God (13-16). Furthermore, he needs divine wisdom to translate the Latin text into German (17-20). The poet no doubt has in mind the Biblical text, because there was no Latin poem for him to follow. 25 Giving further justification for his prayer, he then in the third part of the prologue reminds Christ of His promise to inspire those who speak for Him (21-28 ; see Mark 13:11). In the Gospel account it is the Holy Spirit who would inspire and direct their speech. The German poet does not directly mention the inspiration of the Holy Spirit here, but in the last part of the prologue he prays specifically for His assistance, humbly requesting God to send him the Paraclete : nû sende mir sanctum spiritum paraclitum, der min gebende löse, sô wil ich gerne chôsen ; der heilige geist din ordene die rede min. (29-34) 23 See, for example, the list given in Joseph Diemer, Deutsche Gedichte des elften und zwölften Jahrhunderts (Wien, 1849; reprint Darmstadt, 1968), Anmerkungen, 3. 24 "The Origins of the Medieval Humility Formula", PMLA, 69 (1954), 1284. 25 Diemer, Genesis und Exodus, II, 58.

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The thought of loosening the tongue may allude to the account of the miracle of Pentecost when the disciples spoke with tongues (Acts 2:4). Or it may be an allusion to Chist's healing the deaf and dumb man by putting His fingers into his ears and touching his tongue (Mark 7:32-35). The poet thus first prays for his tongue to be loosed by the Spirit (i.e., that he receive divine inspiration) and then that the Holy Spirit also direct and arrange his work. In other words, he feels completely dependent upon the Spirit's help. The notion that the Holy Spirit loosens the tongue must have been fairly common, for the author of a MHG sermon, in speaking of the Gospel account mentioned above, declares that our tongue is loosened when we recieve the Spirit; he goes on to affirm that those who speak about God need the Holy Spirit to control the tongue.26 The prologue of the Exodus consists of exactly thirty-four lines.27 The poet begins with a ten-line introductory passage (1-10) that combines the usual function of the prooemium and prologus: it seeks to gain the attention of the audience as well as to introduce the theme of the work. 28 The subsequent prayer of twenty-four lines (11-34) can be divided into two parts, with ten and fourteen lines respectively. In the first part (11-20) the poet prays in a general way that Christ may give him wisdom for the translation, and in the second part (21-34) he first prays indirectly for the Spirit's inspiration and then for the Holy Spirit Himself, the source of all inspiration. It is of interest to note that this prayer for the inspiration of the Holy Spirit contains precisely fourteen lines. Thus the structure of the prayer may reflect the poet's veneration for the Spirit, because fourteen is two times seven and seven is the number of the Holy Spirit (see pp. 24-25). The main body of the Exodus poem contains no references to the 26

Leyser, 68-69; see also Anton E. Schönbach, "Über einige Breviaren von Sanct Lambrecht", ZfdA, 20 (1876), 194. For a good introduction to number symbolism see Fritz Tschirch, "Zum symbolbestimmten Umfang mittelalterlicher Dichtungen", Stil- und Formprobleme in der Literatur: Vorträge des VII. Kongresses der Internationalen Vereinigung für moderne Sprachen und Literaturen, ed. Paul Böckmann (Heidelberg, 1959), 148-156. 28 See Hennig Brinkmann, "Der Prolog im Mittelalter als literarische Erscheinung", WW, 14 (1964), 1-21. 27

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Holy Spirit, but the epilogue - extant only in the Milstatt Manuscript - is a joyful hymn of praise and thanksgiving to the Spirit for His assistance with the translation : Ich sage gnâde meiste deme himeliskem geiste, der mich sundigen man in disen stunden uernam, der mich des gewerte, des ich zime gerte, daz ich mohte chunden mit tûtiskeme munde die urode sîner liute an disem tage hiute. nû ist chomen durch das mere daz uile sälige here. des sol er iemmer haben gewis uon mir gloriam laudis. (3303-16) This epilogue, which again has fourteen lines, forms the counterpart to the prayer in the prologue - here he gives thanks for the answer to his prayer. He addresses his thanksgiving to deme himelisken geiste (3304), a term for the Holy Spirit that occurs only here in MHG literature. That the Spirit is indeed meant is perhaps also indicated by the structure of the epilogue with its fourteen lines.29

3. VORAUCHER BÜCHER MOSES 30

The so-called Vorauer Bücher Moses are not a unified work but rather a loose collection of five different poems all contained in the famous Vorau Manuscript: Genesis, Joseph, Exodus, Marienlob, and Balaam. They were written about 1130/40, probably by different poets. The Vorauer Genesis (3,1-31,30) deals with the same subject 29

Tschirch, Stil- und Formprobleme, 154-155. The edition by Diemer, Deutsche Gedichte, 1-85, contains the Genesis, Exodus, Marienlob, and Balaam. All references, unless otherwise noted, will be to this edition, and quotations will be given in the form of verse. 30

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matter as the Wiener and Milstätter Genesis, but the Vorau poem is more speculative and theological in its treatment of the material. This can be seen particularly in the passages dealing with the Trinity, the basis for Christian dogma. After a brief introduction giving the theme of the work (3,1-7), the poet deals with the creation of the ten choirs of angels (3,7-9). Continuing his account, he then associates the three highest choirs with the three (Augustinian) faculties of the soul, which are in turn a reflection of the Holy Trinity (3,10-17). For the last designation one expects to find wille, not minne (3,14), because voluntas usually completed the trinitarian formula of Augustine (see p. 27).31 A few lines later the Vorauer Genesis declares that there is a special relationship between these three choirs and the members of the Trinity, here designated by the formula of Abelard : Den wistum schovwet chérubin di gute minnet seraphym deme gewalte dînent di trône er inthabet in shone si irchennent sine herschaft in der gotelichen crahft da sin si brinnendez liht si ne irdruzet es nith. 3,17-22) It is interesting to note that the poet uses the verb minnen in connection with di 'gute, the term for the Holy Spirit, thus doubling the reference to the Spirit. In this section of the poem dealing with the three highest choirs (3,10-22), the poet has artfully combined the two trinitarian formulae with the names of the choirs : Angels iron cherubin seraphym

Augustinian gehuht uirnunst minne

Abelardian gewalt wistum gute

The only unexpected term is minne in the Augustinian formula, where, as noted above, one might have expected wille. 31

41.

Cf. Helmut de Boor, Mittelalter: Texte und Zeugnisse, I (München, 1965),

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The Abelardian formula occurs again in the account of Lucifer's creation and fall (4,13-5,8). According to this poet, all three persons of the Godhead were involved in discovering and punishing Lucifer's rebellion : iz sah dev gotes wisheit siner gûte was ez uil leit Der gewalt rah ez aida. (4,23-25) I was unable to find any parallel references to throw light on this rather unusual passage. After describing the creation of the earth, the stars, the sun, the moon, and paradise (5,8-6,10), the Vorauer Genesis poet goes on to relate the creation of man (6,10-7,19). Following the Biblical account (Gen. 1:26), he states, in the majestic plural, the divine decision to create man (6,13-16). In contrast to the Wiener Genesis (215-228), however, there is no mention of the Trinity in the creation narrative itself (6,16-19). Again following the Bible (Gen. 2:7), the poet has God breathe His own Spirit into man : er gap ime rehten sin er blêis ime sinen geist in daz er uirnunste wîlte sine gehuht ime behilte er wolte ime mit deme willen alles gütes iruulen. (6,19-23) This account is theologically more complex than the corresponding one in the Wiener Genesis (403-404), where the poet had simply stated that man received great understanding. Here the Spirit in man is associated with the three Augustinian faculties of the soul. In the phrase alles gutes iruullen (6,22-23) there may be an allusion to the Holy Spirit, who previously in the poem was called di gute (3,18). The fall of man, which is narrated in the next section of the poem (7,19-9,26), resulted in the disruption of the divinely given faculties of memory, reason, and will (8,6-9). After Adam had sinned, God spoke to him, reminding him of His provisions for man : ich geshüf dir den lip daz paradyse zeicte ich dir sît

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75

uil gewaltichlihen irlêrte dich wislîche ich minnete dich in miner gute. (8,14-18) By means of two adverbs and an adverbial phrase the poet alludes to the role of the Trinity in man's creation and subsequent life: gewaltichlich, wislîch, and in miner gàie are derivatives of the Abelardian designations for the members 'of the Trinity. As before, the role of the Holy Spirit is particularly emphasized in that the designation is doubled by means of the verb minnen as well as the phrase in miner gute. There is one further indirect reference to the Holy Spirit in the Vorauer Genesis: in the Abraham scene the poet explicitly states that the three visitors Abraham entertained (Gen. 18:2) represented the Holy Trinity (16,19-24). This view was common in medieval times. 32 The Vorauer Joseph, which was taken over unchanged from the Vienna Manuscript, contains only the statement about Joseph's being full of the Spirit (4139-44; see Gen. 41:38). 33 In the Vorauer Exodus (32,1-69,6) the theological element is even more pronounced than in the Genesis. The opening section of the poem (32,1-40,14) consists of a resumé and typological interpretation of the first eleven chapters of Exodus. In the Passover account (41,1-42,27) the lamb typifies Christ in His death and also in the Eucharist. The shoes on the feet of the Israelites signify a good life, the girdle pure thoughts, the staif obedience, and the eating in haste signifies eating (the Eucharist?) with determination. Then in an unusual passage the poet interprets the feet and entrails (Exod. 12:9): Do sul wir vil harte gahen swaz wir mit sinne niht megen bevahen mit unserem wenigem geloben daz pite wir dem tögen daz ist dem heiligen geistes chraft div behaltet ez die naht 32

Albert Münscher, Die Bücher Mosis der Vorauer Handschrift (diss. Marburg, 1908), 140-141. 33 "Das Gedicht von Joseph nach der Wiener und der Vorauer Handschrift", ed. Paul Piper, ZfdPh, 20 (1888), 257-289; 430-474.

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uns ershinen daz lieht n a c h enzwivil wir niht bezeichent ze ware gebaine v n d daz inêder.

(42,19-27)

This difficult section has been paraphrased by the editor Diemer as follows : "was wir durch die sinne mit unserem schwachen glauben nicht erfassen können, das überlassen wir dem geheimnissvollen, d.i. dem h. geist, seine kraft bewahrt es uns die nacht hindurch, bis uns daz licht erscheint, wornach wir nicht mehr zweifeln werden." 34 From the quotation of the text it can be seen that the typological explanation alludes also to Exod. 12:10: "Nec remanebit quidquam ex eo usque mane; si quid residuum fuerit, igne comburetis." That is why Heinz G. Jantsch writes : "Das Verbrennen der nicht bewältigten Reste des Mahles am anderen' Morgen wird gedeutet auf das Anheimgeben dessen, was wir mit Sinnen nicht fassen können, an den Hl. Geist, der es 'über Nacht' bewahrt; so uns danach die Sonne aufgeht, so zweifeln wir nicht mehr." 35 It may be that the German poet has here drawn on the De Trinitate by Rupert of Deutz, who also writes of a failure to comprehend and of an entrusting to the Holy Spirit.36 That this allegory was also part of a vernacular tradition can be seen from the fact that a similar interpretation occurs in several MHG sermons. The author of one sermon writes: "Swenne wir allez daz daz wir von vnsers herren gotheite vernûmen haben niht vol gründen mügen. so suie wir al dem heiligen geiste bevelhn der alle tügene wol weiz."37 In the section of the Vorauer Exodus concerning the departure of the Israelites and their wanderings in the desert (42,28-69,6) there are two references to the Holy Spirit, both, however, in association 34 Deutsche Gedichte, Anmerkungen, 20. The paraphrase by Sister Marie P. Buttell, Religious Ideology and Christian Humanism in German Cluniac Verse {The Catholic University of America Studies in German, 21) (Washington, D.C., 1948), 236, is not entirely correct. 35 Studien zum Symbolischen in frühmittelhochdeutscher Literatur (Tübingen, 1959), 86. 36 (MPL, 167), 619; for further Latin parallels see D. A. Wells, The Vorau Moses and Balaam (Cambridge, 1970), 38-39. 37 Leyser, 62,42-63,2; see also Schönbach, I, 45; Julius Zacher, "Predigten auf die Fest- und Heiligentage", ZfdPh, 15 (1883), 267. Wells, Vorau Moses, 39, cites only the reference from Schönbach.

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with the other members of the Trinity. In the first, the poet asserts that the manna signifies the body of Christ in the Mass ; whoever partakes of the bread with humility derives temporal and eternal benefit, because it is the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit (50,6-14). This speculative interpretation is an independent addition by the German poet for which I could find no parallel. 38 The second reference to the Trinity occurs in the interpretation of the tabernacle that Moses was to make; it was to be thirty cubits high (57,16-21), and concerning this height the poet affirms succinctly: Nu bezeichenet div hohe dri namen here den uater ioh den sun ioh den spiritum sanctum.

(61,22-25)

The number thirty suggests a trinitarian interpretation as it were by itself, especially to this poet, who is fond of symbolical explanations. 39 In the Vorauer Balaam (72-8-85,3) there is a long description of the contents in the ark of the covenant (78,15-84,26). One object in the ark was the lampstand, whose base was divided into three parts ; from the base a shaft proceeded, and this is in turn divided into seven parts (81,14-24). The lampstand was made of red gold, and had seven branches at the top with cups, bowls, and lilies (81, 24-82,8; see Exod. 25:31-36). The meaning of the various parts of the lampstand is then given in considerable detail, beginning with the base : Wir ne mugen ez niht uirdagen ein luzel seule wir hinnen sagen bizeichenunge waz hi rane si der fuz uns ovget namen dri in einer wesenunge hi bedurfte wir offenunge got uater ist der eine uon ime der sun ungesheiden 38

Wells apparently did not find any either. See Wells, 87. Sister Buttell's comment on this passage again reveals an incorrect reading of the text (238). 39

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nu nenne wir den driten sus uon rehter heizet spiritus sanctus wände er ist ir beider minne werch uirgendiz zu allen dingen. (82,8-18) The tripartite construction of the base again suggests a trinitarian interpretation, but here it seems as if the poet has made the object fit his interpretation, because the Biblical account gives no description of the shape of the base. 40 The idea that the Holy Spirit is the love bond between the Father and the Son is a common medieval tradition going back to Augustine: "Qui Spiritus sanctus secundum Scripturas sanctas, nec Patris solius est, nec Filii solius, sed amborum: et ideo communem, qua invicem se diligunt Pater et Filius, nobis insinuât charitatem." 41 The same idea was also expressed by several other medieval writers, among them Hildebert of Tours, Honorius of Autun, Hugo of St. Victor, and Richard of St. Victor; 42 and it also recurs in M H G sermons. 43 It is of interest to note that the German poet views the Holy Spirit as the active member of the Godhead ("werch uirgendiz ze allen dingen", 82,17-18), thus giving greater prominence to the third person of the Trinity than to the other two. While the three persons of the Trinity are signified by the three parts of the base, the unity of the Trinity is signified by the single shaft proceeding from the base : Div selbe trinitas div ist ein einigev unitas alter noh zit beuahet ir nechein meror noh minner ist ovh ir nechein uf stet si in einen schaft hat ez div gelovbe sins wirt ez wole berehaft. (82,18-23) The doctrine that there is unity as well as plurality in the Godhead and that all three persons are timeless and equal is as ancient as the creeds of the early Church. 40

Cf. Wells, 112. De Trinitate (MPL, 42), 1080. 42 {MPL, 171), 705; {MPL, 172), 1111 ; {MPL, 175), 502; {MPL, 196), 1011-12. 43 Jeitteles, 88; Pfeiffer, I, 342, 379-380, 397; "Drei Predigten aus dem XIII. Jahrhundert", Germania, 7 (1863), 340. 41

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The division of the shaft into seven parts at the top is also explained according to traditional doctrine : in sibenev teilt si sich obenan des geistes gebe sint daz s o wir ez han d o h m a n si merche mislich. (82,24-26)

The Jewish lampstand with its seven lamps was interpreted as the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit already in the early Church. In fact, Karl Schlütz points out that the most common symbol for the gifts of the Spirit was the seven-branch lampstand; he cites a number of references where the symbol occurs.44 Thus the poet of the Vorauer Balaam is simply following an established tradition. 45

4. WILLIRAM'S EXPOSITIO I N CANTICA CANTICORUM 4 6

Written about 1060, the Expositio in Cantica Canticorum by Williram, Abbot of Ebersberg, is the first German commentary on the Song of Solomon. Williram gives the Vulgate text, a Latin commentary in leonine hexameters, and a German translation of the text together with a German commentary. The German commentary contains a number of references to the Holy Spirit, even though for Williram Christ is the central person of the Trinity. He opens his work with a Latin prologue in prose, in which he states the reasons for writing the work and the methods used in his commentary. Like other writers of religious works, he too recognizes the assistance of the Holy Spirit: "Eisdem uersibus interdum utor. quia que spiritus sanctus eisdem uerbis sepius repetiuit. hec etiam me eisdem uersibus sepius repetere non indecens uisum fuit." (pp. 36-39) In several instances Williram either uses or alludes to some of the symbols for the Holy Spirit, among them the dove symbol (see pp. 29-30). Explaining the meaning of the phrase oculi tui columbarum 44 Isaías 11,2 (Die sieben Gaben des Hl. Geistes) in den ersten vier christlichen Jahrhunderten (Alttestamentliche Abhandlungen, XI,4) (Münster, 1932), 158-159. 45 Wells, 113; see also Grieshaber, II, 126. 46 Ed. Erminnie H. Bartelmez (Philadelphia, 1967).

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(Song of Sol. 4:1), he associates the eyes with the Holy Spirit, who teaches simplicity (54G,7-10).47 That the dove signifies the Holy Spirit is of course common doctrine, and simplicity is often associated with the dove, since it is one of its most important characteristics. Again influenced by the symbol of the dove (Song of Sol. 6:8), Williram declares concerning the Church: "Dìu min ecclesia catholica... sîu ist îe dóh unius fidei et unius spiritus: unte ist ôuh mir bezêichenet mit dote spiritus sancii, qui per columbam figuratur." (104G,2-7)48 He probably has in mind the Day of Pentecost, on which the Church was begun by the Holy Spirit and thus 'signed' by Him. In another passage (Song of Sol. 4:12), Williram, by means of the symbol of water (see pp. 31-32), writes of the Spirit's role in helping Christians produce good fruits: "Der gárto ist álliz ána gefûihtet mit démo besígeleten brúnnen. uuanta diu corda credentium nehêinen fructum boni operis bringen nemúgon. sine gratia spiritus sancii." (67G,7-10)49 The idea that man cannot do good works without the help of the Holy Spirit is a common one that can be found in vernacular sermons. The author of the early MHG sermon Die Pentecosten, from the collection Speculum Ecclesiae, for instance, encourages his listeners to pray for the Spirit, "want niemin niht gûtis getûn mac an die hilfe des heiligin geistis".50 In the interpretation of Song of Sol 2:6, Williram writes: "So er des ínnena uuírdit. daz míh der vuérlte bedrûzet. unte míh ókkeret síner mínnon lústet. so gíbet er mir in presenti pignus spiritus sancii, unte intellectum sanctarum scripturarum. unte ándera sine dona que per leuam figurantur." (32G,3-7)51 The commentary on Song of Sol. 8:3 repeats the above quotation almost verbatim (133G,2-7). In both cases Williram views the pledge of the Spirit as a kind of mystical reassurance to the believer who longs to be with Christ. 47 48 49 50 51

Haymo ( M P L , 117), 314-315, here speaks of spiritual insight. See Haymo (MPL, 117), 339, and Alcuin (MPL, 100), 658. Cf. Haymo, 322. Mellbourn, 79,26-27; see also Mellbourn, 122; Leyser, 49, 89-90. Haymo (MPL, 117), 303, does not mention the pignus spiritus sancii.

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81

Commenting on Song of Sol 5:13, he explains the cheeks to mean Christ's human actions : His gentleness in receiving publicans and sinners, His severity in dealing with the Pharisees, His exulting in the Holy Spirit, and His sorrow over Jerusalem and the death of Lazarus (90G,2-9).52 The phrase about rejoicing in the Spirit is taken from Luke 10:21. In several passages Williram speaks of the Holy Spirit's activity in the soul of man through His seven gifts. Commenting on Song of Sol. 1 : lb-2a, he explains these verses to mean that the sweetness of God's grace is better than the severity of His law (2G,l-5). He then elaborates on the nature and the effect of this divine grace: "Diu sélba gnâda ist gemísket mit uariis donis spiritus sancti. mit den du máchost ex peccatoribus iustos. ex damnandis remunerandos." (2G,5-8) The 'various gifts of the Holy Spirit' evidently mean the seven gifts enumerated by Isaiah (11:2-3). As is often the case, Williram has here drawn on the commentary by Haymo, who interprets the unguenta of Song of Sol. 1:2 as the gifts of the Spirit.53 Alcuin, in his commentary, also refers to the healing power of the Holy Spirit.54 Referring to the laudatory term columba mea (Song of Sol. 5:2), Williram explains it briefly: "min tûba. quia dotata a me donis spiritus sancti. qui per columbam figuratur." (77G,5-7) As before (2G,5-8), he probably has the seven gifts of the Spirit in mind. Haymo has a different interpretation in this case: "Quia spiritus mei dote es sanctificata."55 And Alcuin writes succinctly: "quia spiritus mei dono illustrata." 56 In a subsequent passage (Song of Sol. 5:12) individual believers are the recipients of the Holy Spirit's gifts. Writing of Christ the bridegroom, Williram affirms that He has the power to give His followers gifts of the Spirit (89G,3-6). The purpose of the gifts, he continues, is that the Christian may maintain the innocence of a dove, that he may draw spiritual strength from the Scriptures and 52 53 54 55 5e

Cf. Haymo (MPL, 117), 332-333. (MPL, 117), 295. (MPL, 100), 642. (MPL, 117), 327. (MPL, 100), 654.

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thereby learn to overcome the deceits of the devil (89G,6-14). Haymo also equates the eyes with the gifts of the Spirit, but supports his interpretation with a quotation from Rev. 5:6. 57 The only complete enumeration in medieval German literature of the charisms of the Holy Spirit occurs in Williram's Expositio in Cantica Canticorum. He views them as divine aids in becoming a strong Christian and in performing good works (69G,9-20).58 In this commentary on Song of Sol. 4:13c-14c, he diverges from Paul's teaching in I Corinthians 12 and 14, because according to the latter these manifestations are intended not so much for the benefit of the individual believer as for the whole community of believers. The German poet apparently sees little difference between the purpose of the nine charisms and that of the seven gifts.59

5. F R A U AVA'S JOHANNES 6 0

From the twelfth century we have three poetic accounts in German of the life of John the Baptist: Frau Ava's Johannes, Priester Adelbrecht's Johannes Baptista, and the Baumgartenberger Johannes Baptista. Probably the earliest of these was Frau Ava's (ca. 1120), which is found only in in the Görlitz Manuscript. The first reference to the Holy Spirit is in the annunciation scene. Basing her account on Luke 1:35, Frau Ava writes: "Uber dich chumet spiritus sanctus, / er bescatewet dine wamben." (122-123) It is interesting to note that Frau Ava changes the text of the Vulgate by omitting the phrase virtus Altissimi. Both the coming upon and overshadowing are attributed to the Holy Spirit in her poetic paraphrase. The Virgin Mary asks how she can conceive without knowing a man, whereupon the angel reiterates that the Spirit will be the agent of conception (143-144).61 In Luke there is only one reference 57

(MPL,

117), 332. Cf. Alcuin {MPL, 100), 653. 59 See also Mellbourn, 74; Schönbach, I, 113-114. 60 Maurer, II, No. 40. 61 Werner vom Niederrhein in Di vier schiven (Maurer, III, No. 56) has a similar passage (189-192). 58

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to the Holy Spirit, while Frau Ava emphasizes His role by doubling the statements concerning Him. Simply following Luke 1:67, the poetess declares that Zachariah, the father of John the Baptist, was full of the Holy Spirit and began to prophesy (189-192). More independent are Frau Ava's comments on the life of John the Baptist in the desert. Already at the age of eight, she asserts, the child went as a hermit into the wilderness, because God had instructed him to do so (195-202). There he was able to overcome his carnal nature, but only through the help of the Spirit, she continues (203-206). Strengthened by God, John wore rough clothes made of camel's hair (207-210). He watched over his senses, in which God lived, Frau Ava continues (211-214). He lived on locusts and wild honey, because Christ gave him the strength for this (215-218). Because of love for God he was very lean in body, she concludes (219220). Richard Kienast has pointed out that Frau Ava depicts John's ascetic life using Matt. 3:4 and Luke 1:80 as basis as well as some (unknown) hymn to John the Baptist. 62 For the idea that John overcame the flesh through the help of the Holy Spirit she may very well have used Rom. 8:13 ("si autem spiritu facta carnis mortificaveritis, vivetis"). In a vernacular sermon about John the Baptist, probably from the thirteenth century, the author relates that John left the world at the age of seven and "flôch in die wuest, dô in der hailige gaist in laitet." 6 3 Here the Spirit leads him into the wilderness, while in Frau Ava He helps him overcome His sinful nature. The idea that the Holy Spirit helps man in the struggle against the flesh occurs in the Idsteiner Sprüche der Väter (55) as well. 64 In receiving the command to baptize those who repent (221-226), John the Baptist is given a sign - the dove - by which he will recognize Christ, the one who baptizes in the Holy Spirit (227-232; see John 1:32-33). 62

"Ava-Studien I", ZfdA, 74 (1937), 13, 28. Adalbert Jeitteles, "Predigt auf Johannes den Täufer", Germania, 35 (1890), 174,37-38. 64 Maurer, I, N o . 2; see also Franz K. Grieshaber, "Predigtbruchstücke aus dem XII. Jahrhundert", Germania, 1 (1856), 454. 63

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6. PRIESTER ADELBRECHT'S JOHANNES BAPTISTA65

Like Frau Ava, Priester Adelbrecht simply paraphrases Luke 1:67 in telling of Zachariah's being filled with the Holy Spirit (111-114). More independent is the poet's epilogue, in which he identifies himself and gives the reason for writing the poem: Durh sancti Johannis minne so vant mit sinem sinne unde mit des heiligen geistes gebe dise churzliche rede ein priester hiez Adelbreht, er ist scalch unde chneht des heiligen mannes, sancti Johannes. (248-255)

It is not at all uncommon for medieval poets to attribute their inspiration to the Holy Spirit - in fact, they often pray for the Spirit's help. Priester Adelbrecht, however, seems less humble than other poets (e.g., the Exodus translator) in that he attributes the inspiration of his poem not only to the Holy Spirit, but also to his own mind. The phrase unde mit des heiligen geistes gebe almost appears like a parenthetical insertion or necessary afterthought. Such poetic self-confidence is rare in medieval German religious poetry. In the remainder of the epilogue Adelbrecht praises John the Baptist and prays for his help at the Last Judgment (256-267).

7. BAUMGARTENBERGER JOHANNES BAPTISTA66

The author of the Baumgartenberger Johannes Baptista, a fragment consisting of six strophes, includes a brief but important comment on the role of the Holy Spirit in the Old Testament prophets : Die wissagen do vor sageten, also si vernomen habeten von dem heiligem geiste : der bewiste si der liste, 65 66

Maurer, II, No. 37. Maurer, II, No. 27.

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da sie die Juden mite lerten, daz si sich becherten. (13-18) Until the time of John the Baptist, the Jews were instructed by the prophets and they in turn by the Holy Spirit. Max Ittenbach has correctly suggested that the thought expressed here moves in a symmetrical pattern : it begins with the instruction of the prophets, moves to the Holy Spirit as their source of inspiration, and then moves back to the instruction of the prophets again.67 The idea that the Spirit inspired the prophets is based on the Bible (e.g., II Peter 1:21) and recurs frequently in German sermons68 and in literary works.69 But is is unusual that this poet views the Holy Spirit as being active on behalf of the Jews even before the time of Christ. In the Old Testament the Spirit is generally regarded as the Spirit of power and of prophecy, but not a person actively concerned about the salvation of the Jews.

8. F R A U AVA'S LEBEN JESU 70

In the twelfth century there were written two poems about the life of Christ: Frau Ava's Leben Jesu and Der wilde Mann's Veronica. In her poem Frau Ava devotes considerable attention to the Holy Spirit, usually drawing on the Gospel narrative. She begins with the story of Mary and the supernatural conception of Christ, a subject she had already dealt with in her Johannes (122-123 ; 143-144). Here she varies the narrative somewhat: der heilige spiritus sanctus der bephiench ir die wambe. er bescatewet ir den lichnamen, do wart si swanger ane man. (41-44) 67

"Zwei Dichtungen des 12. Jahrhunderts", Euphorien, 43 (1943), 182. E.g., August H. Hoffmann von Fallersleben, "Predigten aus dem 10-13 Jahrhundert", in Fundgruben für Geschichte deutscher Sprache und Litteratur, I (Breslau, 1830; reprint Hildesheim, 1969), 71 - abbreviated as Hoffmann; Jeitteles, 9, 12; Schönbach, I, 144, 188. 89 See Von der babylonischen Gefangenschaft (71-74), ed. Maurer, I, N o . 17. 70 Maurer, II, No. 41. 68

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A few lines later she gives a more detailed account of how the Holy Spirit brought about the miracle of the incarnation : D o diu magit des verstunt daz iz c h ô m e v o n e got, und der hailige a d e m entswebete ir den lichnamen v o n den vuozen unze an den wirbel, do gihite der himel zuo der erde. daz wart da ze stete sein, d o er sprach daz wort sin. (69-76)

The problem word in this passage is entsweben. Adolf Langguth suggests anwehen as translation.71 Richard Kienast maintains that it is simply a loan translation of the Latin sopire; he explains its meaning as follows : "An unserer Stelle ist gemeint, daß das wache Bewußtsein des Menschen aufgehoben sein muß, damit er der göttlichen Geheimnisse teilhaftig werden kann..." 72 In paraphrasing the above strophe, Kienast writes: "...als die Magd inne wurde, daß das Gottes Werk war, und als der Heilige Geist sie durch Versetzen in höchste Ekstase ganz in Besitz nahm, da wurde Himmel und Erde eins. Das wurde da sofort offenbar, als er sein Wort gesprochen hatte.'"73 It seems to me that Kienast has come closest to the meaning of the passage. Using Matt. 1:20, Frau Ava affirms that the angel also told Joseph of the conception of Christ by the Holy Spirit (109-112). The next reference to the Spirit occurs in connection with Christ's baptism, at which time the Holy Spirit appeared as a dove (457-462). Her portrayal is in keeping with the Gospel record (see Matt. 3:16; Mark 1:10; Luke 3:22; John 1:32) as is also the statement in the next strophe about Christ's being led into the wilderness by the Spirit (463-470; see Matt. 4:1 ; Luke 4:1). There may be an indirect allusion to the Holy Spirit in Frau Ava's explanation of John 1:42 ("Tu es Simon filius Iona") :

71 72 73

Untersuchungen über die Gedichte der Ava (Budapest, 1880), 32. ZfdA, 74, 24. ZfdA, 74, 14.

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er sprach : 'du bist sun Johanna' : do offent sich iesa, daz er ein tube ware und der sun der obristen genade. (555-558)

As Kienast has pointed out, 74 these verses, which explain the Hebrew name Jona, are based on Alcuin's commentary on the Gospel of John : "Jona lingua nostra dicitur colomba. Tu es ergo filius Jona, tu es filius Spiritus sancii."75 For Spiritus sanctus Frau Ava writes diu obriste genade a term that in the twelfth century was used for the Holy Spirit. The St. Trudperter Hohe Lied, for example, speaks of the Spirit as der oberôste liebe a n d diu meiste gnâde (1,1-2).

In her account of the Last Supper, Frau Ava includes a remark by Christ which is not found in the Gospels : Dar nach wihte er daz prot, den einleven er iz pot, er sprach : 'dize ist warez min fleisk, dar zuo gecreftige iuch der heilige geist, dar ir disiu tougen vil rehte geloubet, unde daz ir iz chundet allen minen chinden, so wit so diu werlt ist, daz iz vure iuch gegeben ist.' (1275-84)

This passage is reminiscent of the section in the Vorauer Bücher Moses dealing with the Passover lamb (42,19-27). There too the Holy Spirit was involved in strengthening faith in the mysteries of Christianity. Here in this strophe of Frau Ava's Leben Jesu, the Spirit is also involved in helping the disciples spread the news about the vicarious nature of Christ's death. Shortly before the ascension, Christ commanded His followers to go into all nations, preaching and baptizing in the name of the Trinity (2013-17). The command to preach and baptize comes from Matt. 28:19, but the subsequent assertion that the Holy Spirit would teach them how to carry out God's will (2018-20) has no direct counterpart in the New Testament. Thereupon Christ tells His disciples to wait for ten days - the time of waiting is not predict74 75

ZfdA, 74,297. (MPL, 100), 760.

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ed in the Gospels - and He would send them another trostaere (2021-24). In the next strophe Frau Ava, drawing on John 14:16-18, has Christ repeat the promise about sending them the trostgeist (2025-30). After the ascension the eleven Apostles returned to the city, but they did not teach until Christ in His grace gave them the Holy Spirit, the poetess affirms (2117-20). On the tenth day their waiting ended (2137-42): des tages an der triten wile do trost er die sine, antiquis in temporibus do chom in der spiritus sanctus, mit fiurinen zungen die boten er enzunde. mit der inneren hize er brahte in forhte jouch guote gewizzen, sterche, rat unde vernunst, vil creftich was diu anedunst. duo got mit sinem wistuome sinen eilenden wolt Ionen, vil harte erchomen si sich, iz was blikche und tonere gelich. (2143-56)

With the verb troesten in line 2144 Frau Ava again brings to mind the Biblical name for the Holy Spirit (Paraclete), a name she had earlier used in nominal form: trostaere (2024) and trostgeist (2030). For the first part of her account she draws on Acts 2, while the association of the seven gifts (Isa. 11) with the Pentecost experience is apparently her own invention. Barbara Tillmanns has suggested the reason for the reverse order of the gifts: "...sie zählt sie von der Furcht zur Weisheit auf und sieht in der 'Weisheit Gottes' nicht nur die Gabe, sondern gleichzeitig den Sohn Gottes, der die Weisheit ist und der 'sinen eilenden wolt Ionen', ein Hinweis darauf, daß Gott uns durch seinen Sohn erlöste und uns dadurch wieder Heimatrecht bei sich gab." 76 Having received the gift of the Holy Spirit, the Apostles began 76

"Die sieben Gaben des Heiligen Geistes in der deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters", diss. Kiel, 1962, 51.

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89

to teach and to preach the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit (2157-64). Of the Spirit she writes, "der gelerei unsich allermeist" (2164), thus stressing His teaching ministry again (see 2018-20); as basis for this thought she no doubt has in mind John 14:26. After Pentecost - in the book of Acts it occurs before - the disciples through the help of the Holy Spirit chose a replacement for Judas (2185-92; see Acts 1:15-26). The New Testament narrative does not attribute the choice of a twelfth Apostle specifically to the third person of the Trinity. In sermons, it was taught, however, that bishops were chosen by direction of the Holy Spirit, and Frau Ava may have been influenced by this tradition.77

9. D E R WILDE M A N N ' S VERONICA 7 8

The so-called Veronica (ca. 1170) by Der wilde Mann is in reality a life of Christ, into which the poet has inserted part of the Veronica legend (89-196). This section is not an integral part of the poem and could easily be omitted. Der wilde Mann begins with a lengthy prologue in honor of the Holy Spirit (1-88). He introduces himself in the first line and then pays tribute to the Spirit, without whose help the work would have been impossible: D a t di wilde m a n gedihtet hat. der heilige geist gab im den rat da alle duget ane gescit. allein inkan er der buche nit, iz nemeistiret di godis craft, di giveth di wisheit unde maht.

(1-6)

Like the Exodus poet (1-10), Der wilde Mann feels inadequate to write religious works, humbly confessing that he is not educated in theological books. But the power of God, perhaps an allusion to the Holy Spirit, gives wisdom and ability. 77

Karl Roth, Deutsche Predigten des XII. und XIII. Jahrhunderts (BNL, 11,1) (Quedlinburg and Leipzig, 1839), 75; and Schönbach, III, 256. 78 Maurer, III, No. 57.

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In tones reminiscent of Augustine's injunction to begin a religious work with prayer,79 Der wilde Mann then moralizes in general terms about the value of the Holy Spirit's assistance in performing a good work - here he probably has in mind the writing of a religious poem: s o wer einir dugede wil biginnen, he sal is an den heiligen geist gesinnen, s o machet he dat ende guot, also warliche s o he Moisese sterkete sinen m u o t inde wisede alliz w a z her sprach, d o er in < i n > dem vure sach. (7-12)

As justification for his own prayer for inspiration and as a hymn of praise to the Holy Spirit, the poet in the above passage begins to recount various events in which He helped men throughout history. He does not make it clear which event in the life of Moses he has in mind, when the Holy Spirit strengthened Moses in mind and told him what to speak. The fire should provide a clue, but there are two occasions on which Moses encountered God in fire. The first was in the burning bush (Exod. 3), but there the Bible simply relates that the Lord appeared to Moses and leaves the person of the appearance open. The second was on Mt. Sinai at the giving of the Law, when the Lord appeared as a burning fire (Exod. 24:17). It seems likely that the poet has the first event in mind, since there seems to have been a tradition in medieval times that the Holy Spirit was associated with the burning bush. In one sermon the author states that the fire of the burning bush represents the Spirit.80 Hence it is not surprising that Der wilde Mann says that it was the Spirit who instructed Moses and whom he saw in the fire. The Holy Spirit also gave the judge Gideon strength to defeat the enemies of Israel, he continues : h e leste o c h Kidionis bete di luzel gudes durch in dete. idoch so gab er ime di maht dat er wider Philisteum vaht. 79

(13-16)

De doctrina Christiana (MPL, 34), 120. The Schwarzwälder Prediger (Grieshaber, I, 8) teaches that the bush was enflamed by the Holy Spirit, while the author of the St. Pauler sermons ( Jeitteles, 43) states that the bush represents the Spirit. 80

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91

As already Wilhelm Grimm noticed, this passage is corrupt. He suggested that the manuscript reading, which favors Gideon, is in error and should really be Samson, because Gideon did not defeat the Philistines but the Midianites (Judges 6-8).81 If Samson is meant, line 14 is more fitting, for Gideon lived an essentially righteous life except for a brief episode of idolatry near the end of his life (Judges 8:27). However, despite the error about the Philistines, scholars since Karl Köhn, who pointed out a similar error in Berthold von Regensburg, have generally accepted the manuscript reading of Gideon. 82 That the Holy Spirit helped Gideon is indicated by the Biblical narrative: "Spiritus autem Domini induit Gideon..." (Judges 6:34). Interspersed among the patriarchs is the mention of the miracle of Balaam's speaking donkey : "Her lerte den esel dat er sprach / und och dat er den engel sach." (17-18) In keeping with the special activity of the Holy Spirit in verbal and literary inspiration, Der wilde Mann, like the poet of the Sancì Brandan legend (6-16), attributes the donkey's unusual verbal ability to the Spirit, although the Bible simply uses the term Dominus (Num. 22:28). Der wilde Mann even goes one step further and also attributes to the Holy Spirit the donkey's ability to see the angel. The Holy Spirit has many other abilities : maniger dugende hat er me, d o er uppe Davidin virze, unde virgab ime sine missetat.

(19-21)

According to Der wilde Mann, it was the Spirit who forgave David his great sin, presumably the sin of taking Bathsheba as wife after having her husband murdered (II Sam. 11). The poet's assertion may be connected with David's humble prayer of penitence: "Et spiritum sanctum tuum ne auferas a me." (Ps. 50:13) The thought that David received forgiveness through the Holy Spirit can also be found in a MHG sermon from the Oberaltaicher collection: "Davide der sich überladen het mit der überhur und mit der man81

Wernher vom Niederrhein (Göttingen, 1839), 73. Die Gedichte des wilden Mannes und Wernhers vom Niederrhein zur germanischen Philologie, 6) (Berlin, 1891), 78. 82

(Schriften

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siecht, dem gäbe er riwiges hertz und erreinigt in von allen schulden." 83 David's son Solomon was inspired by the Holy Spirit in his writings ; it was He, Der wilde Mann declares, who gave Solomon his wisdom and literary ability (22-24). The Old Testament contains no direct statement about Solomon, but the Church teaches that as author of Scripture he was inspired by the Spirit. Furthermore, to the Holy Spirit can be attributed the incomparable wisdom and wealth of the Queen of Sheba (25-26). Again there is no basis for this idea in the Old Testament account (I Kings 10:1-13). The virtuous Susanna, Der wilde Mann continues, was saved from death by the Holy Spirit (27). Here the poet probably has in mind Daniel, who through the power of the Spirit was able to expose the evil designs of Susanna's accusers (see Dan. 13:45-61). This idea is not new with our poet, for it can be found, for instance, in the sixteenth catechetical lecture of Cyril of Jerusalem, a Greek Church Father from the fourth century.84 Continuing his enumeration of Old Testament saints who were helped by the Holy Spirit, Der wilde Mann asserts that Daniel was comforted by the Spirit with Habakkuk's food (28-29). These remarks are based on the apocryphal story of the Dragon at Babel. After killing the dragon, the story relates, Daniel was thrown into a den of lions and left without food for six days (vv. 22-31). However, the angel of the Lord instructed the prophet Habakkuk to take Daniel some food (vv. 32-38). The only reference to the Spirit is when the angel lifts Habakkuk by the top of his head and sets him in Babylon over the den, "in impetu spiritus sui" (v. 35). Perhaps this is where Der wilde Mann made the association with the Holy Spirit. Before going on to the next event, the poet prays that He may give us the same food (30-31). According to Der wilde Mann, the Holy Spirit also protected the three Hebrews in the furnace (32-33). The apocryphal narrative, 83

Schönbach, II, 113,31-33. (MPG, 33), 962; for a vernacular example from the twelfth century see Mellbourn, 76. 84

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however, asserts that it was an angel of the Lord who made the fire like cool dew (Dan. 3:49-50). The Spirit heard and answered Hezekiah's prayer for life and granted him a further fifteen years (34-38). Isaiah 38:1-8 simply records that God heard Hezekiah's prayer and promised to add another fifteen years to his life. Der wilde Mann then affirms that the Holy Spirit gave the prophets and sibyls wisdom to write their works (39-40). That the prophets wrote with the help of the Spirit is of course a common idea. The sibyls he has in mind are most likely the apocryphal Jewish and Christian collections of religious writings known as Oracula Sibyllina. They were written between the second century B.C. and the third or fourth century A.D. in imitation of the ancient pagan Greek and Latin oracles, although they have nothing to do with the latter. Apparently quite well known in the early Middle Ages, these sibylline writings are mentioned occasionally in medieval German literature. 85 In Die Kindheit Jesu, for example, Konrad von Fussesbrunnen asserts that the authors of these oracles were able to proclaim the truth, because they received their inspiration from the Holy Spirit (36-39). 86 Despite all of these miracles, the Holy Sprit's power has not diminished in the least, Der wilde Mann solemnly declares in continuing the prologue (41-43). 87 The Spirit is active in and knows all about the universe: He encompasses heaven and earth, He knows the floods of the sea, and He knows the number of stars (44-46 ; see Wisd. 1:7). Therefore the poet feels confident that he can depend upon His indwelling presence as he undertakes the poem: "wi wol ich im getruwen, / dat he mit mir sulle buwen." (47-48) He trusts the Holy Spirit for help, because he wants to write for the glory of God and for the benefit of all Christendom (49-52). He especially feels the need for the assistance of the Holy Spirit because of his former useless life (53-54). In different words Der wilde Mann then renews his request for inspiration : 85

Friedrich Vogt, "Ueber Sibyllen Weissagung", Beiträge, 4 (1877), 48-100. Ed. Karl Kochendörffer (QF, 43) (Strassburg, 1881 ; reprint Berlin, 1965). Grimm, Wernher, 73, referes this passage specifically to God's wisdom: "wie vil got Weisheit verlieh, die seine minderte sich nicht." 86

87

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wolde mich got so vile leren, dat ich einen menscen mohte bikeren, so kond ich harte wol di buoch. (55-57) 88

After a general didactic excursion about moderation (58-62), he alludes to the captivity of the prophets in purgatory, who could not be saved until the appearing of Christ (63-68). Der wilde Mann continues : do was der heilige geist heimlich gisant, den ouch Daniel hadde bikant, da er Nabuchodonosor irscein. (69-71)

The problem in this obscure passage arises in line 69, which reads in the manuscript: "do der heilige geist heilich was ginant", a reading that does not make much sense. Wilhelm Grimm suggested, "di der geist was ginant", which is not satisfactory either. 89 Köhn omitted all punctuation after line 68 ("e der godes (sun) wolde kumen") and made a co-ordinating clause out of line 69 : "unde de heilich geist was gisant..." 9 0 Maurer's reading and punctuation, which he has taken from Bernard Standring, 91 do not fit into the context, for Daniel did not reveal the Holy Spirit in interpreting Nebuchadnezzar's dream. Standring has suggested that the poet in line 69 alludes to the annunciation, but on that occasion the angel was sent with the message that Mary would conceive by the power of the Spirit, not the Holy Spirit Himself. 92 Another possibility is that line 69, which is no doubt corrupt, should read christ instead of geist. There would then be a natural continuation of the thought expressed in line 68 as well as a logical transition to the interpretation of the stone as referring to Christ (72-76 ; see Dan. 2:34). In the concluding section of the prologue the poet quite clearly states that the stone represents Christ, who was born of a 88 Hans Eggers, "Der Wilde Mann", VL, 4 (Berlin, 1953), 970, sees in these lines a certain opposition to the well-educated cleric, which may very well be the case. 89 Wernher, 74. 90 Gedichte des wilden Mannes, 3. 91 Die Gedichte des Wilden Mannes (ATB, 59) (Tübingen, 1963), 3. 92 Gedichte, 52-53.

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virgin, destroyed the works of the devil, healed the sick, raised the dead, and gave sight to the blind (77-88). Immediately following this rather long prologue of 88 lines, Der wilde Mann has inserted the Veronica legend (89-196), which contains no references or allusions to the Holy Spirit. He begins his account of the life of Christ with the baptism in the Jordan, at which time the Trinity was revealed (197-205). Regarding the Holy Spirit, the poet writes : ein duve brahti den crisimen al zu liant. daz was der heiligi geist, di irvulthe di namin allir meist, daz is alii di vrowede gwunnen, di der toufe hadden bigunnen. (206-210) Der wilde Mann brings together two common symbols for the Spirit, the dove and the chrism. Already the early Church taught that the baptism was the occasion when Christ was anointed with the unction of the Holy Spirit. 93 The German poet goes on to proclaim that the appearance of the Spirit completed the Trinity di namin no doubt refers to the three names in the Godhead 9 4 because the Father had spoken, the Son was in the Jordan, and the Holy Spirit had appeared as a dove. Just before His ascension, Christ commanded His followers to wait for the descent of the Holy Spirit : ir suit ouch nit irbalden. zehin dage solt ir uch bireiden, so senden ich uch einin leiden, dar sal dicke mit u wanen unde sal uch aliis des irmanen, dat ich ie wider uch gisprach. (616-611) The instructions that the disciples were not to be too hasty and overly zealous but were to wait ten days for the promised Spirit, instructions also given in Frau Ava's Leben Jesu (2021-30), are 93

Swete, Holy Spirit, 388. Robert Sprenger, "Über Wernher vom Niederrhein", Beiträge zur deutschen Philologie (Halle, 1880), 133, suggested that the reading should be di dri namen, thus making it an unambiguous reference to the Trinity. Köhn, Gedichte, 8, adopted the same reading. 94

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based on Luke 24:49 and Acts 1:4, although Christ in the New Testament account did not specify the length of time they were to wait. The period of ten days is calculated from the knowledge that Christ spent forty days on earth after His resurrection (Acts 1:3) and that the Holy Spirit descended on the Day of Pentecost, that is fifty days after the resurrection, which occurred on the Feast of Firstfruits. The word leide (608) is another form for leitaere and hence means 'leader'. The idea that the Holy Spirit leads the Christian is clearly expressed by Paul in Rom. 8:14, a verse which Der wilde Mann may have had in mind here. The promise that the Spirit would indwell them is based on Christ's teaching concerning the Paraclete (John 14:17); similarly that He would bring Christ's instructions back to mind (John 14:26). The description of the Holy Spirit's descent on the Day of Pentecost is quite an independent rendering of Acts 2 : Ein michil vur quam undir si, der heiligeist was ouch da bi, di in daz herze inprande, daz iwilich irkande, dat di vorhti an im irstarf. (641-645)

Instead of tongues of fire, which Frau Ava mentions (2147-48), Der wilde Mann speaks of a great fire. Unusual is the manner in which the poet at first subordinates the Holy Spirit to the symbol of fire: it seems as if the mention of the Spirit is almost an afterthought. Once He is named, however, He remains central to the passage. The Spirit as fire so enflâmes the disciples that they lose all fear. Peter opens the gates of heaven and the rest too are now able to proclaim their faith (646-648).95 As was the case in Frau Ava (2157-64), our poet stresses the transformation of the disciples from fearful followers of Christ to powerful preachers of His Gospel who feared neither sword nor death (649-652).

95 Köhn, Gedichte, 81, believes lines 647-648 to be a rendering of Acts 2:4; I interpret them in a general sense, meaning that the disciples were now not afraid to proclaim their faith.

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97

10. VOM HIMMLISCHEN JERUSALEM 9 6

One of the earliest poems in M H G about the last things is Vom himmlischen Jerusalem, written about 1140. After an introduction (1-48), the poet describes the heavenly city, basing his portrayal on Rev. 21 (49-126). In the central section of the poem (127-429) he describes and interprets allegorically the twelve stones in the foundation of the heavenly Jerusalem (see Rev. 21:19-20). The seventh stone is crysolite, the poet affirms (301-302). It is gold in color, and it emits sparks as if f r o m a fire (303-308). The allegorical significance of these properties is then given : so bezaichenet diu varwe so daz golt, sweme got ferlihet ten gewalt, daz er ist guoter liste unde sinen ebencristen stiuret unt leret, zuo dem bezzerem cheret mit tem selbem gaiste : daz sinte ti ganaisten, di von deme staine springent. (309-317) The phrase mit tem selbem gaiste (315) probably refers to the Holy Spirit, for it is He who helps the Christian guide and instruct others. It is not quite clear what the sparks represent - perhaps the instruction given by the Christian through the Spirit. The eighth stone is called beryl (323-324). It is clear as a fountain into which the sun is shining (325-326); it is rare and warms the hand when clasped tightly for some time (327-330). In allegorical interpretation, beryl represents the believers enlightened by the Holy Spirit: der bezeichenet di rehten, di erliuhtet min trehtin mit tem sinen gaiste, daz lieht ist allermaiste. swelhe dannen gahent unte sich zuo zime vahent, 96

Maurer, II, No. 28.

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di werden danne raine, also diu hant wärmet von dem staine.

(331-338)

The notion that the Holy Spirit is light is connected with the symbol of fire, to which our poet also alludes with the verb warmet (328, 338). Light is a common symbol for the Spirit. In German sermons the illuminating activity of the Spirit is mentioned a number of times.97 The last four lines of the above passage from the Jerusalem speak of the Spirit's activity in cleansing those who come to Him. The thought of cleansing and of warming also occurs in a sermon: "Der heilige geist ist vns gegeben, daz er vnser herce erlivter vnt erzwnte." 98

11. VOM HIMMELREICH"

Another early MHG poem about heaven is Vom Himmelreich, composed about 1170. The poem can be divided into three parts: an introduction (1-64), the description of heaven and life there (65-320), and the conclusion (321-356). The central section concludes with a prayer to God for divine grace at the Last Judgment (301-320).100 The poet prays for mercy and grace, benefits which man on earth often cannot see (301-308). Man cannot hear of this grace as long as the noise of the world deafens him (309-310), nor will this grace come from below into man's heart, but it comes from above and then lifts his frail mind upward (311-313). The poet then goes on to depict the effects of such divine grace upon the human soul : unde machet, daz er sciuhente intfliuhet elliu dei scedelichen oblectamenta carnis, al da nach so du, herró, in wercliche warnis mit des heiigen geistes trostlichere unctione unde in inwertes gestunges salubri compunctione, daz er lieben beginnet elliu, dei dere sele sint profutura, also er si ze eriste hete in dere unverwerten natura. (314-320) 97

Hoffmann, I, 97, 100; Schönbach, I, 59, 238; III, 228. Layser, 9,18-19. 99 Maurer, I, No. 14. 100 It is not clear whether there is a reference to the Holy Spirit in lines 129132; probably the poet has God in mind. 98

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99

The German poet here combines the symbol of the life-giving unction with an allusion to the title of Paraclete in the adjective trostlichere. The above passage reveals that he recognizes the active concern of the Holy Spirit on behalf of man during this age : He warns about harmful wordly pleasures and, with sharp inward prodding, encourages man to turn his attention to matters that benefit his spiritual welfare. 101 In the next strophe the poet speaks of the four animals around the throne (see Rev. 4:6-8). They praise God continually and view God's mysteries (321-324). They are always turned away from the desires of the flesh, while man's eyes again and again sink down to earthly things to the detriment of his soul (357-363).102 Only aid from heaven can help him, the poet continues : den diu hilfe chomen solte celestis medele, der helflich trost des geistes vone deme stuoie, der uns bringet dere sunten jouch des wizes urchuole... (364-366) Again he alludes to the comforting ministry of the Spirit, this time by the noun trost. Only He can bring man relief from his sins and the resulting punishment.

12. LINZER ANTICHRIST 103

The Linzer Antichrist, also written about 1170, furnishes a unique comparison (in medieval German literature) of the birth of Christ with the birth of the Antichrist. Basing his remarks on Jerome, as we are informed in the work itself (59-60), the poet begins by telling of the parents of the Antichrist : he will not be born of a virgin and the devil will be the companion of his mother as soon as she becomes pregnant (61-68). The mother of this devilish man will be indwelled by Satan just as Mary was indwelled by the Holy Spirit, he continues: 101

See also Rudolf Hävemeier, Daz himilriche, ein bairisches Gedicht aus dem 12. Jahrhundert (diss. Göttingen, 1891), 22. 102 Hävemeier, Daz himilriche, 22. 103 Maurer, III, No. 54.

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des divels wirt siu sa vol, wan er des chindes phlegin sol : sam der heiige geist was sandte Marien volleist. (69-72) In the next strophe he elaborates on the conception of Christ: Mary conceived through the word spoken by the angel, and angels protected the unborn child (77-80). But the Spirit was also involved: unt der helige geist der phlac sin allir meist, des was diu froniu magit also vol.

(81-83)

Similarly, Satan will be directly involved in the birth of the Antichrist (84-92). 104

104

For a related passage from Adso, see August Wundrack, "Der Linzer Entechrist", diss. Marburg, 1886, 39.

IV DOGMATIC AND DIDACTIC WORKS

1. EZZOLIED1

The Ezzolied, which has come down to us in an older (ca. 1060), fragmentary version of seven strophes (Strassburg Manuscript) and a later (ca. 1120), revised version of thirty-four strophes (Vorau Manuscript), is a brief compendium on the story of man's redemption. The central member of the Trinity in this work is Christ, yet the other persons of the Godhead are also recognized. As will be shown, it is incorrect to maintain that in the Ezzolied the Holy Spirit remains "vollständig unbegriffen und vor allem in seiner wesensmäßig metaphysischen Struktur verkannt." 2 In narrating the creation of man, the poet of the Vorau Ezzolied climaxes his portrayal by paraphrasing and interpreting Gen. 2:7: er verleh ime sinen atem, daz wir ime den behielten, unte sinen gesin, daz wir ime iemer wuocherente sin.

(51-54)

Like the Vienna Genesis (403-404), the Ezzolied associates man's highest gift, the faculty of intellect, with the Holy Spirit. It should be noted that intellectus is one of the Spirit's seven gifts and that one of His ministries is to strengthen the mind (e.g., John 14:26). In a subsequent strophe of the Ezzolied, which is also contained in 1 Maurer, I, No. 7. The references will be taken from the Vorau Manuscript edition. 2 Gottfried Weber, Der Gottesbegriff des Parzival (Frankfurt, 1933), 12.

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the Strassburg Manuscript, the idea of Gen. 2:7 is again paraphrased, but here the reception of the Spirit is related to immortality. Because man is partaker of God's own Spirit, he also shares in the divine attribute of immortality : "du bliese im dinen geist in, / daz er ewich mohte sin." (73-74; S. IV, 7-8) The central strophe of the Vorau Ezzolied (17; 193-206) contains the account of Christ's youth and baptism. Like Otfrid of Weissenburg (1,16,27), the M H G poet proclaims that the Spirit of God was in Christ even as a child (197-198). The appearance of the Holy Spirit in visible form at Christ's baptism is not directly stated, but it is implied: "Da duo nah der toufe / diu gotheit ouch sih ougte." (207-208) The last line no doubt refers to the Father's words of approval for the Son and to the descent of the Spirit as a dove. Bodo Mergell has shown that the trinitarian concept of God forms an important connecting link between the beginning, the middle, and the end of the poem. 3 At the beginning of the poem the Trinity was revealed at the creation of man, in the middle at the baptism of Christ, and at the end in the redemption of man. The last two strophes (33-34; 395-420) most clearly reveal the poet's understanding of the mystery of the Trinity. By means of the ancient allegory of man's life as a ship on the sea, he alludes to the role of the Holy Spirit in the present era. In this allegory the cross is our sail-yard, the world is the sea, our Lord the sail and helmsman, good works are the sail ropes, the sail is the true faith, the Holy Spirit is the wind, and heaven is our home (395-406). This allegory can be found in the early Church Fathers, although not always in the same form. As one of the early examples, Johann Kelle cites the anonymous Opus imperfectum in MattheumA It also occurs in Bede's commentary on Matt. 8:23, 5 and in a work by Honorius of Autun: "velum fides, arbor crux, funes opera, gubernaculum discredo, ventus Spiritus sanctus, portus aeterna requies." 6 The same allegory, or a variation of it, continues in German literature 3

"Ezzos Gesang", Beiträge, 76 (Ha 1954/55), 200-201. "Die Quelle von Ezzos Gesang von den Wundern Christi", WSB, 129 (1893), 35. 5 MPL, 92, 174. 9 Scala coeli maior, MPL, 172, 1230. 4

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right into the seventeenth century : for example, it can still be found in the poetry of Friedrich von Logau, where the Holy Spirit is the driving wind just as in the EzzoliedP In almost all cases the wind represents the Holy Spirit. Hans Neumann notes that in Hippolytus, however, the white sail signifies the Spirit; but already in the pseudo-Chrysostomus the wind is interpreted as the Holy Spirit similarly in Clemens and in the works of Hugo of St. Victor.8 The symbol of the wind for the Holy Spirit in the Ezzolied - "der heilige atem is der wint, / der vuoret unsih an den rehten sint", 403-404 - stresses His life-giving power in the soul of the individual believer. He is the member of the Godhead who empowers man so that at the end of life he will obtain eternal life.9 Without he Spirit's presence in the soul of man, good works and faith are ineffectual and lifeless - they are mere formalism. Even though the expressed himself by means of an ancient allegory, it is evident that the poet recognized and at least to some extent understood the role of the Holy Spirit in the redemption of man. A similar recognition is also indicated by the concluding hymn of praise to the Trinity (407-416). Again it is the Holy Spirit who is viewed as being presently concerned about the spiritual welfare of mankind; that is why the poet prays that He may be gracious to us: "daz dritte ist der heilige atem, / der sol ouch genaden." (413414)

2. SUMMA THEOLOGIAE 10

The Summa Theologiae is a compendium of Christian dogmatics written early in the twelfth century. In the Vorau Manuscript a later scribe inserted the caption, De sancta trinitate, a title which indicates that the Holy Spirit is seen in relation to the triune Godhead. The 7

Sämtliche Sinngedichte, ed. G. Eitner (BLVS, 113) (Tübingen, 1872), 1,4,88. 8 Die Schiffsallegorie im Ezzoliede (Nachrichten der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen, Philologisch-historische Klasse, Jahrgang 1960, Nr. 1), 7. 9 For a similar idea in vernacular sermons, see, for instance, Hoffmann, I, 117; Jeitteles, 17, 64; Mellbourn, 79-80; Schönbach, I, 57; III, 50. 10 Maurer, I, No. 8.

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poet begins his work by depicting the nature of God: He is the source of all that is good. He is omnipresent in His omnipotence, filling and preserving all of creation (1-10). In the second strophe he views the human soul with its faculties of memory, intellect, and will as an image of the triune Godhead: Ein gotis craft in drin ginennidin, daz ist ouch gilazzin den selin, di si habint insamint ungisceidin : rat, gihugidi mid dim willin. disi dri ginennidi sint immir insamint wonindi. di ginadi uns got do virliz, do er unsich sin adim inblis. dannin birin wir an der seli mid giloubin daz erlichi gotis bilidi. (11-20) As Heinz Rupp has seen, the Summa Theologiae is not primarily concerned about expounding trinitarian doctrine, but rather with the help of the Augustinian formula the poet wants to show that man has the image of God. 11 The emphasis, even from a linguistic point of view, is on the second line ("daz ist uch gilazzin den selin", 12). By divine impartation at the creation, the human soul consists of memory, intellect, and will and is therefore a reflection of the Trinity. 12 The Ezzolied (51-54; 73-74) associated the Spirit of God with the gift of intellect and with immortality. The Summa Theologiae, however, like the Vorauer Bücher Moses (6,19-23), relates the spiraculum vitae to the three faculties of the soul. There may perhaps be a formulaic reference to the Trinity in strophes 3 and 4 of the Summa Theologiae (21-42).13 The poet affirms that God had planned in advance to make known His praise through power and goodness; by means of these He performs all of His miracles (21-24). And wisdom was His counsel, through which He created everything (31-34). These three attributes (power, 11

Deutsche religiöse Dichtungen des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts, 2nd. ed. (Bern,

1971), 86. 12

For a detailed discussion of parallel passages in other medieval works, see Hartmut Freytag, Kommentar zur frühmittelhochdeutschen Summa Ttheologiae (Medium Aevum, 19) (München, 1970), 42-46. 13 Cf. Freytag, Kommentar, 51-52.

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wisdom, and goodness) represent the three persons of the Trinity in the Abelardian formula. It should be pointed out, however, that giwaltic and guot are adjectives which describe God and which need not necessarily refer to the Father and the Holy Spirit. Wistum no doubt refers to Christ, but this is an ancient association going right back to the New Testament (e.g., I Cor. 1:24). One must therefore conclude that it is uncertain whether the poet of the Summa Theologiae was familiar with the Abelardian formula and intentionally used it in this ambivalent manner or whether he used these terms by coincidence. The seventeenth strophe (165-174), which is the last of three dealing with the cross of Christ, contains an interesting symbolic reference to the Trinity: Dru des heiligin crucis ort sint des giloubin dru wort. dar undin ist daz virdi der driir ein gimeiniu redi. (165-168) Thus the three points of the cross at the top signify the three persons of the Trinity, and the shaft coming up from the bottom signifies the oneness of the Trinity. Freytag devotes two pages to this section and is able to document only two Latin authers with similar ideas : Otloh and Honorius of Autun. 14 An interesting comparison with the Summa is the interpretation of the lamp stand in the Vorauer Bücher Moses (82,8-23), where the base with its three feet represented the triune nature of the Godhead and the shaft the unity of the Trinity.

3. F R A U AVA'S SIEBEN GABEN DES HEILIGEN GEISTES 15

Probably the earliest detailed treatment in medieval German literature of the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit occurs in Die sieben Gaben des heiligen Geistes by Frau Ava, which is an excursion 14 15

Kommentar, 110-112. Maurer, II, No. 41, 485-491.

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included at the end of her Leben Jesu.16 In the account of the Day

of Pentecost she had simply enumerated the gifts, beginning with timor and ending with sapientia (2149-56). In this separate poem, however, she furnishes a detailed discussion of the seven gifts (2269-2418). Frau Ava begins the work with a clear statement of her purpose, thereby seeking to gain the attention of the audience : N u sculen wir bevinden in dirre heiligen gotes minne, wie sich der geist von der hohe misket in unser brode; wie er her nider zuo uns gat, alse diu gescephede gestat an dem libe unde an der sele, daz wellen wir iuch leren. (2269-76)

She concludes her introduction with a homiletic appeal to the listeners: "nu tuot uf diu inneren oren, / diu uzeren sulen iz hören." (2277-78) The gifts are then discussed in reverse order and - as in the epilogue of the TH - combined with the beatitudes and various virtues. Frau Ava divides the gifts into two categories: a group of four (fear, goodness, knowledge, and fortitude) and a group of three (counsel, understanding, and wisdom). The first four, the 'earthly' gifts are associated with the four basic elements, and the last three, the 'heavenly' gifts, with the Abelardian formula of the Trinity and the Augustinian faculties of the soul.17 The first four gifts in Frau Ava's enumeration - the last four according to Isaiah deal with our life on earth, while the last three deal with our relation to God. The spirit of fear is linked in Frau Ava's interpretation with the element earth, which represents our carnal nature; with this gift the Spirit wants to renew us and lead us to repentance (2279-84). 16

The poem on the seven gifts has been discussed by Richard Kienast, "AvaStudien III", ZfdA, 77 (1940), 93-100; and by Barbara Tillmanns, "Die sieben Gaben des Heiligen Geistes in der deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters", diss. Kiel, 1962, 50-57. 17 See Kienast, ZfdA, 77, 94-95.

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This gift also teaches us how to have a proper relationship with God (2285-86). In this way we receive genuine humility and a trusting heart (2287-88) - similarly in the TH (145,28-34) timor is associated with repentance and humility. Furthermore, because of the gift of fear we fulfill the first beatitude (2289-92): "Beati pauperes spiritu" (Matt. 5:3). The primary purpose of the spirit of goodness - the Latin original, however, is pietas, not bonitas - is to turn our mind toward God. By means of a striking visual image, Frau Ava compares the property of flames (i.e., the element fire) to shoot upward with the gift of goodness and its power to elevate the mind (2293-98). This gift brings us joy and hope and helps us love our neighbor (22992300) - in the TH (146,1-7) pietas brings hope and forgiveness. Then we can praise God in all circumstances (2301-4). In this way we carry out the second beatitude (2305-6): "Beati mites" (Matt. 5:4). As the gifts of fear and goodness are related to earth and fire, so knowledge, the third gift in Frau Ava's poem, is related to water (2307-12). The purpose of the gift of knowledge, the poetess declares, is to help us know ourselves (2313-14). 18 From this gift we obtain patience so that we quickly forgive our enemies (2315-16). The most important aspect, however, is repentance, which will result in tears of remorse, as was the case with Mary Magdalene, the classic example of genuine repentance (2317-22). Frau Ava does not directly mention the third beatitude: "Beati qui lugent" (Matt. 5:5). Nevertheless, the idea of mourning is actually included in the act of repentance - the TH (146,8-14) writes of obedience and tears of repentance in connection with scientia. Fortitude, the next gift, unites with air, the fourth basic element of the universe (2323-24). This gift, Frau Ava declares, prevents us from rising against God and teaches us to deny the world (2325-28). From fortitude we receive purity and strength of mind and body; it is called rehte underscide (2329-32). Furthermore, it teaches us to desire what God wants to grant, namely eternal life, and it makes 18

Cf. Tillmanns, "Die sieben Gaben", 53, who interprets this line differently: "Ava sieht die Wirkung dieser Gabe darin, daß sie uns lehrt, recht zu bekennen..."

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us spiritually hungry for this life (2333-36). The thought of spiritual hunger clearly links the gift of fortitude with the fourth beatitude : "Beati qui esuriunt et sitiunt iustitiam" (Matt. 5:6). The TH (146,15-25) here speaks particularly about patience and moderation. With the gift of counsel Frau Ava begins the second group of gifts, those dealing especially with our relation to God: Dar nach chumet uns der rat : der ist vil salich, der in hat. der leret uns gehorsamen, so wir sin willechlichen arm. von dannen chumet uns gedinge ze den himelisken dingen. (2337-42)

Obedience and hope bring with them the virtues of humility, kindness, and mercy (2343-46). Mercy is no doubt intended to remind the listerners of the fifth beatitude: "Beati miséricordes" (Matt. 5:7). Here the TH (146,26-32) has only the virtue of erbarmede in common with Frau Ava. The next three strophes (2347-80) contain difficult theological concepts. Here Frau Ava attempts to link the last three gifts (consilium, intellectus, and sapientia) with the Abelardian formula of the Trinity (potestas, sapientia, and bonitas) and with the Augustinian faculties of the soul (memoria, ratio, and voluntas). The correspondence if properly worked out, should be : Gifts consilium intellectus sapientia

Abelardian potestas sapientia bonitas

Augustinian memoria ratio voluntas

The first correspondence Frau Ava achieves in that she declares that our memory is aware of the gift of counsel and that this gift leads our memory - when it turns to God - through the heavens (234750). She goes on to affirm that counsel will lead those people who look for God to the heavenly choirs (2351-54). Here they long for power, the designation for the Father, and in this way the gift of counsel is maintained (2355-56). The poetess begins the next strophe by linking together the gift of

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intellect and the soul's faculty of reason (2357-60). These two fit together well, if the world does not trouble (truoben) them (236162). Our will, the third faculty of the soul, leads them to wisdom, the last gift of the Holy Spirit and the Abelardian designation for the Son (2363-64). Whoever has this experience, Frau Ava continues, finds it very sweet (2365-66). Our will thus experiences the ability - if sin does not prevent it - of knowing what is the highest goodness, the designation for the Holy Spirit (2367-70). Will and goodness dearly love each other, she concludes (2371-72).19 According to the pattern set in the first of the three strophes (2347-56), we would expect the gift of intellect to lead our reason to wisdom and not our will to lead both intellect and reason to wisdom. And for the last correspondence we would expect the gift of wisdom to lead our will to goodness. To some degree the lack of clarity is probably due to the fact that vernunst in MHG can be the translation for the gift intellectus as well as for the faculty of the soul, ratio. Furthermore, wistuom can be the last gift of the Spirit as well as the designation for Christ. In the last strophe (2373-80) Frau Ava again refers to the association of memory and power (2373-74). In this experience of God we must listen ourselves, for here no one can teach another (237576). Whoever comes to God in this way has arrived there on his own, and if one comes in some other way, no one will pay any attention to him (2377-80). Following this difficult theological excursion, Frau Ava returns to her usual procedure of discussing the practical and moral effects of the gifts. As with the first five gifts, the gifts of intellect and wisdom also produce various virtues in the soul. Intellect brings us meditation, which in turn teaches us to know God (2381-84). As we begin to love Him, we have a clear conscience and a pure heart, she continues (2385-88). The thought of a pure heart is evidently intended to remind of the sixth beatitude: "Beati mundo corde" (Matt. 5:8). The ΤΗ (147,1-8) also emphasizes meditation and prayer in connection with the gift of intellect. The gift of wisdom, Frau Ava affirms, brings us temperance, 19

Cf. Kienast, ZfdA, 77, 99.

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makes us righteous and holy, and in this way we have unspeakable joy (2389-94). Joy in turn produces the Spirit's fruits of longsuffering and peace (2395-96; see Gal. 5:22). Thereby we have obtained peace and have escaped from fear, she concludes (2397-98). The mention of peace is probably intended as an allusion to the seventh beatitude: "Beati pacifici" (Matt. 5:9). The T H (147,9-16) also writes of peace and longsuffering. With the help of the seven gifts we stand in an elevated position and can pray to God, if the highest virtue does not leave us (23992402). The highest virtue is the spirit of fear - Frau Ava thus artistically completes the cycle of her discussion : das ist spiritus timoris des megen wir sin gewis, sweme si entwichet, der tiuvel in beslichet. daz wirt der hohiste val in daz tieffste tal. (2403-8)

Without this most important gift we fall prey to the sin of pride, the sin that caused Satan's fall (2409-10). Satan was the cause of our long separation from God, until He in His mercy comforted and redeemed us (2411-18). Tillmanns has suggested that in Frau Ava's poem the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit represent different stages for elevating the soul towards God. 2 0 On the first level (fear) man is recreated, on the second (goodness) he is drawn to God. The third level (knowledge) leads him to repentance, and the fourth (fortitude) to a denial of the world. The last three stages deal with man's relation to God. First (counsel) the soul turns to God, then (understanding) it knows Him and begins to love Him, and finally (wisdom) it obtains the ultimate goal of eternal peace. In consonance with the theme of the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit, Frau Ava makes use of the number seven in the structure of her poem. The entire work consists of one hundred and fifty lines, ten of which form the introduction (2269-78), leaving one hundred and forty - a multiple of seven - for the actual discussion of the gifts 20

"Die sieben Gaben", 56.

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(2279-2418). Moreover, the gifts of fear (2279-92), goodness (22932306), and fortitude (2323-36) are treated in exactly fourteen lines each. The three strophes (2337-46; 2381-88; 2389-98) dealing with the practical effects of the last three gifts contain twenty-eight (four times seven) lines, and the three strophes (2347-80) attempting to link these gifts with the Abelardian formula of the Trinity and the Augustinian faculties of the soul contain thirty-four lines.

4.

PATERNOSTER 21

Another work from the first half of the twelfth century, the Paternoster, also deals with the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit along with four other common heptads. 22 Beginning with the seven requests of the Lord's Prayer, the poet relates them to the seven beatitudes, the seven gifts of the Spirit, the seven stations of Christ's life, and the seven patriarchs. The last four heptads are treated in their reverse order, a procedure which seems to be unique with this poet. The source of the work is not definitely known, although similar ideas can be found in the writings of Hugo of St. Victor and Rupert of Deutz. 23 The Paternoster consists of twenty strophes : five for the introduction, fourteen for the major theme, and one for the conclusion. The poet begins his work with a strophe (1-12) on Christ, the widsom of God, who taught us to love and fear God. Both love and fear allude to the Holy Spirit, for love is a common designation for Him and fear is one of His gifts. In the second strophe (13-24) the Paternoster names the two most important groups of seven : the requests of the Lord's Prayer and the gifts of the Holy Spirit, who is here called ewartes maister (24). The third strophe (25-36) then enumerates the gifts, beginning 21

Maurer, I, No. 10. This poem has been discussed recently by Norbert Pfältzer, "Die deutschen Vaterunser-Auslegungen von den Anfängen bis ins zwölfte Jahrhundert", diss. Frankfurt, 1959, 74-182; by Tillmanns, "Die sieben Gaben", 31-47; and by Volker Schupp, Septenar und Bauform (PSQ, 22) (Berlin, 1964), 14-58. 23 Schupp, Septenar, 58. 22

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with fear - for this poet the most important gift - and concluding with wisdom (25-32). The poet views the Spirit's gifts as essential to the Christian life. The gifts (here called virtues) should be used to strengthen us : "mit disen siben virtutibus / so seul wir sulin unser hus." (33-34) The model for the image of the gifts as pillars for a house is no doubt the house of wisdom with its seven pillars : "Sapientia aedifica vit sibi domum, Excidit columnas Septem." (Pro v. 9:1) The seven pillars, it has been pointed out, were a common symbol for the gifts of the Spirit. 24 Another symbol - with which this poet was also familiar - was the seven lamps: "diz sint dei siben cherzestal, / diu erluhtent uns den gotes sal." (35-36)25 The basis for this symbol was probably the seven lamps of the Jewish tabernacle, which were to be used to light the house of God (Exod. 25:31-40; see also Rev. 1:12-13). In the New Testament the believer is called the templum Dei (I Cor. 3:16), in which the Spirit of God dwells. By use of this, the most common symbol for the gifts, the Paternoster poet teaches that they signify the illuminating presence of the Holy Spirit in the believer. The fourth strophe (37-50) contrasts the fear-inspiring law of the Old Testament and the grace and mercy of the New. Misericordia and caritas (50), it might be noted, again allude to the Holy Spirit. In the fifth strophe (51-62), the last of the introduction, the poet elaborates on the theme of God's love mentioned in the previous section. The main part of the Paternoster consists of seven pairs of strophes, the first member of which discusses one request of the Lord's Prayer and the second of which relates this request to one member of each of the other four heptads. Strophe 6 (63-74) begins with the first request: "vater, du der in den himelen bist, / geheiligit werde der name din." (64-65) Into this name we were baptized, making us Christians through the power of grace and of the Spirit (66-74). The next strophe (75-86) then releates the first request to the other heptads. The peacemakers honor God, and through the gift of fear, the poet affirms, they live peacefully as children of God with a view to the Last Judgment (75-82). In the Old Testament patri24 25

Tillmanns, "Die sieben Gaben", 32. See Jeitteles, 103, 110, for parallel references.

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archs, fear was manifested by David when he spared the life of his enemy Saul and even mourned the latter's death (83-86). In the next pair of strophes (87-110) the second request of the pater nosier is stated: "herro, zuo chôme din riche." (88) This is then associated with the sixth member of the other groups (89-98). The pure in heart ascend with Christ, and they see God with the help of the gift of godliness (99-106).26 Both Christ's ascension as well as the visio Dei are prefigured in Moses, who wanted to see the Lord, presumably by the help of the gift of godlines (107-110). The third request ("din...wille...werde", 113-114) and the corresponding members of the other groups of seven are discussed in the next two strophes (111-134). The merciful are blessed because their souls have been resurrected with Christ from the sleep of sin by the gift of knowledge (123-128). After conversion they overcome carnal desires, produce works of the Spirit, and obtain Jacob's blessing, namely to see God (129-134). Strophes 12 and 13 (135-158) treat the fourth request ("gib uns unser prot", 136) and the corresponding members of the other heptads. Both the request as well as the (fourth) beatitude speak of bread, the former of physical, the latter of spiritual. Hence they form natural complements to one another. Those who hunger for the spiritual bread, the poet declares, become new creatures (147150). The bread gives us strength (gift of fortitude) for all good works (151-152). The gates of hell did not prevail against Christ, God's word (153-154). The gift of fortitude prepared Isaac, a type of Christ, for his martyrdom (155-158). In strophes 14 and 15 (159-182) the Paternoster poet discusses the fifth request ("vergib uns unser sculde", 161) and its parallel members. That man is blessed who has the counsel (the third gift) from God's grace to forgive others even as God forgives him (171174). Furthermore, he takes up his cross and suffers martyrdom with Christ; and he also mourns for those who fall and prays for his persecutors (175-178), just as Abraham prayed for Abimelech and for Sodom (179-182). The sixth request of the Lord's Prayer (bechorunge, 183) and its 26

Schupp, Septenar, 29-30, discusses the translation gnadichait for the Latin pietas.

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related members are treated in strophes 16 and 17 (183-206). The meek lead blessed lives, and they have the simplicity of the dove, which appeared at Christ's baptism and in Noah's time (195-202). It is the Holy Spirit, symbolized by the dove, who makes baptism effective as a sacrament of salvation, the poet remarks succinctly: "dem toufe git sie noch daz hail" (200).27 The Spirit, he continues, can help man overcome the devil's temptations (203-206). This pair of strophes forms an anomaly in that the gift of understanding is not named, but instead the Holy Spirit, the source of all the gifts, is referred to under the dove symbol. The last request ("irlos uns von demo ubile", 212) is combined with the first member of the various other groups of seven in strophes 18 and 19 (207-230). The poor in spirit have been made to scorn earthly riches by the gift of wisdom (219-222). Adam had this gift as long as he obeyed God's command, but when he did not he caused our fall (223-226). Through the birth of Christ, however, we have been redeemed (227-230). The Paternoster concludes in strophe 20 (231-242) with a division of the requests of the Lord's Prayer into one group of three that honor the Holy Trinity and a group of four that have to do with life on earth. This poem is constructed with a view to the number twelve, which, in medieval number symbolism it seems, is simply another four of seven.28 As seven is three plus four, so twelve is three times four. Not only are both composed of three and four, but both are associated with the structure of the universe in the seven days of the week, the seven planets, the twelve signs of the zodiac, and the twelve hours of the day. Of the twenty strophes in the Paternoster all but strophe 4 (which has fourteen) contain twelve lines each, thus indicating the importance of this symbolic number for the poet. 5. VON DER SIEBENZAHL29

The poem Von der Siebenzahl, also from the middle of the twelfth 27 28 29

Cf. Schupp, 34. Vincent F. Hopper, Medieval Number Symbolism (New York, 1938), 86. Maurer, I, No. 11.

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century, similarly combines the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit with various other groups of seven drawn from the Bible, from the liturgy, and from dogma. 30 The starting point for the Siebenzahl poet in the first strophe (1-12) is the Apocalypse and its mysterious book with the seven seals that could only be opened by the Lamb with the seven eyes (Rev. 5:1-6). The last part of Rev. 5:6 links the seven eyes (and seven horns) of the Lamb with the seven spirits of God. The German poet, however, does not mention the seven gifts until the second strophe (13-24). With the seven seals, which are viewed as divine secrets, we protect ourselves against the seven deadly sins through the seven gifts of the Spirit: Hie mit sigilin wir unser brüst wider die siben achust, die gotes gaist hat vertriben mit sinen geben siben. (13-16)

This is not new doctrine, for as Schupp points out, the seven gifts of the Spirit are often viewed as antidota to the seven deadly sins.31 In the rest of the second strophe the poet stresses the sacredness of the number seven (17-24). The third strophe (25-36) names four more heptads: the seven days of the week, the seven ages of life, the seven sons of Job, and the fourteen (two times seven) years of Jacob's service for his wives. The gifts are mentioned again in the fourth strophe (37-48) as the poet interprets the conquest of Jericho by Israel (Joshua 6). Jericho was won, he declares, by sounding the sevens horns and by marching around it seven times (37-40) - actually the Israelites marched around Jericho thirteen times, once a day for six days and seven times on the seventh day. Because of his interest in the number seven, the Siebenzahl poet disregards the first six days. In typological interpretation the conquest of Jericho signifies the conquest of heathendom through the Spirit's gifts and through the miracles of the Apostles (41-48). In this typology Jericho corresponds to heathendom ("diu bure was diu haidenscaft", 41), 30 For recent discussions of the poem see Tillmanns, "Die sieben Gaben", 79-80; and Schupp, Septenar, 59-100. 31 Septenar, 73.

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blowing the seven horns corresponds to the activity of the Spirit's gifts ("er blies ir zuo mit sinen geben", 43), and marching around the city corresponds to the teaching of the Apostles ("der boten 1er si umbegienc", 45). The fifth strophe (49-60) opens with a reference to the seven women of Isa. 4:1, who most frequently represent the gifts of the Spirit (49-52).32 The rest of the strophe cites a number of other sevens : the seven churches (Rev. 1:4), the seven eyes in the stone (Zech. 3:9), the seven lamps (Zech. 4:2), the seven stars (Rev. 1:20), and the seven horns (Rev. 5:6). 33 In the sixth strophe (61-70) the Siebenzahl deals with the Jewish feast of the Passover, during which time the Jews ate only unleavened bread for seven days (Exod. 12:14-20). Strophe 7 (71-82) similarly speaks of Jewish heptads: the seventh year of rest (Lev. 25:3,8) and the year of Jubilee after seven times seven years (Lev. 25:8-10, 39-41). The last strophe (83-94) consists of a prayer in three equal parts. In the first part the poet prays to Christ for grace, because He taught Peter to forgive others (83-86). In the second he prays for the help of the Holy Spirit and His seven gifts : herre, du der unser not waist, sent uns dinen sibenvalten gaist, der unser muot gewise zi bittene daz dir gerise. (87-90) The term sibenvalten gaist is a translation of the Latin Spiritus septiformis, which refers to the Holy Spirit in the form of His seven gifts. The thought that the Spirit helps us pray for the right things goes back to the teaching of Paul (Rom. 8:26) and is found also, for example, in the T H (2,14-15). In the third part of the prayer the poet reminds God of the Spirit's help to others in the past : in des crefte so ist der gewalt ze verlazen die sunde manichfalt, der die riwegen Marien tröste, dor sie von den siben tiufelen loste. (91-94) 32

See Schupp, 83. For a similar enumeration in vernacular sermons, see Jeitteles, 110-111; and also Schönbach, III, 63, 193. 33

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The activity of the Holy Spirit is indicated allegorically here. Because of the number seven, the devils in Mary were long associated with the seven gifts, by which Christ drove them out. 34 Thus the subject of this entire section is the Holy Spirit - He has the power to forgive sins, He comforted Mary, and He delivered her from the seven devils. Like the Paternoster, the Siebenzahl poet uses the number twelve in the structure of the work. Of the eight strophes all but strophe 6 contain twelve lines each.

6.

ANEGENGE35

The Anegange, written about 1160 or 1170 probably by an Austrian, contains a detailed discussion of the mystery of the Trinity and the role of each member. Like most religious works, the poem begins with a prologue (1,1-2,19), which first of all turns to God with a prayer for inspiration and direction with the composition (1,1-26). Already in that first section the poet mentions one of his themes, namely the creation, and his second theme will be the redemption of man (1,27-36). Before beginning the work, however, the poet inserts a warning to the uneducated laity not to try to understand profound theological matters (1,37-2,19). In the first section of the poem, the Anegenge discusses the creation and the fall of the angels (2,20-4,44). Before creation God was complete in Himself ; He needed nothing else (2,20-25). Alluding to Gen. 1:2, he goes on to comment on the dwelling place of the Holy Spirit before time began (2,26-31). God created the heavens and the earth not for Himself but for the sake of His children (2,32-59). Before describing the creation itself, the poet portrays in vivid language the majesty and power of God (2,60-65). But God, he continues, did not want to keep this great joy to Himself (2,66-69). 34

Schupp, 90. Ed. Dietrich Neuschäfer ( M e d i u m Aevum, 8) (München, 1966). T o facilitate matters, I shall continue to use the numbering from Hahn's edition - which Neuschäfer prints to the right of his text - because all of the critical literature o n the Anegenge uses Hahn's numbering. 35

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Therefore, He took counsel in His mind with guote (the Holy Spirit) and with wîsheit (the Son) on how to share His joy and glory (2,70-76). In this counsel within the Godhead, the Holy Spirit thereupon suggested the creation of free-willed angels to share God's praise (2,77-80). The manuscript reading for line 2,77 is "dv waren seine gvte raete". Felix Scheidweiler suggested the emendation seiner for seine, and this is most probably the correct reading, because, as Scheidweiler points out, the Holy Spirit is generally considered responsible for the decisions within the Trinity.36 Peter F. Ganz, another recent scholar on the Anegenge, follows the suggested reading of Scheidweiler.37 Also lending weight to this reading is the fact that one of the Spirit's gifts is consilium and that the Holy Spirit in His role as adviser gives suggestions on a wide variety of subjects. After dealing at some length with the problem of free will versus the foreknowledge of God concerning the fall of some of the angels (2,81-3,34), the poet reiterates more explicitly the advisory role of the Holy Spirit in the creation of all things: Dô diu gotes guote dô an dem râte alsô mit sîner wîsheit saz, dô geriet sì im daz, daz er schuof elliu dine, als siu hiute hât der werlde umberinc, den himel und die erden. (3,35-41) P. Valentin Teuber suggests that the Anegenge poet probably took over this doctrine from Hugo of St. Victor, who writes: "fides Catholica unum principium credit esse omnium rerum, Deum scilicet cuius bonitas omnium rerum cause fuit." 38 According to the Anegenge, God first created the light and the angels, who were to share His joy (3,41-49). Once again the poet emphasizes the special role of the Spirit: "daz het im sin guote gerâten" (3,50). The creation account of Gen. 1 is then parapharsed 36

"Studien zum Anegenge", ZfdA, 80 (1944), 12. Geistliche Dichtung des 12. Jahrhunderts (PSQ, 7) (Berlin, 1960), 19. 38 Quoted by Teuber in his article, "Über die vom Dichter des Anegenge benutzten Quellen", Beiträge, 24 (1899), 255. 37

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(3,51-78). In introducing the account of Lucifer's fall (3,79-4,44), the Anegenge once more summarizes the creation of the angels: "Die engele beschuof der gotes gewalt / durch sîner guote einvalt..." (3,79-80). The mystery of the Trinity occupies the poet's attention in the subsequent section of the poem (4,45-10,67). Because of the importance and difficulty of the subject matter, he prefaces his discussion with another prayer for divine assistance, especially from the Holy Spirit, the source of inspiration (4,45-70). Even before creation when God's Spirit hovered over the water, God was always a triune God: Father, Son, and Holy Spirit (4,71-78). Why He has these three names and why the three persons are only one God, no one can comprehend without divine inspiration (5,1-10). The poet then continues with the Abelardian interpretation of the Trinity (6,11-28), the names of which he had already used in the first section. The Father, he declares, may quite justifiably be designated by gewalt because of His mighty acts (5,11-15); the Son by wîstuom because of His wise acts (5,16-22); and the Holy Spirit by guote because He advised everything that God performed (5,23-25). God has always had these three faculties, the poet concludes (5,26-28). For an explanation of the Spirit as goodness one expects the poet to mention His kind acts as a parallel to the first two clauses. Instead he again speaks of the Spirit's advisory role within the Trinity. The Holy Spirit suggests before God acts; in other words, the Spirit is the moving cause behind all of creation. Teuber notes that the Anegenge poet may again have been influenced by Hugo of St. Victor, who similarly designates the Holy Spirit by bonitas and attributes volition to Him. 39 The poet may also have been influenced by the Augustinian formula for the Trinity, in which the Holy Spirit is signified by voluntas. In the next section of the Anegenge, the poet attempts to explain why God has only three names, since after all He has many characteristics (5,29-40). To power (the Father) belong the titles denoting strength and authority (5,41-50); to wisdom (the Son) those denoting salvation (5,51-60); and to goodness (the Holy Spirit) those denoting love and compassion: 39

Beiträge, 24, 262.

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er heizet senfter unde guoter unde diemuoter, milter und erbarmiger, gedultiger und genaediger und diu wäre minne, swaz wir in solchem sinne der namen mugen besliezen. nû suit ir ouch wizzen, sô heizet der heilige geist : alles guotes schüntaere und volleist, gotes guote heizet er ouch dâ bî. (5,61-71)

According to the punctuation by Neuschäfer, lines 5,61-67 refer to Christ. However, it seems to me that these titles more likely refer to the Holy Spirit, for they all speak of His kindness and concern for man's present welfare. Teuber views all of the titles and attributes as referring to the triune Godhead without distinction of persons.40 The three designations of power, wisdom, and goodness are necessary and sufficient to characterize the nature of the Godhead, the poet concludes (5,72-79). Then the poet boldly states his intention of explaining to the unlearned the reason why we call God power, the Son wisdom, and the Holy Spirit goodness (5,80-6,4). But he is unable to carry out his intention and instead gets involved in a difficult discussion about the role of each member of the Trinity in creation (6,5-7,20). Both the Father (gewalt) and the Son ( wîstuom) are involved in the work of creation: the Son orders and disposes and the Father brings it to fruition (6,5-36). The Holy Spirit is in agreement with the Father and Son: daz selbe het diu guote vil willeclîchen in ir muote : wan der gewalt noch der wîstuom, die enchunden niht getuon über ir willen noch enwolden noch enmahten noch ensolden. (6,37-42)

In the following passage, which is somewhat repetitious of 2,66-80, the Anegenge once more declares that the Holy Spirit (guote) 40

Beiträge, 24, 265.

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advised the Father to share His glory with a creation (6,43-51). The Spirit also asks the Son to explain this plan to the Father in detail, to plan the work, and to ask God for approval of this plan (6,5256).41 After the Father asks the Son how this is to be, the Son suggests that God create heaven and earth and such creatures that would need Him (6,57-82). After a brief excursion (7,1-7), the Father brings the conversation to an end by stating that He will carry out this plan (7,8-20). Following a brief comment that this counsel did not really take place but occurred in thought only (7,21-23; cf. pp. 219-220), the Anegenge poet discusses the activity of the Trinity after creation (7,24-82). The Father has shown, shows, and will show His power (7,24-55); the Son protects man from God's anger and helps him live in love (7,56-67). In these activities of the Father and the Son the Holy Spirit is the initiator: der salwirt der guote, daz ist der heilige geist und ist sin alles volleist under den drin genenden.

(7,68-71)

This comment again demonstrates the Spirit's concern for man. It was also the Spirit who advised that God send His Son to redeem mankind, the poet affirms in a concluding remark (7,72-82; see also 36,52-62). The unity of the Trinity, especially during the time of Christ's life on earth, is stressed in the next section of the poem (8,1-9,40). In keeping with accepted teaching, the poet writes that the Trinity was revealed separately but still as a unity at the baptism of Christ, when God spoke His approval of the Son and the Holy Spirit descended as a dove (8,1-37). Even before Christ came to earth, the triune Godhead worked together: in sending the Son to earth, the poet repeats (see 7,74-82), the Father was carrying out what the Holy Spirit had counseled (8,38-52). It is the special prerogative of goodness to make requests of power and wisdom, and they will execute them (8,53-58). For this reason goodness has always been equal to the other two persons of the Godhead (8,59). On the other 41

See Rupp, Deutsche religiose Dichtungen, 221-222.

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hand, power and goodness do not oppose what wisdom performs, and goodness and wisdom for their part are obedient to power (8,60-69). All three persons were involved in Christ's earthly life, the Anegenge poet reiterates, again stressing the advisory role of the Spirit (8,70-82). In His earthly life Christ was human, yet His deity extended to the voice (the Father) and to the dove (the Holy Spirit), the poet once more affirms (9,1-12). Because Christ possessed all three faculties of the Trinity, He could speak (the Father), walk (the Son), and hover (the Holy Spirit) whenever He wanted to (9,13-18). The presence of the Deity was not at all diminished by the fact that the Father spoke from heaven and that the Son was seen on earth (9,19-25). That the Holy Spirit appeared as a dove was proper and fitting: daz sich der heilige geist swanc, dà man toufte den gotes suon, daz muose er billîchen tuon und was ouch vil michel reht : wan dà man sît sînen chneht sande Basîlîum toufte und in dem wazzer besoufte, aldâ wart er ouch gesehen und ist vil dicke sît geschehen, daz man in iemer in tûben bilde sach.

(9,26-35)

It seems likely that the poet was familiar with the legend about Basil through oral transmission, for many pious stories about the saints were current in that time.42 In iconography, one may also note, Basil is sometimes depicted with a dove perched on his shoulder or on his head. 43 The assertion in the Anegenge (9,34-35) that such phenomena occurred frequently may allude to legends or, and this may be even more plausible, to the numerous artistic representations of the Holy Spirit as a dove in connection with many of the saints.44 42

Teuber, Beiträge, 24, 274-275. L. Réau, Iconographie de l'art Chrétien, 111,1 (Paris, 1958), 185. 44 W. F. Stadelman, Glories of the Holy Ghost (Techny, 1919), 284-285, has compiled a whole list of saints who are portrayed in iconography with the dove emblem. 43

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From the comments concerning the Spirit's appearing as a dove the MHG poet then draws a moral lesson : swer ihr guotes getet oder sprach, in des herzen muose er sweben und enmaht doch niht begeben den, der nie dehein sunte getete noch gevrumte! (9,36-40) That the Holy Spirit is the instigator of all that is good was already stated earlier (5,69-71) and can be found in other German works (e.g., Williram). The last three lines of the above quotation refer to Christ, who possessed a full measure of the Spirit's presence. Having discussed the indivisibility of the three persons of the Godhead, the poet goes on to affirm that each member of the Trinity also encompasses the designation of the others. Thus the Father is not only powerful but also wise and good (9,41-10,3). The Son is not only wise but also powerful and good (10,4-30). Similarly we would expect the Anegenge to declare that the Holy Spirit is not only good but also powerful and wise. However, here in this independent passage the poet deals with the Spirit in Christ's life (10,31-67). If the Father and the Son had been separated from Him, the Holy Spirit would not have been able to appear as a bird, the poet asserts (10,31-40). The Spirit brought it about that Christ did not rue His coming to earth until He gained the victory over the devil and that the Father was not sorrowful about the Son's poverty (10,41-49). The Holy Spirit, he continues, was Christ's helper in all things (see Luke 4:18): alsô bedâhte ez der heilige geist, der sin alles was volleist unde schiintaere, daz ân aller slahte swaere er belîben solde. (10,50-54) At Christ's baptism God let man hear (the Father) and see (the Holy Spirit) Him, so that he would have a stronger faith in baptism and in God's Son and also so that John would know that Christ was the Lamb of God (10,55-64). In all of this, the poet feels, he has shown that the three persons of the Godhead were never separated (10,65-67).

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Following an excursion which deals with the question of why Christ was afraid of His suffering (10,68-11,32), the Anegange begins with the third major section of the poem (11,33-25,63). Here the poet wants to answer some difficult theological questions: how mercy brought Christ to earth, why man lost God's favor, why Christ would rather die than prevent the fall, why men were created who are damned, and why unbaptized children go to hell. In these discussions there are only passing references to the Holy Spirit, again under the designation of goodness. For example, the poet reaffirms, in a rhetorical statement, the eternal nature of all three persons of the Godhead (12,55-56), but goes on to ask why They planned it that man should have such great honor (12,57-59). Wisdom (the Son) has to protect and judge, power (the Father) has honor and everything must be subject to Him, and all of creation hopes in goodness (the Holy Spirit), who is the refuge of all (12,6075). If goodness had protected man at the beginning to the extent that nothing could trouble him, then it would not have the honor that power and wisdom have, the poet continues (12,76-81). When Lucifer and his angels fell, the tenth choir stood empty, a situation that pitied the Creator and goodness, who later expelled the angels from heaven (13,19-27). Wisdom then reminded God that the fall of the angels had been foreknown, and goodness asked that the tenth choir not be left vacant (13,28-33). Wisdom advised the creation of man, to take the place of these angels (13,34-53), and goodness requested that man be given paradise as home where he would only have to be obedient (13,54-61). The advice of wisdom and goodness become reality : God creates man to replace the fallen angels and places him in paradise (14,1341). The verses which describe the giving of life ("er blies im sînen geist în, / daz er êwic solde sîn", 14,33-34; see also 33,56-60) are taken almost verbatim from the Ezzolied (73-74). God created man from the dust outside of the garden, the Anegenge asserts, because if He had taken sacred ground, man would not have thanked God's goodness for the good things in the garden (14,42-56). Presumably the poet names the Holy Spirit here, because He was the one who advised that man be placed in paradise (see 13,54-61). After Adam and Eve had sinned, God asked them whether they

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had eaten the fruit; although He know that they had, God asked because His goodness wanted to discover if they were penitent for their sin (18,23-30). Speaking of the time of Noah, the poet simple adheres to the Genesis account (6:3): man's sin became so great that God no longer wanted His Spirit to dwell among men (22,76-83). In an independent assertion he states that God's goodness bore the ark in the flood (24,12-14). Furthermore, when God opened the ark, Christ provided food and a dwelling place for the inhabitants, who up till now had been sustained by goodness (24,73-78). These references to the Holy Spirit agree with the depiction of Him so far: He is the agent of the Godhead who is kind and concerned for the welfare of mankind. The last section of the Anegenge (28,3-40,12) deals with the redemption of mankind through the death of Christ. Christ was sent to earth as a result of the counsel between the four daughters of God (truth, mercy, justice, and peace) and the members of the Trinity (28,3-30,28). In this counsel the Holy Spirit plays a subordinate role, being mentioned only once (28,32). But in the opening lines of the annunciation narrative, the poet affirms that goodness advised the plan of salvation (30,29-38). In the account itself (30,3968) he follows the Biblical record closely and has the angel declare that Mary would conceive through the Holy Spirit (30,62). Joseph receives the same message (31,31-33). It is interesting to note that the harrowing of hell involves all three persons of the Trinity : dô chom der vater und der suon, dô si uns genâde wolden tuon, und der heilige geist den armen ze volleist, die dà wären in dem êwigen verlor, und zestiezen daz tor, daz ez allez zebrast. (39,36-42)

According to Teuber, this is probably the poet's own invention. 45 In a similarly striking passage, Walther von der Vogelweide 45

Beiträge, 24, 359.

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confesses his faith in the indivisible Trinity by reference to Christ's descent into hell: Hinnen fuor der sun zer helle von dem grabe, da'r inné lac. des was ie der vater geselle, und der geist, den niemen mac sunder scheiden : èst al ein, sieht und ebener danne ein zein, als er Abrahâme erschein. (15,27-33) 4e

The continual unity of the three divine persons, known in theology as circuminsessio, was taught already by Jerome.47 Walther seeks to depict the mystery of the triune Godhead by means of the simile of the smooth shaft (see also the Vorauer Moses 82,18-23). Although such a shaft may consist of various parts on the inside, it appears as a unity on the outside. Similarly, the Trinity consists of three persons which are really one. The appearance of the three visitors to Abraham (Gen. 18:1-2) has long been interpreted as a symbol of the Trinity, in theology and in art.

7. DEUTUNG DER MEßGEBRÄUCHE48

The Deutung der Meßgebräuche, a poem occurring in the middle of the collection of sermons known as Speculum Ecclesiae, is the oldest German explanation of the mass (ca. 1160). It is an attempt to explain in symbolic terms the liturgical actions and vestments. In the first two strophes (1-48), which serve as introduction to the whole work, the poet relates two parables: the first is about the devil who entices men to hell just as a bird-catcher captures birds in his snare, and the second is about the sinners who are like the swine before which the pearls are cast. After these introductory remarks the poet turns to God for assistance with the work. In keeping with the usual expressions of poetic inability, he humbly prays for the Holy Spirit: 48

Die Gedichte, ed. Carl von Kraus, 12th ed. (Berlin, 1959). Josef Fasching, "Beiträge zur Erklärung der religiösen Dichtungen Walthers von der Vogelweide", Germania, 22 (1877), 434. 48 Maurer, II, No. 34. 47

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Nu nemac ich vor minen sunden neheine guote rede chunden, der heilic geist enware min scermare, und enwolte mich behuoten von den meintaten, daz er mir durch sine guote gäbe deumuote, in mine sinne warhafte minne, daz miniu wort waren getriu und geware. (49-60) The awareness of sinfulness is a formulaic expression in religious poetry. However, this writer stresses his sins even more than usual in that he mentions them as a hindrance in lines 49-50 and then prays for the Spirit's protection against them in lines 51-54. The protective role of the Holy Spirit is stated twice : first in the noun scermare (52) and then in the verb behuoten (53). Furthermore, the Spirit is the source of humility and love (55-58). Only after receiving the help of the Spirit can the poet be assured that his work will be accurate and true (59-60).49 The thought that the Holy Spirit protects man also occurs in M H G sermons ; in fact, the same words (behuoten and beschermen) are used. 50 In the second part of the third strophe (61-78) the poet declares his intention of explaining the mass. Thus this strophe has a bipartite structure : in the first part the poet prays for the help of the Holy Spirit, and in the second he introduces his subject. The poet begins his explanation by stressing the significance of the mass (79-114). Then he explains the role of the priest and discusses his duties (115-186). The explanation of the meaning of the vestments follows (187-336). Of particular interest for our discussion is the humeral : damite chumet ime der scate des heiligen geistes, vil vol bedarf er des. 49 See Artur Rossmann, "Wort und Begriff der Wahrheit in der frühmittelhochdeutschen Literatur", diss. Tübingen, 1952, 174. 50 Schönbach, III, 98, 111.

128

DOGMATIC AND DIDACTIC WORKS den leit er almitten uf sinen houbet, niht verrer ist ime erloubet. daz er diu oren darinne beleit, daz sol iu werden geseit, daz bezeichnet, daz siniu oren nehein unreht sculen hören n o c h siniu ougen dar gesehen, da er decheines unrehtes bijehe. (247-256)

This particular interpretation of the humeral is original with the German poet. 51 Usually it represents the galea salutis (Eph. 6:17) or the spes coelestium, or it serves to remind man that the Deity concealed Itself in Christ's humanity. The association of the Holy Spirit with protective shade is not new in German literature, as was seen in the discussion of Notker (see p. 57). In the last section of the poem (337-524), the poet explains the ceremonies connected with the mass, and he also inserts didactic warnings at appropriate places. Before receiving communion, the believer should pray for the help of the Holy Spirit: N u biten wir got den guoten, daz er uns w o l behuote und sinen geist vil heren, daz er uns muozze leren die geistlichen bihte, wan diu ist vil guot, der si lutterlichen tuot. (455-460)

As in the other passages, the poet reveals a humble confidence in the third person of the Trinity. The Spirit is called upon to help him compose the work, He will protect the priest against sinful ways, and He will help man gain salvation through spiritual confession.

8. HEINRICH V O N MELK'S PRIESTERLEBEN A N D ERINNERUNG52

Around the middle of the twelfth century Heinrich von Melk wrote two sermons in verse : Das Priesterleben and Die Erinnerung an den 51

Adolph Franz, Die Messe im deutschen Mittelalter (Freiburg, 1902; reprint Darmstadt, 1963), 680. 52 Maurer, III, Nos. 52 and 53.

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Tod. The Priesterleben is concerned with the sins of the clergy, among them particularly the sin of promiscuity. The priests should subdue their body by spiritual exercises such as prayer, Heinrich declares (219-233). That God punishes adulterous desires is made clear by the example of David : ouch derret des bournes geile in den summer der chalt riffe wie zebrach des heiligen geistes phiffe, die suozen Davides seiten, do nach manigen arbeiten got sine muo gesazte des er in sit wol ergazte do muos er brinnen unt gehien. er hiez sinen lieben man Urien umb sin scone wip slahen. (234-243) The story about Uriah comes from II Kings chapter 11. Quite independent, however, is Heinrich von Melk's imagery in depicting the manner in which David was judged for his sins of adultery and murder. Drawing on the language of music, the poet refers to a flute ( p h i f f e ) and a harp (seiten). Des heiligen geistes phiffe may no doubt be interpreted as the prophet Nathan, who was the divine mouth piece in correcting David. 5 3 The Biblical account does not mention the Holy Spirit in connection with Nathan's mission, but it is of course common doctrine that the prophets were inspired by the Spirit. This example makes it clear that Heinrich von Melk believes that one of the ministries of the Holy Spirit is to help the priest live a pure life. The priest especially is to be free of sins because of the sacred duties he has to perform at the mass. However, even if the priest is unchaste, the mass itself does not lose its effect, Heinrich teaches (367-391). He then explains how this can be so: der heilige geist iz allez vol frumt mit den chrefften des vaters unt des suns. so wont sin genade in uns unt ob uns. (392-394) Through the power of the Holy Spirit the believer receives the 53

In a M H G sermon St. Bernard is called a divine flute: Adalbert Jeitteles, "Predigt auf Johannes den Täufer", Germania, 35 (1890), 177.

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blessings of the sacraments - the mass and baptism are mentioned here - just as if the priest were the most holy man. The Spirit is the divine agent who stands between God and man, who transmits to man the spiritual benefits from God. 54 Moreover, His grace dwells within us and over us, a notion going back to the New Testament (e.g., I Cor. 6:19). In the Erinnerung an den Tod Heinrich von Melk warns his listeners about man's sinfulness and the necessity to prepare for death. Following the introduction (1-34) he first denounces the sins of the clergy (35-266), then those of the laity (267-397), and finally sins of both clergy and laity (398-434). In warning about the sins of the laity, he turns his attention particularly to the knights and the ladies and warns them about the sin of arrogant pride (ubermuot) : si ist alles ubeles volleist unt enlaet den heiligen geist bi dem menscen niht beliben.

(311-313)

The notion that sin causes the Holy Spirit to leave man is connected with Paul's injunction to the Ephesians: "Et nolite contristare Spiritum sanctum Dei." (4:30) A similar thought to that in Heinrich von Melk's poem is expressed in a MHG sermon De epiphania. The star, the author declares, led the wise men to Jerusalem, but when they came to Herod it disappeared. This event has a moral significance : "daz bezeichent anders niht. sûnder als der mensche get zu den werken des tûveles. so vlüht der heilige geist von ime. vnd als er keret wider zu gote, so kûmet der heilige geiste wider zu ime." 55 In this sermon no particular sin is mentioned, whereas in the Erinnerung Heinrich specifically names the sin of pride as being inimical to the Spirit's presence. In the concluding prayer he implores God for eternal salvation for himself, for the abbot Erchenfrid, and for all who trust in Him (1029-42). The last part of the prayer describes one aspect of the next life : 54

Ernst Schweigert, "Studien zu Heinrich von Melk", diss. München, 1952,18. Leyser, 57,16-19; see also Leyser, 91 ; Pfeiffer, I, 331, 350; and Schönbach, I, 170, 317. 55

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daz wir tegliche mit der engel volleiste in dem heiligem geiste loben den vater unt den sun in sécula seculorum! amen. (1038-42) In Heinrich von Melk's view the Holy Spirit not only helps man here on earth, but He will also help him in heaven, indicating the special relationship He has with mankind.

9. DER WILDE MANN'S GIRHEIT AND CHRISTLICHE LEHRE56

Der wilde Mann, the author of the Veronica legend, also wrote two poems with a didactic, homiletic purpose: Von der 'Girheit' and Christliche Lehre. In both of these the activity of the Holy Spirit is recognized. He begins his Girheit with a prayer for divine assistance (1-20) and follows that with a brief discussion of the nature and consequences of the sin of avarice (21-52). Only the Holy Spirit can save man from the damnation that avarice will bring : Der heilige geist muoze uns leren dat wir unse gimude keren von dem vreislichin dode, dat wir doch dun so node von der unselger girheit ; want si di sele bidalle irsleit, want sich niman vor ir inhudit. (53-59) Avarice brings with it pride and unconcern and cannot be atoned for by good works, the poet goes on to warn his listeners ; therefore avarice must be removed (60-174). There follows a unique allegory of the rich man's garden, which here represents the life of the Christian (175-246). The Christian must protect himself from the attacks of the devil by humility, repentance, giving of alms, and other works of charity. Alluding back to the image of the garden, Der wilde Mann suggests how man can overcome his sins and live a virtuous life: 56

Maurer, III, Nos. 59 and 60.

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Swi den guden samin wille sen, he sal deme heiligin geiste vlen unde gevin sich vaste in sini giwalt. so machit he in wis undi bait undi irmeret sine vurnusticheit, di di stolzhet dir nidir sleit. (247-252) Again it is the Holy Spirit who assists man, making him wise and courageous and increasing |his understanding. These three virtues are connected with three of the seven gifts: wisdom, fortitude, and understanding. In the concluding prayer of the Girheit (387-424), Der wilde Mann addresses himself to the Trinity (di namin dri) and asks for help in over-coming his sinful nature and evil will (387-391). This spiritual victory, he continues, is accomplished through the indwelling Holy Spirit: swa des heiligin geistis en teil gespringe an ein herze, dat han versumet: wie sere mich (278-285)

The emendation of line 281 (daz er mir rate) seems to me to be correct, because one of the most frequent ministries of the Holy Spirit is to advise the repentant person (see the chapter on Der arme Hartmann, pp. 182-188). The last part of the poem consists of a series of appeals (642864). In one the poet affirms that he hopes in the grace of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit to protect him and cleanse him from sin (669-686). The text as reconstructed by Max Roediger assigns greater importance to the Holy Spirit. Here the poet also begins by expressing confidence in the grace of the Trinity, but then he continues : wände du, heileger geist, mich soit behuoten aller meist, von allen minen sunten solt du mich enbinten durch dine genaedicheit diu mich armen nie vermeit... (673-678) 37

This is a plausible reading, for, as we have seen previously, the Holy Spirit is often viewed as man's protector and the forgiver of his sins.

15. VORAUER SÜNDENKLAGE 3 8

The Vorauer Sündenklage, written about 1150/60, contains only one reference to the Holy Spirit in the entire poem. In the central section, the confession of sin (291-557), the poet prays that God may 37 38

"Die Millstätter Sündenklage", ZfdA, 20 (1876), 225-323. Maurer, III, No. 50.

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hear his prayer, because he genuinely repents of his sins (291-305). Then he requests the presence of the Spirit: nu solt du mir senden dinen heiligen geist, wände du, herre, vil wol weist, daz elliu miniu dinch ane dine helve inwiht sint. (306-310) The poet goes on to pray that God may deliver him from the devil, for he cannot protect himself from his snares unless God's goodness - perhaps an allusion to the Holy Spirit - helps him (311-316).

16. RHEINAUER SÜNDENKLAGE 3 9

The Rheinauer Sündenklage is a confession of sin written in prose in the second half of the twelfth century. The author reminds God of the love He had for man when He breathed into him His own Spirit (60-64). He also reminds God of the disciples who were filled with and strengthened by the Holy Spirit (103-106). He eagerly waits for divine assistance in the Christian life and for the sevenfold gift of the Holy Spirit (129-132). In a subsequent passage he entreats Christ once more that He would breathe on him the sevenfold gift of the Spirit (176-181).

17. VORAUER MARIENLOB 40

The Vorauer Marienlob (ca. 1130), a poem placed in the middle of the Vorauer Bücher Moses, begins by speaking of the prophets, who predicted future vents (1-6), including the wonderful, unusual birth of Christ (7-11): wande si was ane ser unde ane gelust des fleiskes, von scirmen des heiligen geistes. (12-14) 39 40

Wilhelm, No. XXVII. Maurer, I, No. 12.

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It is traditional Catholic doctrine that Mary gave birth to Christ without pain. After man fell, Eve was condemned to bear children with sorrow and pain (Gen. 3:16) ; but Mary, the spiritual anti-type of Eve, bore Christ without pain and suffering.41 As there is no Biblical basis for this view, it is based solely on tradition. The Vorauer Marienlob also introduces the subject of the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit. One would almost expect the poet to do so, because the basis for the doctrine of the gifts is at the same time a prophecy about the Virgin Mary (Isa. 11:1-3) : she is the rod that is to come from the root of Jesse. Out of this root a flower (i.e., Christ) is to arise, and on Him the seven gifts will rest. Like the OHG Isidor (655-668), the Vorauer Marienlob provides a vernacular interpretation of Isaiah's prophecy. Following traditional practice, the MHG poet speaks of the rod (21-44), the flower (45-52), and then associates the gifts with the Messiah, who had all seven (5356). After enumerating the gifts in the sequence given by the prophet Isaiah (57-68), the poet repeats the accepted interpretation of the rod and the flower (69-74), and then he reiterates that Christ possessed all seven of the Holy Spirit's gifts; today Christians do not receive them all (75-78). The poet adds the explanation that Christ received all seven, because He is the temple of God in which the fulness of Deity resides (79-82).

18. MELKER MARIENLIED 4 2

The Melker Marienlied (ca. 1140), in the last Strophe, calls Mary the queen of heaven, the gate of paradise, the chosen vessel of God, and the sacrarium sancii spiritus (92-95). The latter term probably goes back to Isidore of Seville,43 and it again shows that the Virgin enjoyed the special grace of the Holy Spirit's presence.

41 42 43

See also Priester Wernher's Maria (D.3891-3900). Maurer, I, N o . 13. De ortu et obitu patrum (MPL 83), 148.

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LEGENDS, PRAYERS, 'MARIENDICHTUNG' 19. ARNSTEINER MARIENLIED 4 4

In tones reminiscent of the prayers and confessions, the poet of the Arnsteiner Marienlied (ca. 1150) prays to Christ: gif mir, herre, dinen geist, wantu selbe wale weist alle mine crancheit und alle min unwizigheit, daz ich muoze scowen bit den minen ougen din unverloscen liet daz newere du mir niet. (210-217) Implicit in this prayer is the recognition of the Holy Spirit as helper and inspirator, roles commonly associated with Him. In the concluding passage the poet praises Mary in superlative terms that had by this time become traditional. Among other things, she is "des heiligen geistes ercornez vaz / daz er ze disen eren sunderliche erlas..." (308-309). Like Heinrich, the author of the MHG Litanei (G. 198-202), this writer also affirms that the Spirit chose Mary from all women that were ever born. 45

20. PRIESTER WERNHER'S MARIA 4 6

The three songs about Mary by Priester Wernher were written about 1170 and have come down to us in two complete manuscripts (A and D), both of which are reworkings of the original, and five fragments (B C E F G). The first book deals with Joachim and Anna, the parents of the Virgin (1-1284), the second with the youth of Mary until the conception of Christ (1285-3106), and the third with Mary's life until the return from Egypt (3107-ca. 5900). In the introduction to the first book, Priester Wernher expresses his dependence on the Holy Spirit : the poem will be written, "mit 44

Maurer, I, No. 19. The Mariensequenz aus Muri (Maurer, I, No. 20) only names the Holy Spirit in relation to the Trinity (12-13; 63). 46 Ed. Carl Wesle, 2nd ed. by Hans Fromm (ATB, 26) (Tiibingen, 1969).

45

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163

der volleiste / des heiligen geistes" (187-188). Manuscript A writes that the composition will be done, "mit gotes volleist / vñ dem heiligen geist" (Α. 175-176), and Manuscript D, "mit der helfe ν uolleiste / des heiligen geistes" (D. 185-186). There is no further reference to the Holy Spirit until the introduction to the second book, in which Wernher asks his listeners to pray that Mary might assist him by covering his sins (1329-37). About Mary, whom he calls sagerare, the poet writes succinctly: "den der heilig geist begôz" (1331). The term begôz alludes to the Spirit as water - it was also used in reference to Mary by Heinrich, poet of the MHG Litanei (G.201). Manuscript A has besloz for begôz (A. 1157). When Mary is asked to appear before Bishop Abiathar to learn God's will about her marriage to Joseph, she prays for the guidance of the Holy Spirit in her speech (D.2020-23; A. 1792-96). In the narrative of the conception of Christ the poet simply follows the Biblical account (D.2463-80; A.2185-2202). Mary is enjoined not to doubt the angel's words, because the 'heavenly blessing' and the Holy Spirit will be the cause of conception (D.2464-66; A.2186-88). Then the angel Gabriel becomes more specific in his answer: mit sines geistes töwe bescâtewet er dih fröwe ν gefurdert dih darzü. (D.2471-73 ; A.2193-95)

The Litanei (G.291-297) had also spoken of the dew of the Holy Spirit. Again basing his remarks on the Bible (Luke 1:41), Priester Wernher writes that Elisabeth knew about Mary through the inspiration of the Holy Spirit (2797-2810). Of the Spirit he remarks: daz was der heilige geist, rehter dinge volleist, der alle froude chundet : der hête si ouch enzundet.

(2807-10)

Manuscript D has the reading gnade for froude (D.2715), and Manuscript A lacks lines 2809-10. Elisabeth spoke as the Holy Spirit advised her, Wernher writes after her prophecy (D.2741-44; A.2403-6). In a didactic excursion,

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found only in D, the poet then gives a vivid portrayal of the sanctifying effect of the Spirit's presence in a person's heart and life: der div broden herze erchert, div sin gnade durh uert: er uerdultet vinster nehein, want swa er ie erschein, da heten vrlovp die sunde ν entwichen an der stunde. in flivhet elliv achust, werltliche liebe, svntlichiv glust. der saelig, den er besitzet, ist sa gelerte, sa gewitzet ze guter staete, ze staeter gûte. er git reinez gemute, todes vorhte, gotes minne, rehtes girde, rehte sinne. (D.2745-58) It was this Spirit, Wernher continues, who inspired Elisabeth's speech (D.2759-62). In her speech Elisabeth tells Mary that the child in her womb is unusual, because the Holy Spirit is with him (A.2416-18). In the third book, the angel informs Joseph about the divine intervention in the life of his espoused wife; here the poet adds somewhat to the Biblical account (Matt. 1:20) : du scholt daz volleclîche gelouben, daz alle ir tougen von dem heiligen geiste sint chomen.

(3320-23)

Manuscript D alone adds the significant comment about the Holy Spirit: "der ie reht ν gnade frumet" (D.3136). On the way to Bethlehem, Mary sees a vision of two crowds, the sad and the happy (D.3657-86; A.3191-3218). When Joseph is reluctant to believe her vision, an angel appears and walks with them (D.3687-3716; A.3219-36). The angel then interprets the sad crowd as the unbelieving Jews and the happy crowd as the converted (D.3717-78 ; A.3237-92). The latter, the angel explains in some detail, are those who have turned to God :

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die belibent niht ze der winster; sie gahent uon der vinster in die liehten sunne, ν badent sih vz dem brvnne da allez meil uerswindet, vnde sei der geist enbindet uon totlichem gebende. (D.3759-65; A.3273-79) The fountain to which the poet refers is no doubt the sacrament of baptism, through which the person is forgiven of his sin, because of the ministry of the Holy Spirit. Like the Vorauer Marienlob (12-14), Priester Wernher also asserts that the birth of Christ was without pain; in fact this poet maintains that angels assisted Mary, and therefore she did not experience the usual suffering of women in childbirth (4097-4130). Manuscript D gives a vivid portrayal of the unique, sinless birth of Christ : Daz grozze wfen ν chlagen, daz andere fröen muzzen uertragen, so sie gewinnent div kint div uon sunden chomen sint, daz was ir seltsaene : sie was sin ailes âne, wan daz kint daz da furgie, do siz cem ersten enpfie, daz brûefte der heilige geist ane suntliche uolleist. (D.3891-3900) This is the only manuscript which attributes the painless birth directly to the Holy Spirit. There is one further mention of the Holy Spirit in Wernher's Maria, namely in the account of the Spirit's descent on the Day of Pentecost (5651-53). The poet then goes on to recount the events of that day, stressing the tongues of fire, the speaking in other languages, and the preaching of the Gospel (5654-74).

21.

PHYSIOLOGUS 4 7

Of the Old German Physiologus we have an O H G version in prose, 47

Ed. Friedrich Maurer (ATB, 67) (Tübingen, 1967). This edition now makes all of the Old German versions, plus the Latin text, readily available.

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a M H G version in prose in the Vienna Manuscript, and a version in verse in the Milstatt Manuscript. In the chapter De lacerta, the O H G Physiologus relates that the sight of the lizard fails in old age, but that it finds a crack through which it can look at the sun and thus restore its sight (136-141). This action is an allegory for the Christion: "Also duo du, christanig man: so dir bedvnkelet uuerde din gesune, so svohche die hosterlihchun stat vnde den sunnen des rehtes, dinen schephare, der dir ist ganemmet oriens, daz din herze intlvide durch sinen geist..." (141-144). Similarly the Latin text also contains the thought of being enlightened by the Holy Spirit (12,4). The M H G Physiologus versions do not mention the Holy Spirit in the chapter on the lizard, but they have an interesting reference in the chapter on the eagle. Jerome, both versions assert, writes that when the eagle becomes old he flies into the sky, burns his feathers, and falls back into his nest where the young eagles tend him until he grows new feathers (W.XIX,6; M.969-976). This example from nature again serves as a spiritual allegory : So sculen wir gebrennt werden allermeiste mit den genaden des heiligen geistes, daz unsir sunde muozzen dorren, unz wir ewichlichen geiteniwet werden. (M.977-980)

The Vienna prose version has essentially the same thought (W.XIX, 7), and the Latin text similarly interprets this natural phenomenon as an allegory of the purifying effect of the Holy Spirit (19,7).

22.

KAISERCHRONIK 48

In the Kaiserchronik, composed about 1150, there are a number of interesting references to the Holy Spirit which indicate the poet's recognition of His special role in the world. The first mention of the Spirit occurs in the account of the Emperor Faustinianus (12194082). The twin sons of Faustinianus are sent from home to be 48

Ed. Edward Schröder, Monumenta Germaniae Histórica: Deutsche Chroniken, vol. 1, part 1 (Hannover, 1892; reprint Zürich, 1964 and 1969).

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educated, they are shipwrecked, saved, and sold as slaves to a woman who sends them to Zacheus for their education; Zacheus, the poet relates, was sent there by Peter, and he (Zacheus) erected a monastery in honor of the Holy Spirit (1470-81). To my knowledge this is the only time in medieval German literature that a building is dedicated specifically to the Spirit.49 Later the twins are with Peter, who has a contest with Simon the magician. Peter tells Simon about Christ's command to the disciples to baptize, teach, and convert the heathen (2246-51). He continues : in swelhez hûs wir gên, dà sulen wir fride în geben. ist iemen dar inne, der got vurhte unt minne, dem ist der gotes fride gekündet, mit dem hailigen gaiste enzundet.

(2252-57)

This passage is a rather free adaptation of Christ's words in Matt. 10:12-13. The Gospel account, it should be noted, says nothing about fearing and loving God and nothing about this peace being enflamed by the Holy Spirit. The association of the Spirit with peace is new with this poet, and it may be connected with the fact that peace is one of the fruits of the Spirit (Gal. 5:22). Simon claims that man is limited in his understanding, because he is circumscribed by his five senses (2425-36). In answer to this, Peter informs him of the divine assistance the prophets received: die hêren wîssagen die muosen den sehsten sin haben, di der hailige gaist sô enzunte, daz si vor kunten daz in die werlt kunftic was. (2441-45)

In a unique formulation the poet thus repeats the Biblical doctrine that the prophets were inspired by the Holy Spirit (see II Pet. 1:21). This poet also expresses the traditional view that the Spirit inspires the speech of present day Christians, for Peter tells "Niceta" 49

In the section about Henry II the Emperor founds the bishopric of Babenberg in the name of the Trinity (16192-96).

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to answer his father as the Holy Spirit inspires him to speak (318588). 50

In the story of Domitian (5557-5682), which also includes the legend about John the Evangelist, the poet gives a typical portrayal of a tyrant - particularly his persecution of the Christians (5557-66). John comes to Rome and preaches the Gospel there, converting quite a number of people (5567-75). This infuriated Domitian, but John proclaimed the Trinity to him (5582-86). In keeping with medieval doctrine, the Holy Spirit is viewed as the linking bond between the Father and the Son, and as in the creeds the unity of the Godhead is stressed. The account of Constantine (7806-10633), which is the Silvester legend, tells how the Emperor was converted to Christianity by Pope Silvester. On the day after Constantine's baptism, the Pope celebrates the mass of holy wisdom (7970-85). Then on the third day special honor is given to the Holy Spirit : d ô lobeten si den hailigen gaist dem chunige ze vollaist, daz er mit im worhte aise sin diu christenhait bedorfte.

(8000-8003)

From the next line ("an des segenes ende") and from the context, it becomes clear that these lines refer to a celebration of the mass of the Holy Spirit.51 Constantine thereupon enjoins the people to be baptized in the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit (800410). Many people, the poet narrates, believed in the true Son of God and in the love of the Holy Spirit (8017-18). The queen mother Helena is most disturbed about her son's conversion. Pope Silvester suggests that there be a disputation between the Christians and the Jews as to which religion is the true one. Those who are proven wrong will then change their mind as the Holy Spirit directs them, the Pope declares (8322-41). This comment about the Spirit no doubt alludes to His convincing power in the soul of man (see John 14:8). As deliberate preparation for the 50

There is a formulaic mention of the Holy Spirit in connection with the Trinity in one prior passage (2531-34). 51 For a more detailed discussion of this mass in MHG literature, see my article in Essays in German Literature, 5-18.

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meeting with the queen mother, Silvester, along with the cardinals, celebrates the votive mass of the Holy Spirit early in the morning: er sane von dem hailigen gaiste eine misse, want er vil wol wesse der chuniginne ungemuote. er bat got den guoten, daz er ir herze erchante und ouch im den hailigen gaist sante, der im sôgetâne rede gäbe, diu sînem namen gezâme. (8508-15)

In this instance the Spirit is implored, by means of the special mass in His honor and by prayers, to be the inspirator of proper speech. Right at the beginning of the encounter with Helena, the Pope urges her to accept the Christian faith and thereby receive the gift of the Holy Spirit (8549-51). In other words, the Pope is urging her to be baptized and believe in Christ. In the course of the disputation, Silvester remarks that even Caiaphas, who cared nothing about God, prophesied about Christ's death through the help of the Holy Spirit (8723-29 ; see John 11:4952). The account in John does not name the Spirit as source of the prophecy, so this is probably the poet's own addition. The Jewish archbishop Jonas raises the question of how Christ could have come to earth and be killed and still be true God in heaven (8778-84). He goes on to elaborate: nû sage mir : wie dolte der sun den tôt, da der vater unt der hailige gaist niht mite was? zewâre sagen ich dir daz : wären si ze himele ebengelîch und ebenhêre, sone maht daz niemer werden, daz sich diu gothait sciede? (8785-90)

Pope Silvester answers this objection by referring to the creation and fall of the angels (8791-8813), the creation and fall of man (881433), and the redemption of man through the Son of God who became man Himself (8834-51). Then he deals with the doctrine of circuminsessio (see p. 126): unser hêrre der heilant nam wider în sînen gotelîchen gewalt,

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dem vater und dem hailigen gaiste ebenhêre und ebenrîche. dannen sint die drî namen waerlîche ain got genennet. (8852-56)

Thus the unity of the Trinity remains continually (see also 8646-59). Regarding the question of Mary's virginity, the Pope quotes from Ezekiel (44:1-2), who writes of the shut gate (9176-89). She also remained a virgin after Christ's birth, Silvester affirms (9190-92). Line 9191 ("des hailigen gaistes bistû sat") probably refers to the conception of Christ through the Holy Spirit, a doctrine Silvester mentions again (10277-80). Concerning the celebration of Sunday as the day of worship, Pope Silvester replies that Sunday is sacred because, among other things, the Holy Spirit was given on that day (9632-33). At one stage of the dispute Constantine is worried about the outcome, but Silvester reassures him with a promise of divine help : uns hilfet selbe mîn trehtîn, ân in nemugen wir niht getuon, er nesende uns den hailigen gaist dar zuo.

(9863-65)

The notion that the Holy Spirit is the source of assistance is of course a common one : He is the source of all that is good. Before raising the dead steer back to life, Pope Silvester entreats Christ for help, mentioning His biith, His baptism, His death, His descent into hell, His resurrection, His ascension, and the descent of the Holy Spirit (10283-302). Concerning the ministry of the Spirit, he declares: "der getrost uns hiut aller maist / und erlöse uns von disen grôzen ungenâden" (10300-301). The verb getrost is an allusion to the comforting ministry of the Holy Spirit as it is indicated by the title of Paraclete. It is the Spirit who will help man in great difficulty and release him from trouble. After the steer is raised back to life, the Jews and the judges are baptized into the Christian faith (10359-72). Finally, Helena also received baptism, and "des heiligen gaistes wart si sat" (10375-76). This is the same phraseology that was used in relation to the Virgin Mary (9191). This poem about Silvester and Constantine concludes with a request that the listeners sing a pater noster in the love of the Holy

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Spirit to honor St. Silvester and on behalf of the poet's soul (1061924) and with a prayer that Silvester and God may help men on earth in body and in heaven in soul (10625-33). In the section about Julianus (10634-11137) the poet relates that he was made Emperor at Rome by the devil himself, who went from man to man, instructing each one to vote for Julianus (10798-828). The people all thought that it was a divine messenger ; they hoped that it was a message from the Holy Spirit (10829-33). Julianus once ordered that a Christian prince be executed unless he submitted to the heathen god (11028-37). The prince, however, replied that he would not do that because he believed in the Trinity: "er geloupte an den vater und an den sun, / den hailigen gaist wolt er êren" (11039-40; see also 10918-20; 11014-16). This is an independent formulation of expressing belief in the triune Godhead, in that honor is to be given to the Holy Spirit. The next references to the third person of the Trinity occur in the Theodosius section (13067-660). Before taking definite action against the Arian heresy, with which he had to deal. Theodosius implores the Holy Spirit for divine protection in handling the situation: Der kaiser tet daz crûce vur sich, er sprach, hailiger gaist, des bewar mich, daz ich ê zît iemen haize benemen den lîp! (13403-6) The Emperor thereupon calls for a meeting with the Arians at Ephesus (13427-56). The Christians were concerned about what they would say (13457-63), but their concern was unfounded, because the Holy Spirit was their comfort and help (13464-66). In the legendary biography of Charlemagne (14282-15091), the Kaiserchronik asserts that the Roman Empire had no king until Charlemagne and that the latter's brother Leo was Pope. Being divinely instructed to go to Rome, Charlemagne goes to see his brother. Upon the Emperor's arrival, Pope Leo sings the votive mass of the Holy Spirit particularly for Charlemagne's benefit (14346-59). Thus as in the other two cases in the Kaiserchronik (7998-8003; 8508-15), the missa de Spiritu sancto is celebrated to confer special benefit upon an individual, although in this last

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instance the nature of the blessing expected is not specified : the poet simply uses the general term ze volleist (14353), which frequently provides a convenient rhyme for geist in MHG literature.

23.

ROLANDSLIED 5 2

The Rolandslied by Pfaffe Konrad also contains a few references to the Holy Spirit which are of some interest. After the messenger Blanscandiz has been received by Charlemagne, the latter reports to the bishops and princes that Marsilie, the heathen enemy, has agreed to submit to the Emperor's rule (891-906). Charlemagne now asks for advice on what to do so that they can retain God's favor (907-910). In the course of the report he prays that they may receive divine assistance in reaching the right decision: "der heilige geist gebe ú den mût / daz ir daz beste dar ane getut." (899-900) The chief princes suspect a trick on the part of Marsilie and advise against accepting the messenger's report of submission. Genelun, however, recommends acceptance. Because of the disagreement among his advisers, Charlemagne calls for a general assembly, where he reiterates his prayer for divine guidance: tût iz durch gotes ere uñ gesamnet iuch einer rede, die uns der heilige gebe, daz wir des besten ramen. (1161-64)

The assembly decides to send a messenger to Marsile. Among others, Turpin declares his eagerness to go : herre nu la mich den boten sin. mit des heiligen geistes gebe wie o b ich etwaz da gerede? (1333-35)

Like the disciples of Christ, he expects the Holy Spirit to inspire his speech as he tells the heathen about the prophets who taught man about God, about Christ and the Gospel (1336-43). When Charlemagne accepts none of their offers, it is finally 52

Ed. Carl Wesle, 2nd ed. by Peter Wapnewski (ATB, 69) (Tübingen, 1967).

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agreed that Genelun, the step-father of Roland, is to be the messenger. On the way to the enemy king, however, he betrays his friends and Emperor. As contrast to such despicable unfaithfulness, the poet inserts an ardent prayer for fidelity: swer der truwin gesmechet, der hütet ir iemmir gerne; die mûze wir uon deme heiligin geiste lerne.

(1975-77)

To my knowledge the idea that the virtue of loyalty is to be learned from the Holy Spirit is unique with the Rolandslied. The source for this association may have been Gal. 5:22-23, where fides is listed as one of the fruits of the Spirit. During the numerous battles that ensue, two of the Christian heroes who distinguish themselves are Otto and Ive (5119-36). They are characterized as servants of God who gained eternal bliss because of their victories over the heathen : daz worcht in der gute wille. den heilige gaist heten si dar inne, ir herce geliutert unt gerainet : uon diu sint si geziret unt gehailet.

(5133-36)

Therefore, indirectly the Spirit is involved in bringing about the salvation of these men, in this case by way of a battle with the heathen. When Turpin sees a great company of heathen approaching, the Christian heroes prepare themselves physically and spiritually : Di heren gotes ewartë mit flieze si sih pewarten : si sprachen in den antlaz. daz wûcher der heilige gaist was.

(5775-78)

The comment that the result of the indulgence was the Holy Spirit may be connected with the blessing spoken after confession, in which the priest prays that the sinner may be forgiven and may live a good life with the grace of the Holy Spirit. Charlemagne selected one hundred thousand knights to protect him, knights who would rather die than desert him (7871-83). The poet then quotes Christ's words from John 12:24-25 about a seed that falls into the ground and dies, bringing forth much fruit (7884-

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88). The application to the local situation regarding Charlemagne's knights is then made: "di herren wrden wöcherhaft, / der heilige gaist gab in di craft." (7889-90) In other words, the Spirit gave them the fortitude to die for their cause. Before going into battle, Charlemagne prays for divine help, reminding God of the various people he helped in the past: for example, Jonah, the three Hebrew children, Peter, and John (790724). The climax of the prayer is an appeal for the assistance of the Holy Spirit: di dine du gehaile, unse uiante du zetaile; durch des heiligen gaistes zuchumpft so uerlihe uns salde unt sigenunft, want wir iehen ze dinen ganden ! (7925-29) In some way the poet feels the third person of the Trinity is involved in the Christians' battle against the heathen and can give them good fortune and ultimate victory.

24.

ORENDEL 5 3

Of the Spielmannsepen the Orendel legend is the only one that mentions the Holy Spirit. In this M H G version of the legend about the robe of Christ, Frau Bride, the queen of Jerusalem and wife of Orendel, prepares to go into battle against the heathen to help her husband; as she goes, Bride receives divine assistance in finding her way: die heiligen siben gäbe unsers heren die wisten die maget here hin uf den Iordan. (2109-11) Because of the number seven, it seems evident that the gifts of the Spirit are meant here. In the Mariengriisse, a poem f r o m the thirteenth century, Christ is specifically called der siben gäbe wirt (313). 54 53 54

Ed. Hans Steinger (ATB, 36) (Halle, 1935). Ed. Franz Pfeiffer, ZfdA, 8 (1851), 274-298.

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Otherwise, the Holy Spirit is only named in a formulaic way in connection with the other two persons of the Trinity (579-581; H.3934-37).

VI DER ARME HARTMANN'S REDE VOM GLAUBEN

1. INTRODUCTION

Hartmann's Rede vom Glauben, a didactic sermon in verse, emphasizes the practical aspects of the Holy Spirt's presence in the world, especially His presence in the hearts of men.1 This poem, which uses the credo as starting point, was written by a man who simply calls himself ich arme Hartmann (3737). The work he himself labels as di rede des geloubin (58 ; see also 3636-38). According to lines 1626-41, Der arme Hartmann had previously written a work on the Last Judgment; this poem, however, is not extant. Except for what we can deduce from his Glauben, we know little about the author's life. Apparently he was not a member of the clergy (13-17; 2924-88). In one case he refers to himself as tumbe (423), which probably means he was a layman. Hans Steinger, however, believes that Hartmenn may in later years have become a lay brother. 2 From his description of the knights and the nobility (2370-2511), it seems probable that he was familiar with theses circles. He must have had a good education, for he knows Latin, the Bible, the fundamentals of church dogmatics, and something of the liberal arts. 3 Concerning the home of Hartmann's Glauben, there is still no general agreement among scholars, but it is usually considered to be a Middle German work. The date of composition is generally placed about the middle of the twelfth century. Written by a layman for laymen unversed in theology - probably 1 2 3

Maurer, II, No. 46. "Der arme Hartmann", VL, II (Berlin, 1936), 199-200. Steinger, VL, II, 200.

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of the knightly class - the Rede vom Glauben concentrates more on practical, moral instruction than on dogma, particularly in that section of the Creed devoted to the Holy Spirit. It is more than a theological explanation of the Christian faith. The interpretation of the credo follows that of Nicea-Constantinople and deals with God the Father (61-178), God the Son (179-1641), God the Holy Spirit (1642-3630), and the remaining articles of the faith (36313708). It is significant that the section on the Holy Spirit is longer than all of the remainder combined. In this section Der arme Hartmann can give his moral instructions, by showing the activity of the Spirit in the soul of men. We have only 1589 lines of the passage on the Holy Spirit, because one leaf of the manuscript with about four hundred lines was missing even before the manuscript was completely destroyed in the fire of Strassburg in 1870.

2. THE PROLOGUE

Following the custom of medieval secular poets, Der arme Hartmann begins his prologue with a maxim, concerning the problem of man's salvation : whoever wants to obtain salvation and eternal life must love God more than the world, and be subject to Him and obedient to His command (1-6). The introductory maxim seeks to gain the attention of the listeners by referring to a subject that is of concern to them. The poet then introduces the subject of his work, consideration of the holy faith, as another requirement for gaining salvation (7-8). Through the Christian faith we became children of God and were liberated from the power of sin and Satan (9-12). In the second strophe (13-24) the poet directly addresses his audience in homiletic tones : "Vernemet was man iu sage" (13). The priests sing the credo as part of the mass every Sunday (14-16). To obtain God's favor, the poet would like to speak - if he had the ability - of the creed in German, as instruction to the laity (17-22). The reason for this interpretation is then given: "wande manige reden darane haftent, / dar si luzil umbe ahtent." (23-24) The first two strophes (i.e., the outer prologue) thus have a twofold purpose: to gain the attention of the audience and to

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introduce the author's theme and intention. This arrangement is in consonance with the bipartite structure of prologues commonly found in secular MHG works, in which the prooemium arouses the listener's interest and the prologus introduces the theme of the poem. In Hartmann's Glauben, however, the two parts overlap; there is yet no sharply defined division between the function of the prooemium and the prologus. In the inner prologue (strophes 3-4; 25-54) Hartmann prays for divine assistance with his task. He undertakes the interpretation of the credo only because he firmly believes that God will help him (25-28). His confidence is based on God's promise in Ps. 80:11, "Dilata os tuum, et implebo illud", which he quotes and paraphrases (29a-32). Hartmann here foreshadows the activity of the Holy Spirit - in the next section he specifically prays for the Spirit's help - because He is the member of the Godhead who inspires and directs speech. Like the Exodus poet (21-28), Hartmann may also have had in mind the promise made by Christ to His disciples that the Holy Spirit would give them the proper words to say in time of need (Matt. 10:19-20). Because of these Scriptural assurances he can begin his work (33-34). The choice of the word trost appears deliberate as a subtle reference to the Holy Spirit, who is named as the promised comforter precisely seven lines later. In the fourth strophe (35-54) Der arme Hartmann directs a personal prayer to God for the assistance of the Holy Spirit (3540). He begins the elaboration of his prayer: di berihte mine sinne in minem herzen inne mit siner vil guten list, wander allir meistere bezist ist. (41-44)4 The request is a formulaic admission of poetic inability ; the poet had already touched on this point previously (18). He then justifies his prayer for the Holy Spirit's assistance. He needs the Spirit's help to make the poem worthy of Him and of those who will hear it (45-48). Furthermore, the exposition of the Creed is intended to 4

The term meister for the Holy Spirit also occurs in a German sermon: Schönbach, I, 56.

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benefit the listeners, in that it leads to their ultimate salvation (4954). This boon cannot be accomplished by human means - only the Holy Spirit can impart eternal life. After the prayer, Hartmann once more directs his attention in a homiletic way to his audience : the listeners are to trust in God and keep the eyes of their hearts open (55-57). This remark gives further evidence of the poet's formulaic humility: the listener can expect nothing from him, they must place their confidence in God. Following a final transitional statement about the source of the Creed (58-60), the interpretation of the credo begins. That the Holy Spirit is of considerable significance in Hartmann's prologue is evident not only from the lengthy prayer for the Spirit's help (strophes 3 and 4), but also from the careful structure that reveals several instances of apparently deliberate symbolic arrangement in honor of the third person of the Trinity. The outer prologue (strophes 1 and 2) consists of two twelve-line strophes, and as was seen above (p. 114), twelve in medieval number symbolism is just another form of seven. The inner prologue (strophes 3 and 4) consists of a ten-line strophe and a twenty-line strophe. The fourth strophe divides into an introductory six-line prayer for the Holy Spirit and a fourteen-line elaboration and justification in which the poet deals with His specific role in the composition of his work.

3. THE FATHER AND THE SON

The first two sections of Hartmann's Glauben, dealing with the articles of faith about the Father (61-178) and the Son (179-1641), contain only few references to the Holy Spirit. Discussing briefly the creation of man, the poet merely reiterates the Old Testament teaching (Gen. 2:7) that God breathed His own Spirit into man; in doing so, God gave him understanding, reason, and also immortality, Hartmann teaches (150-158). In the section on Jesus Christ, Hartmann teaches the doctrine of Christ's supernatural conception by the Holy Spirit (595-597). Later he declares that Christ wants to dwell in the penitent heart with the love of the Holy Spirit (1195-1202), a remark which has

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reference to the traditional designation of the Spirit as love and goodness. As he comments on the redemptive aspect of Christ's coming to earth, Hartmann again expresses traditional views : in dines vater namen du quaeme, di sunden uns abenaeme. daz mohtes tu wol geleisten in dem heiligen geiste. (1527-30) It is not unusual to teach that the whole Trinity was involved in Christ's coming into the world, and it is also common doctrine that the Holy Spirit forgives sin.

4. THE HOLY SPIRIT: INTRODUCTION

As in the first two sections, Der arme Hartmann begins his discussion of the articles on the Holy Spirit with the Latin text of the Creed (1642-48). In consonance with the theme of this part, the introductory passage contains precisely seven lines. After the Latin quotation the poet directs a personal prayer to the Holy Spirit (1649-57). Referring back to the last line of the Latin text ("qui loquitur per prophetas"), he prays that the same Spirit may give him the ability to compose the work to His praise. He had previously expressed essentially the same thoughts in the prologue to the poem as a whole (41-54), but this longest section of the interpretation is so important to him that he feels it necessary to begin with another prayer.5 It may be of symbolic significance that this nine-line prayer refers to the Holy Spirit exactly seven times, four in the first three lines and three in the last three. In the first line He is named as der selbe geist (1649), and the other references appear either as a pronoun {der: 1649, 1650; ime: 1656; er: 1657) or as a possessive adjective (siner: 1651; sin: 1655). The passage will be quoted, and the references to the Holy Spirit indicated by italics and numbering: 5 This prayer is very similar to that in the prologue: lines 1650,1653, and 1656 are merely repeated from lines 41, 42, and 47 respectively, and lines 1652 and 1654 express in slightly different form the thoughts of lines 45 and 46.

DER ARME HARTMANN^ REDE VOM GLAUBEN

der selbe geist, der mit in was, der berihte mine sinne in siner minne, daz ich di rede vinde in minem herzen inne. di ich muze keren in sin selbis ere, aise daz ime gezeme, di gande rucher uns geben. (1649-57)

181

(1,2)

(3) (4)

(5) (6) (7)

Der arme H a r t m a n n is careful to maintain perfect symmetry in this important passage. The first reference is a noun plus its modifiers, the second and third are pronouns, the fourth and fifth adjectives, and the sixth and seventh are again pronouns. This section of the commentary on the credo, it has been pointed out by Heinz Rupp, is unusual in that it does not really deal with the Holy Spirit as the third person of the Trinity. 6 Hartmann uses this part of the Creed as a means for discussing the Spirit's activity in the heart and mind of man. H e does not even translate the entire Latin text. Although he commences with, "Ich gloube an den heiligen geist" (1658), a translation of the Creed, he goes on to discuss only the vivifying effects of the Holy Spirit's presence. The Spirit sanctifies and cleanses, H e makes man faithful and true, and H e enlightens his five senses so that he uses them for good (1659-74). In addition, the Holy Spirit advises humility and constancy; in fact, it is H e who advises all good and right actions (1675-79). In speaking of the counsels of the Holy Spirit throughout this poem, Hartmann no doubt has in mind the Spirit as spiritus consilii, the third gift enumerated in Isaiah 11. Having concluded his general introductory remarks, the poet introduces the main theme of the section: the counsels of the Holy Spirit, whom he previously had called the best of all teachers (44).7 6

Deutsche religiöse Dichtungen des 11. und 12. Jahrhunderts, 2nd ed. (Bern, 1971), 155. 7 The notion that the Spirit advises and teaches man can also be found in several MHG sermons: Jeitteles, 69; Pfeiffer, I, 326; see also Joseph Diemer, "Deutsche Predigtentwürfe aus dem XIII. Jahrhundert", Germania, 3 (1859), 365; Heinrich Hoffmann, "Predigten", Altdeutsche Blätter, 2 (1840), 168; F. J. Mone, "Altdeutsche Predigten", Anzeiger für Kunde der teutschen Vorzeit, 8 (1839), 408, 509, 512.

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5. THE HOLY SPIRIT: FIRST COUNSEL

The first counsel of the Holy Spirit (1680-1717) enjoins upon man the fear of God, which, significantly, is also the last of the seven gifts. Whoever follows this counsel of the Spirit will perform good deeds, avoid evil, and be free of envy (1680-85). Furthermore, he will carry out the commands of Christ (Matt. 25:35-36) to give alms to the poor, feed the hungry, give drink to the thirsty, clothe the naked, give shelter to the stranger, and visit the sick and the prisoners (1686-1711). These are all practical results of the Spirit's presence in the heart of man; in short, the Holy Spirit helps man to love his neighbor. Hartmann concludes the first counsel with a refrain in praise of the Holy Spirit reminiscent of the allir meistere bezist (44) of the prologue: diz meisteret alliz allir meist der vil heilige geist. der ist zerist unde ze lezist allir meistere bezist. der meisteret alle di dine di da gut unde reht sint. (1712-17)

The same artfully constructed refrain is repeated at the end of three other counsels (1746-51 ; 2874-79; 2918-23) and after the account of the repentant thief on the cross (1920-25).

6. THE HOLY SPIRIT: SECOND COUNSEL

The second counsel of the Holy Spirit (1718-51) goes even further in its demands than the first: man is to love not only his neighbor, but even his enemy. Hartmann bases his remarks on the New Testament doctrine : "Diligite inimicos vestros, benefacite inimicos vestros" (Matt. 5:44; see also Rom. 12:20; I Thess. 5:15; I Pet. 3:9). Man is supposed to forgive his enemies and return good for evil, because it has been commanded and because such Christian action results in God's favor and eternal life (1718-45). But this love is humanly impossible; only the Holy Spirit can accomplish this counsel (1746-51).

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7. THE HOLY SPIRIT: THIRD COUNSEL

While the first two counsels of the Spirit were concerned with man's relation to his fellow man, the third (1752-2369) deals with man's relation to himself and to God. The central themes of this counsel are repentance and trust in God, both of which are brought about by the Holy Spirit's activity. Whoever follows the third counsel of the Spirit, Hartmann begins, feels genuine remorse for his sins and confesses them in detail (1752-1809). After confession the sinner laments over his sins and then prays to Christ for mercy (1810-37). To demonstrate that God has mercy on the repentant sinner and that He rewards faith in Him, the poet then relates six rather common accounts of "sinner-saints": the thief on the cross (18301925), Theophilus (1926-2001), Peter the tax collector (2002-2113), Maria Magdalena (2114-2237), Afra (2238-63), and Maria Egyptica (2264-2353). The first account (1830-1925) follows the Biblical record closely, concluding with the refrain found at the end of the first and second counsels (1920-25). In Hartmann's view, the Holy Spirit caused the repentant thief to trust in Christ and pray for eternal salvation.8 In the Theophilus legend (1926-2001) the poet briefly relates the saint's sin, his repentance, and his conversion ; his repentance and conversion were both brought about through Christ and were advised by the Holy Spirit (1987-94). The concluding refrain of this legend refers to the Spirit's activity in those elected by the sovereign will of God: diz meisterte alliz allir meist der vil heilige geist, den got dar sendet, da er sine gnade zo gewendet. (1998-2001) The same refrain concludes three of the other legends (2110-13; 2234-37; 2350-53) as well as the passage concerning the piety and devotion of the clergy (2984-87). In the legend about Theophilus, Hartmann declares that all who repent and trust in God (i.e., do something) can be saved (1987-92), 8

See also Jeitteles, 110.

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yet the refrain teaches that man cannot initiate his own salvation, because G o d sends the Holy Spirit to those to whom He wants to show mercy. There seems to be a clear contradiction here between the free will of man and the sovereign will of God. However, the same contradiction - free will versus predestination - can be found in the decrees of Church Councils, in the patristic theological literature (e.g., Augustine, Rhabanus), and in German literature (e.g., Williram). 9 Apparently to the medieval mind the discrepancy between the two views was not so disturbing as it seems today. Hartmann continues the theme of election by grace in the legend about Peter the tax collector (2002-2113) : God knows everyone He has chosen (2002-19). Although Peter was a greedy man who had gained fame and fortune, he was transformed into a generous man when God willed it (2020-41). After this conversion, Peter the tax collector became an imitator of Christ to the extent of selling himself into slavery to atone for his sins (2042-91). In recognition of this imitatio, Christ allows him to perform miracles and thus to show the world that he had indeed been converted (2092-2109). The transformation in Peter's life was accomplished through the Holy Spirit, the author again proclaims by means of the shorter refrain which also concluded the Theophilus legend (2110-12). The Maria Magdalena account (2114-2237), like that of the repentant thief, follows the New Testament record rather closely. The poet briefly relates her anointing of Christ's feet, the reproaches of the onlookers, and Christ's reply to them (2114-87). Christ taught that G o d forgives man's sin to the degree that he loves God, believes in Him, repents of his sin, and trusts in God (2188-97). Here the author again assumes that man is free and can do something about his own salvation. Hartmann then recounts how Christ forgave Maria Magdalena, and then depicts her activity after the resurrection (2198-2229). Maria, he concludes, is a model for us like her, all who trust God and repent of their sins can be forgiven (2230-33). As before, Hartmann teaches in the refrain that the Holy Spirit brings about man's redemption (2234-37). 10 9 10

87.

Rupp, Deutsche religiöse Dichtungen, 193-196. On Maria Magdalena see also Grieshaber, I, 21 ; Jeitteles, 110; Mellbourn,

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The legend of St. Afra (2238-63), the shortest of the six, very briefly tells of her sinful life, her conversion by Narcissus, and, most important, her martyrdom for the faith. Although the customary refrain about the Holy Spirit is lacking, the author probably has the activity of the Spirit in mind.11 It is generally taught that the gift of fortitude is bestowed especially for assistance in martyrdom. The last example of repentance and conversion brought about by the Holy Spirit is the legend about Maria Egyptica (2264-2353). In early life she was a prostitute (2264-94), but afterwards she became such a good woman that, like her Master, she was able to walk on water (2295-2308). When Maria died, the legend asserts, a lion buried her (2309-18). Zozimas, who had witnessed the miracle of her walking on the water, came to the spot and saw her name written in the sand; in this way God revealed to the world that by faith in Him she had been changed from a sinner into a saint (2319-49). Because of His mercy, God had sent the Holy Spirit to her to accomplish the transformation (2350-53). It is interesting to note that in a sermon from Tirol the activity of the Holy Spirit in her forgiveness is similarly stressed.12 A hymn of praise to Christ, in which the themes of repentance and trust are again central, concludes the third counsel of the Holy Spirit (2354-69).

8. THE HOLY SPIRIT: FOURTH COUNSEL

The fourth counsel of the Holy Spirit (2370-2883) deals with some common sins, of which several had already been mentioned in the legends of the previous counsel. Whoever follows the Spirit's advice will be humble: he will not boast about his own good works; on the contrary, he will recognize his sinfulness before God (2370-83). The carnal man seeks wordly fame and wealth, which, however, may lead to pride and eventual damnation (2384-2403). With accuracy apparently derived from personal contact, Hartmann goes on to 11

Rupp, 160. J. Schatz, "Bruchstücke einer bairischen Predigthandschrift des 12. Jahrhunderts", Beiträge, 52 (1928), 345-347.

12

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describe the possessions of the rich and of the knights (2404-55), their comforts and luxuries (2456-89). In their abundance the rich no longer think of their soul or of God, a state of depravity which results in spiritual death (2490-2511). Everything, the author declares in a memento mori tone, is transitory: possessions and life itself will perish (2512-51). Those who live only for themselves become proud - and God hates the proud (Jas. 4:6), as is revealed by the fate of the fallen angels (2552-73). But God is merciful to all who come to Him (2574-93). The Christian, Hartmann sermonizes, should obey Christ's words (Matt. 6:20) about gathering treasures in heaven and not on earth (2594-2615). If he wants to be able to stand before God at the Last Judgment, man must turn from the world and follow Christ's example (2616-83). The story of the rich man and Lazarus (Luke 16) serves as a vivid example of the contrast between a wordly and a spiritual man. The spiritual man, it teaches us, gives alms, helps the poor, and fears God (2684-2779). Because death may strike at any time, we must begin our good works immediately and in genuine repentance turn to God (2780-2869). As soon as man begins to contemplate the fear and the will of God, the Holy Spirit comes to him with His life-giving power and accomplishes His counsels (2870-83). In the conclusion the poet uses the longer refrain (2874-79).13

9. THE HOLY SPIRIT: FIFTH COUNSEL

The fifth counsel of the Holy Spirit (2884-2923) continues the thought of the previous one : it advises man to give up the world, if necessary, to save his soul. It is better to die for the cause of Christ than to lose one's soul by denying Him. The first martyrs, Der arme Hartmann continues, were the Apostles who sacrificed themselves for the sake of the Gospel. As in the case of the St. Afra legend, the author here no doubt again has in mind the gift of fortitude, which 13

The quotation from I Cor. 12:11 in lines 2880-83 is probably an interpolation, as is suggested by Friedrich von der Leyen, Des armen Hartmann Rede vom Glouven (Germanistische Abhandlungen, 14) (Breslau, 1897), 37-38.

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gives divine strength for suffering. The familiar longer refrain concludes the passage (2918-23).

10. THE HOLY SPIRIT: SIXTH COUNSEL

Whoever heeds the next counsel of the Holy Spirit (2924-87) begins to hope and trust in God. 14 As in the preceding passage, Hartmann gives examples of those who fulfill this advice of the Spirit. All the clergy - priests, bishops, and monks - demonstrate their trust in God by proclaiming His word and converting many sinners. God has honored them by giving them the inspiration and illumination of the Holy Spirit (2958-63). Because of the Spirit, the clergy have withstood the heresies that sought to corrupt the truth : they were fortes in fide (2965). The shorter refrain in honor of the Holy Spirit brings this counsel to a fitting close (2984-87).

11. THE HOLY SPIRIT: SEVENTH COUNSEL

In the seventh counsel of the Spirit (2988-3129) Der arme Hartmann turns his attention to the youth (knappe und megede, 2990). They have kept themselves free from sin and have taken up the battle against the devil with spiritual armor and weapons; these are no doubt to be interpreted as the protection of the Holy Spirit (302631). The poet may have drawn on the injunction of Paul in Eph. 6:17, "et galeam salutis assumite: et gladium spiritus (quod est verbum Dei)". In fact the whole strophe (3019-31) seems to be modelled on the "armor" passage of Eph. 6:10-20. Also of influence may have been I John 2:14, "Scribo vobis, iuvenes, quoniam fortes estis ... et vicistis malignum". The victory of the young people, Hartmann affirms, has won for them eternal peace in heaven, whose beauties he then describes (3050-3111). This counsel closes with the author's prayer for eternal salvation (3112-29) - the usual refrain is missing. 14

Maurer in his edition apparently follows Rupp and groups all of the remaining counsels together with the fifth counsel.

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12. THE HOLY SPIRIT: EIGHTH COUNSEL

Whoever follows the next counsel of the Holy Spirit (3130-67) will begin to dislike the world. Many of these people become hermits in the dark forest, where they endure discomforts and hardships because of their love for God. But in heaven they will be rewarded, Hartmann teaches.

13. THE HOLY SPIRIT: NINTH COUNSEL

Others, the ninth counsel (3168-93) declares, will dedicate their lives to be spent in prayer. They leave family and home to become monks or hermits. As in the previous two counsels, the passage concludes without a refrain to the Holy Spirit.

14. THE HOLY SPIRIT: TENTH COUNSEL

The tenth (and last) counsel of the Spirit (3194-3225) proclaims that still others turn from the world and seek absolution from sin by giving away their possessions to churches. Before the end of this counsel, however, the manuscript breaks off, because one page containing about four hundred lines is missing. The top of the next page has only the conclusion of the articles on the Holy Spirit : iz ist alliz gescriben in novo testamento de Cristi sacramento de reparatione per lavachrum regenerationis et spiritus sancti renovationis. (3626-30)

It is significant that Der arme Hartmann concludes this section with the thought of a renovado through the Holy Spirit (see Titus 3:5), because this was a recurring theme in his work.

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15. CONCLUSION

The rest of the poem (3631-3800) contains a brief exposition of the remaining articles of the credo (3631-3708) and an epilogue (37093800). In these sections the Holy Spirit occurs only in a formulaic mention of the Trinity (3783-88). Throughout the poem, Hartmann seeks to demonstrate how a man should live in this world. Man can obtain salvation by heeding the counsels of the Holy Spirit, which teach him to love his neighbor, to love his enemy, to repent and have confident trust in God, to reject the vanity of this world and turn to God with humility and sincerity.

VII PRIESTER ARNOLD'S LOBLIED AUF DEN HEILIGEN GEIST

1. INTRODUCTION

Priester Arnold's Loblied auf den heiligen Geist is a second major twelfth-century work in which the Holy Spirit and his activities are treated in detail.1 Quite appropriately, Joseph Diemer, the first editor of the poem, called it Loblied auf den H. Geist.2 The work is also known as Von der Siebenzahl zum Lobe des Heiligen Geistes, a title which combines the thought of the sacred number seven and the Holy Spirit, or sometimes it is simply known as Von der Siebenzahl. The time of composition is still uncertain, but about 1130/50 seems a likely date. Written by a priest, as the poet himself discloses near the end of the poem (919), the work, like Der arme Hartmann's, was intended for the benefit of the theologically uninformed laity {tumpen leige liute, 611 ; vil tumpen leigen, 937). The central theme of Priester Arnold's poem is the Holy Spirit and His presence in the universe.3 It begins with a long prologue dealing with the Spirit and ends with a joyful hymn of praise to Him. Throughout, the poet uses various groups of seven (e.g., seven seals of Revelation, seven signs of Christ's birth, seven gifts of the Spirit), which he gleans from the Bible and patristic writings, to demonstrate the presence and activity of the Holy Spirit in the 1

Maurer, III, No. 48. Deutsche Gedichte des elften und zwölften Jahrhunderts (Wien, 1849; reprint Darmstadt, 1968), 333-356. 3 See also Wolfgang Mohr, "Vorstudien zum Aufbau von Priester Arnolds 'Loblied auf den Heiligen Geist' ('Siebenzahl')", Festschrift für Friedrich Maurer, ed. Siegfried Gutenbrunner et al. (Stuttgart, 1963), 320-351. 2

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world. As Peter F. Ganz recognizes, every heptad becomes a symbol of the creator Spirit for Priester Arnold. 4

2. THE PROLOGUE

He begins his poem with an unusual account of the Holy Spirit's descent on the Day of Pentecost : Antiquis in temporibus do chom der spiritus sanctus in specie columbe in einer tuben pilde von himele nal grithe ze der lute gesihte d i e d e r e Christenheit v e r j a h e n .

(1-7)

We today may similarly receive the Spirit, he continues: "same seule wir in noch tougenlich enphahen, / so wir des heren gelouben verjehen..." (8-9). This same Spirit, whom they saw visibly, today dwells among us invisibly (10-11). Priester Arnold concludes the introductory strophe with the trinitarian baptismal formula (Matt. 28:19), which for him is a devout recognition of the Holy Trinity as well as a succinct prayer for the success of his undertaking (12-14). The first two lines of the prologue are also found in Frau Ava's account of the original descent of the Holy Spirit in the Vorau Manuscript of her Leben Jesu (2145-46).5 In the rest of the description of this event there is considerable disparity. Frau Ava for her part follows the New Testament account quite closely and refers to the symbol of the tongues of fire (2147-48). Priester Arnold, on the other hand, deviates from the Biblical record and refers to the symbol of the dove (3-5). That Arnold has the Day of Pentecost in mind (and not Christ's baptism) is indicated by his reference to the Christians (6-7) - at Christ's baptism there were no believers yet. Furthermore, the poet implies that the Christians received the Holy 4

Geistliche Dichtung des 12. Jahrhunderts (PSQ, 7) (Berlin, 1960), 32. It is difficult to determine who borrowed from whom; Richard Kienast, "Ava-Studien III", ZfdA, 77 (1940), 91-92, believes that the scribe of Frau Ava's poem borrowed from Priester Arnold. 5

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Spirit (8-9), which of course was not the case on the occasion of Christ's baptism, but it was on the Day of Pentecost. However, the fact remains that the appearance of the dove at Pentecost is not Biblical. The poet may perhaps have confused the descent of the Holy Spirit at Christ's baptism with that on the Day of Pentecost. Such confusion, however, would not be expected from a priest well versed in dogmatics. It is more plausible to assume that Priester Arnold was influenced by iconographie representations of the descent of the Holy Spirit - in the form of a dove - on the waiting disciples. The symbol of the dove for the Holy Spirit became an established motif in the Middle Ages, even on representations of the miracle of Pentecost.6 Addressing himself to Christ (herre trehtin, 15), the poet begins the second strophe (15-30) with a humility formula apparently borrowed from the Münchner Ausfahrtsegen (23) or the Tobiassegen (47). How could I, even if I had an iron head and a steel tongue, proclaim the good news about you God who are so manifold, Arnold exclaims (15-22). Because of the enormity of the task facing him and because of his own poetic inability, he is willing to undertake the work only because he believes he can depend upon divine assistance (23-30). Arnold bases his confidence on Christ's promise to the disciples whom He was sending out to preach (Mark 13:11) : der heilige geist tet in die rede chunt, daz si waren unbescolten, swa si reden wolten. (26-28) The poet hopes for similar inspiration with his composition (29-30). The Holy Spirit, subject of the first strophe and the last part of the second, also dominates the third strophe (31-48). It can be divided into two parts. The first ten lines (31-40) express genuine sentiments of veneration for the Holy Spirit, while the last eight (41-48) are a prayer for a pure heart. As the third person of the Trinity, Arnold begins his praise, the Holy Spirit is omniscient : He knows good and evil, He knows even the smallest thought, indeed He knows the hearts of all men because He made them (31-40). In 6

L. Réau, Iconographie de l'art Chrétien, 11,2 (Paris, 1957), 591-594.

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a parenthetical note the poet inserts a rather commonly expressed doctrine that deprives man of all pride in personal achievements. The Holy Spirit, he affirms, is the inspiration of all our good deeds: "swaz so wir wir getuon ze guote / daz sentest du uns ze muote..." (35-36). Although it may do away with pride, this doctrine on the other hand, is a source of comfort to the believer, for the Holy Spirit wants to help man perform good works. The second half of the strophe is introduced with David's prayer for a clean heart (41-43, see Ps. 50:12). Although addressed to Christ (trehten, 43), the prayer indirectly acknowledges the Holy Spirit, for one of His important ministries is to cleanse man of sin.7 The forgiveness of sin is a necessary prerequisite to writing a religious work. Without a clean heart and divine help he would not dare write a poem to honor the Holy Spirit, Priester Arnold concludes (44-48). Following these three introductory strophes (1-48), which Möhr calls the outer prologue, Priester Arnold includes another three (49-60), the inner prologue, to introduce the major theme of the poem. 8 His intention is to show the presence and activity of the Holy Spirit through His seven gifts and various other related groups of seven. Although he does not name the number seven until later, we can assume that it will be the subject of his treatise : "Nu wil ich iu sagen zaller erist / von einer zale diu vil her ist." (49-50) The reference to this sacred number immediately brings him to the topic of the reception of the Holy Spirit at baptism (51-54). Man should also confess to the number three, Arnold continues, because it is the Holy Trinity that is active in the water of baptism (55-60). In baptism original sin (here designated by des herren Adames sunde, 62) is washed completely away (61-63). And by baptism we are mystically united with the seven women, who stand in some special relationship to the Holy Spirit : "unte gehiwen zuo den seben wiben / die von deme heiligen geist sint gesceiden." (64-65) As a result of this union we are transformed from heathen into Christians, Priester Arnold affirms (66). That the reception of the Holy Spirit and baptism are closely 7

That the Holy Spirit forgives sins is also taught in medieval German sermons: Grieshaber, I, 35; Schönbach, I, 129; II, 113; III, 38, 111, 234. 8 Festschrift Maurer (1963), 327.

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linked together is ancient dogma going back to the New Testament (Acts 2:38). The early Church Fathers elaborated the doctrine by teaching that the believer receives the gifts of the Spirit at baptism (or at confirmation).9 The Catholic church teaches that the Holy Spirit brings about the spiritualis regeneratio through the sacrament of baptism, and that the Spirit with His gifts indwells the believer at that time.10 The association of baptism and the Holy Spirit also occurs frequently in MHG sermons.11 In the fifth strophe (67-78) the poet refers back to the seben wiben of line 64 (here called siben prute, 68), with the intention of explaining their significance : N u wil ich iu sagen ze gedute welech sin die siben prute die wir in alien gahen in der toufe enphahen ; j o u c h die septem d o n a die phae wir o u c h da daz sint die siben sinne der christenlichen minne. (67-74)

The interpretation of the last four lines of this strophe has caused considerable difficulty: swie witen er geverret si, wir geloben iedoch die n a m e n dri, eine ware gotheit iemer an unmuze unte an arbeit. (75-78)

The meaning of the whole passage seems to be: regardless of how much has already been said about Him (probably the Holy Spirit), we nevertheless want to praise the Holy Trinity as a true Godhead. 12 9

Karl Schlütz, Isaías 11,2 (Die sieben Gaben des Hl. Geistes) in den ersten vier christlichen Jahrhunderten (Alttestamentliche Abhandlungen, XI,4) (Münster, 1932), 161. 10 P. Burkhard Neunheuser, "Der Heilige Geist in der Liturgie", Liturgie und Mönchtum, 20 (1957), 16-18. 11 For example, Grieshaber, I, 134; Jeitteles, 31; Schönbach, II, 17, 114. 12 For this paraphrase I am indebted to Ganz, Geistliche Dichtung, 85, who arrives at this meaning by going back to the reading of the manuscript: "suie witen er geveredet si...." Ganz also cites the other attempts to clarify the line.

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In this rather unclear strophe Priester Arnold seems to make a distinction between the seven women and the seven gifts, adding the reception of the gifts almost as an afterthought. To solve the problem, the editor Hermann Polzer-van Kol suggested that lines 71 and 72 were a later interpolation. 13 Quite probably there is a corruption in the text here, for Priester Arnold was too well versed in theology to make a mistake of this type. If these lines are omitted, the poet then associates the seven women with whom we are united at baptism (64-65) with the siben sinne der christenlichen minne (7374). This is Priester Arnold's own designation for the gifts, which he views as divine aids given the Christian to help him live a good life. That the believer receives the gifts of the Spirit at baptism is ancient tradition, as we have just seen. The thought of faith in the unity of the Trinity - expressed in the last four lines of the strophe is as old as the creeds. Priester Arnold in strophe 6 (79-90) once gain identifies the seven women as symbol for the gifts of the Holy Spirit (79-82). The association between the women and the gifts leads him to another comparison. There is a similarity between the relationship of husband and wife and that of the Spirit and the soul : alsam der man unt daz wip peidiu sint ein lip, also ist über die sele der geist aller prutegoum meist, jouch der beider chint der lichenam guotiu werich sint.

(83-88)

This unio mystica can last as long as the Holy Spirit is not driven out of the soul by sin, the poet concludes (89-90). The symbol of the Holy Spirit's seven gifts as the seven women is based on the Old Testament: " E t appréhendent Septem mulleres virum unum in die illa." (Isa. 4:1) 1 4 Victorinus of Pettau (d. ca. 303), an early exegete of the Latin Church, cites a whole series of symbols for the seven gifts of the Spirit, among them also the 13 Priester Arnolds Gedicht von der Siebenzahl (Sprache und Dichtung, 13) (Bern, 1913), 101-102. 14 Schlütz, Isaias 11,2, 159.

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Septem mulieres.15 The books to which Arnold refers in lines 79-82 are no doubt such works of the Fathers as that of Victorinus and commentaries on Isaiah like that of Haymo, for instance, who also interprets the seven women as the gifts of the Holy Spirit: "Allegorice vero septem mulieres, septem dona Spiritus sancii intelliguntur... Istae sunt septem mulieres, id est, septem dona Spiritus sancii." 16 In the sermon In Pentecosten from his Speculum Ecclesiae Honorius of Autun gives the same interpretation. 17 And Rupert of Deutz (d. 1135) writes that the seven women are to be understood as the seven graces of the Spirit of God, by which he no doubt means the seven gifts. 18 The origin of the allegory of the marriage between the Holy Spirit and the soul is difficult to trace. Möhr cites Rev. 22:17, "Et spiritus et sponsa dicunt: veni", as a possible source. 19 However, the commentaries on the Apocalypse in Migne regularly interpret this verse as referring either to the Trinity and the Church, or to Christ and the Church. Perhaps this particular marriage allegory is a peculiarly German phenomenon. In the ΤΗ, for instance, the Holy Spirit is sometimes called the bridegroom of the soul or of Mary (see p. 228). The Spirit is also spoken of as the bridegroom of the soul in Die Hochzeit (ca. 1150), a mystical allegory treating of the union of the soul and its creator. As in Arnold, the marriage of the soul and God takes place when the soul receives the Holy Spirit at baptism: Daz egoum dar cham unde die brut zuo im bezeichent aller meist den heiligen ist, der in daz mennisc chumit, da ez mit nen ende genimit. da mit wirt ez gelebente in got, swenne er von im sceidet, so lit ez tot. 15 13 17

« 19 20

Fragmentum de fabrica mundi (MPL, 5), 312. {MPL, 116), 742-743. (MPL, 172), 960. De Trinitate (MPL, 167), 1289. Festschrift Maurer (1963), 330. Maurer, II, No. 30.

(339-346)20

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Arnold's work may have influenced the author of Die Hochzeit. The basic pattern is the same: both view the marriage as a mystical union at baptism between the Holy Spirit and the soul. Furthermore, both are concerned about the possibility of losing the Holy Spirit (Arnold 90; Hochzeit 346). Priester Arnold's prologue conforms rather well to the bipartite structure of medieval secular prologues with their prooemium and prologus. In the prooemium (1-48) Arnold gains the attention of his listeners by referring to an event (i.e., Pentecost) with which they are familiar, and he also includes the prayer, traditional in religious poetry, for the Holy Spirit's help with the task. In the prologus (4990) the poet introduces the theme of his work. The Holy Spirit is present in Priester Arnold's prologue not only as theme and object of praise, but also less obviously in the structure with its numerical symbolism.21 In the first strophe (1-14) the number seven is central, for it consists of precisely fourteen lines that by content fall into two groups of seven lines each. The first seven lines deal with the original descent of the Holy Spirit and the second seven with our reception of the Spirit and with the trinitarian formula. There is a distinct syntactical break at line 7. The strophe concludes effectively with the trinitarian formula, of which the naming of the Holy Spirit is the climax followed by the cadenza : "peginne wir dizes liedes" (14). The symmetry of the strophe as a whole is made even more pronounced by the occurrence of the name of the Holy Spirit in the second line {spiritus sanctus) and in the second from the last line (des heiligen geistes). Dealing with the Spirit's activity in the soul of man, the third strophe (31-48) quite appropriately opens and closes with the naming of the Holy Spirit. The entire outer prologue or prooemium (1-48) contains fortyeight lines of which fourteen (strophe 1) form the introduction, and thirty-four (strophes 2 and 3) form the prayer for and to the Holy Spirit. Thirty-four, a common symbolic number in medieval poems, is associated with Christ because this was His age at the time of His death, and also with the Holy Spirit because it contains the number 21 For a more detailed treatment of this subject see the article by Mohr in footnote 3.

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seven as the sum of its individual members. The structure of the inner prologue or prologus (49-90) reveals further the importance of symbolic numbers for Priester Arnold. However, as always, it is difficult to be absolutely certain that one is not dealing with a chance occurrence. The three strophes together consist of forty-two (six times seven) lines. In the sixth strophe the Holy Spirit is named precisely in the seventh (85) and twelfth (90) lines. It should also be noted that strophes 5 (67-78) and 6 (79-90) each contain twelve lines, and twelve may be considered as a number closely related to seven.

3. THE GIFTS OF THE SPIRIT

In strophe 7 (91-104) Priester Arnold begins the discussion of the number seven in the main part of his poem by elaborating on the first, and probably most important, group of seven, the gifts of the Holy Spirit. 22 Following the order of Isaiah, he commences, without any introduction, with the gift of sapientia (91-95). By means of this gift we shall obtain eternal bliss, Priester Arnold declares (96104). Frau Ava similarly alluded to eternal happiness in her discussion of the gift of wisdom (see p. 110). The gift of intellectus helps us spread good news and instruct the uninformed; then we can hope for future fruit (105-112). The third gift, consilium, helps us advise one another in loyalty and in truth - if we did this, heathendom would not be so large and many a soul would not be in distress, Arnold sermonizes (113-121). This gift was also in evidence at the creation of man (122-127). However, it is available to us as well : "Die gebe git uns der heilige geist von sin genaden." (128) Fortitudo, the next gift, was especially demonstrated in the martyrs, who bravely stood before rulers and did not fear fire, sword, or bitter pain but spoke the word of God (129-139). God did not leave them alone : "do starhte siu got der guote / mit sineme 22 See Barbara Tillmanns, "Die sieben Gaben des Heiligen Geistes in der deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters", diss. Kiel, 1962,75-78, for a recent discussion of this section of the poem.

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heiligen geiste." (140-141) May He protect us in the same manner, the poet asks in a concluding prayer (142-146). The gift of scientia instructs us to gain wisdom without wordly fame (147-152). We Christians need it so that we can be safe from the attacks of the devil, Arnold continues (153-159). Another prayer for protection concludes this strophe as well (160). The sixth gift is pietas (161-165). Again there is a prayer for the Spirit's protection: "daz uns got pehuote / mit sineme heligeme geiste!" (166-167) This gift protects us against the sins of avaritia and invidia (168-177). And the last gift is timor Domini, whose particular function is not explained; instead the poet praises the might of the creator (178197). That Priester Arnold devotes seven strophes to the discussion of the gifts is of course determined by the subject matter itself : each gift is discussed in one strophe. In this group of seven strophes (7-13 ; 91-197) there is a division after the fifth strophe, which ends with a definitive amen (160). The next strophe opens with a new homiletic address to the audience: "Nu seule wir vernemen..." (161). Thus the last two gifts (pietas and timor Domini) are set off from the first five, which, it is significant to note, are discussed in a total of seventy lines (91-160), thus revealing the Spirit's number seven as an integral part of the structure. Furthermore, in this group of strophes the first (91-104) and fifth (147-160) contain fourteen lines each. The sixth strophe (161-177) divides into sections of seven and nine lines respectively. The first part names the gift of pietas and prays that God may protect us with His Holy Spirit, who is named precisely in the seventh line (167), and the second part explains the operation of the gift.

4. THE CARITAS GROUP OF STROPHES

In a transitional strophe (14; 198-209) Arnold refers back to the last two gifts as he declares in the opening lines : Got verlech uns zwene geiste under den siben aller meiste,

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daz wir mit guoten listen got minnen unt unseren nahisten. (198-201) In the discussion of the gift of pietas the poet had already given the admonition to brotherly love : "wir scolten ein ander mit pruoderlichen triwen minnen." (176-177) And in dealing with the gift of timor Domini he had changed this concept into one of confident trust in God. Here the poet combines the two gifts he considers the best (pietas and timor) into the one notion of caritas, love for man and for God. 23 If man breaks the commandment of love, he does not keep God's law and is not perfect in love (202-209). The Apostles, Priester Arnold asserts in strophe 15 (210-227), received the gift of love for man when Christ appeared to them after the resurrection and, breathing the Holy Spirit on them, gave them the authority to forgive sins. The description of this scene is drawn from the account in John 20:19-23. Through the terms pruoderlichen leben (221) and pruoderlichen minnen (224) Arnold emphasizes that the Apostles here received the gift of love for their fellow man. Like them, we must also have this gift, if we are to obtain eternal life (222-227). While the disciples were gathered together in the Upper Room in Jerusalem on the Day of Pentecost, the Holy Spirit came upon them in the form of fire (228-234). At the same time they also received the second of the two gifts, love for God. This love was demonstrated by their fervent prayer and praise to the heavenly King (235-239). The belief that the disciples received the gift of love for man from Christ on earth and the gift of love for God from Him in heaven is not new in German literature. Already Otfrid von Weissenburg expressed the same idea in his lengthy spiritual interpretation of Christ's appearing to his fearful disciples just after the resurrection (V, 12,51-78). The same thought is also succinctly expressed in a sermon from the early MHG collection Speculum Ecclesiae, written 23

Anton E. Schönbach, "Ueber des Priester Arnolt Gedicht von der Siebenzahl zum Lobe des heiligen Geistes", WSB, 101 (1882), 474, believes that the poet has scientia and pietas in mind; Ganz, Geistliche Dichtung, 87, follows him; Tillmanns, "Die sieben Gaben", 77, maintains that the virtue of love for man and for God is a result of the seven gifts. I am following Möhr, Festschrift Maurer (1963), 333.

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about the same time as Arnold's poem: "An der erde wart gegebin der heilige geist dar umbe, daz wir unsirn nahistin ûf der erde minnitin. Uon himele wart er ândirstunt gesant, daz wir got uon himele minnin schulin ubir alliz, daz dir ist." 24 Priester Arnold is thus repeating a commonly held view, but he elaborates on it by associating the last two gifts of the Spirit with the gifts of love for man and for God. In strophe 17 (240-255) Arnold returns to the number seven: Christ gave us the pater noster with its seven petitions (240-246). Although the Holy Spirit is not named, the poet implies that He is active in this special prayer, bringing healing to body and soul. The Lord's Prayer is placed in contrast to the long, elaborate prayers of the heathen that were not fitting for the Holy Spirit (247-255). The next three strophes (18-20; 256-305) deal with John's vision of the book with the seven seals (Rev. 5:1) and in this way continue Arnold's main theme of the number seven. John saw the heavenly vision also geistlichen (260). This assertion may simply mean he saw them in his spirit or it may mean he saw them through the Spirit of God (see Rev. 1:10). The latter view seems to be supported by a subsequent passage : Johannes evangelista scribet vone Christe unde von deme heiligen geiste uz den himelen aller meiste. (270-273) The meaning is that John wrote with the help of Christ and of the Holy Spirit. 25 The seven seals John saw were opened when Christ redeemed us, Arnold declares (285-287). And after His ascension to the Father, Christ comforted us with the Holy Spirit (303-304). This thought is a concise restatement of strophe 16 (228-239), in which Arnold had described the original descent of the Holy Spirit. The structural center of this group of seven strophes (14-20; 198305) is the pater noster strophe (17; 240-255); it sets off the first three on caritas from the last three on the seven seals. The caritas 24 25

Mellbourn, 76,28-31 ; see also Schönbach, II, 114. Schönbach, WS Β, 101, 475.

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group seems to reveal a conscious symbolic plan. Its three strophes consist of forty-two lines, with twelve, eighteen, and twelve lines respectively. The number forty-two is a multiple of seven, and twelve is another symbolic form of seven. The middle strophe (15; 210-227) divides its eighteen lines into three equal parts : an introduction, the account of the impartation of the Holy Spirit by Christ, and an admonition to brotherly love. The Holy Spirit is named in the middle line (218) of the strophe; this is also the twenty-first and central line of the caritas group.

5.

T H E SPIRIT IN T H E PHYSICAL

UNIVERSE

Priester Arnold refers to the activity of the Holy Spirit in the creation of the physical universe by use of the holy number seven (strophes 21-29; 306-469). There are seven heavens (310); seven stars move, the rest are stationary (311-315); seven suns shine in the firmament (316-319); the moon has seven phases (320-323); and there are seven days in the week (324-325). Although he does not expressly discuss the role of the Holy Spirit in the universe, he no doubt intends to demonstrate the Spirit's presence (past and present) in the world through the enumeration of the various occurrences of the number seven. That the Holy Spirit took part in the creation of the heavens and the earth is ancient tradition going back to the Old Testament (e.g., Job 26:13). In medieval theology the idea recurs frequently. In his sermon In Pentecosten Honorius of Autun, for example, distinguishes between the role of the Son and of the Holy Spirit in creation: "per Filium firmamentum formatur, per Spiritum sanctum celeri volubilitate rotatur; per Filium sol et luna et sydera temporibus praeficiuntur, sed per Spiritum sanctum lucis nitore perpoliuntur." 26 It could very well be that Arnold used Latin writers such as Honorius as sources, for he (Arnold) too writes of the moving heavens and stars (462-466) and associates them with the Holy Spirit through the number seven. Although the Trinity is inseparable in Its subsistence, certain aspects of activity may be 28

Speculum ecclesiae (MPL, 172), 959.

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attributed to one of the three persons. Thus in creation one of the special activities of the Holy Spirit seems to be the adornment of the heavens. 27

6. THE SEPTIFORMIS STROPHE

In strophe 30 (470-85) Priester Arnold returns to a more explicit discussion of the Holy Spirit and His activities, with special reference to the symbol of the oil. He begins by addressing the Holy Spirit directly : Tu septiformis, seben pilde du pist, herro, in diner gotheit. din gewalt ist michel unte breit.

(470-473)

Because of the doctrine of the seven gifts, the Holy Spirit is sometimes spoken of as the sevenfold Spirit of God. Isidore of Seville, for instance, states this view explicitly : "Spiritus sanctus ideo septiformis nuncapatur propter dona." 2 8 Similarly Rupert of Deutz unequivocally asserts of the Spirit : "Hie Spiritus sanctus septiformis est." 29 Thus Arnold is following an accepted tradition in referring to the third person of the Trinity as septiformis. When in the same strophe the poet speaks of the Holy Spirit under the symbol of the chrism, he is drawing on an established tradition reaching back to the Apostolic Age (see pp. 32-33). One of the most common uses of the chrism was to anoint the candidate in the sacrament of baptism, at which time the believer received the Holy Spirit. Hildefonsis of Toledo, for instance, teaches that the outer anointing with chrism represents the inner work of the Holy Spirit. 30 Priester Arnold seems to have the act of chrismation in mind when he associates the symbol of chrism with the Spirit: 27

See Franz Pfeiffer, Altdeutsches Uebungsbuch (Wien, 1866), 179; Schönbach, II, 114. 28 Etymologarium (MPL, 82), 269. 2 » De Trinitate {MPL, 167), 758. 30 Liber de cognitione baptisme (MPL, 96), 162.

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der chrisma jouch daz oleum bezeichenent den spiritum sanctum, damit er uns den heiligen gaist verlihet. (474-476) The oil is used in other ceremonial functions as well. According to this poet, kings are consecrated with oil, Adam was anointed with the oil of compassion, Christians are confirmed with oil, churches are consecrated with oil, and monks and nuns are set apart for the service of God with oil (477-485). The anointing of kings (477) is based on Old Testament practice (e.g., I Sam. 16:13). In our era the custom of anointing kings is first mentioned in the Acts of the sixth Council of Toledo (A.D. 638), and since that time there are various references to this ancient Jewish custom which was taken over by the Christians.31 Priester Arnold's reference to the legendary anointing of Adam has not been fully clarified (478-482). Hermann Polzer-van Kol has gathered evidence from various legends for the two separate anointings of Adam, once during his life time (Arnold 478) and once at the redemption by Christ with the oil of compassion (481-482).32 However, as he points out, the writings of the Church of the time mention neither. In German literature there is a reference to the oil of compassion in the Tohter Syon, a thirteenth-century mystical work by Lamprecht von Regensburg; he interprets the oil as the Holy Spirit, who heals the wounds of sin in the soul, calms the troubled mind, and reveals the joys of heaven (2429-45).33 The use of the chrism in the sacrament of confirmation is an old custom based on the teaching of the early Fathers. Intended to strengthen and confirm the believer in his faith, this sacrament is sometimes known as the sacrament of the Holy Spirit34. The author of the German Lucidarius maintains that the sacrament of confirmation makes us full Christians; through the unction we receive the 31

A. J. McLean, "Unction", Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, ed. J. Hastings, XII (Edinburgh, 1921), 514-515. 32 Arnolds Siebenzahl, 102-103. 33 Ed. Karl Weinhold (Paderborn, 1880). For further references, see Ute Schwab, Die bisher unveröffentlichen geistlichen Bispelreden des Strickers (Göttingen, 1959), 245-246. 34 Neunheuser, Liturgie und Mönchtum. 20, 18.

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35

gifts of the Holy Spirit and come under His protection. Although the use of oil does not occur until the post-Apostolic age, the origin of the sacrament of confirmation is based on the New Testament. The Catholic Church teaches that the Christians at Samaria (Acts 8:14-17) and at Ephesus (19:1-6) were confirmed and received the Holy Spirit through the imposition of hands by the Apostles. The anointing of sacred buildings (484) again has its model in the Bible. In the Old Testament the Jewish tabernacle was consecrated by anointing with holy oil (Exod. 30:26 ; 40:9). This ancient custom persisted into the Christian era.36 As with the anointing of kings and of believers at baptism and confirmation, the dedication of buildings by chrism is symbolic of the descent of the Holy Spirit into the consecrated building. Priester Arnold's mention of the anointing of monks and nuns for God's service (485) compares with the ordination of bishops and priests. The custom derives from the Old Testament, where priests (Exod. 29:7,21 ; Num. 35:25) and prophets (I Kings 19:16) were consecrated to their office by anointing. In the New Testament, men were set apart for special ministries by the laying on of hands (Acts 6:6; 13:3), although there is no mention of unction here. In the twelfth century, monks and nuns were received into their orders by anointing, at least according to Arnold. The reason for the unction of monks was that during the eleventh and twelfth centuries all monks received priestly ordination.37 Perhaps the widespread use of the custom resulted in its being used even in the reception of nuns, who according to Catholic doctrine are ineligible for Holy Orders. I was able to find no further reference to the anointing of monks and nuns in German literature. Furthermore, the common rules (e.g., Benedictine) fail to mention the unction as an accepted procedure in the reception of candidates. This strophe dealing with the Holy Spirit under the common symbol of oil forms the exact center of Priester Arnold's poem: 35

Ed. Felix Heidlauf (DTM, 28) (Berlin, 1915), 50; see also F. J. Mone, "Altdeutsche Predigten", Anzeiger für Kunde der teutschen Vorzeit, 8 (1839), 522. 36 McLean, Encyclopedia of Religion and Ethics, XII, 515. 37 D. S. Schaff, History of the Christian Church, V,1 (New York, 1926), 313.

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there are 469 lines preceding and 470 lines following strophe 30 (470-485). It is probably not by chance that a whole strophe devoted to the Holy Spirit stands in the middle of the poem. The central position of this important strophe may be intended to demonstrate the importance of the Spirit's role in the work as a whole. Regarding the internal structure of the strophe, it might be pointed out that its sixteen lines are divided into an introductory part of seven and an enumerative part of nine lines. The introduction, moreover, reveals a striking symmetrical structure in its artful use of the number seven and the naming of the Holy Spirit. Seven occurs in septiformis in the first line and in siben pilde in the second ; the Holy Spirit is named in spiritum sanctum in the sixth line and in dem heiligen gaist in the seventh. The section thus opens with a double mention (first Latin, then German) of the sacred number seven and closes with a similar double mention of the Holy Spirit.

7. THE SPIRIT AND MAN

The next division of nine strophes (31-39; 486-639) deals with man in the world. Arnold begins in strophe 31 (486-493) by associating the seven churches of Revelation (1:4,11) with the seven parts of man. Either of these heptads may signify the Holy Spirit. Which of the two it is depends on the punctuation; or does the poet perhaps intend to associate both with the Spirit? By putting a full stop after ecclesias (488) and puochen (490), Maurer clearly associates the Holy Spirit with the seven churches : So vinde wir aver gescriben da wie Johannes wihte in Asia septem ecclesias. den heiligen geist pezeichent noch daz an den selben puochen. wolte wirz witen suochen, so vunten iz die phafen, daz ein iegelich menniske pi sibenen ist gescafen. (486-493) In Polzer-van Kol's edition, however, there is a comma after puochen (490), thus linking the Spirit with the seven parts of

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man. With this punctuation, Kol's reading agrees with the interpretation of Schönbach : "Auch bezeichnet es (in seiner Wirksamkeit) den heiligen Geist, wenn der Mensch aus 7 Theilen geschaffen wird." 38 Ganz, on the other hand, puts a full stop after the daz of line 489 as well as after ecclesias,39 The punctuation of Ganz and Maurer, it seems to me gives a better reading, because the Holy Spirit is then clearly associated with the seven churches, a common symbol for the seven gifts. The same interpretation can be found in medieval theology. In his commentary on Revelation, Alcuin, for instance, interprets the seven churches as symbolic for the Holy Spirit and His gifts. 40 Similarly, Haymo of Halberstadt. 41 And Rupert of Deutz speaks of the Church, represented by the seven churches of Asia, as being ordained by the sevenfold Holy Spirit.42 In strophe 32 (494-515) Priester Arnold goes on to explain the growth of the human embryo in seven stages. Here again the poet sees the activity of the Holy Spirit, although it is not clear what sources he has drawn on for his views. The works cited by Schönbach as possible sources do not mention the Holy Spirit in connection with the embryo. 43 But in Arnold's Loblied this association is in keeping with his constant reference to the third person of the Trinity throughout the poem. In this strophe God is only referred to twice, but both times in terms suggesting the Holy Spirit. Line 502 speaks of got der guote and line 510 of der gotes trut. Guote, a common designation for the Holy Spirit, is a translation for bonitas from Abelard's trinitarian formula. Gotes trut, however, is not quite so unambiguous. Polzer-van Kol 44 and Ganz 45 interpret this designation as referring to Christ, here as well as in line 867. But judging from the context and from the author's purpose, it could very likely refer to the Holy Spirit. It should also be noted that previously in 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45

WSB, 101, 476. Geistliche Dichtung, 40. (MPL, 100), 1092. (MPL, 117), 942-943. {MPL, 169), 832. WSB, 101, 484. Arnolds Siebenzahl, 25. Geistliche Dichtung, 91.

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this work Arnold had called the Spirit the bridegroom of the soul (86). And in a religious work of the thirteenth century, the Maria Himmelfahrt, Konrad von Heimesfurt remarks that the Virgin was crowned by vater, sun unde trut, which clearly appears to be a reference to the three persons of the Trinity (615).46 After listing the seven stages of a man's life in strophe 33 (516533),47 Priester Arnold discusses the seven liberal arts in the next two (34-35; 534-573). Their origin, he maintains, is the Holy Spirit (534-535). The source to which Arnold alludes in the next line (536) may again be Honorius of Autun's sermon In Pentecosten. Among the various attributes and operations of the Holy Spirit, Honorius includes the inspiration of the arts and crafts: "Spiritus sanctus inspirât diversa ingenia, ipse etiam dat diversa artificia." 48 Strophe 36 (574-597) deals with the protection of a new-born child. He is protected forty days by his father, seven years by his mother, and then by the priest. The mother is especially exhorted to guard the child carefully and in this way also look out for his spiritual well-being: so grife danne diu muoter derzuo unte pewar iz spate unte vruo diu siben jar mitalle, daz iz in daz wazer niene valle, noch in deme viure niene verbrinne, unz iz den heiligen geist gewinne ze siner e toufe, unte e iz der tot pegrife. (580-587) That the Holy Spirit is imparted at baptism is common doctrine, already expounded by Arnold in the prologue. But the interval of seven years between birth and baptism is difficult to explain. No satisfactory solution has yet been suggested. Perhaps the answer lies in the poet's exaggerated zeal to incorporate the number seven into every phase of his poem. For the sake of number symbolism he may have sacrificed theological accuracy. Having dealt with the penance of a murderer (strophes 37-38; 49 47 48

Ed. Franz Pfeiffer, ZfdA, See Jeitteles, 112. (MPL, 172), 959.

8 (1851), 156-200.

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598-633), the poet goes on to discuss the seven means of obtaining remission of sins in strophe 39 (624-639). The operation of the Holy Spirit is again implied, for it is He who forgives sin. According to Priester Arnold, the first means of forgiveness is baptism (627); through this sacrament the Holy Spirit regenerates and cleanses man of sin. The second means of forgiveness is the Holy Eucharist (628-629). In the liturgy of Pentecost (Postcommunion of Pentecost Tuesday) the Church teaches that through the sacraments the Spirit, the forgiver of sins, renews the soul of the recipient: "Mentes nostras, quaesumus, Domine, Spiritus Sanctus divinis reparet sacramentis: quia ipse est remissio omnium peccatorum." 49 The third means of forgiveness is through martyrdom (631), Arnold asserts. Previously (129-141), he had taught that the gift offortitude was especially given to those who suffer. The Holy Spirit also grants man forgiveness through giving of alms, through fasting, through love, and through forgiving his enemies (632-639). All of these point back to Arnold's discussion of caritas (198-227), a virtue given by the Holy Spirit (Rom. 5:5).

8. THE SEVEN SIGNS AT CHRIST'S BIRTH

Strophes 40-46 (640-743) of Arnold's poem are concerned with the seven signs at Christ's birth. The only overt reference to the Holy Spirit occurs in the last strophe (46 ; 730-743). The seventh sign at the birth of Christ, Arnold claims, was the unusual phenomenon of oil flowing through the door of a house. The symbolically-minded poet leaves the audience in no doubt as to the signification of this miraculous event. The oil signifies that God through the Holy Spirit wanted to heal man's wounds (738-743). Arnold here refers back to the symbol of the oil, previously discussed in the septiformis strophe (470-485). There he dealt with the oil of the Holy Spirit as a symbol of consecration, here he discusses the oil of the Spirit as a symbol of healing for the soul. Johann Kelle suggested that Werner of St. Blasien's sermon De 49

The Ideal Daily Missal, rev. Sylvester P. Juergens (Turnhout, 1962), 720.

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nativitate Domini (MPL, 167, 785-788) served as Arnold's source for the whole section on the seven signs.50 For the last sign, however, there is little similarity except that both writers speak of a flow of oil. The important association of the oil with the Holy Spirit is lacking in Wernher's sermon. Priester Arnold no doubt draws on the traditional symbol of oil and combines it with the custom of anointing the sick (cf. extreme unction) as it was practiced right from New Testament times (see Mark 6:13; James 5:14). 51

9. THE LAUDATE DOMINUM

Priester Arnold concludes his Loblied auf den heiligen Geist with a joyful hymn of praise to God and the Holy Spirit, and a final strophe. The Laudate Dominum (52-58; 820-915) is sometimes considered to be a separate poem complete in itself and perhaps even by a different author. 52 Modelled after the Canticum triumpuerorum (Dan. 3:51-90) and Psalms 148 and 150, it forms a fitting and necessary conclusion to the whole work. The hymn of praise consists of seven strophes, of which the first six begin either with, "Nu lobe wir..." (820, 870) or with, "Nu loben dich..." (840, 850, 860, 878). These words are reminiscent of the calls to praise in the Psalms and give unity to the hymn. The poet brings his joyful hymn to a close with a seventh call to praise specifically to the Holy Spirit in this instance - in the last line of the hymn (915). The first six strophes end with the alternating Latin formulae: "laudate dominum de celis" (839, 859, 877) and "laudate dominum in excelsis" (849, 869, 885); both are from Ps. 148:1. Although Priester Arnold no doubt intended his whole poem to be for the praise of God and the Holy Spirit, this concluding hymn is especially given to Their praise and honor. 50

Geschichte der deutschen Literatur von der ältesten Zeit bis zur Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts, II (Berlin, 1896), 170. 51 The next five strophes (47-51 ; 744-819) are connected with the main theme only by the frequent repetition of the number seven. For instance, there are seven generations (744-745), seven degrees of relationship (746-747), seven eras of the world (748-753), and seven sorrows (754-769). 52 Hans Steinger, "Priester Arnold", VL, I (Berlin, 1933), 129.

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He opens his hymn by naming the Lord in the first line, the Holy Spirit in the second, the Trinity in the third, and the number seven in the fourth : Nu lobe wir minen trehtin jouch den heiligen geist sin, die namen alle drie sepcies in die. (820-823) In his note on line 821 Polzer-van Kol expresses surprise that the poet mentions the Holy Spirit instead of the Son. But it should not seem strange, since the entire work was in some way concerned with the Holy Spirit and His activity. Drawing on the Psalmist David (118:64), Priester Arnold then enjoins man to praise God seven times a day (824-839).53 The five central strophes of the hymn (53-57; 840-885) tell how all of creation praises the one true God. As in Psalm 148, the sun, the moon, and the stars all praise God; everything on earth mountains and valleys, wood and stone - praises its creator (840849). Animals and plants, the sea and the sky all praise God (850869). The angels in heaven praise Him and man too priases Him (870-877). All of nature praises God (878-885). The last strophe of the hymn (58; 886-915) is entirely devoted to the exaltation of the Holy Spirit. In the opening lines Arnold reiterates and elaborates on the purpose of his poem, as he had already stated it in the prologue (44-48). He gain asserts that he wrote the work to honor and praise the Holy Spirit (886-889). Man has good reason to praise Him (890-892), because he owes all of his physical abilities and features to Him. The Spirit gives man his boldness and his beauty; He gives him the ability to walk, to think, to hear, to smell, to touch, to taste, and to see (893-912). In other words, the Holy Spirit gives man the ability to perform the normal physical functions of life. Kelle maintains that this enumeration is traditional, but he cites no other parallels. 54 In German literature the prologue of Heinrich's Litanei (G. 107-116; S. 148-162) contains a similar enumeration of the Spirit's activities. In his Rennewart, 53 54

See Jeitteles, 111. Geschichte der deutschen Literatur, II, 172.

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Ulrich von Türheim, a thirteenth-century poet, mentions three of man's senses as gifts from the Holy Spirit: "sprechen, hören und sehen / der here geist die gäbe git" (390-391).55 Because of the many gifts we receive from the Spirit, Priester Arnold exhorts his listeners to praise Him with all of their faculties : mit fuozen jouch mit hanten, mit libe jouch mit sele so lobe wir den dinen geist, trehtin herre! (913-915) With this enthusiastic expression of praise to the Holy Spirit the hymn ends. The individual strophes of the hymn are comprised of twenty, ten, ten, ten, eight, eight, and thirty lines respectively. The seventh strophe (58; 886-915), the one devoted to the Holy Spirit, uses the numbers three and seven in its structure. The introductory passage (886-892) contains precisely seven lines and the Holy Spirit is named in the third line (888). The enumerative section of twenty lines divides into two unequal parts of nine and eleven lines each. The strophe concludes with an expression of praise that names God as well as the Holy Spirit in the last line (915).

10. THE EPILOGUE

In the final strophe of the poem (59; 916-955), Priester Arnold names himself as author and gives an explicit reason for writing the poem. With the help of and out of love for the Holy Spirit he wrote about the holy number seven in order to defend it against those who malign it. In solemn but formulaic tones the poet identifies himself: Durech des heiligen geistes minne, so vant disiu churzlichen wort ein priester hiez Arnolt. (916-919)

55

Ed. Arthur Hübner (DTM, 39) (Berlin, 1938).

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The passage seems to be modelled after the epilogue of Priester Adelbrecht's Johannes Baptista (248-252). In Priester Arnold's poem mit sineme sinne (917; Johannes 249) is lacking in the manuscript, but Polzer-van Kol interpolated this phrase. Of Adelbrecht's epilogue Arnold only enlarged on the middle line, unde mit des heiligen geistes gebe (250), which he combined with the holy number seven in lines 920-923. By the power of the Holy Spirit he attempted to defend the sacredness of the number seven against critics. Whoever finds fault with this holy number reviles weather and time, in fact everything that God gives us, Arnold continues (924-927). The poet concludes his Loblied with a solemn warning against the devil (928-940) and an ardent prayer for eternal salvation (941-955). Priester Arnold's Loblied auf den heiligen Geist is a unified work at least in so far as it attempts to fulfill its chief objective, namely to exalt the Holy Spirit and to demonstrate His activity in the world by reference to a great number of heptads. To be sure, there are digressions, but these can probably be attributed to the pedantic nature of the poet. The Holy Spirit still remains his central theme.

Vili ST. TRUDPERTER HOHES LIED

1. INTRODUCTION

The Holy Spirit assumes an important role in Das St. Trudperter Hohe Lied (ΤΗ), an Upper German commentary on the Song of Solomon written about the middle of the twelfth century.1 The author, himself from the clergy (1,3), writes specifically for nuns (145,12-17). His model was Williram's earlier paraphrase of the same work. However, there are considerable differences, one of which is the importance of the Holy Spirit in the TH. The difference is indicated even by the Latin heading on the first page of Manuscript A: "Sancti spiritus assit nobis gratia." This invocation is taken from Notker's (d. 912) Pentecostal sequence and, as in Heinrich von Veldeke's Servatius (4-5), is in effect a humble recognition of the poet's need for the assistance of the Spirit. Throughout the work there are numerous references to the Holy Spirit. Because the Spirit is especially concerned for man and because the soul can achieve a unio mystica with its creator through Him, He is of greater significance for the author of the TH than either the Father or the Son.2 Recognizing the central position of the Holy Spirit in the TH, F. W. Wentzlaff-Eggebert calls it a hymn of praise to the Spirit.3

1 Ed. Hermann Menhardt, 2 vols. (Rheinische Beiträge und Hiilfsbiicher zur germanischen Philologie und Volkskunde, 21 and 22) (Halle, 1934). 2 Margot Landgraf, Das St. Trudperter Hohe Lied (Erlanger Arbeiten zur deutschen Literatur, 5) (Erlangen, 1935), 6. 3 Deutsche Mystik zwischen Mittelalter und Neuzeit, 2nd ed. (Tübingen, 1947), 42.

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2. THE PROLOGUE

The entire prologue (1,1-5,33) deals with the Holy Spirit and His activity in history as well as in contemporary times.4 The opening lines state the subject: "Wir wellen kôsen uon deme oberôsten liebe, der meisten gnâde, der râwecklikesten sûzi. de ist der heilige geist." (1,1-3) Having introduced the Spirit as his subject, the author then prays for His help in composing the work: "wir geistlichen mennisken spreken mit rehte uon deme geiste, der orthabere ist des unseren namen, der sì ein höbet unserre worte." (1,3-6) The designation of the Holy Spirit by the three attributes of love, grace, and sweetness - see also 15,32-16,2 - points to His essential goodness and loving concern for man. The customary prayer for His inspiration is here compressed into one brief sentence. As justification for his request, the poet alludes to the association between geist and geistliche mennisken: because the clergy takes its title from the Holy Spirit, it is natural that they should speak of Him and receive inspiration from Him. A similar thought is expressed by David von Augsburg in his tract Die sieben Vorregeln der Tugend: "Geistlich leben ist von dem heiligen geiste genant, der sîn orthab ist unde lêraere."5 In the next section of the prologue (1,6-2,6) the TH contrasts the activity of the Holy Spirit with that of the devil. Referring back to the first designation for the Spirit in the opening lines, the author writes succinctly: "der heilige geist ist ein lieb" (1,6). Similarly, the devil also shows his love (1,7). Because of the parallelism in the structure of this passage, the editor Menhardt (p. 299) suggested that one sentence was lost after lieb in 1,7. Following his suggestion, Ohly (p. 200) inserts the sentence, "der heilige geist hât mandunge, trôst, minne". Of these attributes, two (mandunge and minne) are fruits of the Spirit (Gal. 5:22), and one {trôst) is closely connected with the title of Paraclete. The devil has these qualities as well, the TH asserts (1,7-8). 4

The prologue has been discussed in an excellent article by Ernst F. Ohly, "Der Prolog des St. Trudperter Hohenliedes", ZfdA, 84 (1952/53), 198-232. This study will be referred to simply as Ohly. 5 Pfeiffer, I, 310,27-28.

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The Holy Spirit is also fire (1,8-9), as is the devil (1,9). However, the fire of the Spirit is quite different from that of the devil. Whereas the Spirit's fire purifies the precious metals (1,9-11), the devil's fire burns the wood to ashes (1,11-16). The juxtaposition of the fire of the Spirit and that of the devil goes back to Hugo of St. Victor and can also be found in German sermons.6 The devil turns sinful man back to earth, while the Holy Spirit purifies the soul, here designatnated by the three Augustinian faculties of memoria, ratio, and voluntas (1,17-18). Changing the symbol from fire to the related forms of thunder and lightning, the author continues with the thought of purification. The Holy Spirit, he declares, is able to remove man from the encasing of sin that surrounds him (1,19-2,4). This liberation will be accomplished through fear and love, which are represented by the thunder and lightning (2,4-6). The symbol of thunder and lightning for the Spirit seems to be new with the TH, while the thought that He produces fear and love is found in Latin and German works.7 The subsequent section of the prologue (2,6-17) cites a number of the Spirit's symbols and activities. The poet begins with a call to love and trust Him: "getrûwe deme heiligen geiste. minne in. habe lieb hin zv zime. dir ingebristet da zime nith." (2,6-8) The first symbol mentioned is the finger : "er ist digitus dei der dîne durnahte hin ze gote wîset. er ist digitus dei der dîne wundin heilit. er ist der uinger." (2,8-9) The first clause about the finger pointing man to God is connected with the giving of the Law of Moses. According to medieval theologians, the Law was given by the Holy Spirit. For instance, Honorius of Autun expresses this belief concisely in his Pentecost sermon : "Per hunc digitum est lex in duobus tabulis descripta (Exod. XXXI), qui per Spiritum sanctum in duobus praeceptis caritas est disposita." 8 At Mt. Sinai the Holy Spirit gave man a code of laws to direct him to God, but now He Himself is the finger that directs him to God. The Holy Spirit

•

See Ohly, 201-202. Ohly, 203. 8 Speculum ecclesiae (MPL, 172), 964; see also (MPL, 91), 331; (MPL, 108), 92; Ohly, 204, lists several more references.

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as the finger of God healing man's wounds is based on the Gospel accounts of Christ's miracles of healing. Matt. 12:28 records that Christ cast out demons in spiritu Dei, while Luke 11:20, which describes the same event, says it was in digito Dei. From these two passages it was easy to associate the finger of God with the Holy Spirit. Isidore of Seville, for example uses the above references from the Gospels in his commentary on the term digitus.9 In German sermons the Holy Spirit is also called the finger of God. 10 The Spirit is also identified as the unctio without further explanation (2,9 ; see pp. 32-33). The next designation ("er ist der wîgant", 2,9-10) Ohly (p. 204) has explained by reference to a quotation from Ezekiel 1:12: "Ubi erat impetus spiritus, illuc gradiebantur, nec revertebantur, cum ambularent." He then quotes an interpreation of this verse by Rupert of Deutz in his De Trinitate, a passage that speaks of the Spirit as leader. 11 Already the commentary on Ezekiel by Jerome, it should be pointed out, had the idea of the Holy Spirit as leader.12 And that of Rhabanus Maurus speaks of the Spirit's impetus in the Christian to do good. 13 "Er ist de gewâfene" (2,10) is no doubt based on Eph. 6:17: "et galeam salutis adsumite: et gladium Spiritus, quod est verbum Dei." As Ohly (p. 204) has shown, this verse occurs a number of times in German sermons. Without reference to Paul, Rupert of Deutz in his prayer to the Holy Spirit refers to Him as his weapon. 14 In the TH the term wîgant speaks of the Holy Spirit's offensive against the devil and his works ; de gewâfene, on the other hand, speaks of the defence and protection He is to the Christian. After citing four of the Holy Spirit's titles, the author of the TH goes on to list a series of seven of His activities (2,10-15). He begins with the rather uncommon notion that the Spirit "bindit lib unde 9 Etymologarium (MPL, 82), 269-270; see also {MPL, 62), 16; (MPL, 167), 758. Ohly, 204, cites a number of other references. 10 Grieshaber, II, 99; Leyser, 68; Franz Pfeiffer, Altdeutsches Uebungsbuch (Wien, 1866), 190; Schönbach, III, 148. 11 {MPL, 167), 1429. 12 (MPL, 25), 25. 13 (MPL, 110), 520-521. 14 (MPL, 168), 1633.

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sêle." (2,10-11) Ohly (p. 205) suggested Eph. 2:18 ("quoniam per ipsum habemus accessum ambo in uno Spiritu ad Patrem") as the basis ; the view that the soul and body are meant in this verse goes back to Ambrose, he points out. The Holy Spirit, the TH continues, is also the unifying bond between the Father and the Son (2,11-12). As was indicated before (see p. 78), this is a common medieval doctrine. The Spirit not only unites the Father and the Son, He also unites and reconciles God and man : "er vûget himel unde erde, got unde den menneskin." (2,12-13) The TH author here probably alludes to the reconciliatory role of the Holy Spirit, a doctrine taught throughout the Middle Ages. It can be found, for instance, in the prayer to the Spirit by Rupert of Deutz.15 It is entirely fitting that the Holy Spirit assume the ministry of reconciliation between sinful man and a holy God, for in the TH He is especially concerned about man's spiritual welfare. As Ohly has also seen (p. 205), the next three operations of the Holy Spirit are connected with Paul's teaching in I Cor. 3:16: "Nescitis quia templum Dei estis, et Spiritus Dei habitat in vobis?" (see also I Cor. 6:19). The activity of purifying ("er lûteret de herze," 2,13) no doubt alludes to the cleansing power of the Spirit through the sacrament of baptism and His subsequent presence in the soul. In his exegesis of I Cor. 3:16-20, Peter Lombard clearly associates the cleansing of the heart with the sacrament of baptism.16 Without reference to baptism, the author of a MHG sermon also speaks of cleansing by the Spirit.17 By indwelling the believer, the Holy Spirit "bringet got dar in" (2,13-14), the TH poet continues. In this phrase he may have in mind the unio mystica experience. "Er liebet got dar inné" (2,14) may be taken from Rom. 5:5: "caritas Dei diffusa est in cordibus per Spiritum sanctum, qui datus est nobis". For the last of the seven operations of the Holy Spirit enumerated in this passage - "er lêret uns bitten der dinge diu uns rehte koment", 15 18 17

(MPL, (MPL,

168), 1633. 191), 1561. Leyser, 9.

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2,14-15 - Ohly (p. 206) suggested I Cor. 12:3 as a possible basis. However, it seems to me that Rom. 8:26 ("Spiritus adiuvat infirmitatem nostram... Spiritus postulat pro nobis gemitibus inenarrabilibus") is much closer to the idea expressed by the TH. Commentators on Romans generally interpret this verse to mean that the Holy Spirit helps the believer ask for the right things. 18 That the Spirit aids in proper prayer is also taught in several vernacular sermons. 19 This whole section of the prologue (2,6-17) is brought to a climactic close by an appeal to love the Holy Spirit: "minne in! waz ist bezzer zi minnenne den selbe diu minna? dû minnist in mit rehte." (2,15-17) Thus the poet has come full circle back to his opening appeal to trust and love the Spirit. In the next part of the prologue (2,17-3,10) the TH deals primarily with the creative activities of the Spirit. The poet begins by discussing His advisory role in the creation of man : "er was ein sake an deme anegenge de dû geschaffen wurde, der gewalt sprac: ih indarf nith gebreitit werden, der wistüm sprac: ih indarf nith gebezzert werden, dô sprac diu gûte : wir suln schephin eine geschephede mit der wir tailin ebine den gewalt unde den unseren wistüm. dô wurdin wir geschafen." (2,17-24)20 Although, as we have seen in the Genesis (215-228), this is not new doctrine, there are elements which occur in the TH for the first time. In the exegesis of Genesis it was customary to affirm that all three persons of the Godhead shared in the creation of man, as is indicated by the plural form of the verb in facìamus hominem (Gen. 1:26). It was also commonly held that man was created as a result of a quasi Consilio within the Trinity. The doctrine of a quasi Consilio, however, in which only God the Creator had spoken was maintained until the twelfth century. 21 Hugo of St. Victor introduced 18

See, for example (MPL, 17), 126-127; (MPL, 68), 464; (MPL, 103), 78; (MPL, 117), 435; (MPL, 180), 636; (MPL, 191), 1446. 19 Leyser, 89-90; Pfeiffer, I, 325; Schönbach, II, 102. 20 That the Holy Spirit was the primary cause of man's creation is also taught by David von Augsburg : Franz Pfeiffer, "Bruder David von Augsburg", ZfdA, 9 (1853), 17. 21 My summary is based primarily on Ohly, 206-209. A good example of the tradition that the Father had spoken can be found in a German sermon on the Trinity: Schönbach, III, 116.

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a distinct change in that he attributed the initiative for the creation of man to the Holy Spirit and not to the Father. For him there seems to be a kind of distinction in time and succession: bonitas comes first, then sapientia, and finally potestas. Through bonitas God willed, through sapientia He disposed, and through potestas He created, Hugo taught. Although he clearly distinguished the activities of the three persons, he maintained the idea of a quasi Consilio - there is no indication of an actual conversation within the Godhead. The belief in a conversation within the Trinity before creation is found only in two German literary works, the TH and the Anegenge. As P. Valentin Teuber has shown, the author of the Anegenge is dependent at least to some degree on the ideas of Hugo of St. Victor.22 The TH author probably did not go back directly to Hugo, but rather to the Anegenge.23 As is seen from the previous quote (2,17-24), the TH represents the Holy Spirit as the cause of man's creation. He as well as the Father and the Son spoke during the counsel, but it was the Spirit who advised the creation. Similarly in the Anegenge, the Holy Spirit, who does not want God to keep His great glory to Himself, advises the creation of man and all things (see pp. 118-119). The similarity of ideas concerning the conversation within the Trinity in the TH and the Anegenge can be best explained by assuming that the author of the TH knew the Anegange (or vice versa). It hardly seems likely that the two authors adopted such a novel idea independent of each other. It is interesting to note that the Anegenge tries to soften this serious break with tradition by saying that the counsel took place only in thought. The TH, on the other hand, attempts no such regression after relating about the consilium within the Godhead: it completes the break with traditional doctrine. Mechthild von Magdeburg, it might be added, follows the TH in her interpretation of the counsel.24 22 "Über die vom Dichter des Anegenge benützten Quellen", Beiträge, 24 (1899), 249. 23 Or perhaps the Anegenge poet knew the TH; Ohly assumes that the TH author knew the Anegenge. 24 Das fliessende Licht der Gottheit, ed. P. G. Morel (Regensburg, 1869), 68-71.

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Already in creation the Holy Spirit gave man the inclination to overcome the fall, because he had the example of Lucifer's fall, the TH continues (2,24-25). But man fell nevertheless, and then the Spirit wanted to help him (2,25-26). Man was created different from the other animals : he has two feet, two hands, and eyes and head turned upwards (2,23-30). All of this had spiritual significance, the poet adds: "de allez was ein zeikin wie hère dà wäre unsir sêle." (2,20-31) The choice of these particular members of the body finds its explanation in the following section, which deals with the seven gifts of the Spirit.25 With each of the seven members named the poet then associates one of the seven gifts, thus giving an external image of the soul (2,31-3,4). The two feet are the last two gifts, timor and pietas. One has a negative and one a positive function : timor enables the soul to avoid evil and pietas to do good (2,31-33). The hands are scientia and fortitudo, which have a defensive and offensive function respectively: knowledge protects the soul and fortitude fights in front of it (2,33-3,1). These four gifts all have to do with the vita activa. The left eye (consilium) looks at its neighbor, while the right eye (intellectus) looks at itself (3,1-3). The series of gifts is crowned by sapientia: "de houbet sapientia wartet allezane hin ze gote." (3,3-4) This last group of three gifts is connected with the vita contemplativa. The devil, however, attacks the soul, binding the feet and hands, putting out the eyes, and bending down the head towards the earth (3,4-7). The seven cardinal sins stand in opposition to the seven gifts of the Spirit (3,7-11). The Holy Spirit, who wants to help man, is the subject of the following section of the prologue as well (3,11-4,9). The Spirit wanted to help man through His gifts in three ages : before the law, under the law, and under grace (3,12-14). The first age lasted from Adam to Moses, the second from Moses to Christ, and the third from Christ until the present (3,14-17). The seven gifts are then associated with seven patriarchs from before the law (3,17-28) : Abel 25 On the seven gifts in the TH, see Barbara Tillmanns, "Die sieben Gaben des Heiligen Geistes in der deutschen Literatur des Mittelalters", diss. Kiel, 1962, 101-131.

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(fear), Enoch (piety), Noah (knowledge), Abraham (fortitude), Isaac (counsel), Jacob (intellect), and Joseph (wisdom). During the time of the law, timor represented the threat of the law, pietas its promise, scientia its instruction, fortitudo the pledge to keep the law, consilium was in the priests, intellectus in the prophets, and sapientia in the kings (3,28-4,1). With the birth of Christ the age of grace began. He had all seven gifts, as the poet indicates by associating them with the seven stages of Christ's life (4,1 -9) : birth (wisdom), baptism (intellect), death (counsel), harrowing of hell (fortitude), resurrection (knowledge), ascension (piety), and last judgment (fear). The poet concludes with a summary of how the Holy Spirit has been active throughout history to reconcile man to God again : "nû sehent wie uns widere hâth brâth der heilige geist. dô wir wrdin gischaffin unde giuielin, dô makete er uns widere." (4,9-12) Just as the Holy Spirit redeemed mankind throughout history, so He redeems the individual soul in the present (4,12). When the devil destroys man with seven further sins (4,12-17), God sends him the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit (4,17-34). As God created the earth out of chaos, so the inner chaos of man is overcome by the Spirit's gifts. The TH associates the seven gifts with the days of creation, thus depicting the creative power of the Holy Spirit in the soul of man. Through the Spirit man achieves final rest in God. The next section (5,1-13) again cites the seven gifts. The Holy Spirit, the poet begins, brings us everything good and makes timor and pietas the feet with which we walk (5,1-5). Then we ride on two donkeys, scientia and fortitudo (5,5-8). Finally weflywith two wings, intellectus and consilium (5,8-11). The ultimate stage is reached with sapientia (5,11-13). The gifts are here portrayed as a spiral-like progression to God : there is an increasing speed by which the soul reaches its ultimate life. The seven gifts take the three faculties of the soul (memory, reason, and will) and lead them to a union with God, in that it receives the Holy Spirit (5,13-15). Memory remembers sins in fear and shame before God, reason draws us to God with proper devotion and with good works, and will rests with God in relation to man himself and to his niehgbor (5,15-20). Thus the unio mystica is brought about: "sô wirt der menniske denne ainez mit got in der

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sapientia." (5,20-21) In the passage 5,21-33 the author states simply that the seven gifts of the Spirit were all present in Christ (5,30-31). The exposition of the Song of Solomon begins with a recognition of the Holy Spirit's role in inspiring Solomon: "Wir haben virnomin von deme heilige geiste, wie er kôsete durch den wîsin salomônem, dà er wunste einis starkin wîbis. darnach begund er singin cantica canticorum." (6,1-4) That Solomon wrote the Song of Songs after Proverbs and Ecclessiastes is ancient tradition. The strong woman referred to above is evidently the one spoken of in Prov. 31:10. The last 22 verses of Proverbs are often considered as a unit and explained as a song of praise inspired by the Holy Spirit lauding the virtues of the church and of the soul.26

3. TRINITARIAN DESIGNATIONS

Although the Holy Spirit is of special significance in the TH, He is often spoken of in relation to the Trinity (see pp. 26-29). The author uses various means to designate and represent the Spirit as member of the triune Godhead. One of the designations used is the trinitarian formula of Abelard, which occurred already in the prologue of the TH. The usual German equivalents are gewalt, wîstuom, and guote.

Using this formula, the TH in one passage depicts the activity of the individual persons of the Trinity. God revealed His wisdom (Christ) when He created the heavens and the earth (45,13-17), He revealed His goodness (Holy Spirit) when He created man out of nothing to be His child (45,17-23), and He revealed His power (Father) when He drove Lucifer out of heaven (45,24-31). The thought that the Holy Spirit was particularly involved with the creation of man was already expressed by this poet in the prologue (2,17-24). The believer is encouraged to rely on the holy Trinity (53,13-15): he is to approach strength (probably the Father is meant), he is to 26

Ohly, 223.

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have hope in the eternal one (probably Christ), and he is to trust mercy (the Holy Spirit). Furthermore, believers are to praise the Father, honor the Son, and love the Holy Spirit (53,16-17); they are to seek power (the Father), find wisdom (the Son), and love the Holy Spirit (53,17-20). In this triad the Spirit is given greater emphasis in that He is named directly and not indicated by the usual designation of guote. Also, the Spirit is the person who represents the essence of the Godhead for this author, "wande in deme werdent siu alle beuangen" (53,20-21). Commenting on the last part of Song of Sol. 6:3, the TH speaks of the various tents set up in array (94,11-96,4). These tents represent different virtues in the Christian's life : there are the tents of purity, of truth, of obedience, of patience, and of humility (94,11-95,4). Coming to the three cardinal virtues of hope, faith, and love, the poet associates these with the three persons of the Trinity (95,496,4). Hope, the poet begins, is the highest tent (95,4-9): "dar in rûwet der hailige gaist, der dir ringe machet alliz daz dir wirret." (95,5-6) The Father (gewalt) dwells in faith, the necessary tent (95,9-17), and the Son (wîstùm) dwells in love, the regal tent (95,1823). The most explicit statement of God's essence is given by means of the Abelardian formula: "nû sprechen, waz got si. er ist der gewalt. er ist der wîstûm. er ist diu oberôste gûte." (117,30-32) When the Christian prays, the poet continues, God gives his memory power so that he may seek and find Christ, and Christ gives his reason wisdom so that it may draw God into itself ; then the heart will be as pure as the mind, and the soul will be able to see and know God (118,4-14). Then the Holy Spirit warms the heart (118,15-16). This warmth was felt by the Virgin when she received the message from heaven (118,16-18). Furthermore, the Spirit with His warmth brings about the mystical union of the soul with God (118,18-21 ; see also 128,29-33). During the unio mystica the mouth and tongue are silent, but the inner man is praying (118,21-25). Man's silent prayer is effective because the wisdom of his Brother is praying to the power of his Father, and the Father presents it the Bridegroom, who is the Holy Spirit (118,25-30). Apparently drawing on Rom. 8:26, the TH teaches that the Spirit

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knows what we cannot pray for, and the Father through the Holy Spirit arranges these things (118,30-33). As was just seen previously (see also 105,13-28), the author of the TH sometimes uses the Abelardian formula of the Trinity and combines it with Augustine's formula, so that the faculties of the soul (memory, reason, will) are paired off with the corresponding persons of the Trinity (power, wisdom, goodness). The Abelardian formula is also combined with the three virtues of love, faith, and hope. Sometimes all three triads are artfully combined. The three faculties of the soul are supposed to be elevated together with the divine virtues into the expression of God's essence. The listeners are exhorted to elevate memory with faith to the power of the Creator, reason with hope to the wisdom of the Redeemer, and will with love to the highest goodness of the Holy Spirit (13,4-12; see also 97,7-15). In this way the soul becomes the bride of the triune God, and it experiences a mystical union through the agency of the Holy Spirit (13,12-14; see also 18,25-30). Using another triad, the three highest choirs of angels, the TH goes on to declare that seraphim draws will to the Holy Spirit, cherubim draws reason to Christ, and thrones draw memory to the Father (13,14-17).

4. TRINITARIAN REPRESENTATIONS

The author of the TH also uses various representations to try to describe the Trinity, among them being the body and the family. In a long passage on the Trinity he makes use of both of these, along with the Abelardian and Augustinian formulae. The interpretation of Song of Sol. 8:3 ("Laeva eius sub capite meo, et dextera illius amplexabitur me") is in effect an extended commentary on the Trinity (129,17-132,30). The head, the author states, is the will, which directs the soul just as the head of the body directs the other limbs (129,19-22). Reason is the heart, and memory is the feet and limbs (129,22-23). The bride is viewed as being in a steep place, often slipping and falling down (129,23-25). But the left hand of the bridegroom raises her up ; when sin knocks us down, God helps us with his left hand, the poet moralizes (129,25-32). The left

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hand, he continues, is the Holy Spirit, here referred to by the designation erbarmede (129,32). The Spirit, as the left hand, is under the will, which often falls down because of sin (130,1-4). Stressing the concern of the Holy Spirit for man, the TH writes of Him: "sô rihtet in aber ûf diu gotes erbarmede, diu ie in deme eilende mère mit uns weruet denne der wîstûm oder der gewalt, wände de ist sîn zesewe." (130,4-7) In this world the Spirit is especially concerned about man, but in the next world he shall be filled with wisdom and embraced with power (130,7-12). Returning to the ministry of the Holy Spirit in this age, the author declares that He, the left hand, protects man against sin, because otherwise no one could stand in the world (130,12-16). Changing the representation somewhat from the above where the Holy Spirit was one hand and the Father and Son the other, the TH explains the Trinity by saying that the essence of the Godhead is "potentia et magnificentia et iusticia eternitatis" (130,18-20). The Father stretched out His arm : "de ist filius sapientia et uirtus et ueritas." (130,20-21) With this arm God performed great things, even stretching it to hell before returning it to His lap (130,21-24). Thereafter God stretched out His hand (130,24-25): "dc was spiritus sanctus pietas unde misericordia et gratia." (130, 25-26)27 The hand of God (i.e., the Holy Spirit) was first placed under the head of the Apostles so that He would raise their will away from carnal desires (130,26-28). This the Spirit still does for others, the poet assures his listeners (130,28). Because of His kindness towards man, the Holy Spirit is compared to the tender hand of a mother (130,28-29). A mother, the poet continues, takes more trouble with a bad child than with a good one, because what is difficult for others misericordia makes easy (130,29-32). The Holy Spirit makes Himself so intimate to us that we, like children, tell Him what is troubling us ; He will treat us kindly like the hand of a good mother (130,32-131,1). God will not despise the weakness of the child, because of the intervention of gotes erbarmede (Holy Spirit), which proceeds from the heart of His uorbesihte (here Christ is meant), which in turn has its source in the eternal being of His power (131,1-6). The hand does not touch anyone unless He is dir27

For a similar interpretation, see Schönbach, III, 37.

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rected by the heart, which is His uorbesihte (131,6-9). Using the images of a body and family, the TH has devoted the whole section to the discussion of the Trinity, including the doctrine of the double procession and the teaching regarding the different roles of the persons within the Godhead. The same representation of God as the body, the Son as the arm, and the Holy Spirit as the hand is repeated in the subsequent passage. The essence of God is power, and that is why He is called our Father; the heart is His uorbesihte, through which He created and ordered everything that exists (131,10-12). The arm is His Son, by whom God in His wisdom redeemed all of mankind (131,13-14). From the body and from the arm He stretched forth His hand (131, 14-15): "de was der hailige gaist der dà chom uon deme sune unde uon deme uatere. den sante uns christ unser brûder. wände er diu enste ist der gotes gûte, so mugen wir in mûter nemmen." (131,15-19) The Τ H thus completes the family representation: the Father is our father, the Son is our brother, and the Holy Spirit is our mother. The Holy Spirit deals like a mother with us, the poet goes on (131,19-20). The mother takes more pity on a sick child than on one that is well, on a weak one more than on one that is strong (131,2023). She treats every child according to his weakness and his needs (131,23-24). In the same way the arm of wisdom and the hand of goodness work with the five fingers, the TH asserts (131,25-26). These five fingers are five of the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit: intellect, counsel, fortitude, understanding, and fear (131,26-29). With these fingers the Spirit works in a mysterious way, in that He raises one person up but rejects the other, punishes one and spares the other ; we do not know why He allows sinful men to enter heaven and lets an unbaptized child go to hell, the author declares (131,29132,3). All of this comes from His mercy and grace, if one receives more and the other less (132,3-6). Once again combining the three common triads, the poet teaches that faith leads our memory before power, hope leads our reason before wisdom, and love leads our will to goodness (132,6-13). There misericordia et gratia (i.e., the Holy Spirit), is our advocate, for the Father punishes us because of justice, our Brother punishes

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us because of truth, but our Mother helps us because of the Father and the Borther (132,13-17). The reason for this help is then given: "wände de ist ir natûre. suen si bescirmet, den begenâdet sin uorbesiht, den erhöhet sîn maginchraft, deme intlîbet sin reht, den entlûtet sîn wîstûm, den eruullet sîn tugent, den rihtet sîn wârhait, den minnet sîn gûte, den hailet sîn erbarmede, den underleget sîn genâde, sô de si sînen willen ûf rihtet, de ist sîn winstere." (132,1724) Having again emphasized the Holy Spirit, the left hand, the poet concludes the whole section by also reminding his listeners about the next life where the right hand (Father and Son) will embrace them (132,24-30). In another passage the poet writes of the kingdom of the Father, the inheritance of the Brother, and the dwelling of the Bridegroom (134,27-31). The Holy Spirit is therefore represented as the bridegroom instead of the mother. In heaven, the TH proclaims, we come to the lap of the Father, we are embraced by the right arm of the Brother, and we are loved eternally by the Bridegroom, just as we love Him here (134,31-135,1). By means of the body representation, the TH attempts to demonstrate the relationship of the three persons to one another within the Trinity. As the arm, the Son conies directly from the Father, which corresponds to the traditional doctrine that Christ is the begotten Son of God. As the hand, the Holy Spirit proceeds from both the Son and the Father, which again follows orthodox Catholic teaching. The Father is therefore the center of the Godhead, the source of power and authority ; the Son and especially the Holy Spirit are the active members in the world. The idea of the Son and the Holy Spirit as the arm and hand of God is not new with the TH, but rather goes back to the time of the early Fathers. Irenaeus of Lyons (ca. 130-202), for example, has a similar representation. In his view, the Son and the Spirit are the two hands of God. 28 The TH changes the image so that Christ is the arm and the Holy Spirit the hand, which seems to indicate a subordination of the Son to the Father and of the Spirit to the Son. 28 Henry B. Swete, The Holy Spirit in the Ancient Church (London, 1912; reprint Grand Rapids, 1966), 87-88.

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Being farthest from the center of the Trinity, the Holy Spirit is particularly active in the world and in the hearts of men. The image of the body in the TH also serves to reveal the sequence of events in the redemption of mankind. First God stretched out His arm; that is, He sent Christ to redeem man. Then God stretched out His hand; that is, through Christ He sent the Holy Spirit to continue Christ's ministry of redemption. In the family representation, the Holy Spirit is either the mother or the bridegroom, Christ is the brother, and God is the father. Particularly the designation of mother serves to reveal the Spirit's tender concern for man, just like a mother's for her child; He is the active agent of the Godhead among men in the present era, ministering to their needs and desires. The designation of the Holy Spirit as bridegroom is a reflection of the mystical nature of the TH and also furnishes further evidence of His importance. An unusual representation for the Trinity is the mandrake. In his interpretation of Song of Sol. 7:13 ("Mandragorae dederunt odorem") the TH author asserts that the root of the mandrake resembles a human form and in German is called alrûn (125,13-14). Whoever hears its voice when it is pulled out of the ground must die (125,14-16). Moreover, it has a pleasant smell, its fruit has medicinal qualities, and its bark produces sleep (125,16-17). Then the poet provides an allegorical interpretation of these five features of the mandrake root, but not in the same order. The root itself, he declares signifies God, whose image was Christ; on earth He was like a man, and He is medicine for man and a pledge of eternal life (125, 18-26). The bark of the root is the Holy Spirit, he continues (125,2628). The voice that is heard when the root is pulled out of the ground represents Christ's voice in the Last Judgment (125,38-30). That the root has a pleasant smell speaks of the believer's virtues, such as reading and listening to the Holy Scriptures and thinking pure thoughts (125,30-126,10). The bark with its narcotic, sleep-producing effect signifies the Holy Spirit : "sin rinde de ist der hailige gaist. de ist der tualm der slâfente machet alle die minnâre des hailigen Christes." (125,26-28) That the mandrake was thought to induce sleep is an ancient

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tradition going back to the patristic writings.29 Ambrose, for instance, briefly mentions it; 3 0 similarly Werner of St. Blasien (d. 1126). 31 But neither of these writers refers to the Holy Spirit in this connection. In his commentary on the Song of Solomon, Rupert of Deutz does not speak of sleep, but rather he associates the pleasant odor of the mandrake with the power of the Holy Spirit to bring men to God. 3 2 Rupert's interpretation represents a step forward in that the mandrake and the Spirit are brought together. Apparently the author of the TH then took the next step and associated the sleep-producing property of the mandrake bark with the Holy Spirit's activity. 33

5. T H E V I R G I N M A R Y

The bride of the Song of Sol. is interpreted by the TH as the Church, the individual soul, or the Virgin Mary. Therefore, it is to be expected that considerable attention will be given to the relationship between Mary and the Holy Spirit. Following traditional doctrine, the TH author teaches that Mary conceived by the power of the Holy Spirit, but he depicts the conception and birth in mystical language, devoting a long passage to the praise of the Virgin (8,109,24). In general terms he first explains how Mary, the counterpart of Eve, atoned for man's fall (8,10-34). God's wisdom (Christ) spoke a word in great power (the Father) through the mouth of His goodness and grace (the Holy Spirit) ; this word was itself goodness and grace, the poet continues, because it was always with God and because the Holy Spirit had prepared all things for it (8,34-9,8). The Hermann Menhardt, "Die Mandragora im Milstätter Physiologus, bei Honorius Augustodunensis und im St. Trudperter Hohenliede", Festschrift für Ludwig Wolff, ed. W. Schröder (Neumünster, 1962), 173-194. 30 Hexaemeron (MPL, 14), 185. 31 Libri deflorationum {MPL, 157), 1152. 32 {MPL, 168), 949. 33 There is another reference to the Trinity near the beginning of the TH. Here the author states that Christ came into the world "mit gemeinime furganc des heiligin geistis unde mit gelîker wesenuste des êwigin uatir" (10,4-6). F o r a similar idea see Lucidarius, ed. Felix Heidlauf, (DTM, 28J (Berlin, 1915), 2. 29

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Virgin Mary opened her ears, and then the Spirit accompanied the word through the closed body into her open soul (9,9-14). Because her body was closed, it was fitting that the Holy Spirit accompany the word into the chamber of the bridegroom, there to clothe him and outfit him with shoes (9,14-17). Sinful men clothe themselves for weapons, but He was clothed in the garment of sensitivity and of toleration (9,17-21). When Christ had been prepared for nine months, the Holy Spirit led Him, who was light and life, into this world (9,21-24). The Holy Spirit is sometimes indirectly spoken of as the bridegroom of Mary, a relationship that can be inferred from certain statements. Speaking of Mary, God says that Christ's deity indicates that He was her father, His humanity that He was her son, and "was bestêt dich des heiligen geistees niwan ze wineschefte?" (21, 14-18) In another place she is called a friend of the Holy Spirit (32,23-24). Mary was pure in body and in soul (22,24-25) and hence fit to be the bride of God. Alluding to the immaculate conception, the TH has God say of the Virgin: "dû wäre min gimahele, wan dû den natûrlikin magittöm uon deme heiligen geiste inphangin hetest." (22,25-27)34 The Holy Spirit not only was involved in the immaculate conception, but He also adorned Mary. Commenting on Song of Sol. 1:9, translated by the poet as, "Dîniu hûffele sint turtiltûben" (23,10), the ΤΗ interprets this verse to mean that the Spirit adorned her face (23,10-13; see also 46,18-21). The Holy Spirit is viewed as showing kindness toward mankind through Mary, His chosen vessel, and in this way the redemptive work of the Spirit is continued through her. In the interpretation of the body, God is viewed as the head and Mary the neck (23,24-25). God has made for her a gold necklace, of which the first strand was Abel and the patriarchs (23,26-28). Then came the prophets, Apostles, martyrs, teachers and holy women (23,28-24,1). All of these strands were welded together by the Holy Spirit (24,1-2). 34

See Hoffmann, I, 90; Pfeiffer, ZfdA, 9, 32, 33, 35; and Der sogenannte St. Georgener Prediger, ed. Karl Rieder (DTM, 10) (Berlin, 1910), 147.

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The poet in another passage declares that Mary is the one whom God chose, whom the Son enlightened, and whom the Holy Spirit adorned (40,19-20; see also 41,8-10). Moreover, it is the Spirit who accompanied her through the wilderness of this world (40,20-22).35 Hildegard von Bingen, it is interesting to note, similarly speaks of the bride's receiving adornments and strength from the Holy Spirit.36 In an unusual passage the author affirms that man's redemption through Christ was already completed in the Virgin Mary's womb (46,8-15). Again speaking of Mary, the TH quotes Luke 1:35 with regard to the role of the Holy Spirit in the conception of Christ (51,3352,2; see also 99,20-22). The author then goes on to declare that Mary's beauty was seen by the wisdom of the Father (Christ) while she was yet unborn (52,2-7). The Virgin had such an effect on goodness (Holy Spirit) that, because of her, man could be reconciled to God (52,7-11). Mary was thus chosen as the daughter of God, mother of Christ, and bride of the Holy Spirit, the poet continues (52,11-13). Following a long established tradition, the TH interprets the closed-in garden of Song of Sol. 4:12 as the Virgin. She was surrounded by the wall of humility and closed by the lock of purity, the poet begins (56,29-57,2). The gardener in this image is the Holy Spirit; He took care of Christ in the womb, and He also kept Mary from all sin (57,2-11).37 Mary was created by the power of the eternal Father, she was formed by the wisdom of His Son, and she was filled with the goodness of the Holy Spirit (110,9-13). Discussing Song of Sol. 8:10 ("Ego murus"), the author of the TH also interprets this metaphor as the Virgin Mary. The wall, he expostulates, was made by the hand of wisdom (Christ), was levelled by the finger of holy goodness (Holy Spirit), and was dried by the power of the eternal Father (139,28-31). 35 36 37

See also St. Georgener Prediger, 19. Scivias (MPL, 197), 468. See Mellbourn, 93 ; Wackernagel, 9.

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6. SYMBOLS FOR THE SPIRIT

The TH makes use of some symbols for the Holy Spirit, of which the most common is fire and the related property of warmth (see pp. 30-31). God, the poet proclaims in his commentary on Song of Sol. 5:6, at times speaks to those who have renounced proud boasting (72,9-11). These people are of two kinds: those whose hearts are warmed and those who are completely absorbed in God's love (72,11-13). When one holds wax close to a fire, the TH continues, one can form it into all kinds of things (72,14-15). The author then gives the allegorical interpretation of the above phenomenon : "sô der hailige gaist nähen biginnet der heizen sêle, sô bildet si sich nach allir slahte guotâte, unde swaz si nieht getûn nemach uor ir blöde, daz hât si an deme guoten willen." (72,16-19) These are the ones whose hearts have been warmed. Those who experience the mystical union of melting in God's love also do so through the warmth of the Holy Spirit (72,20-24). Wordly people, who are attracted by the joy of the world, avoid the warmth of the Holy Spirit by means of useless things, the poet asserts (123,18-21).38 The result of such action is that they will not attain eternal bliss (123,21-24). Another common symbol for the Spirit is water (see pp. 31-32). In his commentary on Song of Sol. 2:3, the TH poet speaks of a tree's being planted beside running waters ; in this image the water signifies the life-producing power of the Holy Spirit (28,10-14). The moistening of the Spirit, which leads to eternal life, probably alludes to His regenerating power in the sacrament of baptism. In words reminiscent of Psalm 23, the poet again speaks of the Holy Spirit as the life-giver by using the visual dream image of fruitful pastures: "suenne ich intslâfe, sô wîset er mine sêle in troumes wis an die faizten weiden des heiligin geistis unde mine inneren sinne in den schîm des himilskin wîstûmes." (30,22-25) This image alludes to the Spirit as water and thus as the believer's constant source of life and strength. The last part of Song of Sol. 2:3 speaks of sitting down under the 38

Cf. Wackernagel, 33.

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tree in the shade - the shade is a less common symbol for the Spirit. This action is also interpreted allegorically : to sit down means to rest against the trunk of Christ's humanity, to desire the fruit means to desire His deity, and the shade means to cool off in the shade of the Holy Spirit (28,27-32).39

7. ACTIVITIES OF THE SPIRIT

In the prologue the TH dealt with a number of the Holy Spirit's activities. In the commentary itself there are some further references. In the cellar of wine (Song of Sol. 2:4), which means the Gospel, we learn of three kinds of love, the TH affirms : sensual love to view Christ's human works, knowledgeable love to understand His divine miracles, and understanding love (29,11-15). The last kind of love (uirnunstlichu minne), he continues, can only be learned from the Holy Spirit (29,15-16). Some people are unable to endure hearing about stern justice, but are benefited more by hearing about God's love and grace (55,10-16). These listeners are then further characterized: "daz sint mine getriuwen hôrâre, den urchundet der hailige gaist mine minne." (55, 16-17) Somewhat later, spiritual people are spoken of as children of the Holy Spirit; they are always happy and constantly talk about the reward of eternal sweetness, the poet continues (55,29-32). On an individual basis, the Holy Spirit also is responsible for helping man. In the interpretation of the tower of David (Song of Sol 4:4), the poet views the scaffolding and steps as the ascetic works of the Christian, such as fasting and praying (49,32-33). He concludes: "dà mite wurchet der werchmaister daz ist der hailige gast." (49,33-50,2) Those who seek their own welfare more than God's will are thrown about by the devil, so that they cannot rest where they should, namely in obedience (70,6-12). In a rather striking image, the TH then explains this state of rest : "daz chit in der gehörsame dà in der hailige gaist uon êrst gibettet hât." (70,12-13) 39

See St. Georgener Prediger, 274.

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After Lucifer fell and also caused man's fall, God took pity on man and commanded the Son to call him back to God (102,18-22). When Christ ascended back to heaven, the task of calling men to God was entrusted to the Holy Spirit (102,22-25). He can change all hearts, the poet confidently affirms : "want ez enist nihain herze sô caltez er inwermiz. ez inist inhainiz sô hertiz er inwaichiz, ez enist nihainiz sô nazzez er intruchene ez. iz inist inhainiz sô unrainiz er nerainiz." (102,26-29) Therefore, no one can excuse himself (102, 29-20). Because the Holy Spirit wants to help man, He peristently seeks admission into his heart to help him do good (102,30-32)

8. GIFTS OF THE SPIRIT

We have seen that in the prologue the author discussed the seven gifts of the Spirit a number of times. In the main part of the TH the seven gifts occur five times and once in the epilogue. The first occurrence is in the comment on Song of Sol. 1:13, which is interpreted as referring to Christ. He is the very embodiment of the Holy Spirit's gifts: He is the radiance of eternal wisdom, a living fountain of holy understanding, a messenger of eternal counsel, a warrior of holy fortitude, an ordering of holy knowledge, a giver of holy piety, and a strong judge at the last day of God's fear (25,9-15). Commenting on Song of Sol. 3:9, the author of the TH gives a description of a banquet in allegorical terms (42,18-44,14). The seven gifts of the Holy Spirit are all involved. Sapientia, the first gift and also a designation for Christ, is the steward who prepared the banquet with the Lamb of God (42,27-29). Intellectus is the golden seat over which God leaned toward His bride, who can be all of Christendom, Mary, or the individual soul (42,29-43,5). Allegorically, this gift speaks of the soul's power of imagination for God, he goes on to elaborate (43,6-16). The gift of consilium led the bride to the table and seated her at the banquet; this gift is represented by the Apostles, who are also the pillars on which the table stood (43,16-22). Fortitudo is the steward who went up the red steps, and his helpers are the martyrs; this gift strengthened the Lamb in His martyrdom (43,23-29). Scientia is the cupbearer who

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served there and represents John the Evangelist and the Fathers of the Church who interpreted the Scriptures (43,30-44,2). The gift of pietas led the virgins up the gentle steps; the virgins represent all holy women, maids, widows, and others dedicated to God (44,3-7). Timor, the basis of the other gifts, is fittingly represented by the reeds covering the floor of the hall; with this gift everyone can be saved, because whoever cannot be good can nevertheless fear (44, 7-11). Only some people can recognize divine love, namely those who have fought against their sins, have subdued their bodies, have fed on the holy teaching, have freely forgiven others (75,5-10). Moreover, they are to search diligently to see how the saints lived, they are to know what God suffered for them (75,11-13), and "siu sulin werben sô uil sô siu mugin nâch den siben gäben des hailigen gaistes" (75,13-15). Repeating much of what he wrote in a previous passage on the seven gifts (25,9-15), the TH poet once more associates them with Christ (75,24-77,2). Here he calls Him a light (instead of a fountain) of understanding and a schoolmaster (instead of an ordering) of knowledge. The designations in connection with the other gifts are the same. New, however, is the association of five of the gifts with the colors white and red. The gifts of sapientia, intellectus, and consilium correspond to white, because Christ was born of a pure virgin, because He was conceived, born, and grew up without sin hence there was no guile found in His mouth (75,24-33). Fortitudo and scientia correspond to red, a color which is no doubt intended to remind the listeners of Christ's death, even though the connection is not made (76,1-7). Pietas and timor signify that Christ was chosen from among thousands (76,8-12). The author then goes on to elaborate on the meaning of the last two gifts. That Christ is the giver of goodness means that He will turn no one away who comes to Him in genuine repentance (76,12-16). Once the age of His grace is past, however, there will be the Judgment, which is connected with the gift of fear (76,16-21). Christ not only is the seven gifts, He also is holy, good, powerful, and wise, and He makes others holy, good, powerful, and wise (76,22-28).40 That is why He is blessed above all 40

See Tillmanns, "Die sieben Gaben", 115.

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others (76,28-30). The fact that the bridegroom is white should be recognized in the Christmas celebration, that He is red, at Easter, that He is chosen, at Pentecost (76,30-34). Of Pentecost the TH poet remarks : "wan dô wurdin wir alle hailich uon ime hailigen. dô wurdin wir gesegenôt uon ime gesegenôtime." (76,34-77,2) Basing his remarks on the description of the bridegroom in Song of Sol. 5:11-15, the poet subsequently links the seven gifts of the Spirit with specific epochs of church history (77,23-86,32). After the general assertion in verse 10 that the bridegroom is white, red, and chosen, there is a more detailed description, beginning with, "Sin houbit daz ist allir golde beste." (77,23) This part of the verse signifies the Trinity: the head is power, gold is wisdom, and that it is best is goodness (77,25-32). The second part of verse 11 speaks of hair like palm trees, black as a raven. The hair grows from the head - similarly we were created by God's power (78,5-9). When we became black because of guilt, the gold (i.e., wisdom) helped us and forgave us our sins (78,9-12). Then the best, that is His goodness, raised us up and made us green again and helped us gain the victory (78,12-14). Not until now does the author mention the first gift: "alsô stê wir ane deme scônistin houbete swie swarz wir sîn. ane deme richeste der geist des êwigin wîstûmmes." (78,15-17) Wisdom here also refers to Christ, the wisdom of God. The eyes (Son 9 of Sol. 5:12) represent the Virgin Mary, and in her life the gift of intellectus was especially active (78,18-80,25). But this gift is also present in the soul of individual believers who love true wisdom, act properly, and have a pure heart (79,20-24). The cheeks (Song of Sol. 5:13a) are like a bed of spices set by a dealer in spices; this dealer is the gift of consilium, which was revealed in the Apostles and beyond them in holy Scripture (80, 26-81,32). The Apostles are spoken of as a garden bed cultivated by great discomfort, fertilized by the Word of God, planted by the noble signs, and watered by the Spirit (81,20-23). The image of the Holy Spirit being poured out as a sudden shower derives from the prophet Joel - "Effundam spiritum meum", 2:28 - a reference Peter quoted to explain the unusual phenomena occurring on the Day of Pentecost (Acts 2:17-18). The fact that the TH states that the Spirit flowed from the head (i.e., the Father) is in keeping with

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traditional doctrine regarding the source of the Holy Spirit. But the Western Church taught the double procession of the Spirit from the Father and the Son, while here the Spirit is said to have flowed from the head (the Father) through the eyes (the Virgin Mary). To my knowledge this view is unique in German literature. The fourth gift, fortitude, is represented by the mouth (Song of Sol. 5:13b); it was particularly evident in the post-Apostolic era of persecution and martyrdom (81,33-82,32). The association of this gift with the martyrs was given by the 'red myrrh' of the Biblical text. Fortitude gave the martyrs strength to go through persecution and death, so that they would win eternal life. Scientia, here related to the hands (Song of Sol. 5:14a), was especially active in the time of the famous Church Fathers (83,128). The hands speak of activitity, and it is the gift of knowledge that enabled the Fathers to teach and order the Church. The description of the stomach (Song of Sol. 5:14b) brings the poet to a consideration of pietas, a gift active in his own time (83, 29-84,32). The stomach is the weakest part of the body but nevertheless fruitfull; similarly the author's age is also very fruitfull. But because of the weakness of the body, people are in need of the gift of goodness. As is often the case, timor, here represented by the legs (Song of Sol. 5:15), will be evident at the Last Judgment (85,1-86,32). In the history of salvation the gift of fear comes at the end time, namely in the time of the Antichrist (85,2-6). The gifts in this long passage are thus connected with the various epochs of Church history, beginning with the time of Christ and ending with the Antichrist : sapientia intellectus consilium fortitude scientia pietas timor

time of Christ Mary time of the Apostles time of the martyrs time of the Church Fathers twelfth century end time, Last Judgment

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In each era one of the gifts is given to enable the believers of that era to carry out their special tasks. In the description of the bride, the TH poet introduces the beatitudes and connects two of them with two of the seven gifts. The meek, he declares, have been taught by the spirit of pietas (110,1-4). Those who mourn have been taught by the spirit of scientia (110,15-17). In the epilogue the poet admonishes his listeners that they first and foremost direct the love of the Holy Spirit toward their real bridegroom, that is the Creator, the Redeemer, and the Lover (145,25-27). In other words, the three persons of the Trinity are meant. The Holy Spirit, the poet continues, directs man throughout life with His seven gifts (145,28-29). Repentance brings the gift of fear into the heart; then humility makes it firm; for humility, repentance, and God's fear are never separated for long (145,29-34). Hope brings the gift of goodness and helps to do good in return for evil ; hope then grows into truth - the gift of goodness, hope, and forgiveness are seldom separated (146,1-7). God sends man the gift of knowledge through His messenger, holy obedience; it is made firm by tears, because whoever is obedient has the gift of knowledge and will practice sweet and pure devotion (146,8-14). Patience brings the gift of fortitude, which is made firm by God's chastisement; because of patience we do not despair of God's justice, and in this way we develop various virtues, especially the virtue of moderation (146,15-25). When the gift of counsel directs us, we lose our curiosity for strange things; that is called purity and virtuous behaviour - mercy makes this gift firm (146,26-32). When the gift of intellect directs us, we forget our zeal for vain, external things and turn our attention to inward beauty, such as prayer and meditation - this gift is made firm by kindness (147,1-8). When the gift of wisdom has directed us, then we have learned to love silence and peace in all things; if we do have to speak, it is with as few words as possible - this gift is protected by forbearance (147,9-16). The poet then summarizes the seven gifts in relation to the various virtues connected with them, beginning with the last gift : wisdom - silence, intellect - renunciation of the body, counsel lack of curiosity, fortitude - patience, knowledge and goodness -

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good for evil, and fear - humility (147,16-25).

9. CONCLUSION

The TH is based to a considerable extent on its precursor Williram, especially in the translation of the text of the Song of Solomon. However, in the interpretation of the text the TH reveals considerable differences and innovations. Williram's work is concerned primarily with correct doctrinal exgesis, while the TH replaces the dogmatic approach to piety with its mystical, devotional attitude. As a mystical work, it is particularly concerned with the soul's personal experience of God. The difference of viewpoint is reflected especially in the prominence given to the Holy Spirit in the two works. In Williram, Christ is the central figure of the Trinity; only He is the bridegroom of the Church, for instance. The Father and the Holy Spirit recede into the background. In the TH, on the other hand, the bridegroom may be any one of the Trinity, but special emphasis is placed on the Holy Spirit. In the TH, the Holy Spirit as bridegroom of the soul is most concerned about man and his welfare, more so than either the Father or the Son. The Spirit was the cause of man's creation, and through His presence in the soul by the seven gifts He helps man to withstand the attacks of the devil and to live a good life. As the love of God, the Spirit is the lover of the soul. He leads it to God and brings God into it; in other words He accomplishes the unio mystica. The Holy Spirit also unites the Father and the Son, He unites the soul and body, and He unites heaven and earth. The Holy Spirit permeates the whole of creation, which He advised and in which He shared.

IX CONCLUSION

Although the German poets refer to the Holy Spirit throughout the medieval period, in many cases they do not deal with His essence and activity beyond the orthodox statements of the Creed. In the earliest OHG glosses the Latin Spiritus is translated into German either by geist or by atum without further commentary. Similarly, the O H G translations of the credo, the confessio fidei, the pater noster, and Latin hymns are concerned only with the correct rendering of the original. These early documents reflect the orthodox doctrine as it was taught by the Western Church at the beginning of the ninth century. The Holy Spirit is viewed as a divine person, consubstantial with the Father and the Son. Proceeding from the Father and the Son, the Spirit is eternal, omnipotent, omnipresent, and omniscient. His primary activity, according to the Creed, was the incarnation of Christ and the inspiration of the prophets. The OHG Isidor (ca. 800) sees no distinction between the three persons of the Trinity. The author cites a great number of Old Testament references to prove especially to the unbelieving Jews the indivisibility of the Trinity. He defends the equality of the persons within the Godhead, particularly the equality of the Son with the Father. The Isidor translation is thus in the tradition of those works attempting to refute the belief in a gradation of essence in the Trinity. The divine nature of the Son and of the Holy Spirit is defended by means of orthodox arguments with no independent formulations. The Tatian (ca. 830), a translation of the Latin version of Tatian's Gospel Harmony, follows the original closely. Based primarily on the Synoptic Gospels, this work leaves little room for private inter-

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CONCLUSION

pretation of the Holy Spirit. The picture given of the Spirit in the Tatian is that portrayed also by the Gospels. In the Old Saxon Heliand (ca. 830) the Holy Spirit assumes only a minor role when compared with that of God the Creator and God the Redeemer. As in the Tatian the Spirit is designated only by the established Biblical titles. The Heliand poet, like the OHG Isidor, seems to make no distinction between Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. Occasionally he uses the term hêlag gest to refer to Christ or even to the Father. There is no attempt to understand the third person of the Trinity; the Spirit is completely in the background, usually only mentioned when the source mentions Him. Similarly, Otfrid von Weissenburg usually refers to the Holy Spirit in his Evangelienbuch (ca. 865) only when He is mentioned in the New Testament account, seldom in passages of his own free composition. As for the Heliand poet, the doctrine of Christology is of primary importance to Otfrid. The mystery of the Trinity, especially the Holy Spirit, is still very much in the background. The minor role assumed by the Holy Spirit in the early German works is in consonance with the theological situation of the time. The doctrine of the third person of the Trinity had finally been settled - except for the double-procession controversy with the Eastern Church. The most important theological issue in the first part of the ninth century was the Adoptionist heresy. The Adoptionists held that Christ was really the Son of God according to His divine nature ; but according to His human nature He was the Son of God only by adoption. Hence it is natural that the authors of the longer Christian works (i.e., Isidor, Tatian, Heliand, Otfrid) stress the role of Christ, to attempt to refute the heresy and prove the orthodox view. At the end of the OHG period there is Notker the German (ca. 950-1022). The doctrine of the Holy Spirit is treated almost exclusively, as might be expected, in his commentary on the Psalms. Notker either uses the German geist to render the Latin Spiritus or he leaves the Latin term. Although his commentary treats the Psalms as an interchange between Christ and the Church, Notker seems to have a more complete understanding of the Holy Spirit's role than his German predecessors. Following orthodox

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teaching, he recognizes the divine attributes of the Spirit, the symbolic representations, and the activities among men. The Holy Spirit is viewed as vivifier, sanctifier, comforter, and teacher. He was given to the Church at Pentecost and is now present in the world through His gifts and fruits, to lead man to God. With the new beginning of German literature in the last half of the eleventh century, the significance of the Holy Spirit continues to increase, even though gradually. In Williram's paraphrase of the Song of Solomon (ca. 1060), for example, the Spirit (and the Father) still occupy only a minor role. His interpretation is strictly Christological. Nevertheless, Williram at least recognizes the Holy Spirit as the giver of His gifts, which enable man to appropriate the redemption accomplished by Christ, to withstand the evil in the world, to live a good life, and to understand the Scriptures. The Spirit is operative primarily through the Church; there is no direct, personal experience of Him and there is no attempt at a theological explanation of His nature. The Holy Spirit occurs in one other religious work of the late eleventh century: the Vienna Genesis (ca. 1070). Its author reveals the first signs of a more independent, speculative attitude by assigning to the Spirit a distinct, although subordinate, role in the creation of man. Otherwise, He is named only as the Spirit of life breathed into man and as the inspirator of the patriarch Joseph. After the turn of the twelfth century, vernacular religious poetry quickly reached a new zenith, primarily in Southwest Germany and in Austria. In keeping with a greater emphasis on the Holy Spirit in theology, the poets of this century seem to have a better understanding of the specific role of the third person of the Trinity in the world. The poet of the Vorau Ezzolied (ca. 1120), for instance, recognizes the importance of the Holy Spirit in man's obtaining eternal salvation. In the allegory of the sea of life, he views the Spirit as the wind, that is, the life-giving force behind man's salvation. The Milstatt Exodus (ca. 1120/30) is one of the first German works to pray for the Holy Spirit's assistance in the composition of a poem. This poet recognizes the Spirit as source of inspiration not only for the Biblical writers, but also for poets of his day. He also gives thanks to the Holy Spirit in the epilogue.

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Also at about this time, Frau Ava devotes a substantial part of her Leben Jesu (ca. 1120/30) to the discussion of the Spirit's seven gifts. In her moral-ascetic type of interpretation the gifts are viewed as practical helps given for the benefit of man. Frau Ava also deals with the Holy Spirit to some extent in her Johannes, where there is the occasional independent formulation. For example, the idea that John the Baptist overcame his carnal nature through the help of the Spirit seems to be new with her. The Vorauer Bücher Moses (ca. 1130/40) represent a distinct advance in the theology of the Holy Spirit in German literature. In these poems the approach is more speculative then before; in the Genesis the Trinity is designated by the Abelardian and Augustinian formulae, and these in turn paired off" with the three choirs of angels. In the Exodus the Spirit is interpreted as the person who helps man understand profound doctrines and leads him through the darkness of this world. In the Balaam there is an attempt to portray the unity as well as the plurality of the Trinity, something which had not been done before in medieval German literature. During the second quarter of the twelfth century several works dealing at least in part with the doctrine of the Holy Spirit were written. The longest and most important of these poems is Priester Arnold's Von der Siebenzahl (ca. 1130); Arnold pays particular homage to the Holy Spirit. In his view, the Spirit is the comforter, the consoler of man's fears. The gifts, which man receives at baptism, are the seven aids in a Christian's life. Well-versed in the Church's teaching on the Spirit, Priester Arnold seeks to understand the mystery and metaphysical nature of the doctrine. A moral interpretation of the doctrine of the Spirit is given by Der arme Hartmann in his Rede vom Glauben (ca. 1150). Hartmann is mainly concerned with practical piety and honest endeavor on the part of man, especially in his section on the Holy Spirit. He makes no attempt to comprehend the metaphysical structure of the dogma; he wants to instruct in Christian living and asceticism. Der arme Hartmann views the Spirit, whom he calls 'the best teacher', as man's helper and friend. This personal type of interpretation may have influenced the subsequent poets. Around the middle of the twelfth century, the Kaiserchronik (ca.

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1150/60) contains an interesting development in that here for the first time the votive mass of the Holy Spirit occurs. This mass reflects the belief that in some way spiritual or physical benefits were bestowed upon those who attended, and that attendance assured success in some venture. In the twelfth century the St. Trudperter Hohe Lied (ca. 1160) is probably the most important document relative to the doctrine of the Holy Spirit. While in Williram's work Christ was central, here the Spirit is. Known as goodness, love, mercy, and compassion, the Spirit is active in behalf of man and his ultimate salvation. He reconciles the soul with its creator and unites them in the unio mystica. The Holy Spirit is God in action: He advised and took part in the creation of man ; through His seven gifts He helped the Old Testament patriarchs and the Messiah; and in the present age He continues the redemptive ministry begun by Christ. The ΤH thus represents the first major advance in German literature for a mystical interpretation of the Spirit's role in the world. The Anegenge, also written about 1160/70, devotes a long section to a discussion of the Trinity. According to this poet, the primary role of the Holy Spirit was to advise the creation ; in fact, He was the moving cause behind all of creation. Furthermore, the Spirit is the source of all that is good, and He is particularly concerned about man's welfare. The Anegenge is interesting because this poet attempts again and again to understand the mystery of the Trinity, particularly of the Holy Spirit, but in the end he does not succeed. Recognizing the Holy Spirit's previous activity on behalf of man, Der wilde Mann in his Veronica, Girheit, and Christliche Lehre (ca. 1160/70) also prays that He may help him in this age. Der wilde Mann is quite independent, particularly in his long prologue in Veronica, where he cites a number of people who were apparently helped by the Spirit. This enumeration is unique in early M H G literature. The early M H G poets are familiar with the usual formulaic designations for the Holy Spirit. He is referred to in connection with the trinitarian baptismal formula, the Augustinian and Abelardian formulae of the Trinity, and the common Biblical titles. Similarly, they are familiar with the traditional symbols: the dove, fire, water,

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wind, the pledge, and clouds. They also teach that the Holy Spirit, like the Father and the Son, assumed an active role throughout the history of mankind. According to the German poets, it was the Spirit who advised the creation and participated in it. In the Old Testament He was the source of inspiration for the patriarchs and prophets, and in the New Testament He was active in the birth and life of Christ, and in the early disciples. Since His descent at Pentecost, the medieval poets assert repeatedly, the Holy Spirit continues the plan of redemption begun by Christ by regenerating, indwelling, sanctifying, guiding, and helping the believer.

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

GERMAN TEXTS AND SOURCES Adelbrecht, Priester, Johannes Baptista, Maurer, II, No. 37. Alber, Tundalus, ed. Albrecht Wagner (Erlangen, 1882). Alemannischer Glauben und Beichte, Steinmeyer, No. LVII. Anegenge, ed. Dietrich Neuschäfer (Medium Aevum, 8) (München, 1966). Arnold, Priester, Juliana, Maurer, III, No. 47. —, Loblied auf den heiligen Geist, Maurer, III, No. 48. Arnsteiner Marienlied, Maurer, I, No. 19. Ava, Frau, Johannes, Maurer, II, No. 40. —, Leben Jesu, Maurer, II, No. 41. Babylonische Gefangenschaft, Maurer, I, No. 17. Bamberger Glauben und Beichte, Steinmeyer, No. XXVIII. Baumgartenberger Johannes Baptista, Maurer, II, No. 27. Benediktbeurer Gebet zum Meßopfer, Maurer, II, No. 35. Benediktbeurer Glauben und Beichte I, Steinmeyer, No. LUI. Benediktbeurer Glauben und Beichte III, Steinmeyer, No. LX. Benediktbeurer Sammlung, Wilhelm, No. XXXII. Benediktinerregel, Steinmeyer, No. XXXVI. Bruchstück einer Beichte, Steinmeyer, No. XLVII. Deutung der Meßgebräuche, Maurer, II, No. 34. Engelberger Gebete, Wilhelm, No. XXX. Exhortatio ad plebem christianam, Steinmeyer, No. IX. Exodus, ed. Edgar Papp (Medium Aevum, 16) (München, 1968). Ezzolied, Maurer, I, No. 7. Fränkisches Taufgelöbnis, Steinmeyer, No. IV. Gebetbuch von Muri, Wilhelm, No. XXIX. Geistliche Ratschläge, Steinmeyer, No. XXXI. Genesis, ed. Viktor Dollmayr (ATB, 31) (Halle, 1932). Glossen, Die althochdeutschen, ed. Elias Steinmeyer and Eduard Siever, 5 vols. (Berlin, 1879-1922; reprint Zürich, 1969). Hartmann, Der arme, Rede vom Glauben, Maurer, II, No. 46. Heinrich, Litanei, Maurer, III, No. 51. Heinrich von Melk, Erinnerung an den Tod, Maurer, III, No. 53. —, Priesterleben, Maurer, III, No. 52. Heinrich von Veldeke, Servatius, ed. Theodor Frings and Gabriele Schieb

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(Halle, 1956). Heiland, ed. Otto Behagel, 8th ed. by Walther Mitzka ( A T B , 4) (Tübingen, 1965). Himmelreich, Maurer, I, No. 14. Himmlisches Jerusalem, Maurer, II, N o . 28. Hochzeit, Maurer, II, N o . 30. Idsteiner Sprüche der Väter, Maurer, I, N o . 2. Isidor, Der althochdeutsche, ed. Hans Eggers (ATB, 63) (Tübingen, 1964). Kaiserchronik, ed. Edward Schröder, Monumenta Germaniae Histórica: Deutsche Chroniken, vol. 1, part 1 (Hannover, 1892; reprint, Zürich 1964 and 1969). Kölner Morgensegen, Wilhelm, No. XXXI, 93-95. Konrad, Pfaffe, Rolandslied, ed. Carl Wesle, 2nd ed. by Peter Wapnewski (ATB, 69) (Tübingen, 1967). Konrad von Fussesbrunnen, Die Kindheit Jesu, ed. K. Kochendörffer (QF, 43) (Strassburg, 1881). Konrad von Heimesfurt, Mariae Himmelfahrt, ed. Franz Pfeiffer, ZfdA, 8 (1851), 156-200. Konrad von Würzburg, Die goldene Schmiede, ed. Wilhelm Grimm (Berlin, 1840). Lambrechter Meßgebete, Wilhelm, N o . XXXII. Lamprecht von Regensburg, Tochter Syon, ed. Karl Weinhold (Paderborn, 1880). Linzer Antichrist, Maurer, III, No. 54. Lorscher Beichte, Steinmeyer, N o . XLVI. Margareta (Prague Manuscript), ed. Karl Bartsch, Germania, 4 (1859), 440-471. — (Berlin Manuscript), ed. Joseph H a u p t ,ZfdA, 1 (1841), 151-193. Mariengrüsse, ed. Franz Pfeiffer, ZfdA, 8 (1851), 274-298. Mariensequenz aus Muri, Maurer, I, No. 20. Mechthild von Magdeburg, Das fliessende Licht der Gottheit, ed. P. G. Morel (Regensburg, 1869). Melker Marienlied, Maurer, I, No. 13. Milstätter Sündenklage, Maurer, II, N o . 27. Monseer Fragmente, ed. George A. Hench (Strassburg, 1890). Münchner Ausfahrtsegen, MSD, N o . XLVII, 3. Münchner Glauben und Beichte, Steinmeyer, No. LVI. Münchner Wundsegen, Wilhelm, N o . XXII. Murbacher Hymnen, ed. Eduard Sievers (Halle, 1874). Niederdeutscher Glauben, Steinmeyer, N o . LXI. Notker der Deutsche, Catechismus, MSD, N o . LXXIX. —, Werke, ed. H. Sehrt and Taylor Starck, 3 vols, in 7 (ATB, 32, 33, 34, 37, 40, 42, 43) (Halle, 1933-55). Orendel, ed. Hans Steinger (ATB, 36) (Halle, 1935). Otfrid von Weissenburg, Evangelienbuch, ed. Oskar Erdmann, 4th ed. by Ludwig Wolff (ATB, 49) (Tübingen, 1962). Otlohs Gebet, Steinmeyer, N o . XXXV. Pariser Wurmsegen, Wilhelm, N o . XVII. Paternoster, Maurer, I, No. 10. Physiologus, Der altdeutsche, ed. Friedrich Maurer (ATB, 67) (Tübingen, 1967). Pilatus, ed. Karl Wienhold, ZfdPh, 8 (1877), 253-288.

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Präler Steinbuch, Wilhelm, No. Χ. Rheinauer Sündenklage, Wilhelm, No. XXVII. Sächsisches Taufgelöbnis, Steinmeyer, No. III. Sancì Brandan, ed. Carl Schröder (Erlangen, 1871). St. Galler Glauben und Beichte 1-111, Steinmeyer, Nos. LIV, LV, and LVIII. St. Galler Paternoster und Credo, Steinmeyer, No. V. St. Trudperter Hohes Lied, ed. Hermann Menhardt, 2 vols. (Rheinische Beiträge und Hülfsbiicher zur germanischen Philologie und Volkskunde, 21 and 22) (Halle, 1934). Siebenzahl, Maurer, I, No. 11. Stricker, Die bisher unveröffentlichten geistlichen Bispelreden des Strickers, ed. Ute Schwab (Göttingen, 1959). Summa Theologiae, Maurer, I, No. 8. Tatian, ed. Eduard Sievers, 2nd ed. (Paderborn, 1892; reprint Darmstadt, 1961). Tobiassegen, MSD, No. XLVII, 4. Trierer Silvester, ed. Karl Kraus, Monumenta Germaniae Histórica: Deutsche Chroniken, vol 1, part 2 (Hannover, 1895). Ulrich von Türheim, Rennewart, ed. Arthur Hübner (DTM, 39) (Berlin, 1938). Upsalaer Frauengebete, Wilhelm, II, 173-177. Vorauer Bücher Moses, ed. Joseph Diemer, Deutsche Gedichte des elften und zwölften Jahrhunderts (Wien, 1849; reprint Darmstadt, 1968), No. I. Vorauer Gebet einer Frau, Maurer, III, No. 64. Vorauer Joseph, ed. Paul Piper, ZfdPh, 20 (1888), 257-289; 430-481. Vorauer Marienlob, Maurer, I, No. 12. Vorauer Sündenklage, Maurer, III, No 50. Walther von der Vogelweide, Die Gedichte, ed. Carl von Kraus, 12th ed. (Berlin, 1959). Weissenburger Katechismus, Steinmeyer, No. VI. Wernher vom Niederrhein, Die vier Schiven, Maurer, III, No. 56. Wernher, Priester, Maria, ed. Carl Wesle, 2nd ed. by Hans Fromm (ATB, 26) (Tübingen, 1969). Wessobrunner Gebet, Steinmeyer, No. II. Wessobrunner Glauben und Beichte I, Steinmeyer, No. XXVIII. Wessobrunner Glauben und Beichte II, Steinmeyer, No. LIX. Wilder Mann, Christliche Lehre, Maurer, III, No. 60. —, Girheit, Maurer, III, No. 59. —, Veronica, Maurer, III, No. 57. Williram, Expositio in Cantica Canticorum, ed. Erminnie H. Bartelmez (Philadelphia, 1967). Züricher Arzneibuch, Wilhelm, No. XXV. GERMAN HOMILETIC SOURCES Barack, Κ. Α., "Deutsche Predigten des XII. Jahrhunderts", Germania, 10 (1865), 464-473. Diefenbach, L., "Mitteldeutsche Predigtbruchstücke", Germania, 19 (1874), 305-314. Diemer, Joseph, "Deutsche Predigtentwürfe aus dem XIII. Jahrhundert",

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Germania, 3 (1859), 360-367. Grieshaber, Franz Κ., Ältere noch ungedruckte deutsche Sprachdenkmale religiösen Inhalts (Rastatt, 1842). —, Deutsche Predigten des 13. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. (Stuttgart, 1844-46). —, "Predigt-Bruchstücke aus dem XII. Jahrhundert", Germania, 1 (1856), 441-454. Haupt, Joseph, "Bruchstücke von Predigten", ZfdA, 23 (1879), 345-353. Haupt, Moriz and Heinrich Hoffmann, "Predigten und Predigtbruchstücke", Altdeutsche Blätter, 2 (1840), 32-40; 159-189; 376-382. Heidlauf, Felix, Lucidarius aus der Berliner Handschrift (DTM, 28) (Berlin, 1915). Hoffmann von Fallersleben, August H., "Predigten aus dem 10-13 Jahrhundert", in Hoffmann, I, 59-126. Jeitteles, Adalbert, "Mitteldeutsche Predigten", Germania, 17 (1872), 335-354. —, Altdeutsche Predigten aus dem Benediktinerstifte St.Paul in Kärnten (Innsbruck, 1878). —, "Predigt auf Johannes den Täufer", Germania, 35 (1890), 170-181. Leyser, Hermann, Deutsche Predigten des 13. und 14. Jahrhunderts ( B N L , 11,2) (Quedlinburg und Leipzig, 1838; reprint Darmstadt, 1970). PredigtMellbourn, Gert, Speculum Ecclesiae: Eine frühmittelhochdeutsche sammlung (Lunder Germanistische Forschungen, 12) (Lund, 1944). Mone, F. J., "Altteutsche Predigten", Anzeiger für Kunde der teutschen Vorzeit, 8 (1839), 409-433; 510-530. Nebert, R., "Eine alemannische Fronleichnamspredigt", ZfdPh, 34 (1902), 50-62. Pfeiffer, Franz, Deutsche Mystiker des vierzehnten Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. (Leipzig, 1845; reprint Aalen, 1962). —, "Drei Predigten aus dem XIII. Jahrhundert", Germania, 7 (1863), 330-350. —, Altdeutsches Uebungsbuch (Wien, 1866), 179-181; 182-190. Pfeiffer, Franz and Heinrich Strobl, Berthold von Regensburg: Vollständige Ausgabe seiner Predigten, 2 vols. (Wien, 1862-80; reprint Zürich, 1965). Polheim, K., "Schlägler Bruchstücke altdeutscher Predigten", Beiträge, 50 (1926), 18-60. Rieder, Karl, Der sogenannte St. Georgener Prediger {DTM, 10) (Berlin, 1908). Roth, Karl, Deutsche Predigten des XII. und XIII. Jahrhunderts (BNL, 11,1) (Quedlinburg und Leipzig, 1839). Schatz, J., "Bruchstücke einer bairischen Predigthandschrift des 12. Jahrhunderts", Beiträge, 52 (1928), 345-360. Schiffmann, Konrad, "Neue Predigthandschriften", ZfdPh, 34(1902), 127-131. —, "Bruchstücke einer Predigthandschrift", Beiträge, 64 (1940), 240-244. Schönbach, Anton E., " Ü b e r einige Breviaren von Sanct L a m b r e c h t " , Z f dA, 20 (1876), 129-197. —, "Predigten", WSB, 94 (1879), 187-232. —, "Weingartner Predigten", ZfdA, 28 (1884), 1-20. —, Altdeutsche Predigten, 3 vols. (Graz, 1886-91 ; reprint Darmstadt, 1964). Strauch, Philipp, "Altdeutsche Predigten", ZfdPh, 27 (1895), 148-209. —, "Alemannische Predigtbruchstücke", ZfdPh, 30 (1898), 186-225. Wackernagel, Wilhelm, Altdeutsche Predigten und Gebete aus Handschriften (Basel, 1876; reprint Hildesheim, 1964).

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Zacher, Julius, "Predigten auf die Fest- und Heiligentage", ZfdPh, 15 (1883), 257-269. LATIN HOMILETIC SOURCES Abelard, Peter, Introductio ad theologiam (MPL, 178), 979-1114. —, Theologia Christiana (MPL, 178), 1113-1330. Alcuin, Commentario in Apocalypsin (MPL, 100), 1085-1156. —, Commentarla in sancii Joannis Evangelium (MPL, 100), 733-1008. —, Compendium in Canticum Canticorum (MPL, 100), 639-666. Ambrose, Commentario in Epistolam ad Romaos (MPL, 17), 47-192. —, Epistolae (MPL, 16), 913-1342. —, Hexaemeron (MPL, 14), 133-288. Anselm of Canterbury, De divinitatis essentia monologium (MPL, 158), 141-224. —, De fide Trinitatis (MPL, 158), 259-284. —, De processione Spiritus sancii (MPL, 158), 285-326. Augustine, De doctrina Christiana (MPL, 34), 15-122. —, De Trinitate (MPL, 42), 819-1098. —, Enarrationes in Psalmos (MPL, v. 36), p.67-v.37, p. 1968. Bede, Commentario in Pentateuchem (MPL, 91), 189-394. Benedict of Aniane, Collectanea in Epistolam ad Romanos (MPL, 103), 9-128. Bernard of Clairvaux, Liber de diligendo Deo (MPL, 182), 973-1000. —, Sermones de tempore (MPL, 183), 35-360. Bruno Astensis, Expositio in Exodum (MPL, 164), 233-378. Cyril of Jerusalem, Catecheses (MPG, 33), 331-1060. Damiani, Peter, Collectanea in Vetus Testamentum (MPL, 145), 985-1176. Gregory the Great, XL homilarium in Evangelia (MPL, 76), 1075-1312. Guillelmus, Epositio in Epistolam ad Romanos (MPL, 180), 547-694. Haymo of Halberstadt, Commentarla in Isaiam (MPL, 116), 713-1086. —, Enarratio in Cantica Canticorum (MPL, 117), 295-358. —, Expositio in Apocalypsin (MPL, 117), 937-1220. —, Expositio in Epistolam ad Romanos (MPL, 117), 361-508. Hildebert of Tours, Sermones de sanctis (MPL, 171), 605-752. Hildefons of Toledo, Liber de cognitione baptismi (MPL, 96), 111-172. Hildegard of Bingen, Scivias (MPL, 197), 383-738. Honorius of Autun, Elucidarium (MPL, 172), 1109-1176. —, Scala coeli major (MPL, 172), 1229-1240. —, Speculum ecclesiae (MPL, 172), 807-1108. Hugo of St. Victor, De bestiis (MPL, 177), 9-164. —, De quinqué septenis seu septenariis (MPL, 175), 405-414. —, De Sacramentis (MPL, 176), 173-618. —, Quaestiones in Epistolam ad Romanos (MPL, 175), 431-514. —, Summa sententiarum (MPL, 176), 41-174. Isidore of Seville, De ortu et obitu patrum (MPL, 83), 129-156. —, Etymologarium (MPL, 82), 73-728. —, Liber numerorum (MPL, 83), 179-200. Jerome, Commentario in Ezechielem (MPL, 25), 15-490. John the Deacon, Sancii Gregorii magni vita (MPL, 75), 59-242.

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INDEX

Abelard, Peter, 28 Abelardian trinitarian formula, 28-29, 64, 67, 73, 74, 75, 105, 106, 108-109, 111, 119-126, 152, 207, 219-220, 223-228,230,232,237 Adelbrecht, Priester, Johannes Baptista, 82, 84,213 Alber, Tundalus, 140-141 Alcuin, 27, 53,81,87,207 Ambrose, 24,218,230 Anegenge, 117-126,142,220,245 Annunciation of Christ, 34, 48, 82-83, 125,133-134,163 Anselm of Canterbury, 22, 27 Apostles Creed, 20,40,41,42 Arnold, Priester Juliana, 136 Loblied auf den heiligen Geist (Siebenzahl), 136,190-213,244 Arnsteiner Marienlied, 145,162 Athanasian Creed, 37,40,41,42 Athanasius, 21,25 Augustine, 21-22, 24, 25, 26, 27, 54, 55, 56,78,90,157,184 Augustinian trinitarian formula, 2628, 73, 74, 104, 106, 108-109, 111, 119,216,222,225-228 Ava, Frau Johannes, 82-83, 84,244 Leben Jesu, 38, 85-89, 95, 96, 105111,191,198,244 Babylonische Gefangenschaft, 85 Bamberger Glauben und Beichte, 41-42 Baptism, 136, 138, 139, 145, 165, 193-

197, 208,209,218,233 Baptism of Christ, 23, 29, 33, 34, 49, 51, 52-53, 86,95, 102, 114,121, 123, 138, 169,170,203 Baptismal trinitarian formula, 48, 50, 191 Baptismal vows, 39-40 Basil the Great, 25,122 Baumgartenberger Johannes Baptista, 82, 84-85 Beatitudes, 24, 106-110, 111-114, 239 Bede, 53,102 Benediktbeurer Gebet zum Meßopfer, 148-149 Benediktbeurer Glauben und Beichte 111,42 Benediktbeurer Sammlung, 147-148 Benediktinerregel, 36-37,44 Bernard of Clairvaux, 22,27 Birth of Christ, 34, 160-161, 165, 209210 Bonaventura, 28 Bridegroom, Holy Spirit as, 224, 228, 231,240 Bruchstück einer Beichte, 37 Bruno Astensis, 34 Charisms of the Holy Spirit, 20,25-26, 60-61, 82,152 Chrisma, see Oil Chrysostom, 26 Clouds, Holy Spirit as, 33-34, 57 Conception of Christ, 40, 41, 42, 47, 48, 51, 52, 85-86,100, 134, 155, 163, 170,179,230-231,232

259

INDEX Confessions of faith, 39,40,41,241 Confessions of sin, 41-42,158-160 Counsel within Godhead, 35,117-118, 120-121,125,147,219-220 Creation, 19, 34, 35, 46, 63-66, 68-69, 73-74, 101-102, 117-119, 120-121, 124, 179, 202-203,219-221, 223, 240 Cyril of Jerusalem, 25,92 Damiani, Peter, 157 David von Augsburg, 27, 215,219 Deutung der Meßgebräuche, 126-128, 152 Dew of the Holy Spirit, 154, 155, 163 Double Procession, 21-22, 41, 42, 137 Dove, Holy Spirit as, 23,29-30, 34, 35, 49, 51, 52-53, 79-80, 83, 87, 95, 102, 114,122, 123, 138,156-157, 191-192 Engelberger Gebete, 147 Epilogue, 71-72, 84, 212-213, 239-240 Eusebius of Caesaria, 25 Exhortatio ad plebem christianum, 37, 42-43, 51 Exodus, 69-72, 84, 89, 139, 152, 178, 243 Ezzolied, 37, 65, 101-103, 104, 124, 243 Finger, Holy Spirit as, 216-217 Fire, Holy Spirit as, 30-31, 56, 96, 98, 107,132-133,154,155,200,216,233 Fränkisches Taufgelöbnis, 40 Fruits of the Holy Spirit, 20, 59, 167, 173,215 Gebetbuch von Muri, 146-147 Geistliche Ratschläge, 43 Genesis, 62-69, 73, 74,101,219,243 Gifts of the Holy Spirit, 18,19, 23-25, 34, 43, 44, 47, 59-60, 79, 81-82, 88, 101,105-111,111-114,114-117,132, 152, 160, 161, 174, 181, 182, 185, 186,193-196,198-201,203,206-207, 209, 221-223, 227, 235-240, 243 Glosses (OHG), 36,241 Gregory Nazianzen, 25 Gregory of Nyssa, 25 Gregory the Great, 22, 24, 54,156-157

Hand, Holy Spirit as, 225-226, 227, 228,229 Hartmann, Der arme, Rede vom Glauben, 159,176-189, 190,244 Haymo, 81, 82, 196,207 Heinrich, Litanei, 150-158, 162, 163, 211 Heinrich von Melk Erinnerung an den Tod, 128-131 Priesterleben, 128-130,157 Heinrich von Veldeke, Servatius, 143146,214 Heiland (.OS), 50-51, 52, 242 Hilary of Portiers, 23 Hildebert of Tours, 78 Hildefonsis of Toledo, 203 Hildegard of Bingen, 232 Himmelreich, 98-99 Himmlisches Jerusalem, 97-98 Hippolytus, 103 Hochzeit, 196-197 Honorius of Autun, 27, 29, 56-57, 78, 102, 105, 196,202, 208,216 Hugo of St. Victor, 27, 28, 32, 78, 103, 111, 118,119,216,219-220 Idsteiner Sprüche der Väter, 83 Inspiration, 57-58, 59, 70-71, 84, 85, 90, 91, 93, 140, 142, 152, 155, 163164,167, 168,172, 187, 192 Irenaeus, 21, 25, 228 Isidor (OHG), 45-47,161, 241,242 Isidore of Seville, 25,27,29, 30, 31,33, 45,47, 161,203,217 Jerome, 99, 126,157, 166,217 John the Baptist, 48,49, 51, 52, 83, 84, 85 Justin Martyr, 21, 23 Kaiserchronik, 138, 166-172, 244-245 Konrad, Pfaffe, Rolandslied, 172-174 Konrad von Fussesbrunnen, Die Kindheit Jesu, 93 Konrad von Heimesfurt, Mariae Himmelfahrt, 208 Konrad von Würzburg, Die goldene Schmiede, 134 Lambrechter Meßgebete,

148

260

INDEX

Lamprecht von Regensburg, Tochter Syon, 204 Linzer Antichrist, 99-100 Litanei, see Heinrich Lombard, Peter, 218 Lord's Prayer, 24, 40, 41, 111-114, 201,241 Lorscher Beichte, 42 Lucidarius (MHG), 28,204-205 Mandrake, Holy Spirit as, 229-230 Margaretelegende, 137-138 Mariengriisse, 174 Mariensequenz aus Muri, 162 Mary, 35, 99, 133-134, 140, 145, 146147, 154,-155, 160-165, 170, 208230-232,237 Mary Magdalene, 107, 117, 158, 183, 184 Mass, 126-128, 129-130, 146, 148-149, 209 Mechthild von Magdeburg, Das fliessende Licht der Gottheit, 220 Melker Marienlied, 161 Milstätter Sündenklage, 38, 158-159 Monseer Fragmente, 47-48 Mother, Holy Spirit as, 226, 227, 228, 229 Münchner Ausfahrtsegen, 43,192 Murbacher Hymnen, 36, 38, 45 Nicene Creed, 21,177 Notker Balbulus, 144,214 Notker the German, 41, 54-61, 128, 242-243 Number symbolism, 71, 72, 110-111, 114, 117, 140, 144, 179, 180-181, 197-198, 199, 201-202, 205-206, 212 Oil, Holy Spirit as, 32-33, 56-57, 95, 99, 134, 138, 203-205, 209-210, 217 Oleum, see Oil Orendel, 174-175 Origen, 21 Otfrid von Weissenburg, Evangelienbuch, 51-54,200,242 Otloh, 43,105 Paraclete, Holy Spirit as, 50, 51, 53, 54, 59, 70, 88, 96, 99, 150, 152, 170,

215 Paternoster, 111-114 Patriarchs, 43,112-114,221-222 Pentecost, Day of, 30, 34, 58, 71, 80, 88-89, 96, 106, 145, 165, 191-192, 200 Physiologus, 165-166 Pilatus, 139-140 Pledge, Holy Spirit as, 57, 80 Poculum, Holy Spirit as, 57 Prayers, 43-44, 158-160. See also Prologue. Prologue, 69-71, 79, 89-95, 117, 139140,141-142,143-145,177-179,191198,215-223 Prophets, 57-58, 84-85,93,129,167 Rhabanus Maurus, 27, 33-34, 57,184, 217 Rheinauer Sündenklage, 160 Richard of St. Victor, 31,78 Rolandslied, see Konrad, Pfaffe Rupert of Deutz, 22, 33, 76, 111, 196, 203,207, 217,218,230 Sächsisches Taufgelöbnis, 39-40 Sanct Brandan, 91,141-143 St. Galler Paternoster, 37, 38,40 St. Georgener Prediger, 27, 28-29, 31, 32,33 St. Trudperter Hohes Lied, 87, 106, 107,108,116,152,196,214-240,245 Seven stages of Christ's life, 111-114, 222 Shade, Holy Spirit as, 57, 127-128, 146-147,233-234 Siebenzahl, 114-117 Strieker, Vom heiligen Geist, 30-31, 32 Summa Theologiae, 103-105 Tatian, 48-50, 51, 52, 53, 54, 241-242 Temptation of Christ, 49,53, 86 Tertullian, 21,25 Thomas Aquinas, 22,28 Tobiassegen, 43-44,192 Tongues of fire, 34,35, 56,165,191 Trierer Silvester, 138-139,157 Trinity, 18, 26-29, 34-35, 39-42, 44, 45-47, 62-65, 73-75, 77-78, 102,103,

INDEX 104-105,119-126,149,158-159,168, 169-170,171,223-230 Ulrich von Türheim, Rennewart, 211212 Unet io, see Oil Unió mystica, 214, 218, 222-223, 224, 225,240 Upsalaer Frauengebete, 146 Victorinus o f P e t t a u , 195-196 Vorauer Bücher Moses, 65, 72-79, 87, 104,105,126,149,244 Vorauer Gebet einer Frau, 150 Vorauer Marienlob, 160-161,165 Vorauer Sündenklage, 142,159-160 Votive mass of the Holy Spirit, 143, 168,169,171-172

261

Walther von der Vogelweide, 125-126, 144 Water, Holy Spirit as, 31-32, 49-50, 54-56, 80,107, 154,163,233 Weissenburger Katechismus, 37, 40-41 Werner of St. Blasien, 209-210,230 Werner vom Niederrhein, Die vier Schiven, 82 Wernher, Priester, Maria, 38, 162-165 Wilder Mann Christliche Lehre, 131, 133-135, 245 Girheit, 131-133,245 Veronica, 85, 89-96, 138, 142, 150, 245 William of Conches, 28 Wind, Holy Spirit as, 32, 56, 102-103, 243 Williram, Expositio in Cantica Canticorum, 79-82, 123, 214, 240, 243, 245

STUDIES IN GERMAN LITERATURE I.

Lloyd Warren Wedberg: The Theme of Loneliness in Theodor Storm's Novellen. 1964. 166 pp. f. 24.—

4.

Valters Nollendorfs: Der Streit um den Urfaust. 1967. 304 pp. f. 48.—

5. Jeffrey L. Sammons: The Nachtwachen von Bonaventura. A structural Interpretation. 1965. 128 pp. Cloth. f. 24.— 6. William Samelson: Gerhart Hermann Mostar: A Critical Profile. 1966. 274 pp. Cloth. f. 39.— 7.

Roger L. Cole: The Ethical Foundations of Rudolf Bindings' "Gentleman"-Concept. 1966. 166 pp. f. 24.—

8.

Michael M. Metzger: Lessing and the Language of Comedy. 1966. 248 pp. Cloth. f. 39.—

9. Josef Thanner: Die Stilistik Theodor Fontanes: Untersuchungen zur Erhellung des Begriffes "Realismus" in der Literatur. 1967. 160 pp. f. 26.— 10. Albert R. Schmitt: Herder und Amerika. 1967. 186 pp. f. 32.— II. Gerhardt Edward Steinke : The Life and Work of Hugo Ball, Founder of Dadaism. 1967. 243 pp. f. 32.— 12. Roger A. Nicholls: The Dramas of Christian Dietrich Grabbe. 1969. 268 pp. f. 42.—

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