The History of the 'Slave of Christ': From Jewish Child to Christian Martyr 9781463205737, 1463205732

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The History of the ‘Slave of Christ’

Persian Martyr Acts in Syriac: Text and Translation 6 Series Editor Adam H. Becker

Persian Martyr Acts in Syriac is a series of Syriac martyrological texts composed from the fourth century into the Islamic period. They detail the martyrdom of a diversity of Christians at the hands of Sasanian kings, bureaucrats, and priests. These documents vary from purely mythological accounts to descriptions of actual events with a clear historical basis, however distorted by the hagiographer’s hand.   Series Editor: Adam H. Becker (New York University)

The History of the ‘Slave of Christ’

From Jewish Child to Christian Martyr

Edited and Translated by

Aaron Michael Butts Simcha Gross

gp 2016

Gorgias Press LLC, 954 River Road, Piscataway, NJ, 08854, USA www.gorgiaspress.com Copyright © 2016 by Gorgias Press LLC

All rights reserved under International and Pan-American Copyright Conventions. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording, scanning or otherwise without the prior written permission of Gorgias Press LLC. ‫ܝܐ‬

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2016

ISBN 978-1-4632-0573-7

ISSN 1941-871X

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A Cataloging-in-Publication Record is Available from the Library of Congress Printed in the United States of America

For the people of Sinjar, past and present

TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements ................................................................................vii  Abbreviations ........................................................................................... ix  Introduction .............................................................................................. 1  Synopsis ................................................................................................ 9  Syriac Manuscript Witnesses ...........................................................12  Versions: Arabic, Armenian, and Georgian ..................................18  Syriac Recensions ..............................................................................22  Development of the Syriac Text .....................................................28  Shigar ...................................................................................................30  Etiology of Cult Sites ........................................................................33  Date of Composition: ca. 650–ca. 850 ...........................................34  The Name ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā .............................................................37  Child Martyrs .....................................................................................38  Use of the Old Testament ...............................................................43  Jews around Shigar ............................................................................45  Jews in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā ..............................................50  Legend of the Judenknaben ................................................................62  The ‘Why’ Question ..........................................................................69  Syriac Recension α .................................................................................81  Syriac Recension β .............................................................................. 167  Bibliography ......................................................................................... 221  Index of Modern Scholars ................................................................. 241  Index of Biblical References .............................................................. 247  Index of Subjects ................................................................................. 251  Index of Manuscripts (Syriac and Arabic) ....................................... 255 

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS We would like to thank a number of people for contributing to this book in various ways: Leah Comeau, Sidney Griffith, Christine Hayes, Geoffrey Herman, Richard Kalmin, George Kiraz, Adam McCollum, Sergey Minov, Yakir Paz, Annette Reed, Jeffrey Rubenstein, Kyle Smith, Columba Stewart, Jack Tannous, and Robin Darling Young. Lucas Van Rompay deserves particular thanks for his insightful comments on a draft of the entire book. We are also grateful to the Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate, and specifically Fr. Joseph Bali (Patriarchal Secretary), for providing images of ms. Damascus, Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate 12/18. We extend special thanks to Stefan Hagel for his support with Classical Text Editor (CTE), with which the text and translation portion of this book have been prepared. We also thank Melonie Schmierer-Lee for her help preparing and formatting the manuscript and Melissa Sung for designing the cover. We have presented papers on portions of this book at a panel entitled “Contextualizing Babylonian Judaism through the Syriac Persian Martyr Acts,” at the 46th Annual Conference of the Association for Jewish Studies (Dec. 14–16, 2014); at the VIIth North American Syriac Symposium (hosted at the Catholic University of America, June 21–24, 2015); and at the Philadelphia Seminar on Christian Origins (PSCO) on “Beyond ‘Greco-Roman Context’: Persian & Other Perspectives on Judaism & Christianity” (hosted at the University of Pennsylvania, Oct. 1, 2015). We would like to thank each of these audiences for their many helpful suggestions. Finally, we are particularly grateful to Adam Becker, who as series editor not only provided generous comments on the introduction, texts, and translations in this book but who also as a friend and colleague served as a productive conversation partner as we refined many of the ideas presented here. vii

ABBREVIATIONS Syriac Witnesses B C D L M N

P. Bedjan, Acta martyrum et sanctorum (Paris—Leipzig, 1890– 1897), vol. 1, 173–201. (edition based on C) J. Corluy, “Acta sancti Mar Abdu’l Masich, aramaice et latine, edidit nunc primum ex cod. Londinensi (Addit. mss. 12174),” AB 5 (1886), 5–52. (editio princeps of L) ms. Damascus, Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate 12/18, ff. 128r–132r. ms. London, British Library Add. 12,174, ff. 316r–322r. ms. Mardin, Church of the Forty Martyrs 268, p. 489–523. ms. London, British Library Add. 17,267, ff. 53v–61r.

Rabbinic Texts The following abbreviations and editions are used for the citation of rabbinic texts: b. t. y.

Babylonian Talmud, cited according to the Vilna edition (1880–1886), unless noted otherwise. Tosefta, cited according to S. Lieberman, The Tosefta (5 vol.; Jerusalem, 1955–1988); M. S. Zuckermandel, Tosefta, Based on the Venice and Vienna Codices (Jerusalem, 1970). Palestinian Talmud, cited according to Y. Sussman, Talmud Yeruhalmi: Yotze le-or al-pi ketav yad skliger 3 (Or. 4720) (Jerusalem, 2005).

The following abbreviations are used for specific tractates: Ber. Ket. Ned. Qid.

Berakhot Ketubbot Nedarim Qiddushin

San. Soṭ. Yeb.

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Sanhedrin Soṭah Yebamoth

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Biblical Books HEBREW BIBLE / OLD TESTAMENT Gn Genesis Ex Exodus Lv Leviticus Nm Numbers Dt Deuteronomy Josh Joshua Jdg Judges Ruth Ruth 1Sm 1 Samuel 2Sm 2 Samuel 1Kgs 1 Kings 2Kgs 2 Kings 1Chr 1 Chronicles 2Chr 2 Chronicles Ezra Ezra Neh Nehemiah Esth Esther Job Job Ps Psalms Pr Proverbs

Ec Song Is Jr Lam Ezk Dn Hos Joel Amos Ob Jon Mic Nah Hab Zeph Hag Zech Mal

Ecclesiastes Song of Solomon Isaiah Jeremiah Lamentations Ezekiel Daniel Hosea Joel Amos Obadiah Jonah Micah Nahum Habakkuk Zephaniah Haggai Zechariah Malachi

NEW TESTAMENT Mt Matthew Mark Mark Lk Luke John Jn Acts Acts Romans Rom 1 Corinthians 1Cor 2 Corinthians 2Cor Galatians Gal Ephesians Eph Philippians Phil Colossians Col 1 Thessalonians 1Th 2 Thessalonians 2Th

1Ti 2Ti Tit Phm Heb Jm 1Pt 2Pt 1Jn 2Jn 3Jn Jude Rev

1 Timothy 2 Timothy Titus Philemon Hebrews James 1 Peter 2 Peter 1 John 2 John 3 John Jude Revelation

ABBREVIATIONS

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Journals, Series, and Reference Works AB BHO BO CH CSCO CSS EALL EI2 EIr GECS GEDSH HCMR HUCA Hugoye JA JAOS JARCE JCSSS JECS JJS JLA JNES JQR JSAI JSS JTS LCL LSAWS OC OCP OLA OLP OS

Analecta Bollandiana Bibliotheca Hagiographica Orientalis Bibliotheca Orientalis Church History Corpus Scriptorum Christianorum Orientalium Cistercian Studies Series K. Versteegh (ed.), Encyclopedia of Arabic Language and Linguistics (Leiden, 2005–2009) Encyclopaedia of Islam (2nd ed.) Encyclopaedia Iranica Gorgias Eastern Christian Studies S. P. Brock, A. M. Butts, G. A. Kiraz, L. Van Rompay (eds.), Gorgias Encyclopedic Dictionary of the Syriac Heritage (Piscataway, 2011) History of Christian-Muslim Relations Hebrew Union College Annual Hugoye: Journal of Syriac Studies Journal asiatique Journal of the American Oriental Society Journal of the American Research Center in Egypt Journal of the Canadian Society for Syriac Studies Journal of Early Christian Studies Journal of Jewish Studies Journal of Late Antiquity Journal of Near Eastern Studies Jewish Quarterly Review Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam Journal of Semitic Studies Journal of Theological Studies The Loeb Classical Library Linguistic Studies in Ancient West Semitic Oriens Christianus Orientalia Christiana Periodica Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta Orientalia Lovaniensia Periodica L’orient syrien

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PMAS PO PS ROC SC SPAW TTH ZNW

Persian Martyr Acts in Syriac: Text and Translation Patrologia Orientalis Patrologia Syriaca Revue de l’orient chrétien Sources chrétiennes Sitzungsberichte der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften Translated Texts for Historians Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft und die Kunde des Urchristentums

INTRODUCTION ‘Being killed is an event. Martyrdom is a literary form, a genre.’ D. Boyarin1 ‘[T]he Judaism opposed in the writings of the [Church] fathers was not a living Judaism connected to Jewish contemporaries, but a symbolic Judaism which served a vital function in the formation of Christian identity.’ M. S. Taylor2 The History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā narrates the story of a Jewish child, Asher, who after converting to Christianity and taking the name ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā (‘slave of Christ’) is martyred by his father Levi in a scene reminiscent of Abraham’s offering of Isaac in Genesis 22. Like many Syriac texts, this fascinating martyrdom account has not yet received the attention it deserves.3 In addition, most, if not all, D. Boyarin, Dying for God: Martyrdom and the Making of Christianity and Judaism (Stanford, 1999), 116. 2 M. S. Taylor, Anti-Judaism and Early Christian Identity: A Critique of the Scholarly Consensus (Leiden, 1995), 5. 3 Apart from the editions of the Syriac text and of its various versions in other languages, which are outlined below (pp. 12–28), the only articlelength study devoted to the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is J.-M. Fiey, “Encore ʿAbdulmasih de Singar,” Le Muséon 77 (1964), 205–223, which is updated in J.-M. Fiey (ed. L. Conrad), Saints syriauqes (Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 6; Princeton, 2004), 19–21. Briefer treatments can be found, inter alia, in R. Gottheil, “Asher ben Levi,” in C. Adler et al. (eds.), The Jewish Encyclopedia (New York, 1901–1906), vol. 2, 183–184; C. Sahner, “Old Martyrs, New Martyrs, and the Coming of Islam: Writing Hagiography after the Conquests,” in A. Izdebski and D. Jasiński (eds.), Cultures in Motion: Studies in the Medieval and Early Modern Periods (Krakow, 2014), 110. 1

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previously published studies on the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā have adopted an outdated methodological approach that has been increasingly problematized over the last several decades as scholars of ancient Christianity and Judaism have developed more critical and nuanced ways of reading ancient texts. The two methodological advances that are most important for our analysis of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā relate to the study of martyrdom accounts and the study of Christian anti-Jewish polemic. The study of martyrdom accounts—and hagiography more broadly—has seen significant advances in methodology over the last several decades. No longer do scholars blindly trust the historicity of these texts. Nor do they resort solely to mining them for potential historical data. Rather, scholars now assume that many, if not most, martyrdom accounts are first and foremost works of literature that served various purposes, such as negotiating issues of identity or providing an ideological response to ruling powers.4 This development in the study of martyrdom These are just two examples. For the latter, see E. Castelli, Martyrdom and Memory: Early Christian Culture Making (New York, 2004); for the former, see J. Leemans (ed.), More than a Memory: The Discourse of Martyrdom and the Construction of Christian Identity in the History of Christianity (Louvain, 2005). The field of Syriac studies has been slow to embrace this development. To take just one example, Payne argues in a recent book that the Martyrdom and the History of Simeon bar Ṣabbāʿē share a common source (the Syriac texts were originally edited with a Latin translation in M. Kmosko, S. Simeon bar Sabbaʿe [PS I.2; Paris, 1907]; an English translation has recently appeared in K. Smith, The Martyrdom and the History of Blessed Simeon bar Ṣabbāʿē [PMAS 3; Piscataway, 2014]), and he goes on to claim that “[d]etails that these two texts share therefore can be accepted as historical ” (R. E. Payne, A state of mixture: Christians, Zoroastrians, and Iranian political culture in late Antiquity [Oakland, 2015], 40 [our italics]). Even if these texts share a common source, which it should be noted may not be the case (see K. Smith, “Constantine and Judah the Maccabee: History and Memory in the Acts of the Persian Martyrs,” JCSSS 12 [2012], 16–33; idem, Constantine and the Captive Christians of Persia: Martyrdom and Religious Identity in Late Antiquity [Berkley, 2016], 110–111; and especially idem, The Martyrdom and the History of Blessed Simeon bar Ṣabbāʿē, xvii–l), this common source would not simply be historical, as Payne asserts; rather, it would itself be a martyrdom account, that is, a work of literature with its own agenda. Within Syriac studies, more-methodologically-advanced 4

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accounts, which is captured by the often-cited quotation by Boyarin given above, has shifted scholarly focus away from the purported event described in a text to the text itself. To apply what Boyarin has said in another place about a different literary corpus, martyrdom accounts “are necessarily evidence for the time and place in which they have come into being as texts and not necessarily for the time and place of which they tell us. That is, they may be evidence for earlier times but are certainly evidence that something was being thought or said at the time that the text was promulgated.”5 Boyarin is writing here about rabbinic texts, but in our view this can—and should—be applied to Christian martyrdom accounts as well. This methodological approach can inform how we read a Syriac martyrdom account such as the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. This text is set in 390 CE in the town of Shigar in the north-west reaches of the Sasanian Empire. In one of the few studies of the text, Fiey devoted several pages to the question of when the events in this text transpired.6 For Fiey, the events narrated in the text took place after the late fourth century, when the text is set, but he has no doubt—and this is important—that they actually occurred.7 Thus, Fiey concerns himself with identifying a plausible historical context for the events narrated in the text. He begins by proposing a terminus ante quem of 627 based on the fact that the story is said to have taken place during Sasanian rule, which Fiey argues ended by approaches to martyrdom accounts can be found in J. Walker, Narrative and Christian Heroism in Late Antique Iraq: The Legend of Mar Qardagh the Assyrian (Berkeley, 2006); A. Becker, “Martyrdom, Religious Difference, and ‘Fear’ as a Category of Piety in the Sasanian Empire: The Case of the Martyrdom of Gregory and the Martyrdom of Yazdpaneh,” JLA 2 (2009), 300– 336; Smith, “Constantine and Judah the Maccabee”; idem, The Martyrdom and the History of Blessed Simeon bar Ṣabbāʿē; idem, Constantine and the Captive Christians of Persia; P. Wood, Chronicle of Seert: Christian Historical Imagination in Late Antique Iraq (Oxford, 2013), 31–65. 5 D. Boyarin, Border Lines. The Partition of Judaeo-Christianity (Philadelphia, 2004), 46. Italics are Boyarin’s. 6 Fiey, “Encore ʿAbdulmasih de Singar,” 215–223. 7 In the conclusion of his study, Fiey writes, “Qu’il se soit vraiment passé, ne semble faire aucun doute” (“Encore ʿAbdulmasīḥ de Sinğār,” 223).

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627 for the Shigar area. A terminus post quem, he says, is more difficult to establish, but it can be set at around 590 based on the fact that the text mentions a bishop and a monastery in the Shigar area, the latter of which Fiey argues first appeared at the end of the sixth century. Thus, Fiey dates the purported killing of ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā to sometime around 590–627. He even goes on to narrow the date further proposing October of 598 as the most likely time for ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s death! Fiey’s approach to contextualizing the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is fundamentally flawed in our view. His concern is dating the event. Though he rejects the dating found in the text as ahistorical, he proceeds to seek out a historical kernel in the text. For him, it is this historical kernel that actually occurred, and therefore it is this kernel that can be dated by finding a time that could “satisfaire aux necessitiés du contexte historique” (p. 223). It should be noted that this type of positivistic historiography is not limited to scholars of past generations, like Fiey, but can be found in more recent scholarship as well.8 In a recent article (2014), for instance, Sahner has written, “A good example [of the transmission of a martyrdom account into Arabic] is the Syriac life of ʿAbd al-Masīḥ of Sinjār, who died in 389, and whose vita is thought to have been written in the eighth century and later translated into Arabic.”9 Sahner— correctly in our view—distinguishes the event of martyrdom from the event of writing a martyrdom account. Sahner does not, however, question that ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā actually died at the end of the fourth century.10

By positivistic, we mean a mode of scholarship whose “assumption is that once the impossible or contradicted has been excised, the texts do, indeed, speak truth” (Boyarin, Border Lines, 46). 9 Sahner, “Old Martyrs, New Martyrs, and the Coming of Islam,” 110. It should be noted that the text claims to narrate events that occurred in 390 and not 389, as Sahner has it: the beginning of the text indeed only states year 701 according to the Greeks, which could be either 389 or 390, but the end of the text adds the month of Tamuz, which can only be 390. 10 Sahner’s methodology is implicit here, but he is explicit about this elsewhere: In a recent article, he writes, “I believe that a great many martyrologies can be read as stylized accounts of what were, in most cases, actual events” (C. Sahner, “Swimming against the Current: Muslim 8

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In contrast to Fiey, Sahner, and many others, and more in line with Boyarin’s proposal mentioned above, our concern is with the text itself. That is, we do not read the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā as a document attesting to a historical event, but as a literary composition written in a particular time and place.11 This approach reorients the focus away from the purported death of ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā toward the composition of the martyrdom account. That this is the approach best suited for this particular text will become clear in the course of this introduction. Another relatively recent development in the study of texts from Late Antiquity concerns how we are to read Christian antiJewish polemic.12 Following the publication of M. Simon’s Verus Israel, scholars tended to see Christian anti-Jewish polemic as reflecting a social reality in which Christians were in conflict with Jews.13 This ‘conflict model’, as it was termed by Taylor, describes a school of scholarship that interprets (negative) rhetoric as straightforward proof of the existence of the (hostile) ‘other’.14 Recent work has, however, been more cautious in positing a social reality based on rhetoric. In particular, a number of scholars have argued that some Christian texts construct an imagined Jew for any number of purposes but perhaps most often to negotiate internal issues of identity.15 Thus, at least some Christian anti-Jewish polemic does not have a real Jew standing behind it. This is not Conversion to Christianity in the Early Islamic Period,” JAOS 136 [2016], 265–284, at 268). 11 Note that already Gottheil at the beginning of the twentieth century presented the text as “legendary” in his brief remarks (Gottheil, “Asher ben Levi,” 183–184). 12 See the insightful discussion in D. Brakke, “The Early Church in North America: Late Antiquity, Theory, and the History of Christianity,” CH 71 (2002), 486–490. 13 M. Simon (trans. H. McKeating), Verus Israel. A Study of Relations between Christians and Jews in the Roman Empire (135–425) (Oxford, 1986). For examples, see N. R. M. De Lange, Origen and the Jews: Studies in JewishChristian relations in third-century Palestine (Cambridge, 1976) and R. L. Wilken, John Chrysostom and the Jews: Rhetoric and reality in the late 4th century (Berkeley, 1983). 14 Taylor, Anti-Judaism and Early Christian Identity. 15 See, again, Taylor, Anti-Judaism and Early Christian Identity.

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necessarily the case for all examples of Christian anti-Jewish polemic, but scholars are now more nuanced in using rhetoric to reconstruct a social reality.16 Here too this methodological development can inform our reading of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. Previous scholarship has used this text as proof for the interaction of Christians and Jews (as well as Zoroastrians) in the area around Shigar at the time of its composition. The entry on Shigar in the Encyclopaedia of Islam (2nd ed.), for instance, cites the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā (in its Arabic translation, no less) as proof of “a mixed Christian, Zoroastrian, and Jewish population” in this area in the sixth century.17 Similarly, Morony uses the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā as evidence for the existence of a Jewish community in Shigar as well as for its “intercommunal segregation.”18 No attention is paid in either case to how the rhetoric of the text relates to social reality; rather, these scholars naively—from our point of view—assume that the rhetoric reflects reality. It is of course possible that the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā depicts real Jewish practice as lived in Shigar. If this proves to be the case, then the text is an invaluable source of information on Jews and their interaction with Christians in Shigar and east of the Roman Empire more broadly. It is, however, also possible that the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā has constructed an imagined Jew for some other purpose. If this proves to be the case, then the text cannot be used as evidence in the same way. In this introduction, we will argue that the latter is in fact the case, and that the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā has constructed an imagined Jew based on the Hebrew Bible. This point is particularly important since the past several years have seen a renewed interest in using Syriac texts—and in particular the Syriac Persian Martyr Acts—to contextualize Again, Syriac studies has been slow to embrace this methodology, with most scholars moving uncritically from anti-Jewish polemic to conflict between Syriac Christians and Jews; for exceptions, however, see fn. 231 below. 17 C. P. Haase, “Sindjār,” in EI2, vol. 8, 643. Haase’s sixth-century date presumably derives from Fiey’s proposed dating of the actual event of martyrdom, which we discussed above. 18 M. Morony, Iraq after the Muslim Conquest (Princeton, 1984), 307 and 314, respectively. 16

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Babylonian Judaism and especially the Babylonian Talmud.19 Among the Syriac Persian Martyr Acts the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā stands out in the degree to which it deals with Jews.20 If this text See, e.g., M. Bar-Asher Siegal, Early Christian Monastic Literature and the Babylonian Talmud (New York, 2013); A. Becker, “Bringing the Heavenly Academy Down to Earth: Approaches to the Imagery of Divine Pedagogy in the East-Syrian Tradition,” in R. Boustan and A. Y. Reed (eds.), Heavenly Realms and Earthly Realities in Late Antique Religions (Cambridge, 2004), 174–191; idem, “The Comparative Study of ‘Scholasticism’ in Late Antique Mesopotamia: Rabbis and East Syrians,” AJS Review 34 (2010), 91–113; idem, “Polishing the Mirror: Some Thoughts on Syriac Sources and Early Judaism,” in R. Boustan et al. (eds.), Envisioning Judaism: Studies in Honor of Peter Schäfer on the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday (Tübingen, 2013), vol. 2, 897–916; G. Herman, A Prince without a Kingdom: The Exilarch in the Sasanian Era (Tübingen, 2012); R. Kiperwasser and S. Ruzer, “Zoroastrian Proselytes in Rabbinic and Syriac Christian Narratives: Orality-Related Markers of Cultural Identity,” History of Religions 51 (2011), 197–218; eidem, “To Convert a Persian and Teach him the Holy Scriptures: A Zoroastrian Proselyte in Rabbinic and Syriac Christian Narratives,” in G. Herman (ed.), Jews, Christians and Zoroastrians: Religious Dynamics in a Sasanian Context (Piscataway, 2014), 91–127; N. Koltun-Fromm, Hermeneutics of Holiness: Ancient Jewish and Christian Notions of Sexuality and Religious Community (Oxford, 2010); Y. Paz and Tz. Weiss, “From Encoding to Decoding: The AṬBḤ of R. Hiyya in Light of a Syriac, Greek and Coptic Cipher,” JNES 74 (2015), 45–65; J. Rubenstein, “A Rabbinic Translation of Relics,” in K. Stratton and A. Lieber (eds.), Ambiguities, Complexities and Half-Forgotten Adversaries: Crossing Boundaries in Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity (forthcoming); C. Shepardson, “Interpreting the Ninevites’ Repentance: Jewish and Christian Exegetes in Late Antique Mesopotamia,” Hugoye 14 (2011), 249–277. For an earlier but influential contribution, see Sh. Naeh, “Freedom and Celibacy: A Talmudic Variation on Tales of Temptation and Fall in Genesis and its Syriac Background,” in J. Frishman and L. Van Rompay (eds.), The Book of Genesis in Jewish and Oriental Christian Interpretation (Louvain, 1997), 73–89. 20 Jews do not appear frequently or prominently in other Syriac Persian Martyr Acts; they are not, however, entirely absent. One of the more common tropes involving Jews in these texts is that of Jews serving as the catalyst for the persecution of Christians. In both the Martyrdom (13) and the History (12–15) of Shemʿon bar Ṣabbāʿē, for instance, it is the Jews who accuse the Christians of being in league with Caesar and thus 19

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has in fact constructed an imagined Jew, as we will argue, it does not mean that there were no interactions between Jews and Christians in the area around Shigar at the time when the text was composed. It does, however, at least raise doubts about the degrees of interactions, and these doubts may encourage us to explore other ways in which Syriac sources can be used to contextualize (Babylonian) Judaism.21 provoke the persecution (for the edition and translations of these texts, see fn. 4 above). It should be noted that this trope is not limited to Syriac texts but occurs throughout Christian martyrdom literature (see J. Lieu, “Accusations of Jewish Persecution in Early Christian Sources, with Particular Reference to Justin Martyr and the Martyrdom of Polycarp,” in G. Stanton and G. Stroumsa [eds.], Tolerance and Intolerance in Early Judaism and Christianity [Cambridge, 1998], 239–295; C. Moss, The Other Christs. Imitating Jesus in Ancient Christian Ideologies of Martyrdom [Oxford, 2010], 45– 73). 21 Most studies that have attempted to contextualize Babylonian Judaism with Syriac texts have looked for direct parallels between the two corpora. This is not, however, the only possible approach, and it may not in the end be the most fruitful one. An alternative approach seeks to triangulate how Syriac Christians and Babylonian Jews (as well as other communities) responded to the same organizational structures and forces of the Sasanian Empire (Becker, “Polishing the Mirror”). This approach does not look for influence or depend on interaction between Syriac Christians and Babylonian Jews, but rather in this approach the two groups serve as foils for one another, enabling scholars to find meaning among dissimilarities as well as similarities. Becker has used this methodology in analyzing the East Syriac School of Nisibis and the Babylonian Yeshivot (Becker, “The Comparative Study of ‘Scholasticism’ in Late Antique Mesopotamia;” idem, “Bringing the Heavenly Academy Down to Earth”). Scholars of the Babylonian Talmud have accepted and regularly rely on this comparison (see, for instance, J. Rubenstein, The Culture of the Babylonian Talmud [Baltimore, 2007], 35–37; R. Kalmin, Jewish Babylonia between Persia and Roman Palestine [Oxford, 2006], 3–4; D. Boyarin, “Hellenism in Jewish Babylonia,” in The Cambridge Companion to the Talmud and Rabbinic Literature [Cambridge, 2007], 336–363). For a similar methodology with the Jewish resh galuta and the East Syriac catholicos, see Herman, A Prince without a Kingdom. For an overview of the methods that scholars have used to contextualize Babylonian Judaism with Syriac Christian texts, see S. Gross, “Irano-Talmudica and Beyond: Next Steps in

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SYNOPSIS22 1 Levi, a Jewish shepherd, has many sons to whom he entrusts his flocks. His youngest son is Asher, who is the protagonist of the story. Asher, along with Christians and Magi, meet at a watering place periodically to water their flocks. Each group eats separately from one another, and Asher, who has no Jewish friends there, wishes to eat with the Christian children. They, however, refuse, because Asher is a Jew, and they will only eat with fellow Christians. 2 One day Asher beseeches the Christian children to allow him to eat with them. The Christians explain that he must be baptized to eat with them, but they lack the religious authority and the necessary accoutrements to baptize him at that time. Asher implores them to baptize him immediately, and they yield. They baptize him and re-name him ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā (‘slave of Christ’), after which his countenance begins to glow and a pleasant scent emits from him. The Christians celebrate, and witnesses in the area are awed by these events. 3 The Christians encourage ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā to refrain from reassociating with Jews, and one of the Christian children suggests piercing one of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s ears and giving him one of his own golden earrings, as it is said to be anathema for Jewish males to wear earrings. The earring would make ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s separation from Judaism permanent and physically manifest. 4 ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā returns to his parents’ home and encounters his mother, who is dismayed at the sight of his earring. She asks her son what happened, and he recounts the events that led to this point. His mother is sympathetic and hides her son from his father for a month, given his father’s zeal for the law. ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā returns to shepherding as usual. 5 The parents of the Christian children make a pilgrimage on the occasion of the martyrdom of Babylas along with three children and recount the stories to their children upon returning home. The the Contextualization of the Babylonian Talmud,” JQR 106 (2016), 248– 255. See also the introduction to the present authors’ forthcoming edited volume on interactions between Syriac Christians and Jews (to be published with the Catholic University of America Press). 22 This synopsis is based on what we establish as Syriac Recension α below (pp. 12–28).

10

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

children, in turn, recount the stories to ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, who now aspires to become a martyr as well. 6 ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā has a dream in which he is trapped and tortured in Sheol, but is saved by a comely young man who turns out to be Jesus. Jesus promises that ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā will receive the crown of martyrdom, and ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā once again affirms his faith in Christ. 7 ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā makes noise in his sleep in the course of his vision and is awoken by his mother. He recounts his vision, adding new details. 8 His mother tries to dismiss the dream, but ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā affirms its truth. His mother begins to cry at the news of his impending martyrdom, and he explains that those who die for Christ live on. He preaches to her to accept Christ and to be baptized as well. 9 ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā returns to his flocks and encounters a bishop going from city to city. He asks the bishop to complete his baptism with the sign of the cross and thereby prepare ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā for martyrdom. The bishop acquiesces, and ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā returns to his friends and tells them about the vision and the bishop. 10 One Friday night, when his family and their friends sit down for the Sabbath feast, ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā returns home and is brought before his father Levi and his Sabbath guests. His father is angered by his earring, and he becomes even more enraged after ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā explains its significance. Levi begins to beat his son, and the guests implore him to stop. They excuse ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s behavior due to his youth, but ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā reaffirms to them that he has indeed become a Christian. 11 Hearing his words, the guests wonder if indeed ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā speaks as a prophet. He preaches on about Jesus and warns them that they—as Jews—are culpable for Christ’s death if they are not baptized. 12 The guests and Levi are enraged at this speech. Levi begins to sharpen a knife to kill ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, and, though the servants allow ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā to flee, Levi is immediately in hot pursuit, armed with the knife. ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā taunts his father by warning that killing him on the Sabbath is a violation of biblical law. 13 ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā arrives at the spring in which he was baptized, prostrates, and prays that his martyrdom be accepted and

INTRODUCTION

11

that his mother eventually be baptized. He bids farewell to the world. 14 Levi slaughters ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, pours out his blood on a stone, and returns home. When his wife and guests see the bloody knife, they all mourn, though his mother is consoled by the words that ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā previously spoke to her. 15 The Christian children come to the stream to water their flocks and find ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s corpse and the bloody stone. They mourn his death, pray to Christ while questioning who killed ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, and ask to be rejoined eventually with ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā in the afterlife. 16 The Christian children bury ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā somewhat haphazardly, because it is near nightfall. They hold an ad hoc funeral and return to the tomb daily for prayer and lamenting. 17 Passing merchants see fire upon ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s tomb and interpret this as a sign of divine power. They gather ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā’s body and take it back with them to their land in the West. 18 The wealthiest merchant among them, Nastir, has a barren wife. He prays to God saying that, if God grants him and his wife a male son, he will set up a sanctuary for this martyr for all to come and pray, and he will also name his son after him once he learns his name. 19 Nastir’s wife conceives that very day, and Nastir sponsors a sanctuary to the still anonymous martyr. 20 Meanwhile, the Christian children return to ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā’s tomb, see that ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s remains have been removed, and mourn the loss. They finally tell their parents all that has transpired from ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s baptism to his martyrdom and the removal of his remains. ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s fame spreads. 21 The adult Christians go to the tomb and see the bloodstained stone with ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s ear adorned with the golden earring miraculously affixed to it. They set up a sanctuary, and people go there to be healed. ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s fame travels even further. 22 The merchants return to Shigar to learn the name of the martyr. They find the new sanctuary upon his tomb and seek information about the martyr from those present. The merchants learn of his name and his deeds, and they rejoice. They, in turn, report about the sanctuary that they built in their own home in the West, and how they were the ones who removed his corpse. The

12

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

merchants agree to send some of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s remains back to the sanctuary. When he returns home, the rich merchant Nastir discovers that his wife has given birth to a male child. He brings the child to the sanctuary, baptizes him, and names him after ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. 23 The story backtracks to a vision Nastir’s wife received while pregnant. The vision predicts the birth of a son and that her husband will know the martyr’s name by the time of the birth. She relays the vision to her household, which in turn reports it far and wide. People come from all over to pray and ask for mercy, which is granted through the holy one. 24 The story returns to Levi, ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s father, who has become old and ill with many afflictions. He asks for mercy, despite his sins. His children bring him to the sanctuary and tie him to the bloody rock. After a few days, he believes in Christ, is baptized, and is healed. Likewise, all those who come from far and wide are healed. 25 The camels of a wealthy Arab flee into the desert. When he loses hope of retrieving them, he visits ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s sanctuary and prays for his assistance and in turn vows to dedicate one out of every ten camels that returns to ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. The entire herd of camels return, but the wealthy Arab reneges on his vow. 26 The camels flee again, the wealthy Arab promises to fulfill his vow this time, the camels return, and he fulfills it. 27 A boy filled with sores and worms is near death with no cure, and he is healed by washing off some blood from the stone and washing with it. 28 Encomium with date.

SYRIAC MANUSCRIPT WITNESSES The History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is attested at least partially in four Syriac manuscripts. The only Syriac manuscript that preserves a complete and readable text is ms. London, British Library Add. 12,174, ff. 316a–322a (= L).23 This is a large manuscript that contains almost 80 hagiographies or texts of a similar genre. These include Persian martyr acts (e.g., History of Simeon bar Ṣabbāʿē, History 23 For this manuscript, see W. Wright, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum Acquired since the Year 1838 (London, 1870–1872), vol. 3, 1123–1139.

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of Maʿin, etc.), hagiographies translated from Greek (e.g., History of Peter the Iberian, History of Basil of Caesarea, History of Gregory of Nazianzus, etc.), other Syriac hagiographies (e.g., Life of John of Tella, History of Jacob of Serugh, etc.), as well as texts belonging to similar genres, such as the sayings of Macarius of Alexandria and the History of the Rechabites. On f. 452b of L, there is a note by Patriarch Michael I Rabo (1126–1199).24 The note states that the manuscript was written in Teshri I, 1508 (= 1196 CE) in the Monastery of Mar Barṣawmā near Melitene.25 During the so-called Syriac Renaissance,26 this monastery rose to prominence as the site of the residence of the Syriac Orthodox patriarch, and so it would have been Michael’s home at the time. The note goes on to state that the manuscript was commissioned by deacon Ṣlibā because the library ( ‫ܒ ܒ ܬ‬ < βιβλιοθήκη) of the monastery lacked such a book. The copying of the manuscript may in fact have been part of an effort to restock the monastery’s library following a fire that severely damaged the monastery in 1183.27

The note is written by Michael in the first person, but it is not an autograph since the script is the same as that throughout the manuscript (so also Wright, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum, vol. 3, 1137) and since the scribe is specifically identified in a second note as Joseph cousin of Ṣlibā. In addition, the script differs from Michael’s hand. For an image of Michael’s autograph in ms. London, Brit. Libr. Add. 14,599, see GEDSH, 289. For further details, see F. Nau, “Sur quelques autographes de Michel le Syrien, patriarche d’Antioche de 1166 à 1199,” ROC 19 (1914), 378–397. For Michael more generally, see D. Weltecke, Die «Beschreibung der Zeiten» von Mōr Michael dem Grossen (1126–1199). Eine Studie zu ihrem historischen und historiographiegeschichtlichen Kontext (CSCO 594; Louvain, 2003). 25 For this monastery, see H. Takahashi, in GEDSH, 60–61 and, with more detail, E. Honigmann, Le couvent de Barṣaumā et le patriarcat jacobite d’Antioche et de Syrie (CSCO 146; Louvain, 1954). 26 See H. Teule and C. F. Tauwinkl (with B. ter Haar Romeny and J. van Ginkel), The Syriac Renaissance (Louvain, 2010). 27 So S. P. Brock, The History of the Holy Mar Maʿin with a Guide to the Persian Martyr Acts (PMAS 1; Piscataway, 2008), 10. Michael discusses this fire in his Chronicle (see J.-B. Chabot, Chronique de Michel le Syrien, patriarche jacobite d’Antioche [1166–1199] [Paris, 1899–1910], vol. 3, 391–392 [French 24

14

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

The History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is numbered 54 in L, and a second numbering of six is also found.28 The Syriac text of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā as found in L was edited and translated into Latin in 1886 by Corluy (= C).29 Bedjan included Corluy’s text in his Acta martyrum et sanctorum (= B).30 Bedjan gives no indication that he consulted the manuscript (see pp. vi–vii of his volume), and his text seems to be based solely on Corluy’s edition. Apart from the Latin translation in the editio princeps by Corluy, no translations of the text exist in a Western language.31 An Arabic translation of the text can, however, by found in the Kitāb sīrat ašhar šuhadāʾ al-mašriq al-qiddīsīn by Scher.32 We have adopted L as the base text translation], vol. 4, 726–727 [Syriac]). See also Weltecke, Die «Beschreibung der Zeiten» von Mōr Michael dem Grossen, 121–122. 28 A similar dual numbering system is found in the pair of hagiographic manuscripts, Damascus, Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate 12/17 and 12/18 discussed below, which date from basically the same time as ms. London, British Library Add. 12,174. See Brock, History of the Holy Mar Maʿin, 10 and, with more detail, Y. Dōlabānī, R. Lavenant, S. P. Brock, and S. Khalil Samir, “Catalogue des manuscrits de la bibliothèque du patriarcat syrien orthodoxe à Ḥomṣ (auj. à Damas),” Parole de l’Orient 19 (1994), 606, 608– 614. 29 J. Corluy, “Acta sancti Mar Abdu’l Masich, aramaice et latine, edidit nunc primum ex cod. Londinensi (Addit. mss. 12174),” AB 5 (1886), 5– 52. 30 P. Bedjan, Acta martyrum et sanctorum (Paris—Leipzig, 1890–1897), vol. 1, 173–201. 31 An English translation of one paragraph of this text (3) is available in Sahner, “Old Martyrs, New Martyrs, and the Coming of Islam,” 110 fn. 98, but it is rife with errors and mistranslations. To point out just a few of the many problems, Sahner translates ‫‘ ܗ ܐ‬this (one)’ as ‘thus’ apparently mistaking it for ‫ܗ ܐ‬. He translates ‫‘ ܐ ܢ‬our brother’ as ‘our little brother’, apparently confusing the pronominal suffix with waw for the diminutive ending -on. He inexplicably translates ‫ܕ ܐ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫‘ ܘ ܘܐ‬he will become an excellent confessor’ as ‘becomes famous’. He understands ‫ ܒ ܐ‬as sḇārā ‘imagination, illusion’ instead of the much more obvious saḇrā ‘hope’ in the clause ‫ܕ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܩ ܒܐ‬ ‫‘ ܘ‬he will lose hope in (more literally: cut off hope from) Judaism’ (the same idiom occurs in 25). In addition, he fails to translate several words including ̈ ‫‘ ܐ‬my brothers’ and ‫‘ ܬܘ‬come’. 32 [A. Scher,] Kitāb sīrat ašhar šuhadāʾ al-mašriq al-qiddīsīn (Mosul, 1900– 1906), vol. 2, 77–97. For A. Scher and his šuhadāʾ al-mašriq, see J.-M. Fiey,

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15

of the edition and translation of what we call Syriac Recension α, or Syrα for short, of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. Syrα is edited and translated on pp. 81–165 below. Syrα is also witnessed in ms. Damascus, Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate 12/18, ff. 128r–132r (= D).33 This manuscript together with 12/17 originally formed a single large volume containing 125 hagiographic texts. In 1909, Fr. Yūḥannā Dōlabānī divided the manuscript into two parts (now 12/17 and 12/18) during conservation work. The original manuscript can be dated to the end of the twelfth century based on two data. First, there is a note on f. 42v of 12/18 by Michael Rabo with a date of 1496 according to the reckoning of the Greeks (= 1184 CE). Thus, this manuscript seems to be part of the same twelfth-century hagiographic project witnessed by L that took place around Dayr al-Zaʿfarān and that involved Michael Rabo.34 Second, the original Syriac manuscript now attested by mss. Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate 12/17 and 12/18 was translated into Arabic (Garšūnī) at Dayr al-Zaʿfarān in 1733–1734 by a monk from Aleppo named Bishārah, who noted that his Syriac Vorlage was dated to 1490 according to the reckoning of the Greeks (= 1178/1179 CE). We discuss this Arabic translation in more detail below (p. 20), but for now it is important to establish that this note corroborates the dating of mss. Damascus, Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate 12/17 and 12/18 to the last quarter of the twelfth century.35 Finally, it should be pointed out that these two Syriac manuscripts eventually made their way from Dayr al-Zaʿfarān, where they were written, to Damascus, where they now reside (or at least most recently did). It seems likely “L’apport de Mgr Addaï Scher (†1915) à l’hagiographie orientale,” AB 83 (1965), 121–142. 33 For this manuscript, see Ignatius Aphram I. Barsoum, Deyrul-Zafaran Manuscripts (Damascus, 2008), 358–378; Yūḥannā Dōlabānī et al., “Catalogue des manuscrits de la bibliothèque du patriarcat syrien orthodoxe à Ḥomṣ (auj. à Damas),” 606, 608–614. 34 See the discussion in A. Binggeli, “Les collections de Vies de saints dans les manuscrits syriaques,” in A. Binggeli (ed.), L’hagiographie syriaque (Études syriaques 9; Paris, 2012), 50–55. 35 For a possible solution to the difference in date between the two data, see A. Palmer, “The Garshūnī Version of the Life of Theodotos of Amida,” Parole de l’Orient 16 (1990–1991), 254.

16

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

that these manuscripts travelled with the Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate when it moved from Dayr al-Zaʿfarān to Damascus in the 1920s.36 The History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is numbered as 103 and 20 in D. Even though D (dated either to 1178/1179 CE or 1184 CE) is slightly older than L (dated to 1196 CE), we have adopted L as the base text of the edition of Syrα presented below (pp. 81–165). This is because of the damage suffered by D: The ink on the folios of D that contain the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā has faded or is smeared in a number of places, making the text at times difficult if not impossible to read. In addition, the lower corner of the interior margins is missing on all of the folios of D that contain the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. Despite its damage, we have systematically collated D in our edition of Syrα, when it is readable. This marks the first time that D has been consulted in the study of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. Manuscripts L and D witness the recension of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā that we call Syrα. The texts attested in these two manuscripts are very similar with only minor differences between them.37 In the stemma below, we present L and D as if they are sibling witnesses of Syrα. The texts are so similar that they could even be copies of the same Vorlage. Alternatively, it is possible, though less likely, that L is a copy of D.38 If so, the stemma presented below would need to be re-drawn accordingly. A modern copy of mss. Damascus, Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate 12/17 and 12/18 (= D) was made by Fr. Yūḥannā Dōlabānī.39 This copy is comprised of a seven-volume collection now found in Mardin, Turkey at the Church of the Forty Martyrs, So already Palmer, “The Garshūnī Version of the Life of Theodotos of Amida,” 255. 37 They even share several agreements in error, including dittography of ‫ܐ‬ ‫ ܘܬܐ ܠ‬in (2); ‫ ܐ‬for ‫( ܐ ܝ‬8; 2x); for (11); ‫ ܐ ܬܝ‬for ‫ܐܘܬܝ‬ in (13); ‫ ܪܒ‬for ‫( ܪܒ‬13); perhaps also ‫ܘܢ‬ for (2). 38 It is less likely because D seems to witness errors that L does not attest. 39 See J. Tannous, “L’hagiographie syro-occidentale à la période islamique,” in A. Binggeli (ed.), L’hagiographie syriaque (Études syriaques 9; Paris, 2012), 237–238. 36

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numbered as 268–275.40 The History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is found on pp. 489–523 in volume 1 of this collection, which bears the shelfmark ms. Mardin, Church of the Forty Martyrs 268 (= M). We have not systematically collated M in our edition of Syrα for two reasons. First, the manuscript seems to be directly derivative from D, which we have collated. Second, M contains variants from D in basically every line. Systematically recording these late textual variants would overburden the apparatus of the edition of Syrα.41 A second recension of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, which we call Syriac Recension β, or Syrβ for short, is found in ms. London, British Library Add. 17,267, ff. 53v–61r (= N). Wright dates this manuscript to the thirteenth century.42 This manuscript is very fragmentary. In addition, even when preserved, the text is heavily damaged in places. The text of this manuscript is edited here for the first time (pp. 167–219). The relationship between the four Syriac manuscripts (and two previous editions) attesting the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is illustrated in the following stemmata:43 Syrβ

Syrα

L C

D

N M

B The relationship between Syrα and Syrβ is discussed in more detail below (pp. 22–28). These manuscripts have been digitized by the Hill Museum & Manuscript Library (http://www.hmml.org/) and can be viewed on their Vivarium platform. 41 Arguably, the differences between M and Syrα, as witnessed in L and D, warrant editing M separately as yet another recension—this time from the twentieth-century—of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. See fn. 70 below. 42 Wright, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum, 1146. 43 As noted above, L could alternatively be a copy of D. 40

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

18

VERSIONS: ARABIC, ARMENIAN, AND GEORGIAN The History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā exists in several versional witnesses: Arabic, Armenian, and Georgian. The Arabic version is attested in two different recensions, each of which reflects one of the Syriac recensions.44 One Arabic recension (Garšūnī) is found in ms. Vatican, Syr. 199, which was copied in 1545 in Ṣadad.45 This text was edited (unfortunately in Arabic script instead of Syriac) with a Latin translation by Peeters.46 Several previous scholars have noted that the Arabic text of ms. Vatican, Syr. 199 diverges in places from the Syriac of L as edited by Corluy, and they thus considered the former to be a “free” translation of the latter.47 This is in need of correction. It is true that the Arabic version in ms. Vatican, Syr. 199 diverges from Syrα. The Arabic is, however, in general a source-oriented translation of Syrβ. Consider the following example: Syrα

‫ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ܼ ‫ܗ ܘܐ‬ ܼ ‫‘ ܘܬ‬The bishop was amazed at what he said and said to him…’ (9) Arabic Version according to ms. Vatican, Syr. 199 ‫ܓ‬ ‫ܘܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫‘ ܐܠ‬The bishop said to him, being amazed at what he said…’ (9) It would prima facie be reasonable to explain the Arabic text here as a “free” translation of Syrα: the general sense is the same, even if the ordering of the clauses and constructions vary. A different 44 For the Arabic version, see already G. Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur (Studi e testi 118, 133, 146, 147, 172; Vatican, 1944– 1952), vol. 1, 529. 45 For this manuscript, see J. S. Assemani and S. E. Assemani, Biblioteca apostolica vaticana: Bibliothecae Apostolicae Vaticanae codicum manuscriptorum catalogus in tres partes distributus; in quarum prima Orientales, in altera Graeci, in tertia Latini Italici aliorumque Europaeorum idiomatum codices (Reprint Paris, 1926), vol. 3, 442–449. For the potential import of the provenance of this manuscript, see pp. 33–34 below. 46 P. Peeters, “La passion arabe de S. ʿAbd al-Masīh,” AB 44 (1926), 270–341. 47 Garitte, for instance, characterized the Arabic as follows: “[I]l a souvent le caractère d’une paraphrase assez libre.” (G. Garitte, “La Passion géorgienne de saint ʿAbd al-Masīh,” Le Muséon 79 [1966], 188).

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conclusion is, however, more likely once the text of Syrβ is considered: Syrβ

‫ܒ‬

‫ܕ‬

‫ܐ܂‬

‫ܐ‬

ܿ ‫‘ ܐ‬The bishop said

to him, being amazed at what he said…’ (9)

As it turns out, the word order of ms. Vatican, Syr. 199 exactly follows Syrβ. In addition, note the idiomatic translation of the Syriac circumstantial clause with kaḏ by a ḥāl-clause in Arabic. It is clear in this example that the Arabic version in ms. Vatican, Syr. 199 is a translation of Syrβ. In this particular example, Syrα and Syrβ do not diverge greatly from one another. In other cases, there are more significant differences between these two recensions—as we discuss in the next section. In each of these cases, the Arabic version in ms. Vatican, Syr. 199 agrees with Syrβ against Syrα.48 Thus, the Arabic version in ms. Vatican, Syr. 199 is a translation of

There is only one probable exception: In 15, the Arabic version in ms. Vatican, Syr. 199 includes a couple of sentences that are not found in N, our only direct witness to Syrβ, but are found in Syrα. The explanation for this is that ms. Vatican, Syr. 199 preserves the original reading of Syrβ, whereas N witnesses a later development. That is, these sentences must go back to the Vorlage of the Arabic version attested in ms. Vatican, Syr. 199. This is, in our view, the only such exception, and so it is the proverbial exception that proves the rule. Another possible exception— though much less likely in our view—occurs in 21: Syrβ has the difficult ‘for the peace ( )’ in ‘Then, the faithful ones began to come from everywhere to greet (literally: for the peace [ ]) of the holy one’, whereas Syrα has the easier ‘to the sanctuary’ (‫ܐ‬ ). The Arabic version in ms. Vatican, Syr. 199 has both words: ‘… from every place to the sanctuary ( ) of the holy one and to give him (or: it) peace (‫’) ܡ‬. The best explanation of these data, it seems to us, is that the Arabic text is attempting to make sense out of the difficult Vorlage of Syrβ, as is faithfully preserved in N, and in doing so it has supplied ‘to the sanctuary’ from the context (note that the word occurs elsewhere in this section). Nevertheless, even if the translator of the text in ms. Vatican, Syr. 199 found Syriac ‫ܐ‬ in his Vorlage, we would explain it in the same way as above: ms. Vatican, Syr. 199 would preserve the original reading of Syrβ, which also happens to be found in Syrα, whereas N would witness a later development. 48

20

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

Syrβ and not a “free” translation of Syrα. We, therefore, refer to the Arabic version in ms. Vatican, Syr. 199 as Arabβ. A different Arabic recension of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is found in ms. Jerusalem, Monastery of Saint Mark 199.49 As mentioned above, this manuscript contains a note stating that it was copied at Dayr al-Zaʿfarān by a monk from Aleppo named Bishārah, who translated what are now mss. Damascus, Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate 12/17 and 12/18 into Arabic (Garšūnī) between February 1732 and January 1733. This codex eventually made its way to Aleppo, where it was sold to a merchant from Jerusalem residing there, who in turn donated it to the Monastery of Saint Mark in Jerusalem.50 Since the Arabic text of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā found in ms. Jerusalem, Monastery of Saint Mark 199 is a translation of D, which witnesses to Syrα, we refer to it as Arabα. The text of Arabα remains unedited. The History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā exists in multiple recensions in Armenian.51 One of these was published already in the nineteenth century.52 This text is a translation of Syrα, and it in general follows its Vorlage closely. Several of the manuscripts of the Armenian version contain a note indicating that the Armenian was translated from Syriac in year 322 of the Armenian era (= 873 CE) at the order of Gourgēn Arcruni.53 This provides a firm terminus ante quem For this manuscript, see G. Graf, “Die literarischen Handschriften des jakobitischen Markusklosters in Jerusalem, IV. Hagiographische Literatur,” OC 3 (1913), 311–327; W. F. Macomber, Final Inventory of the Microfilmed Manuscripts of the St. Mark’s Convent Jerusalem (Provo, 1995). See also the remarks in Binggeli, “Les collections de Vie de Saints,” 50–51. 50 I. Shahîd, The Martyrs of Nagrân. New Documents (Subsidia Hagiographica 49; Brussels, 1971), 18–19. See also Palmer, “The Garshūnī Version of the Life of Theodotos of Amida,” 255. 51 See Garitte, “La Passion géorgienne de saint ʿAbd al-Masīh,” 187– 188 with further references. 52 Վարք եւ վկայաբանութիւնք սրբոց. Հատընտիր քաղեալք ի ճառընտրաց [The Life and the Martyrdom of the Holy Ones. Selections Collected from Choice Writings] (Venice, 1874), vol. 1, 6–25. 53 Garitte, “La Passion géorgienne de saint ʿAbd al-Masīh,” 188 with fn. 6. Note that it is the Armenian translation that dates to 873 not the Georgian, as stated by Sahner (“Old Martyrs, New Martyrs, and the Coming of Islam,” 110 fn. 97). 49

INTRODUCTION

21

for the composition of at least this recension of the Syriac version—a topic which we discuss below (pp. 34–36). In 1923, Blake made known that a Georgian version of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā could be found in ms. Jerusalem, Patriarchate Georgian 20 (12th–13th century).54 An edition appeared some thirty years later by Garitte.55 Blake thought that the Georgian was a translation directly from the Syriac.56 This was also suggested by Fiey.57 Nevertheless, based on a number of agreements between the Armenian and the Georgian against the Syriac, Garitte definitively showed that the Georgian is in fact a translation of the Armenian.58 Thus, the Georgian version is a daughter version of the Armenian and not a sister. The relationship between the various recensions and versions of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is illustrated in the following stemmata (setting aside the exact relationship between the two Syriac recensions, which we discuss in the next section): Syrβ

Syrα

Armenian

Arabα

Arabβ

Georgian The existence of translations of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā into three different languages—and in the Syriac, Arabic, and Armenian cases in multiple recensions—illustrates the popularity that this text had across various cultures and over a long period of time.59 R. P. Blake, “Catalogue des manuscrits géorgiens de la bibliothèque patriarcale grecque a Jérusalem,” ROC 23 (1922–1923), 396–397. 55 Garitte, “La Passion géorgienne de saint ʿAbd al-Masīh.” 56 Blake, “Catalogue des manuscrits géorgiens,” 352–353. 57 Fiey, “Encore ʿAbdulmasīḥ de Sinğār,” 217 fn. 72. 58 Garitte, “La Passion géorgienne de saint ʿAbd al-Masīh,” 188–193. Fiey also notes this as a possibility (“Encore ʿAbdulmasīḥ de Sinğār,” 206 but see 217 fn. 72). 59 Another indication of this popularity is that the later Syriac Mēmrā on Basus and Susanna seems, at least in places, to be dependant on the History 54

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

22

In the present volume, we focus on the two Syriac recensions of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. We do not attempt to take full account of the versional witnesses in Arabic, Armenian, and Georgian. The reception history of this text—as well as of Syriac hagiography more broadly—is a different project, though a potentially fruitful one. Despite this disclaimer, we do make occasional reference to one or more of the versions in the footnotes that accompany the translation of Syrα. In addition, we have systematically consulted Arabβ to help establish the text of Syrβ, especially when N is damaged (this is reflected in the notes and apparatus of Syrβ) as well as to serve as an indirect witness (Nebenüberlieferung) to Syrβ, when N is not extant or is too damaged to read (this is reflected in footnotes to the translation of Syrα).

SYRIAC RECENSIONS In his editio princeps of L, Corluy already noted that the text of this manuscript differed from that of N.60 He did not, however, elaborate further on these differences. Since Syrβ, as it is attested in N, is edited here for the first time, it seems worthwhile to outline briefly some of the differences between Syrα and Syrβ.61 At times, the two Syriac recensions are very similar, if not identical. Consider, for instance, the following sentence in each recension: Syrα

̈ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܪܪܘ‬ .‫ܝ ܐܒ ܗܝ‬

‫ܐ ܕ ̈ ܐ܆ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬

‫ܬ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬

‫ ܘ‬:‫ܐܒܐ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫‘ ܿܗ ܢ܇ ܕ‬From this

news and from the story of the children, the faithful have been assured that as a martyr Asher had been killed by Levi his father.’ (20)

of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā (for discussion, see fn. 120 below). The Syriac text of the Mēmrā on Basus and Susanna is edited in Bedjan, Acta martyrum et sanctorum, vol. 4, 471–507 (= no. 42 in the list of the Persian Martyr Acts in Brock, History of the Holy Mar Maʿin). See also Fiey, Saints syriaques, 51– 53. 60 Corluy, “Acta sancti Mar Abdu’l Masich,” 6. 61 Additional differences between the two Syriac recensions are pointed out in the footnotes to the translation of Syrα below.

INTRODUCTION Syrβ

̈ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܒ ܗܝ‬

23

̈ ‫ ܐ ܪܪܘ‬.‫ܐ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܐܒܐ ܗ ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ ܕ ܕܐ ܐܬ‬.‫‘ ܿܗ ܢ‬From this

news and from the story of the children, the faithful have been assured that as a martyr Asher son of Levi had been killed by his father.’ (20)

These two sentences are exactly the same except for the final several words, where they depart ever so slightly. Such similarities, down to the level of the word and even morpheme, are frequently found, and they indicate that Syrα and Syrβ belong to the same textual tradition. These similarities notwithstanding, Syrα and Syrβ diverge at the word and sentence level in a number of places. Consider, for instance, the following example: Syrα

‫ܐ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ܿ .‫ܘܬܗ‬

‫ܬܐ ܗܘܬ ܘ‬

‫ ܘܐ ܬܗ‬.

‫ܗܘܐ‬

‫ܘ‬

‘…and his name was Nastir. His wife was barren and had a bitter soul (literally: was bitter of soul) because of her barrenness.’ (18) Syrβ

‫ܗܘܐ‬ .‫ܬܐ‬

‫ܐ ܐ‬ . ‫ܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܒ‬ ‫…‘ ܐ ܬܐ‬and by name he was called Nastir. He had

a barren wife.’ (18)

At the sentence level, these two are roughly equivalent; the individual words and syntactic structures are, however, almost entirely different between the two recensions. Or, to give another example in this vein: Syrα

‫ܪ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܘ ܼܪ‬ .‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܕ ܕܐ‬

̈ ‫ ܘܕ ܼ ܫ‬.‫ܕܗܘܝ‬ ‫̈ܒ ܒ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ܼ ‫ܕ‬ ‫‘ ܪܐ ܒ‬He told the members of

his household those things that had happened and that he had set aside a portion to God and had made a vow in the name of the Lord and of the holy martyr.’ (19) Syrβ

̈ .‫ ܘ ܪ ܐ ܕ ܫ ܐ ܐ‬.‫ܕܗܘܝ‬ ‫ܒ̈ ܒ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ .‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܕܐ ܕ‬ ‫‘ ܘ ܪܐ ܕ ܪ ܒ‬He told the members of

his household those things that had happened, the portion that

24

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’ he had set aside to God, and the vow that he had made in the name of the martyr of Christ.’ (19)

Again, the meaning is more or less the same, but the syntactic structure of the second and third objects of ‘to tell’ differs in the two recensions as do the genitive phrases modifying ‘name’. Cases such as these are manifold. There are, in addition, more drastic examples of differences between the two Syriac recensions. As already mentioned, Syrβ differs from Syrα by either adding or omitting a sentence or more of text in a number of places.62 Thus, though Syrα and Syrβ share enough similarities that we can confidently say that they ultimately belong to the same textual tradition (that is, they are not independent re-tellings of the same story), there are a number of differences between the two Syriac recensions at the word, sentence, and perhaps even paragraph level. The differences between Syrα and Syrβ suggest that the latter is a literary elaboration of the former. This is especially clear in the baptism narrative in section 2, where most of the material unique to Syrβ seems to be theologically motivated. To begin with a simple example, ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā implores the children as follows in Syrα: ‘Arise, then, strongly and confidently, and baptize me in the name of Christ.’ (2) This leaves out the Father and Holy Spirit, which Syrβ includes: ‘Now, please, arise courageously in faith, baptize me in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit’ (2) This represents a filling out of the theological language of the more terse narrative of Syrα.63 A similar example can be found in the See the footnotes to the translation of Syrα below, where a number of examples are noted. In addition, one potential difference larger than a few sentences can be mentioned here: Arabβ lacks the last several sentences of 6 as well as almost all of 7. Unfortunately, N is not extant here, so we do not know for sure whether this large lacuna in Arabβ reflects its Vorlage, i.e., Syrβ, or whether it is unique to Arabβ (or even to ms. Vatican, Syr. 199). The former, however, seems more likely given that Arabβ follows N closely, when we can compare the two (i.e., when N is extant). 63 Arabβ goes even further in this regard adding ‘one God’, according to the common Trinitarian formula. 62

INTRODUCTION

25

children’s initial response to ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s request for baptism. In Syrα, the children answer as follows: ‘Not in this way, but it is right for you to be baptized in a church by the hands of priests.’ (2) A more theologically-nuanced response is found in Syrβ: ‘It is not right for us to do as you have said, but this holy order of divine baptism should be completed in a holy church through the gift of the Holy Spirit at the hands of priests.’ (2) The additional explanatory details in this statement seem to be secondary elaborations to clarify—and possibly to circumscribe, i.e., one is no longer baptized ‘by (men) the hands of priests’ but ‘through (byad) the gift of the Holy Spirit at (ʿal ) the hands of priests’—what is now referred to as the ‘holy order (ṭeḵsā )’ of baptism. The most obvious literary elaboration in section 2 is the following prayer that is found in Syrβ but is notably absent from Syrα: ‘Our Lord, Jesus Christ, our true God, creator of the ages, you who have completed on our behalf the economy of flesh, you who have consecrated for us baptism for the forgiveness of sins, and from it we are born as spiritual sons to God the Father. You are the one who entrusted this power and this action into the hands of your holy apostles. They went out and baptized all nations, just as you had commanded them, in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit. You, Lord, also answer our weakness now at this time. Look upon the preparation of this slave of yours, who gladly has drawn near to receive divine baptism from our hands, which is (normally) completed at the hands of holy priests. Now, do not look upon our transgressing of the law or upon our audacity, because it is neither in haughtiness nor in contempt nor even that we might snatch for ourselves priesthood that we do this by ourselves, but because you know that this occasion presses us and that there is not a priest nearby us, and because of the request and supplication of this slave of yours. We have consented to this deed because of your name, but we are seeking from you, o Lord, finish and complete this mystery within our hands as if

26

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’ by the hands of your holy priests. This slave of yours should not be deprived of the gift and grace of adoption.’ (2)

This prayer, especially the latter half of it, goes out of its way to provide justification for the irregular baptism of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā at the hands of children.64 It is easiest to see this as an addition to Syrβ that was intended to help alleviate the theological problems of children performing baptism—an issue that is not as thoroughly addressed in the more laconic narrative of Syrα. These theological updates from Syrα to Syrβ are not limited to section 2, but they are most obvious here.65 A number of other differences, which are not theological, also suggest that Syrβ is an update of Syrα. Syrβ, for instance, makes clear from the very first section that there is a spring where the children congregate, which is of major importance to the narrative, whereas the spring does not appear in Syrα until the baptism of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā toward the end of 2. In addition, in 19 Syrα refers a couple of times to ‘the faithful one (mhaymnā )’, but it is only from context that the reader can infer that this is Nastir, who was introduced in 18; Syrβ, in contrast, explicitly mentions Nastir by name in these cases. Or, to mention one final example, the chronological sequencing of the narrative from the end of 22 to the beginning of 23 is difficult in Syrα: at the end of 22, the wife of Nastir gives birth to a son, but in 23 she is still pregnant with him! This discrepancy is not, however, found in Syrβ, which omits the last several sentences of 22 as found in Syrα that narrate the birth of the child, thereby easing the chronological problem. These examples—and others—again seem to us to be changes in Syrβ that are intended to smooth out the less-developed and at times moreopaque narrative of Syrα. Thus, we propose that Syrβ is a literary elaboration of Syrα.66 Given this, as well as the fact that Syrβ is not For an insightful discussion of irregular celebrations of the Eucharist, including some that are irregular because they are performed by children, see D. Krueger, “The Unbounded Body in the Age of Liturgical Reproduction,” JECS 17 (2009), 267–279. 65 To take an example from elsewhere, in 15, Syrα has the children say that ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā ‘was consecrated (ʾeṯkahhan)’ to Christ by their hands, whereas Syrβ has the much more neutral ‘was called (ʾeṯqrē )’. 66 Unfortunately, there are few, if any, linguistic features that would help to settle the priority question. We do, however, want to point to one 64

INTRODUCTION

27

extant in its entirety, we generally cite Syrα in the remainder of this introduction. We do, however, note variants from Syrβ when relevant. What we have called here ‘literary elaboration’ has been variously termed ‘rewriting’, μετάφρασις (‘paraphrase’), etc., in the scholarly literature. This phenomenon can be illustrated by the differences between the second-century Acts of Paul and Thecla and the fifth-century Life and Miracles of Thecla, the latter of which represents a significantly expanded retelling of the former.67 Within the Syriac context, a similar case can be found with the Martyrdom (written ca. 400) and the History (written later in the fifth century) of Simeon bar Ṣabbāʿē.68 The latter represents an expanded and possibility: In 21, the verbless clause ‫‘ ܕܘ ܐ ܗܝ ܗܕܐ‬this is the place’ in Syrα appears as ܿ ‫‘ ܗܕܐ ܕܘ ܐ ܐ‬this is the place’ in Syrβ. The diachronic distribution of these two types of verbless clause is that the type constructed with copulaic ʾiṯ plus a pronominal suffix, as is found here in Syrβ, is chronologically later than the type without it, as is found here in Syrα (see A. M. Butts, Language Change in the Wake of Empire: Syriac in its Greco-Roman Context [LSAWS 11; Winona Lake, 2016], 153–173). There are in fact several documented cases in which Syriac translations of the same text from different time periods update verbless clauses without a copula into the type with a copula (for changes from the Old Syriac Gospels to the Peshiṭta, see J. Joosten, The Syriac Language of the Peshitta and Old Syriac Versions of Matthew [Leiden, 1996], 150; Butts, Syriac in its GrecoRoman Context, 160–162; for changes from the Peshiṭta to the Ḥarqlean, see K. D. Jenner, “The Use of the Particle ‫ ܐ‬in the Syro-Hexaplaric Psalter and the Peshitta,” in M. F. J. Baasten and W. T. van Peursen [eds.], Hamlet on a Hill: Semitic and Greek Studies Presented to Professor T. Muraoka on the Occasion of His Sixty-Fifth Birthday [OLA 118; Louvain, 2003], 300-307). This suggests that in this particular case the verbless clause in Syrβ is a later update of the one in Syrα (a similar case is found in 22). Alas, however, this is one of only a few examples of such a potential linguistic update in the text, and so we hesitate to base our conclusions on these alone. 67 For the relationship of these two texts, see S. J. Davis, The Cult of Saint Thecla: A Tradition of Women’s Piety in Late Antiquity (Oxford, 2001), 40–46 and, with more detail, S. Johnson, The Life and Miracles of Thekla. A Literary Study (Hellenic Studies Series 13; Cambridge, MA, 2006). 68 In general, see L. Van Rompay, in GEDSH, 373–374. For the edition and translations of these texts, see fn. 4 above.

28

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

updated version of the former.69 Numerous additional examples of this phenomenon can be found in Christian hagiographic literature, whether written in Syriac or not. The two recensions of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā provide yet another example of literary elaboration.70

DEVELOPMENT OF THE SYRIAC TEXT A source-critical analysis of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā suggests that the text, as it is currently preserved, consists of different literary layers. This can be most clearly demonstrated by the story of the healing of the young boy covered in sores and worms, which is found in 27 of Syrα. This paragraph narrates a miracle story that is entirely disconnected from the earlier narrative apart from the fact that ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is the saint said to have healed the boy. In addition, the end of 26 clearly forms an earlier ending to the text:71 ‘By the help of God and the prayers of the martyr, those camels turned around and went with them. Many things like these and greater than these the Lord did and continues to do through the prayers of the martyr. Fear fell upon everyone who saw and heard. May his memory become blessings, amen.’ (26) Thus, the story in 27 seems to be a later addition to an earlier form of the text.72 This is confirmed by Syrβ, which does not contain the

See Smith, The Martyrdom and the History of Blessed Simeon bar Ṣabbāʿē, xvii–l as well as his Constantine and the Captive Christians of Persia, 110–111 and his “Constantine and Judah the Maccabee: History and Memory in the Acts of the Persian Martyrs.” See also still G. Wiessner, Zur Märtyrerüberlieferung aus der Christenverfolgung Schapurs II (Göttingen, 1967). 70 This process of literary elaboration even continues into the modern period, as can be illustrated by manuscript M of the Syriac History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, discussed above. 71 Note that Bedjan makes a paragraph division in the middle of this paragraph starting with the words ‘Many things…’ (Bedjan, Acta martyrum et sanctorum, 200). 72 This phenomenon is well established for hagiographic texts, including the Syriac Persian Martyr Acts. Perhaps this is what Labourt means when he writes “[i]l est naturel que les Passions primitives aient été, par la piété des écrivains postérieurs, enrichies et embellies de miracles ou 69

INTRODUCTION

29

story in 27. That is, the story must have been added to the text preserved as Syrα after this recension split from Syrβ.73 A similar argument can be made with the story of the wealthy Arab and his lost camels in 24–26. The only connection between this story and the earlier narrative (1–23) is that the wealthy Arab appeals to the martyred ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā that his camels be returned. In this case, we cannot turn to differences between Syrα and Syrβ to confirm that this story is secondary, since both recensions preserve it. Nevertheless, it should be noted that the end of 23 could again read like the beginning of a conclusion: ‘Christians were especially boasting in him, and in his name faith in Christ increased because the help of his grace spread out on every one. Mercy from God pours (meštappʿin)74 out on every one who takes refuge in his name.’ (23) This could naturally be followed by a conclusion such as that found in 28. Thus, the last sentences of 23 seem to form a seam where one can see the ending of an earlier form of the text before the story of the wealthy Arab and his lost camels was added. Pursuing similar logic, we could potentially see other historical layers of the text as well: 1–14 martyrdom of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā 15–16 the children discover ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s body and bury it 17–23 stories about the Arabs and Nastir 24 the conversion of Levi, the father of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā An extreme position would see an earlier martyrdom account only in 1–14, and this would have been built up by several accretions of de discours” (J. Labourt, Le christianisme dans l’empire perse sous la dynastie sassanide [224–632] [2nd ed.; Paris, 1904], 55). 73 Note that this is not necessarily evidence for the question of the priority of either Syrα or Syrβ: Syrα could (and we think: does) preserve the earlier form of the text elsewhere to which this later story was secondarily appended. This is corroborated by the fact that the story in 27 is not found in the Armenian version published in Վարք եւ վկայաբանութիւնք սրբոց, which, it will be recalled, is a translation of Syrα: that is, this Armenian version witnesses a form of Syrα before the addition of this story but after the split of Syrα from Syrβ. 74 In context, this could also be understood as ‘was pouring out’.

30

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

material.75 It should, however, be noted that the evidence for this extreme division of the sources is much less definitive than it is for the secondary nature of 24–26 and especially 27—the latter is all but certain in our view.

SHIGAR The History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is set in the city of Shigar. This town, known in Syriac also as Shingar and in Arabic as Sinjār, is located ca. 115 km west of Nineveh/Mosul and ca. 100 km south-east of Nisibis.76 It became a Roman colonia following the conquests of Mesopotamia by Septimius Severus in ca. 198. The Roman historian Ammianus Marcellinus reports that it was subsequently handed over to the Persians in 363.77 In 639–640, Shigar fell to ʿIyāḍ b. Ghanm in the Arab conquests.78 Since at least the tenth century, Shigar has been home to a sizeable Yazīdī population.79 Note that 14 ends with a relative clause that seems to be a later addition and so possibly evidence of a literary seam. 76 For this city, see D. Oates, Studies in the ancient history of northern Iraq (London, 1968), 97–106; C. P. Haase, “Sindjār;” J.-M. Fiey, “Les diocèses du « maphrianat » syrien 629–1860,” Parole de l’Orient 5 (1974), 332–337; idem, Nisibe métropole syriaque orientale et ses suffragants des origines à nos jours (CSCO 388; Louvain, 1977), 269–273, passim; idem, Pour un Oriens Christianus Novus (Beirut, 1993), 268–269; C. Jullien, “Contribution des actes des martyrs perses à la géographie historique et à l’administration de l’empire sassanide (II),” in R. Gyselen (ed.), Des Indo-Grecs aux Sassanides: Données pour l’histoire et la géographie historique (Res Orientales 17; Bures-surYvette, 2007), 97. 77 Ammianus Marcellinus, Roman Antiquities, 25.7 (ed. J. C. Rolfe, Ammianus Marcellinus [revised ed.; LCL 300, 315, 331; Cambridge, MA, 1971–1972]). 78 R. Hoyland, In God’s Path. The Arab Conquests and the Creation of an Islamic Empire (Oxford, 2015), 54–55. For a critique of Hoyland’s use of Arab conquests, see the review by F. Donner, in al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā 23 (2015), 134–140. 79 For introductions to the Yazīdī, see, inter alia, J. S. Guest, The Yezidis. A Study in Survival (London—New York, 1987); P. G. Kreyenbroek, Yezidism: Its background, observances, and textual tradition (Lewiston, NY, 1995); R. Lescot, Enquête sur les Yezidis de Syrie et du Djebel Sindjār (Beirut, 1938). 75

INTRODUCTION

31

The town of Shigar is situated at the southern foot of a steep mountain range (called Jabal Sinjār in Arabic) that extends through the desert region between the Ḥabur and the Tigris. The ancient East-West trade route from Nineveh/Mosul to Syria must have passed through the region of Shigar and possibly close to the town itself.80 The Life of John of Tella, for instance, mentions that there was a road through the mountain from there to Nisibis.81 Shigar is also included on the Peutinger Table, which indicates a road between Nisibis and Shigar as well as between Shigar and Ḥatra, as illustrated on the cover of this book.82 Finally, the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā mentions an East-West road in the area on several occasions (e.g., 17, 18, 22). Shigar belongs to the ecclesiastical province of Bēth ʿArbāyē, which stretches from Bēth Zabdai in the north, to Balad in the south, to Nisibis in the West.83 A number of monasteries are known from the Shigar region.84 In his Vita, for instance, the important miaphysite figure John of Tella (482–538) is said to have taken refuge in a monastic cell on ‘the mountain called Shigar’ when fleeing his Chalcedonian persecutors.85 The text makes clear that he was not alone there, but that there were other monks who had been living on the mountain for years. Additional evidence for a Syriac Orthodox presence at Shigar comes from Gabriel of 80 See Fiey, “Encore ʿAbdulmasīḥ de Sinğār,” 208–210; idem, “Balad et le Béth ʿArabayé irakien,” OS 9 (1964), 189. 81 E. W. Brooks, Vitae virorum apud Monophysitas celeberrimorum (CSCO 7–8; Louvain, 1907), 69. An English translation is available in J. R. Ghanem, The Biography of John of Tella (d. A.D. 537) by Elias (Ph.D. Diss., University of Wisconsin, Madison, 1970), 80. 82 The map can be accessed at . 83 See Fiey, “Balad et le Béth ʿArabayé irakien,” 189–232; idem, “Les diocèses du « maphrianat » syrien 629–1860,” Parole de l’Orient 5 (1974), 155–164; idem, Nisibe métropole syriaque orientale; idem, Pour un Oriens christianus novus, 177–78; D. Wilmshurst, The ecclesiastical organisation of the Church of the East, 1318–1913 (CSCO 582; Louvain, 2000), 40–49; A. Harrak, in GEDSH, 71. 84 See Fiey, “Encore ʿAbdulmasīḥ de Sinğār,” 218–222; idem, Nisibe métropole syriaque orientale, 271. 85 Brooks, Vitae virorum apud Monophysitas celeberrimorum, 66–69; Ghanem, Biography of John of Tella, 76–80.

32

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

Shigar, who vied for recognition with the Church of the East and caused much turmoil at the beginning of the seventh century.86 Slightly later, David bar Pawlos (8th/9th cent.) is known to have been abbot of a monastery in the Shigar mountain range.87 The eighth-century Chronicle of Zuqnin also mentions monks in Shigar.88 The Church of the East also had a presence in Shigar: The Synodicon Orientale, for instance, mentions an agreement made in 598 by three monasteries in the area.89 In addition, ʿAḇdishoʿ bar Briḵā (d. 1318) was bishop of Shigar before becoming metropolitan. Finally, it should be noted that the seventh-century Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius has a connection to Shigar.90 The beginning of this 86 See the discussion in G. J. Reinink, “Babai the Great’s Life of George and the Propagation of Doctrine in the Late Sasanian Empire,” in J. W. Drijvers and J. W. Watt (eds.), Portraits of Spiritual Authority: Religious Power in Early Christianity, Byzantium and the Christian Orient (Leiden, 1999), 171– 193, and esp. 181–190. A number of the sources on this controversy were culled and translated by Chabot, Synodicon Orientale, 625–634. For an overly positivistic account, see W. Baum, Shirin: Christian-Queen-Myth of Love (Piscataway, 2004), 37–46. 87 On this author, see A. Baumstark, Geschichte der syrischen Literatur (Bonn, 1922), 272–273; A. Vööbus, “Entdeckung des Briefkorpus des Dawid bar Paulos,” OC 58 (1974), 45–50; Ignatius Aphram I. Barsoum (trans. M. Moosa), The Scattered Pearl. A History of Syriac Literature and Sciences (2nd ed.; Piscataway, 2003), 372–376; S. P. Brock, “Dawid bar Pawlos,” in GEDSH, 116–117; A. M. Butts, “A Syriac Dialogue Poem between the Vine and Cedar by Dawid bar Pawlos,” in E. Jiménez, The Babylonian Disputation Poems. Palm and Vine and the Series of the Poplar (Culture and History of the Ancient Near East; Leiden, forthcoming). 88 I.-B. Chabot, Incerti auctoris Chronicon Pseudo-Dionysianum vulgo dictum (CSCO 91, 104, 121; Louvain, 1927–1949), 2.284.10–11 (Syriac); A. Harrak, The Chronicle of Zuqnīn. Parts III and IV. A.D. 488–775 (Mediaeval Sources in Translation 36; Toronto, 1999), 249 (ET). 89 O. Braun, Das Buch der Synhados oder Synodicon Orientale (Stuttgart, 1900), 277–296; J. B. Chabot, Synodicon Orientale ou recueil de synodes nestoriens (Paris, 1902), 196–207, 456–470 (FT). 90 The Syriac text is edited in G. J. Reinink, Die syrische Apokalypse des Pseudo-Methodius (CSCO 540–541; Louvain, 1993). An English translation is available in P. J. Alexander, The Byzantine Apocalyptic Tradition (Berkeley, 1985), 36–51. Partial English translations are available in S. P. Brock, in A. Palmer, The Seventh Century in the West-Syrian Chronicles (TTH 15; Liverpool,

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33

text narrates the story of Methodius receiving revelations on the mountain of Shigar ( ‫) ܐܓ‬. Many scholars have (reasonably) concluded from this that the text was written near to, if not at, Shigar. The Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius provides a survey of world history in response to the rise of Islam. Written in Syriac, but soon translated into Greek and Latin, it became one of the most widely read Christian texts dealing with Islam.91 If the Apocalypse of PseudoMethodius can indeed be provenanced at least near Shigar, it would suggest a Christian response to Islam in the late seventh century in this area. We will return to this in more detail at the end of this introduction.

ETIOLOGY OF CULT SITES One of the purposes of many of the Syriac Persian Martyr Acts, as well as of martyrdom accounts more broady, is to provide an etiology for the existence of specific cult sites.92 The History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā provides an etiology for not one but two cult sites dedicated to ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. Both of these are mentioned in the text. One is said to be located in Shigar, whereas the other is further west, from where the Arab merchants in the text hail. The History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā provides scant additional information about the location of this site further toward the West (see sections 17–23). Fiey, based on information provided by Mgr. Barnabé in 1965, suggests that these merchants were from Ṣadad, a town ca. 60 km south of Ḥimṣ (Emesa, modern Ḥomṣ) and ca. 100 km northeast of Damascus.93 According to Fiey, there are (or perhaps now: were) ruins in Ṣadad of a church dedicated to Mār ʿAḇdā, 1993), 222–229 and M. P. Penn, When Christians First Met Muslims. A Sourcebook of the Earliest Syriac Writings on Islam (Oakland, 2015), 108–129. 91 For a recent treatment of the text in relation to Islam, with further bibliography, see L. Greisiger, “The Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius (Syriac),” in D. Thomas and B. Roggema (eds.), with J. P. Monferrer Sala, J. Pahlitzsch, M. Swanson, H. Teule, and J. Tolan, Christian-Muslim Relations. A Bibliographic History. Volume 1 (600–900) (HCMR 11; Leiden, 2009), 163–171. 92 For a Syriac example, see Walker, Narrative and Christian Heroism in Late Antique Iraq. 93 Fiey, Saints syriaques, 20. The date of Mgr. Barnabé’s information is important since it came after Fiey’s article on the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā.

34

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

whom Fiey identifies with ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā,94 though the local population had forgotten who he was. In addition, Fiey mentions that in the church of Sergius and Bacchus in Ṣadad there was a wall-painting, probably from the eighteenth century, that the local population thought was Abraham’s offering of Isaac (Gn 22) but that was actually a depiction of Levi’s slaughter of ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā.95 While intriguing, neither of these arguments provides conclusive evidence for a cult dedicated to ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā in Ṣadad in the distant or recent past—much less for the identification of the Arab merchants in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā as inhabitants of Ṣadad. There is, however, one solid piece of evidence, which Fiey also mentions, that conclusively connects Ṣadad with the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā: ms. Vatican, Syr. 199, which, as discussed above, contains an Arabic translation of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā (Arabβ), was according to its colophon copied in 1545 in Ṣadad.96 Thus, at the very least, we know that there was interest in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā in sixteenthcentury Ṣadad, even if Fiey’s connection of the Arab merchants in the text to Ṣadad must remain hypothetical. Even without direct evidence, however, the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā clearly attempts to explain the origins of two cult sites and to authorize them with relics of the martyr, which suggests that at one point there were two cults dedicated to ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, one in Shigar and the other along the road headed West.

DATE OF COMPOSITION: CA. 650–CA. 850 As noted at the beginning of this introduction, we are concerned not with when a certain ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā may or may not have been killed by his father but rather with when a martyrdom account narrating this story was composed. That is, we are interested in the date of composition. A terminus ante quem for the date of composition is provided by the Armenian translation, at least one recension of which is said to 94 Note that the postscript to Syrβ uses simply ʿAḇdā for ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā. 95 For this church and some of its wall-paintings, though not the one of interest here, see E. K. Fowden, The Barbarian Plain: Saint Sergius between Rome and Iran (Berkeley, 1999), 187–188. 96 See Assemani and Assemani, Biblioteca apostolica vaticana, vol. 3, 449.

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have been translated from Syriac in year 322 of the Armenian era (= 873 CE).97 Thus, the Syriac History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā must have been written sometime before this, say, before ca. 850. A terminus post quem is more difficult to establish with certainty. Several features of the language point to a date of composition no earlier than the sixth century. A couple of times in the text the verb √ʾmr ‘to say’ is used with the preposition lwāṯ in the meaning ‘to say to’:

‫ܐ‬

‫ܬ‬

‫ܗܘܐ ܐ ܐ‬

to Moses.’ (8)

‫ܬܗ‬

ܼ ‫ܐ‬

‫ܐ‬

ܿ ‫‘ ܐ ܐ‬God would not have said

‫ܐܒ ܗܝ ܙ‬

indignantly said to him’ (10)

‫‘ ܗ‬His father then

This construction, which is replicated on the use of πρός with verbs of saying in Greek, is not attested elsewhere in Syriac until the sixth century.98 Another datum suggesting a terminus post quem of at least the sixth century is the occurrence of the word , which is found in the following sentence:

‫ܗܘܘ܇ ܐ‬ ‫ܪܒ ܐ‬

‫ܕܕܗܒܐ ܕ ܐ ܕܨܘ̈ܪ ܘܢ‬

‫ܘܢ ܒ‬

‫ܘ‬

‘Others were bearing the blood of their necks on a throne of gold as an offering before him.’ (7)

‫ܗܝ‬

here In the editio princeps, Corluy proposed that the word means ‘vessels’ (vasis), but noted that this definition is not recorded in the lexica.99 In contrast, Brockelmann, followed by Sokoloff, connected the Syriac word with Greek σελλίον ‘small chair; throne’.100 Notwithstanding its somewhat muddled meaning in the passage above, this latter suggestion is far preferable. Greek σελλίον is a diminutive form of σέλλα, which is a loanword from 97

Garitte, “La Passion géorgienne de saint ʿAbd al-Masīh,” 188 with

fn. 6. Brock, History of the Holy Mar Maʿin, 4 and, with more detail, Butts, Syriac in its Greco-Roman Context, 144–147. 99 Corluy, “Acta sancti Mar Abdu’l Masich,” 21 with fn. 2. 100 C. Brockelmann, Lexicon Syriacum (2nd ed.; Halis Saxonum, 1928), 476; M. Sokoloff, A Syriac Lexicon. A Translation from the Latin, Correction, Expansion, and Update of C. Brockelmann’s Lexicon Syriacum (Winona Lake— Piscataway, 2009), 1001. 98

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

36

Latin sella.101 This word is otherwise found in Syriac only in the writings of John of Ephesus (d. 589).102 This would suggest that the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā should not be dated to before the latter half of the sixth century. An even later terminus post quem is suggested by the initial lines of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā: ‘In the year 701 according to the reckoning of the Greeks (= 390 CE), while Magianism was still flourishing in the land of the Persian, and Judaism was also publically known in the land of the inhabitants of Shigar, there was a Jewish man from the city of Shigar…’ (1) The phrase ‘when Magianism was still flourishing in the land of the ‫ܐ ܗܘܬ ܒܐܬܪܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܓ ܬܐ‬ ) Persians’ (‫ܐ‬ implies that the text was written after Magianism was no longer flourishing.103 This could then be a reference to the fall of the Sasanian Empire (Seleucia-Ctesiphon fell in 637).104 If this is the case, then the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā would have been composed sometime in an approximately two-hundred year window between 650 and 850. Note that this Latin word also made it via Greek into Armenian as սելին (M. Bedrossian, New Dictionary. Armenian-English [Venice, 1875– 1879], 636; see also H. Hübschmann, Armenische Grammatik, Part. 1. Armenische Etymologie [Leipzig, 1897], 378). For Latin words in Syriac, see A. M. Butts, “Latin Words in Classical Syriac,” Hugoye 19 (2016), 123–192. 102 Ecclesiastical History, Part 3, 74.11 (ed. E. W. Brooks, Iohannis Ephesini. Historiae Ecclesiasticae. Pars Tertia [CSCO 105; Louvain, 1935]); Lives of the Eastern Saints, 392.5 (ed. E. W. Brooks, John of Ephesus. Lives of the Eastern Saints, 1–3 [PO 17.1; 18.4; 19.2; Paris, 1923–1925]). 103 It should, however, be pointed out that Arabβ does not include the word ‘still’, which diminishes this implication. Unfortunately, N is not extant here, so we do not know for certain what Syrβ would have had. Note also that the Mēmrā on Basus and Susanna, which may in places be dependant on the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, includes a similar sentence but also without the word ‘still’ (see fn. 120 below). 104 While it may even be likely that this refers to the fall of the Sasanian Empire, it goes too far to say that the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā ‘refers directly to Islamic rule’, as Dilley does (in S. P. Brock [with an introduction by P. C. Dilley], The Martyrs of Mount Berʾain [PMAS 4; Piscataway, 2014], xvii fn. 13). 101

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THE NAME ʿAḆDĀ DA-MŠIḤĀ After his conversion, Asher is given the new name ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, which means ‘slave of Christ’ in Syriac (Greek Χριστόδουλος).105 In the introductory and concluding headings of the text, the Arabic form of this name is found: ʿAbd al-Masīḥ. In addition, a hybrid Syriac-Arabic form ʿAbd al-Mašīḥ—it is basically Arabic but with š like Syriac mšiḥā and not s like Arabic al-masīḥ— occurs once in the main text (21; only in Syrα).106 Past scholars have used the Arabic name ʿAbd al-Masīḥ as evidence for a post-Islamic dating of the History of ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā.107 Though we agree with the post-Islamic dating, we do not think that the Arabic form of the name necessarily provides supporting evidence for it. As already noted, the Arabic form of the name is limited to a few occurrences, two of which are in headings, and as such they could easily be later scribal changes. More importantly, there is no reason that Arabic names cannot occur before Islam. The Arabic language is attested, even if only sporadically, across a wide swath of the Near East before Islam.108 Just as an example, there is a Greek text from Umm al-Jimāl dated to 208 CE that contains the name Αλαβδος, which is Arabic al-ʿabd.109 In addition, it is well known that various Arab tribes resided around Shigar before the rise of Islam.110 Thus, an Arabic

In a number of places, Syrβ has the phrase ʿaḇdā d-ʾalāhā ‘slave of God’ where Syrα has ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. It is unclear whether this is a title or a(n alternative) name. 106 Syrβ here has ʿaḇdā d-ʾalāhā ‘slave of God’. 107 See, for instance, Gottheil, “Asher ben Levi,” 184. 108 See M. MacDonald, “Old Arabic (Epigraphic),” in EALL 3.464477, with further references. 109 E. Littmann, D. Magie, and D. R. Stuart, Publications of the Princeton University archaeological expeditions to Syria 1904–5 and 1909, Section A – Southern Syria (Leiden, 1907), no. 275. 110 See F. Nau, Les arabes chrétiens de Mésopotamie et de Syrie du VIIe au VIIIe siècle (Paris, 1933); J. B. Segal, “Arabs in Syriac Literature before the Rise of Islam,” JSAI 4 (1984), 89–124; C. F. Robinson, “Tribes and Nomads in Early Islamic Northern Mesopotamia,” in K. Bartl and S. R. Hauser (eds.), Continuity and Change in Northern Mesopotamia from the Hellenistic to the Early Islamic Period (Berlin, 1996), 429–452, esp. 431–436. 105

38

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

personal name could potentially be attested in a Syriac text from the Singar region before Islam. Finally, it is worth adding that names of the type ‘slave of X’ seem to be more common in Arabic than in Syriac. This name type is, however, attested relatively early in Syriac: the names ʿAḇd Alāhā, ʿAḇd Ishoʿ, and ʿAḇd Zaḵyā are, for instance, already found in the martyr list in ms. Brit. Libr. Add. 12,150 (dated to 411).111 In addition, there is the simple name ʿAbdā, which could be a shortened form of the compound name ‘slave of X’. This name is found in the previously mentioned martyr list and is the name of a Persian martyr under Yazdgird I.112 The name ʿAḇdā also occurs in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā in the postscript to Syrβ.113

CHILD MARTYRS A number of Syriac hagiographic texts narrate the martyrdoms of children.114 The most relevant of these for the study of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā are the Syriac Persian Martyr Acts that involve children, which include the following:  Histories of the Martyrs of Mount Berʾain115 More broadly, see J. Retsö, The Arabs in Antiquity: Their History from the Assyrians to the Umayyads (London, 2003). 111 The main part of this martyr list is edited in F. Nau, Un martyrologe et douze ménologes syriaque (PO 10.1; Paris, 1912), 7–26; additional fragments from ms. Deir al-Surian Fragment 27 are edited in S. P. Brock and L. Van Rompay, Catalogue of the Syriac manuscripts and fragments in the library of Deir al-Surian, Wadi al-Natrun (Egypt) (OLA 227; Louvain, 2014), 389–392; a complete English translation can be found in Brock, History of the Holy Mar Maʿin, 123–125. 112 The Syriac text is edited in Bedjan, Acta martyrum et sanctorum, vol. 4, 250–253 (= no. 44 in the list of the Persian Martyr Acts in Brock, History of the Holy Mar Maʿin). 113 See fn. 94 above 114 In general, see C. Horn, “Children as Pilgrims and the Cult of the Holy Children in the Early Syriac Tradition: The Cases of Theodoret of Cyrrhus and the Child-Martyrs Behnām, Sarah, and Cyriacus,” ARAM 18–19 (2006–2007), 439–462. 115 The Syriac text is edited and translated in Brock, Martyrs of Mount Berʾain (with an introduction by P. C. Dilley) (= no. 2 in the list of the Persian Martyr Acts in Brock, History of the Holy Mar Maʿin).

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 History of Behnam and Sarah116  Martyrdom of Gubarlāhā and of Qazo117  Mēmrā on Basus and Susanna118 The History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā shares various similarities with these texts. All of them are, for instance, set in the fourth century but were written at least several, if not many more, centuries later.119 More strikingly, these texts have a number of narrative features in common. The father, for instance, serves as the aggressor, whereas the mother serves as a confidant of the martyr in several of the texts. Most of the shared features do not, however, seem to emerge from a genetic relationship but, instead, from their broader thematization of childhood, including themes such as parenting, the precociousness of the martyred youth, etc.120 In addition, it

The Syriac text is edited in Bedjan, Acta martyrum et sanctorum, vol. 2, 397–441 (= no. 22 in the list of the Persian Martyr Acts in Brock, History of the Holy Mar Maʿin). See also Fiey, Saints syriaques, 54–55. An English translation is currently in progress by J.-N. Saint-Laurent and K. Smith for the present series. 117 The Syriac text is edited in Bedjan, Acta martyrum et sanctorum, vol. 4, 141–163 (= no. 4 in the list of the Persian Martyr Acts in Brock, History of the Holy Mar Maʿin). See also Fiey, Saints syriaques, 87. 118 The Syriac text is edited in Bedjan, Acta martyrum et sanctorum, vol. 4, 471–507 (= no. 42 in the list of the Persian Martyr Acts in Brock, History of the Holy Mar Maʿin). See also Fiey, Saints syriaques, 51–53. 119 See the category of “late mythical; legendary” in A. H. Becker, “The Invention of the Persian Martyr Acts,” in A. M. Butts and R. D. Young (eds.), Syriac Christian Culture: Beginnings to Renaissance (Washington, forthcoming). This is, however, a feature shared with some other Syriac Persian Martyr Acts that do not involve children, such as the History of Qardagh (for which, see Walker, Narrative and Christian Heroism in Late Antique Iraq). 120 One striking exception should be noted here: the Mēmrā on Basus and Susanna includes a festival scene that not only follows a similar structure to the Sabbath dinner in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā (10) but also includes a number of exact verbal correspondences, perhaps suggesting that the former is in some way dependent on the latter, at least for the scene in question (the festival scene in the Mēmrā on Basus and Susanna is found in Bedjan, Acta martyrum et sanctorum, vol. 4, 484.13–485.15). This similarity was already noted in Fiey, Saints syriaques, 52. The Mēmrā on Basus 116

40

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

should be noted that, despite the various similarities, the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā stands apart from the other Syriac Persian Martyr Acts that involve children in a number of ways, the most obvious of which is that ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā converts not from Zoroastrianism but from Judaism.121 Outside of the Persian Martyr Acts, other martyrdom accounts involving children are also found in Syriac. The unpublished Martyrdom of Ṭalyā of Cyrrhus, for instance, narrates the story of a two-year old boy Ṭalyā, whose name means ‘boy, child’, dying at the hands of a Roman governor (‫ܐ‬ ‫ < ܐ ܓ‬ἡγεμών).122 A similar martyrdom account is found in the History of Kyriakos and his mother Julitta, which narrates the torture and eventual martyrdom of Kyriakos, who is said to have been less than three years old.123 The History of Kyriakos and his mother Julitta is best known for the prayer that Kyriakos offers from a boiling cauldron.124 The text was written in Greek, but it no longer survives in that language, having been banned by the sixth-century Decretum Gelasianum. The Greek

and Susanna also begins with a similar notice about magianism still being widespread (‫( )ܢܨܚܐ‬Bedjan, Acta martyrum et sanctorum, vol. 4, 474.6). 121 Another Syriac martyrdom account involving a Jewish convert is found in the History of Judas; this Judas is not, however, a child. The unedited Syriac text is found in ms. London, British Library Add. 14,654, ff. 23b–28a (for this manuscript, see Wright, Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum, vol. 3, 1084); an edition is in progress by the current authors. 122 C. B. Horn, “Children and Violence in Syriac Sources: The Martyrdom of Mar Ṭalyā’ [sic] of Cyrrhus in the Light of Literary and Theological Implications,” Parole de l’Orient 31 (2006), 309–326. 123 Horn has proposed that the Syriac History of Kyriakos and his mother Julitta may be dependent on the Syriac Martyrdom of Ṭalyā of Cyrrhus (Horn, “Children and Violence in Syriac Sources,” 309–326). This hypothesis cannot, however, be evaluated until both of these texts receive critical editions. 124 See, e.g., A. Dillmann, “Über die apokryphen Märtyrer-geschichten des Cyriacus mit Julitta und des Georgius,” SPAW 23 (1887), 339–56; H. Stocks, “Ein Alexanderbrief in den Acta Cyriaci et Julittae,” Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 31.1 (1910), 1–47; H. Gressmann, “Das Gebet des Kyriakos,” ZNW 20 (1921), 23–35; and more recently A. Mastrocinque, From Jewish Magic to Gnosticism (Tübingen, 2005), 10–12.

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original was, however, translated into several languages.125 The Syriac translation(s) of the Greek exists in at least a dozen manuscripts, which represent multiple recensions and probably independent translations as well.126 From Syriac, translations were made into Sogdian and Arabic.127 From Arabic, translations were made into Ethiopic.128 Finally, the text exists in an Armenian translation (BHO 193) that was edited in the late nineteenth century.129 The History of Kyriakos and his mother Julitta provides an It survives in a Latin translation found in the Acta Sanctorum, and fragments also exist in Coptic, potentially belonging to the Hamouli manuscripts from the Fayyūm. (E. M. Husselman, “The Martyrdom of Cyriacus and Julitta in Coptic,” JARCE 4 [1965], 79–86). 126 One recension/translation was edited in Bedjan, Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, vol. 3, 254–83. The manuscripts of this recension/translation include the following in chronological order: London, Library of the Royal Asiatic Society, ff. 173–187 (1569); Boston, Harvard University Library, Syr. 43, ff. 1–? (17th cent.); London, British Library Or. 4256, ff. 268a–285a (1727); Paris, Bibliothèque nationale 309, ff. 114b–140b (1869); Berlin, Sachau 222, ff. 234b–247a (1881); New Haven, Yale Syriac 5, pp. 60–103 (1888); St. Petersburg, Institute of Oriental Manuscripts, Syriac 25, ff. 55a–72b (1888); London, British Library Or. 4404, ff. 1v–16 (19th cent.); Paris, Bibliothèque nationale 326, ff. 146b–169 (19th cent.); Paris, Bibliothèque nationale 414, ff. 37b–62b (1903). Another recension/translation is found in ms. Vatican, Syr. 161 (ca. 9th cent.) and was edited in A. A. Terpelyuk, Martyrdom of Mār Qūryāqūs and Yōlīṭī (Cyriacus & Julitta) (Moscow, 2009) (in Russian). Images of this manuscript are available in Volume 1 of the collaborative project between the Vatican Library and Brigham Young University. A third recension/translation can be found in ms. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale 236, ff. 301a–328a (1194/1195). 127 For the latter, see Graf, Geschichte der christlichen arabischen Literatur, vol. 1, 500–501. For the former, see N. Sims-Williams, “Cyriacus and Julitta, Acts of,” EIr, vol. VI, fasc. 5, 512. 128 J. Simon, review of D. Lifchitz, Textes éthiopiens magico-religieux (Paris, 1940), in Orientalia 11 (1942), 205–206 with fn. 2; E. Balicka-Witakowska, “Qirqos,” in S. Uhlig (ed.), Encyclopaedia Aethiopica, vol. 4 (Wiesbaden, 2010), 292–294. 129 Վարք եւ վկայաբանութիւնք սրբոց, vol. 1, 691–697. Further research is needed to determine whether the Armenian translation was made from Syriac or from Greek. 125

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interesting parallel to the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā in several ways: 1. it was translated into other languages of the Christian Near East, such as Armenian and Arabic; 2. it exists in multiple recensions in Syriac; 3. it represents a translation from Greek: though the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is not a translation from Greek, we argue below (pp. 62–69) that it represents a Syriac adaptation of a story known first in Greek. These Syriac martyrdom accounts involving children can be compared with other ancient texts that deal with the death of children more broadly. Within the Syriac tradition, for instance, Jacob of Serugh wrote a mēmrā ‘Concerning children who have died’.130 Jacob begins this mēmrā by portraying children who have died prematurely as martyrs:

:‫ܐ‬

‫ܐ ܕ ܐ ܨܘ‬ ܼ ‫ܕ ܐ ܐܓ ܐ ܕܙܕ ܬܐ܀‬ :‫ܬܗܪܐ ܕ ܐ ܬ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܐ ܬܗܪܐ܀‬ ‫ܐ‬

‫ܙ ܪܒ̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܝ‬ ‫ܗܐ ܙ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܕ ܐ ܒܐ‬

‘The young of age has departed the world without blemish, and seized the crown without the contest of righteousness. Indeed, it is a victory full of wonder without a struggle, and without a battle an illustrious name full of wonder.’131

Through his use of martyrological language (crown, contest, etc.), Jacob transforms the child who has died prematurely into a martyr—and thus a child-martyr.132 This list of child martyrs is not comprehensive for Syriac Christianity and certainly not for Christianity in Late Antiquity more broadly. It does, however, illustrate the larger background of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā as a Syriac hagiographical text that narrates the martyrdom of a child.

The Syriac is edited in P. Bedjan, Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis (Paris—Leipzig, 1905–1910), vol. 5, 804–816. 131 Bedjan, Homiliae Selectae Mar-Jacobi Sarugensis, vol. 5, 804.1–4. 132 For more details and the broader context, see M. E. Doerfler, “The Infant, the Monk and the Martyr: The Death of Children in Eastern Patristic Thought,” Le Muséon 124 (2011), 243–258. 130

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USE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT The History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā makes extensive use of the Old Testament Peshiṭta throughout its narrative.133 Whereas other Syriac Persian Martyr Acts recycle a few common Old Testament verses and scenes, in particular Daniel 3,134 the History of ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā cites a more diverse range of books from the Old Testament throughout the narrative. The Old Testament is explicitly cited in dialogues as well as in third-person narration, but it is also subtly used and alluded to throughout the course of the narrative. The narrative of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is made to mimic an Old Testament-like setting through a number of thematic parallels. The names of Levi and Asher are, of course, also those of the sons of Jacob. The setting at a well in a desert with shepherds is familiar from both Genesis and Exodus.135 This pastoral setting is distinct from what we find in other Syriac martyrdom accounts. Like Jacob, Levi gives his children his flocks to watch over (Gn 37:12).136 Asher, like Isaac, is a confidant of and conspirator with his mother, whose sympathies, like Rebecca’s, lie with her son over We cite the Syriac Old Testament according to the Leiden edition where it exists and otherwise according to the British and Foreign Bible Society’s edition (1905–1920). 134 Dn 3—with its three ‘youths’ (Hebrew yĕlāḏim = Syriac ṭlayyā )— is of course especially pertinent for child martyrs; it is, for instance, also referenced in the Martyrdom of Ṭalyā of Cyrrhus (Horn, “Children and Violence in Syriac Sources,” 319). For the use of Dn 3 more broadly in Syriac Persian Martyr Acts, see L. Van Rompay, “Impetuous Martyrs? The Situation of the Persian Christians in the Last Years of Yazdgard I (419– 420),” in M. Lamberigts et al. (eds.), Martyrium in Multidisciplinary Perspective: Memorial Louis Reckmans (Louvain, 2005), 363–376. See also A. Harrak, The Acts of Mar Mari the Apostle (Leiden, 2005), xxi–xxii. Daniel and his companions were also a prominent subject in Syriac poetry, such as in Jacob of Serugh (d. 521) and Narsai (d. ca. 500). Interestingly, the three companions of Daniel do die in some other traditions, such as in Armenian (see M. Stone, Armenian Apocrypha Relating to Adam and Eve [Leiden, 1996], 155; idem, “An Armenian Tradition Relating to the Death of the Three Companions of Daniel,” Le Muséon 86 [1973], 111–123). 135 For their use in a number of different “type-scenes” in the Bible, see R. Alter, The Art of Biblical Narrative (New York, 1985), chapter 3. 136 A young David is also charged with his father’s flock (Ps 151:1). 133

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THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

her husband’s own desires. The well is a point of gathering for many different groups, often with opposing interests (Gn 29:1–10, Ex 2:16–17). Like many biblical characters, in particular Joseph and Daniel, Asher has a dream and interprets it. The use of the Old Testament is not limited to thematic similarities. ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā explicitly cites the Old Testament throughout the text. As will be discussed in more detail below, he refers to ‘the law of Moses’ concerning piercing ears (Ex 21:5–6; Dt 15:16–17) and makes extensive use of its language to describe his own conversion (4). He also quotes God’s words to Moses in Exodus 3:6 (9) and refers to the law of violating the Sabbath (Ex 20:8; 31:14) at his father’s chase (12). Various passages from Psalms are also cited throughout the text. An impressive array of Old Testament characters are mentioned throughout the narrative as well: Datan and Aviram appear in Sheol in Asher’s dream (6); Asher distinguishes his own dream and interpretation from that of Joseph and Pharaoh and that of Daniel and the King of Babylon (8); a long list of precedents are cited for a child prophet like Asher, including ‘Moses, Joshua, Gideon, Samuel, David, Jeremiah, Daniel, the children of the house of Hananiah’ (11),137 and Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob are mentioned (8). Also striking is the subtle way in which the language of the Old Testament is weaved into the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā without formally marking it as such, apparently with the expectation that the reader will catch the allusions and verbal references. ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā’s mother hides him from his father for a month, using the language employed to describe Moses’ concealment by his mother (Ex 2:2) (4). Like Pharaoh, Levi is said to have a ‘hard heart’ when he grabs the knife to chase after his son (Ex 3:7; 9:12) (19). In ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s dream, he is in a pit (gubbā), the same word used when Joseph is in a pit (6).138 And Levi takes the knife to kill his son in nearly identical language to Abraham doing the same to his This is the list in Syrα; Syrβ has instead ‘Jeremiah, Daniel, the three children who were with Hananiah, Joshua bar Nun, Samuel, and the rest’. 138 It should be noted that the figure of Joseph is of major import throughout the narrative, both explicitly and through allusions. ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā is in a pit like Joseph (6, see also 13); Joseph’s interpretation of dreams is invoked in ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s (8); and Joseph’s bones are cited as precedent for the saving power of martyrs and their relics (8). 137

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son Isaac (Gn 22:10) (12–13). This list is not meant to be exhaustive, but it does highlight some of the more notable verbal mimicking of the Old Testament that is found throughout the text.139 ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā cites the Old Testament in conversation with his various Jewish interlocutors (his mother, his father, and the dinner guests), presumably in order to adduce support from a text that they will deem legitimate.140 The Old Testament, in contrast, is almost never cited in conversation with the Christian children. The New Testament is only cited in conversation with Jewish characters after they explicitly ask ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā about his conversion (his mother in 4; the dinner guests in 11). Thus, ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, as a character in the text, chooses to confront Jews using the Old Testament, and he only cites the New Testament when they appear to invite him to do so. The sheer quantity of references to the Old Testament in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā as well as the subtle way in which they are integrated into the narrative is striking. It may not, however, be surprising given that the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is the only Syriac Persian Martyr Act about a Jewish convert to Christianity,141 and so the author had particular reason to rely on the Old Testament.

JEWS AROUND SHIGAR Before exploring how Jews are depicted in the History of ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā in the following section, it will be useful to outline briefly what is known outside of this text about Jews in Shigar and the surrounding area up through the early Islamic period. Unfortunately, there is almost no material evidence for this question. In fact, Jewish material culture for all of Babylonia is quite sparse. The Dura-Europos synagogue, located south-west of Full biblical references are provided in the translation of Syrα below. That Syriac authors were aware of the need to combat Jews through the Old Testament can been gleaned from the following passage in the Teaching of Addai: ‘The prophets of old thus spoke that the Lord our God would send us and his spirit. If I speak that which is not written in the Prophets, the Jews who are among you and who hear me will not receive it.’ (G. Howard, The Teaching of Addai [Chico, 1981], 40–41). 141 For a Syriac martyrdom involving a Jewish convert that does not belong to the narrower genre of Persian Martyr Acts, see fn. 121 above. 139 140

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THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

Shigar, is too early to provide information about Jews living in Shigar at the time of the composition of the History of ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā, since it was destroyed in 256–257 CE and was never resettled. The best material evidence comes in the form of Jewish magic bowls, as well as a number of Jewish seals, from Late Antique Mesopotamia, but none of these provides direct evidence for Jews in Shigar.142 Without material evidence, we are therefore left to consult the literary evidence. This includes mainly rabbinic literature (primarily the Babylonian Talmud), Syriac Christian texts, and a few references in the works of Roman historians. There does not seem to be any direct reference to Shigar and consequently of Jews in Shigar in rabbinic literature. On the whole, the rabbis and their later academies seem to have flourished further south. Gafni summarizes the geography of Jews in Mesopotamia as follows: ‘The…concentration of Jews, in southern Mesopotamia…was situated primarily from just north to just south of the confluence of the Euphrates and Tigris rivers. The major Jewish centers mentioned throughout Talmudic literature were situated on or near the rivers, primarily the Euphrates, or along the various canals connecting the two rivers, and these include (from north to south) the following: Pumbedita and Nehardea on the Euphrates, Sura to the south on Nahar Sura, and the Mahoza district, just west on the Tigris and near the major cities of Seleucia and Ctesiphon in the general area of Baghdad.’143 For Jewish bowls, see, inter alia, S. Shaked, “Jews, Christians and Pagans in the Aramaic Incantation Bowls of the Sasanian Period,” in A. Destro and M. Pesce (eds.), Religions and Cultures: First International Conference of Mediterraneum (Atlanta, 1999), 61–90. For Jewish seals, see S. Shaked, “Jewish Sasanian Sigillography,” in R. Gyselen (ed.), Au carrefour des religions: Mélanges offerts à Philippe Gignoux (Bures-sur-Yvette, 1995), 239– 256; J. Lerner, “The Sacrifice of Isaac Revisited: Additional Observations on a Theme in Sasanian Glyptic Art,” in A. Hagedorn and A. Shalem (eds.), Facts and Artefacts: Art in the Islamic World. Festschrift for Jens Kroger on his 65th Birthday (Leiden, 2007), 39–57. 143 I. M. Gafni, “The Political, Social, and Economic History of Babylonian Jewry, 224–638 CE,” in S. T. Katz (ed.) The Cambridge History of Judaism, Vol. 4. The Late Roman Period (Cambridge, 2008), 805. 142

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This area was called Babylonia (bavel ) by the rabbis. Sources outside of rabbinic literature attest to the presence of Jews in this area as well.144 Rabbinic literature is aware of Jewish inhabitants in the larger area around Shigar. Many of the major cities in this area have long histories of Jewish occupation and appear in rabbinic literature as active sites of Jewish residence in their own day. These include Adiabene,145 Nisibis,146 Nineveh,147 as well as Edessa further to the 144 The Chronicle of Khuzistan, for instance, portrays Mata Mehasya as entirely Jewish (I. Guidi, Chronica Minora [Paris, 1903], 32), though rabbinic literature knows of non-Jews there as well (b. Ber. 17b). For an earlier period, Ammianus Marcellinus (Roman Antiquities, 24.4.1; ed. Rolfe, Ammianus Marcellinus) reports the destruction of a town abandoned by its Jewish inhabitants slightly north of Seleucia-Ctesiphon. 145 Famously, Queen Helena of Adiabene and her two sons Monobaz II and Izates are said by Josephus and the rabbis to have converted to Judaism, a fact confirmed by archaeology in Jerusalem. See Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews, 20.17–96 (ed. H. St. J. Thackeray, R. Marcus, and L. H. Feldman, Josephus [LCL 186, 203, 210, 242, 281, 326, 365, 410, 433; Cambridge, MA, 1926–1965]). For rabbinic sources on Adiabene, see A. Oppenheimer, Babylonia Judaica in the Talmudic Period (Wiesbaden, 1983), 21–24. The Chronicle of Arbela says that Jews were numerous in Adiabene in the second century as well (P. Kawerau, Die Chronik von Arbela [CSCO 467–468; Louvain, 1985], 12.25 [Syr.], 32 [GT]). 146 Mentioned by Josephus (Antiquities, 18.9.1, 9; ed. Thackeray, Marcus, and Feldman, Josephus) as a place where Jews fled to avoid attacks by neighbors. See J. B. Segal, “The Jews of North Mesopotamia Before the Rise of Islam,” in J. M. Grintz (ed.), Studies in the Bible Presented to M. H. Segal (Jerusalem, 1964), 38–39. Sozomen relays that Julian refused the request of those living in Nisibis when they asked for his help defending against the Persians, because they were completely Christianized (Historia Ecclesiastica, 5.3; ed. J. Bidez, B. Grillet, G. Sabbah, A.-J. Festugière, Sozomène. Histoire ecclésiastique [SC 306, 418, 495, 516; Paris, 1983–2008]). This may mean that Jews no longer lived there by this time (Oppenheimer, Babylonia Judaica in the Talmudic Period, 319–334). Neusner seems to grossly overstate the evidence when he says, “what Edessa was to Christianity, Nisibis was to Talmudic Judaism” (J. Neusner, History of the Jews in Babylonia, vol. 1 [Leiden, 1965], 166; p. 180 in the revised edition [Leiden, 1969]). 147 Oppenheimer, Babylonia Judaica, 310–315, Segal, “The Jews of North Mesopotamia Before the Rise of Islam,” 37.

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West.148 It is difficult to gauge how reliable many of these statements are, especially since the rabbinic ones often seem to emerge more from the desire to depict Jews as present and influential in major cities, rather than necessarily depending on any historical basis. Nevertheless, it seems clear that Jews did live in the larger area around Shigar in Late Antiquity. In rabbinic literature, the Shigar region probably falls within the area called bēn ha-neharot (‫)בין הנהרות‬, or ‘between the two rivers,’ meaning the Tigris and Euphrates.149 The same term appears throughout Syriac literature (bēṯ nahrin or bēṯ nahrāwāṯā) and in the early-thirteenth-century Arabic geographer Yāqūt al-Hamawī (bayna al-nahrayna), for roughly the same area. It has been further suggested by some that bēn ha-neharot in the Babylonian Talmud refers to the area known as al-Jazīra.150 The area of bēn ha-neharot was considered by the Babylonian rabbis to be among those areas of purest Jewish genealogy, an issue that was especially important to them.151 This means that, For Edessa, which was on the Silk Road, and for which we have slightly better historical documentation, see H. J. Drijvers, “Jews and Christians at Edessa,” JJS 36 (1985), 88–102. 149 See Oppenheimer, Babylonia Judaica in the Talmudic Period, 436–440, as well as A. Oppenheimer and M. Lecker, “The Genealogical Boundaries of Jewish Babylonia,” in A. Oppenheimer (ed.), Between Rome and Babylon: Studies in Jewish Leadership and Society (Tubingen, 2005), 339–355, for a discussion of the boundaries of Babylonia, and then relatedly of the broader bēn ha-neharot. Shigar is explicitly listed as one of the cities in this area in B. Z. Eshel, Yishuvei ha-Yehudim be-Bavel bi-Tequfat ha-Talmud, Onomastiqon Talmudi (Jerusalem, 1979), 72. 150 According to Oppenheimer (Babylonia Judaica, 440), the Talmud’s bēn ha-neharot is not coextensive with bayna al-nahrayna in Yāqūt al-Hamawī, but rather bēn ha-neharot is in fact more coextensive with al-Jazīra, which is the same as Bēth ʿArbāyē in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā (21). 151 See especially y. Yeb. 1:6 3b (col. 835) = y. Qid. 4:1 65c (col. 1080) = b. Qid. 69b–71b (but found elsewhere as well, such as b. Ket. 111a). For an attempt to identify the boundaries in the Talmudic text with known geography, see Oppenheimer and Lecker, “The Genealogical Boundaries of Jewish Babylonia.” For the special importance placed on pure genealogy in the Babylonian Talmud relative to Palestinian rabbinic literature, and the Sasanian Persian context for this, see R. Kalmin, “Genealogy and Polemics in Rabbinic Literature of Late Antiquity,” 148

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according to the rabbis, the area was inhabited by Jews who were punctilious in maintaining genealogical purity and distinctions by avoiding marriages between those with pure genealogies and those with various genealogical stigmas of deficiencies, such as a mamzer (child of an improper union), an improperly conceived priest, a freed slave, or a convert. Furthermore, as noted above, Shigar was located on a major trade route at this time, and Jews, as any other group, seem to have travelled quite a bit.152 Some of them must have also been merchants.153 Jews seem to have been particularly situated in cities along the major trade route that began in Ctesiphon and made its way over the Zagros into the Iranian Plateau, known as the Khorasan highway.154 Despite this array of data for Jews in Babylonia more broadly, there is no direct evidence for Jews living in Shigar in Late Antiquity. Moving beyond this period, however, there is evidence that at least some Jews lived in Shigar. A liturgical poet (Hebrew payṭān) named Sulaymān (Solomon) al-Sinjārī seems to have lived HUCA (1996), 77–94; Rubenstein, The Culture of the Babylonian Talmud, 80– 101. For the central importance of descent in Iranian culture, see M. Macuch, “Zoroastrian Principles and the Structure of Kinship in Sasanian Iran,” in C. Cereti et al. (eds.), Religious Themes and Texts of pre-Islamic Iran and Central Asia (Beiträge zur Iranistik 24; Wiesbaden, 2003), 231–246. See M. Vidas, Tradition and the Formation of the Talmud (Princeton, 2014), 81– 111 for further references, as well as for the argument that there may be a countervailing voice to this general emphasis on good descent in the Babylonian Talmud. 152 The Naḥote, for instance, are said to have transmitted Palestinian rabbinic traditions to Babylonia. In addition, there are testimonies throughout rabbinic literature of Palestinians and Babylonians relocating to the others’ province. See H. L. Strack and G. Stemberger (ed. and trans. M. Boeckmuehl), Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash (Minneapolis, 1996), 179–180, 200–201. 153 For Jews as merchants, see Segal, “The Jews of North Mesopotamia Before the Rise of Islam,” 40 with fn. 27. Jews are described as silk merchants in the Teaching of Addai (Howard, The Teaching of Addai, 69). 154 P. Pourshariati, “New Vistas on the History of Iranian Jewry in Late Antiquity, Part I: Patterns of Jewish Settlement in Iran,” in H. M. Sarshar (ed.), The Jews of Iran: The History, Religion and Culture of a Community in the Islamic World (Pelgrave, 2014), 1–32.

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sometime in the ninth or tenth century.155 Many of his works were discovered in the Cairo Genizah, and he appears to have been very prolific. While recent scholarship places his floruit in, or near, Palestine, the Sinjār in his name does seem to be our Shigar. It remains an open question whether he emigrated from Shigar to Palestine, or whether his father (or other ancestors) did. In either case, however, he would seem to provide evidence that there were Jews in Shigar at roughly the time of the composition of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā.

JEWS IN THE HISTORY OF ʿAḆDĀ DA-MŠIḤĀ In the previous section, we outlined how little is known about Jews in Shigar and the surrounding area. While it seems likely that Jews lived in this area based on what we know of Mesopotamia more broadly, there is little direct evidence for this outside of a single poet from the Geonic period. As pointed out in the beginning of this introduction, it is the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā that has been used by earlier scholars as evidence for Jews in Shigar.156 In this section, we want to evaluate this use of the text. In particular, we want to explore how the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā depicts Jews and what is the basis of its depiction. As we have already suggested above, at least some Christian texts depicting Jews do not have real Jews lying behind them but, instead, a constructed, or imagined, Jew. By looking at how Jews are depicted in the History of ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā, we aim to explore what this text may and—equally importantly—may not tell us about Jews living in Shigar. The History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā begins by stating that ‘Judaism was also publically known in the land of the inhabitants of Shigar’ (1). This is noteworthy since the text actually mentions very few Jews. The only ones in the text are Levi’s family, including ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā (né Asher), and some party guests. Strikingly, a few lines For this poet, see E. HaCohen, The Qedushtaʾot of Rabbi Shelomo Suleiman Al-Sanjary for the Festival (Ph.D. Diss., Hebrew University, 2003), 222–227. For an English translation of some of his works, see N. Katsumata, Seder Avodah for the Day of Atonement by Shelomoh Suleiman al-Sinjari (Tübingen, 2009). See also M. Gil, Jews in Islamic Countries in the Middle Ages (Leiden, 2004), 415 with additional references in fn. 242. 156 See Morony, Iraq after the Muslim Conquest, 307, 314; Haase, “Sindjār.” 155

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later, the text sets the stage by saying that Asher wished to eat with the Christian children because there were no Jewish children with whom to eat. This would hardly seem to indicate that Jews were a dominant presence in the area. More importantly, the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā shows very little detailed knowledge of Jewish life or practice. There are, for instance, no kosher laws mentioned in the text, even though the topic of Jews eating with non-Jews arises on several occasions. Indeed, it is the Christians who refuse to eat with the Jewish boy, rather than vice versa (1, 10).157 In fact, the text references only three Jewish laws or practices: the Sabbath, the prohibition against murder, and a prohibition against male Jews wearing earrings. According to the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, the Sabbath is a time in which a feast is celebrated starting in the evening and to which guests are invited (10).158 Later on in the text, while Levi is chasing ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā to kill him, ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā utters the following taunt: ‘Observe your Sabbath, wretched one! If you are a Jew, stop your chase and sheathe your blade. If you are a disciple of Moses, do not make yourself liable for transgressing his law.’ (12)159 It is not clear if there are two separate taunts here or one. It could be that this entire statement is to be read as one, and ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā is saying that Levi would be violating the Sabbath by killing his son. This would be strange, since murder is prohibited in the Old Testament regardless of whether or not it is on the Sabbath (Ex 20:13; 21:12; Dt 5:17). Alternatively, this could be two separate taunts: first, Levi should observe the Sabbath, and second, he should not violate the law. If this is the case, then the intent of the See pp. 71–76 below for further discussion of this. On the calendric day starting in the evening in both Judaism and Syriac sources, see B. Visotzky, “Three Syriac Cruxes,” JJS 52 (1991), 167–175. 159 This is the text of Syrα. N is not extant here, but Arabβ reads: ‘O wretched one, in whom there is no natural mercy, stop your chase and sheathe your blade. If you are a disciple of Moses, observe the Sabbath and do not make yourself liable for transgressing his law and commiting a crime against it (or: him).’ 157 158

52

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

second sentence is obvious: ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is exhorting his father to obey the law in the Old Testament not to murder. It is not, however, as clear what the first sentence would mean. Is ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā simply telling his father to return to his feast? Or, is he perhaps referring in a general sense to his father chasing and killing him as the ‘work’ that is prohibited on the Sabbath, according to the Old Testament (Ex 20:8–11, 34:21; Lv 23:3; Dt 5:12–15)? In any event, the near total lack of detail about Sabbath observance in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is striking. This is especially the case when compared with the rich details we find in other Syriac authors. The Syriac Book of the Laws of the Countries, for instance, which was probably written in Edessa in ca. 220, contains a fascinating list of activities that Jews do not do on the Sabbath.160 In a forthcoming paper, Cohen convincingly argues that the Christian author of the text learned these prohibitions from his own familiarity with the Jews of Edessa.161 To take another example, the fourth-century Persian Sage Aphrahaṭ composed an entire Demonstration (13) on the Sabbath that is directed against Jews, at least on the surface.162 Though he hews closely to the biblical text, Aphrahaṭ incorporates many details about the Sabbath, such as laws against working animals. Indeed, the idea of The passage can be found with a Latin translation in F. Nau, Bardesanes. Liber legum regionum (PS I.2; Paris, 1907), 604.6–607.10 and with an English translation in H. J. W. Drijvers, The Book of the Laws of the Countries (Assen, 1965), 56.22–58.20. 161 S. Cohen, “Jewish Observance of the Sabbath in Bardaisan’s Book of the Laws of the Countries,” to be published in the edited volume mentioned above in fn. 21. 162 This demonstration is edited with a Latin translation in I. Parisot, Aphraatis Sapientis Persae Demonstrationes (PS 1.1–2; Paris, 1894–1907), 541– 572. An English translation is available in A. Lehto, The Demonstrations of Aphrahat, the Persian Sage (GECS 27; Piscataway, 2010), 291–303. For convenience, we retain Aphrahaṭ as the author of the Demonstrations, though we are generally sympathetic to Walter’s recent proposal that the Demonstrations as we now have them represent a collection of pre-existing writings (J. E. Walters, “Reconsidering the Compositional Unity of Aphrahat’s Demonstrations,” in A. M. Butts and R. D. Young [eds.], Syriac Christian Culture: Beginnings to Renaissance [Washington, forthcoming]). The authorship of these pre-existing writings remains, however, an open question for us. 160

INTRODUCTION

53

working on the Sabbath, while obviously from the Old Testament, was something Christians in Persia were well aware of, as some of the canons explicitly call for Christians to work on Saturday to differentiate themselves from Jews.163 Thus, the total lack of detail about Sabbath observance in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, a text that is preoccupied with Jews, is noteworthy. The only other purported Jewish practice mentioned in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is a prohibition against free Jewish males wearing earrings. This is tied up with the larger narrative of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā becoming a slave of Christ.164 Following his baptism (2), Asher receives the new name ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, which means ‘slave of Christ’. The imagery of slavery does not, however, end with ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s name. In the very next episode (3), the text narrates the story of the newly baptized ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā receiving a golden earring. This earring serves as a further marker of his identity as a slave of Christ. As ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s mother explains, only slaves wear earrings:165 ‘Have you not heard in the law of Moses that he commands thus, “The ear of a male in Israel shall not be pierced, aside from a slave who wishes to stay with his master forever”?’ (4) All of the characters in the story—Jews and non-Jews—are aware of this purportedly Jewish law: the Christian children convince ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā to pierce his ear in order to mark him as a Christian and prevent him from returning to Judaism (3); ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā’s mother hides him from his father because of the earring (4); and it is the earring that ultimately signals to his father and the Jewish guests at the Sabbath feast that something has happened to the boy (10). The History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, thus, presents this P. Kawerau, Die jakobitische Kirche im Zeitalter der syrischen Renaissance (2nd ed.; Berlin, 1960), 106. See also Van Rompay, in GEDSH, 234. 164 The metaphor of slavery to Christ has of course a long history going back to the Pauline corpus (see, e.g., D. B. Martin, Slavery as salvation: The metaphor of slavery in Pauline Christianity [New Haven, 1990]). 165 This is explained earlier in Arabβ, where already the children state that, ‘Jews do not pierce the ears of their male sons, but only (those of) their slaves who do not want to be manumitted and become free-people’ (3). Unfortunately, N is not extant here, so we do not know for sure that Syrβ also introduces this idea earlier. 163

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

54

prohibition against piercing the ear of a male Jew as an established, well-known Jewish law. A prohibition against piercing the ear of a male in Israel is not found in the Pentateuch, or in the entire Bible for that matter. The latter part of the claim by ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s mother—along with the ensuing narrative—is, however, based on the slavery law found in Ex 21:5–6, which reads as follows:

‫ܝ܂ ܘ ܐ ܬܝ ܘ ̈ܒ ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ ܕܪ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܢ ܐ‬ ̈ ‫ܐ ܐ ܒ ܐ̈ܪܐ܂ ܒ ܗܝ ܗ ܬ ܕ ܐ܂ ܘ ܒ ܗܝ ܬ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܒ ܗ ܐܕ ܒ ܒܐ܂‬ ‫ܬܪ ܐ ܐܘ ܬ ܐ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܼܒ‬ ‫ܘ ܘܐ‬

‘If a slave says, “I love my master, my wife, and my sons; I will not go out as a free person,” then his master should bring him to the judges and bring him to the door or the threshold, and his master should pierce his ear with an awl, and then he will be to him a slave forever’166 ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā invokes language very similar to this when explaining to his mother that he has converted to Christianity: ‘I am a Christian from this moment and ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā (i.e., a ܿ ‫) ܒ‬, ). I am his slave ( slave of Christ) forever ( ‫)ܪ‬, and he is my Lord because I have come to love him (‫ܗ‬ (‫ ) ܝ‬and my God. The law of Moses does not reproach slaves who love their masters (‫ܘܢ‬ ‫)̈ܪ‬, but the fact that it commands that the ear of such a slave be pierced at the door ‫ܕܬܬ‬ of the house of his master’s household (‫ܐܕ ܐ ܕ ܼܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܗ ܿܗܘ ܒ ܪ ܐ‬ ‫)ܕܕܪܬܐ ܕܒ‬, and then he will become a ܿ ‫)ܘ ܘܐ ܒ‬, this is what happened slave forever ( to me today, for at the door (‫ )ܬܪ ܐ‬of baptism I pierced my own ear (‫ܒ ܐܕ ܐ‬ ‫ )ܕ‬and confirmed the covenant with ).’ (4) my Lord (‫ ) ܝ‬forever ( The History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā thus uses the slavery law in Ex 21:5–6 to explain why ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā pierces his ear: to mark himself as a slave of Christ. The text, then, constructs a Jewish prohibition A similar law is found in Dt 15:16–17: ‘If he (i.e., a slave) says to you, “I will not go out from you, because I have come to love you and your household, and it is better for me (to be) with you,” then take an awl and pierce his ear at the door, and he will be for you a slave forever’. 166

INTRODUCTION

55

against piercing the ear of a male, since Jews are not slaves of Christ, probably drawing on John 8:33 (‘We are descendants of Abraham and have never been slaves to anyone.’). The idea that earrings, especially in the ears of males, can serve as a marker of identity is reported from other ancient texts. One group that is often associated with males who wear earrings is the Arabs. In his Satyricon, for instance, Petronius (d. 66) has one of the main characters, Giton, say the following: etiam circumcide nos, ut Iudaei videamur, et pertunde aures, ut imitemur Arabes, et increta facies, ut suos Gallia cives putet ‘Also circumcise us, so that we look like Jews, and bore (our) ears, so that we imitate Arabians, and chalk (our) faces, so that Gaul reckons (us) her own citizens…’ (102)167 A similar stereotype of Arabs is found in the Etymologiae of Isidore of Seville (d. 636) under a section on the typical costumes of certain peoples: circumcidunt quoque Iudaei praeputia, pertundunt Arabes aures, flavent capitibus intectis Getae, nitent Albani albentibus crinibus ‘The Jews also circumcise the foreskin, the Arabs bore ears, the Getae with uncovered heads are blond, and the Albanians shine with white hair.’ (XIX, xxiii, 7)168 A similar connection between earrings and Arabs is found in Pirqe DeRabbi Eliezer, which probably comes from eighth- or ninthcentury Palestine, in a text commenting on the golden calf and particularly the episode in Ex 32:3:169

Edited with an English translation in M. Heseltine, Petronius (London, 1913). 168 Edited in W. M. Lindsay, Isidori Hispalensis episcopi Etymologiarum sive originum libri XX (Oxford, 1911). An English translation is available in S. A. Barney, W. J. Lewis, J. A. Beach, and O. Berghof, The Etymologies of Isidore of Seville (Cambridge, 2006). 169 For the text’s provenance, see Strack and Stemberger, Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash, 328–30; R. Adelman, The Return of the Repressed: Pirqe de-Rabbi Eliezer and the Pseudepigrapha (Leiden, 2009), 35–42. 167

56

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’ ‫ראו האנשים שלא קבלו הנשים ליתן את נזמיהן לבעליהן ועד אותה‬ ‫ופרקו‬, ‫שניה היו הנזמים באזניהם כמעשה המצריים וכמעשה הערבים‬ ‫שנ 'ויתפרקו כל העם את נזמי‬, ‫את נזמיהם שבאזניהם ונתנו‬ ‫באזני נשיהם אין כתיב כאן אלא באזניהם‬, ‫הזהב אשר באזניהם‬ ‘The men saw that the women did not accept it on themselves to give their earrings to their husbands—and until that moment earrings were in their ears like the manner of the Egyptians and the manner of the Arabs—they took out the earrings that were in their ears and gave them [to Aaron], as it says, “And all the people broke off the golden rings which were in their ears” (Ex 32:3). “Which were in the ears of their wives” is not written here, but “which were in their [own] ears”.’ (45)170

There is then an ancient stereotype that links earring-wearing males with Arabs. This is important in the context of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, since the area around Shigar is known to have had a large Arab population in Late Antiquity and into the early Islamic period.171 Thus, it is this stereotype that may well provide the background for the use of the earring as an identity marker in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā.172 170 Translated from the text edited in M. Higger, “Pirke Rabbi Eliʿezer,” Ḥorev 8 (1944), 82–120, as reproduced by the Bar Ilan Responsa Project. There is no reliable critical edition of this text. See Adelman, Pirqe de-Rabbi Eliezer and the Pseudepigrapha, 42–44. It should be noted that there are variants for the word ‫‘ ערבים‬Arabs’ that read ‫‘ עבדים‬slaves’ and ‫עברים‬ ‘Hebrews’. Given that the line before has ‘Egyptians’, it seems that the text should read ‫‘ ערבים‬Arabs’. Indeed, Horowitz’s edition has ‫( ערביים‬C. M. Horowitz, Pirke de-Rabbi Eliezer [Jerusalem, 1972]), while Higger seems to have miscopied this as ‫עברים‬. Some manuscripts, however, do have ‫עבדים‬. There is a parallel in Tanḥuma (Warsaw) Ki Tissa 19, but it lacks the references to Egyptians and Arabs. 171 See Nau, Les arabes chrétiens de Mésopotamie et de Syrie du VIIe au VIIIe siècle; Segal, “Arabs in Syriac Literature before the Rise of Islam;” Robinson, “Tribes and Nomads in Early Islamic Northern Mesopotamia,” 431–436. In addition, Arabs are mentioned in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā on several occasions (17, 25, passim). 172 Further, it suggests that the Christian population around Shigar was Arab. Note that the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā states directly that the Christians coming from the West and passing through Shigar are Arabs (17).

INTRODUCTION

57

Interestingly, there is almost no evidence for a prohibition against free Jewish males wearing earrings in the Jewish literary sources available to us. Ancient Jewish sources did analyze Ex 21:5–6. They, however, asked a different question: Why was the slave’s ear pierced just because he opted to remain in his master’s service? The answer they presented was that this painful ceremony must have been a punishment, and the ear, or the doorpost upon which it was pierced, was meant to function as a reminder or symbol of an offence for which the slave was being chastised. This general exegetical approach is found as early as Philo of Alexandria and continues to appear throughout Tannaitic and Amoraic literature, with only minor variations.173 One of the rabbinic expressions of this tradition is as follows: ‫רבן יוחנן בן זכאי היה דורש את המקר' כמין חומר אמ' מה נשנית‬ ‫אזן מכל אברי' שבגוף א' הק"ב אזן זו ששמע' קולי על הר סיני‬ ‫כשאמרתי כי לי בני ישר' עבדי' ולא עבדי' לעבדי' והלך זה וקנה אדון‬ ‫לעצמו ) ( ירצע בה‬ ‘Rabban Yoḥanan b. Zakkai used to expound the verse ke-min ḥomer.174 He said: Why was the ear singled out from all the limbs in the body? The Holy One, blessed be he, said: This ear, which heard my voice on Mount Sinai when I said, “For the children of Israel are slaves to me (Ex 25:55),” and not slaves of slaves, and yet this one went and acquired a master for himself—let it be bored!’ (b. Qid. 22b, cited according to ms. Munich 95) In chronological order: Philo of Alexandria, On the Cherubim, XXII (ed. F. H. Colson and G. H. Whitaker, Philo [LCL 226–227, 247, 261, 275, 289, 320, 341, 363, 379; Cambridge, MA, 1929–1962]); t. Baba Qama 7:5; Mekhilta DeRabbi Ishmael Mesekhet Nezikin 2 (ed. H. S. Horovitz and I. A. Rabin, Mekhilta de-R. Yishmael [2nd ed.; Jerusalem, 1970]); Mekhilta DeRabbi Shimon Bar Yohai 21:5–6 (ed. Y. N. Epstein and E. Z. Melamed, Mekhilta De-R. Shimon bar Yohai [Jerusalem, 1955]), y. Qid. 1:2 19d; b. Qid. 22b. 174 For this and related terms, see J. Z. Lauterbach, “The Ancient Jewish Allegorists in Talmud and Midrash,” JQR 1 (1911), 291–333; idem, “The Ancient Jewish Allegorists in Talmud and Midrash (Concluded),” JQR 1 (1911), 503–531; and Y. Malḥi, “Dorshei Ḥamurot,” in Ts. Malakhi (ed.), Be-oraḥ madaʿ: Meḥqarim be-tarbut Yisraʾel mugashim leAharon Mirsqi bi-melot lo shivʿim shanah (Lod, 1986), 131–139. 173

58

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

In other words, the slave’s ear is pierced as punishment for having defied God by rejecting service to him, preferring instead service to a human master. It is not hard to see how this notion could have become understood to mean that ear-piercing and earrings themselves represent disobedience to God and thereby developed into a prohibition. But, we do not actually find such prohibitions in ancient Jewish texts. Indeed, Ex 32.2 recounts that women, boys, and girls are all wearing earrings, and the rabbis never condemn this (as illustrated in the Pirqe DeRabbi Eliezer text cited above).175 The only ancient Jewish literary source of which we are aware that contains a prohibition similar to that found in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is the Maʿasim liḇnē Ereṣ Yisrael. This corpus has been pieced together most recently by Newman.176 According to him, the abundance of Greek loanwords in the text suggests a Byzantine setting and a sixth- to seventh-century date of composition (or at least compilation). In this collection, the following prohibition appears: ‫ואסור לאשה ליתן נזמים באזני בנה‬ ‘It is prohibited for a woman to put earrings in the ears of her son’.177 The only other Jewish law that this prohibition might be referencing is the one in Dt 22:5 against men and women cross-dressing. The rabbis debated the scope of this law. In the mid-third-century Midrash Halakha, Sifre Deuteronomy, rabbis debate whether this law simply means that genders cannot pretend to be the other so as to conceal their own gender (and thus lead to promiscuity) or whether it means that men and women cannot wear clothing that is identifiably of the other gender, in other words, cross-dressing of any kind (Sifre Deuteronomy 226; ed. L. Finkelstein, Sifre on Deuteronomy [Reprint; New York, 1969]). The latter interpretation seems to have won the day in later Jewish legislation (B. M. Lewin, Otzar Ha-Geonim [Jerusalem, 1983–1984], vol. 11, 199–200, on b. Ned. 58b). In the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, however, (Christian) males do in fact wear earrings, and thus, according to both interpretations, this would not be an issue. Moreover, the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā alludes to Ex 21:5–6 as the source of this prohibition, and therefore it seems unlikely that it is referring to a law based on Dt 22:5. 176 H. Newman, The Maʿasim of the People of the Land of Israel: Halachah and History in Byzantine Palestine (Jerusalem, 2011). (in Hebrew) 177 This rule appears in one fragment of the work from the Genizah (T-S 10F4.7) published in J. Mann, “Sefer ha-Maʿasim li-vnei Erez Israel,” 175

INTRODUCTION

59

This text is far removed geographically from the History of ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā. In addition, the prohibition is narrower than that in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, since it seems to be limited to a mother and child whereas the prohibition in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is directed against male Jews, even adults. Lastly, the Maʿasim liḇnē Ereṣ Yisrael makes no mention of this prohibition’s connection to a stigma or explicit law against dressing or appearing like a slave. We therefore agree with Newman that there is no relationship between the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā and the Maʿasim liḇnē Ereṣ Yisrael. That is, it is difficult to see how this particular Byzantine prohibition could in some way provide the background to the appearance of a similar yet ultimately different prohibition in the History of ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā. The Jewish literary sources available to us afford no evidence of a prohibition against Jewish males in Babylonia wearing earrings. It is of course possible that this prohibition as found in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is a local, idiosyncratic Jewish practice particular to Shigar of which we have no other evidence. This could even be based on the common Jewish tradition cited above that a slave’s ear-piercing and earrings were evidence of a defiance of God. The presence of (Christian) Arabs, who as noted above are associated with earrings in other texts, in Shigar could provide the historical context for a situation in which Jews in Shigar developed a prohibition against wearing earrings in order to mark their identity. So, it is possible that the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is witnessing a real Jewish practice here. Ultimately, however, we find this to be unlikely. It is more plausible to us that the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā has constructed a Jewish prohibition based on Ex 21:5–6 for its own purpose. This is especially the case since the text has no other knowledge of Jews and Jewish practice. Instead of depicting a real Jewish practice in this prohibition against free Jewish males wearing earrings, the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā has constructed an imagined Jewish prohibition for its driving narrative device: The earring is Tarbiz 1 (1930), 12 and corrected by B. M. Lewin a year later (“Mi-seridei ha-geniza,” Tarbiz 2 [1931], 406 fn. 1). Newman (Maʿasim of the People of the Land of Israel, 99–102) accepts Lewin’s version. It should be noted that all of the aforementioned scholars have ltt instead of lytn, but the Genizah manuscript clearly has lytn, a form for the infinitive starting in Tannaitic Hebrew.

60

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

the main metaphor for ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s conversion, it underlies the differences between Jewish and Christian spirituality, it marks his change from Jew to Christian, it explains his name, and it instigates his death. This leads to a broader conclusion about the depiction of Jews in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. All of the Jewish laws and practices mentioned in this text are derived directly from the Bible. Indeed, even the law of the earring is cited by ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s mother as a biblical law. The text shares no correspondences with rabbinic literature or other forms of Judaism, for which there is admittedly much less evidence. Thus, we propose that the History of ʿAḇdā daMšiḥā shows no knowledge of real Jews, but rather that it has constructed an imagined Jew based on the Old Testament.178 If this proposal is accepted, it has important repercussions for how the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is used for reconstructing the social history of Shigar: the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā can no longer serve as straightforward evidence for interactions between Jews and Christians in Shigar, either at the time of the composition of the text or worse at the time of the purported martyrdom of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. The text may provide indirect evidence for this (as we discuss in the final section of this introduction), but the rhetoric of the text does not directly reflect reality in this case. Stepping back from the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, we can also reflect on a broader issue scholars face when reading Syriac texts that depict Jews: What do these texts tell us historically about Jews? In previous scholarship, Syriac Christian texts—and this is not limited to Syriac—have often served as evidence for the existence of otherwise unknown Jewish groups. The parade example of this This is a well-known phenomenon that is found in other Syriac Christian texts (see A. P. Hayman, “The Image of the Jew in the Syriac Anti-Jewish Polemical Literature” in J. Neusner and S. Frerichs [eds.], “To See Ourselves as Others See Us”: Christians, Jews, and “Others” in Late Antiquity [Chico, 1985], 440–441) as well as in Christianity more broadly (see, e.g., A. Jacobs, “The Place of the Biblical Jew in the Early Christian Holy Land,” Studia Patristica 38 [2001], 417–24). It should, however, be noted that the author could have alternatively constructed the Jew from the New Testament, as Ephrem often seems to do (see C. Shepardson, “‘Exchanging Reed for Reed’: Mapping Contemporary Heretics onto Biblical Jews in Ephrem’s Hymns on Faith,” Hugoye 5 [2002], 15–33). 178

INTRODUCTION

61

involves Aphrahaṭ and his Demonstrations.179 Scholars, especially of Jewish studies, have looked to these Demonstrations to see what they can tell us about Jews in Late Antique Mesopotamia. In a wellknown book, for instance, Neusner used the Demonstrations as evidence for the existence of a non-rabbinic group of Jews.180 Similarly, Snaith argued for a Jewish community who only followed the Hebrew Bible but had no oral-Torah.181 Even more recently, Lizorkin has suggested that Aphrahaṭ was in dialogue with “pararabbinic” Jews.182 All of these scholars have used Aphrahaṭ’s (polemical!) depiction of Jews as evidence for a particular form of Judaism.183 Undoubtedly, a good deal of the diversity of ancient Judaism is irretrievably lost to us. In addition, non-Jewish texts may well bear witness to Jews whose traditions are otherwise unknown. Nevertheless, we must be careful that these Christian texts are not treated simply as sources to be mined with little to no regard for how Jews are depicted and what rhetorical function they are serving.184 To return to the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, one could For the edition and translations, as well as comments about authorship, see fn. 162 above. 180 J. Neusner, Aphrahat and Judaism: The Christian-Jewish Argument in Fourth-Century Iran (Leiden, 1971). 181 J. G. Snaith, “Aphrahat and the Jews,” in J. A. Emerton and S. E. Reif (eds.), Interpreting the Hebrew Bible: Essays in Honor of E. I. J. Rosenthal (Cambridge, 1982), 236–250. 182 E. Lizorkin, Aphrahat’s Demonstrations: A Conversation with the Jews of Mesopotamia (CSCO 642; Louvain, 2012). 183 For bibliographic completeness, it should be noted that there are also those who have maintained that Aphrahaṭ was in conversation with rabbinic Jews; see, e.g., F. Gavin, “Aphraates and the Jews,” Journal of the Society of Oriental Research 7 (1923), 95–166; N. Koltun-Fromm, “A JewishChristian Conversation in Fourth-Century Persian Mesopotamia,” JJS 47 (1996), 45–63 and, with more nuance, her Jewish-Christian Conversation in Fourth-Century Persian Mesopotamia. A Reconstructed Conversation (Judaism in Context 12; Piscataway, 2011). 184 In the case of Aphrahaṭ, it should be mentioned that Walters has recently argued that the Jews in the Demonstrations are a literary construct; see his contribution to the edited volume mentioned above in fn. 21 as well as, with more detail, his Aphrahat and the Construction of Christian Identity in Fourth-Century Persia (Ph.D. Diss., Princeton Theological Seminary, 2016). For an earlier study that raises similar questions, see A. Becker, 179

62

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

posit on the basis of this text that there was a group of Jews living around Shigar that prohibited males from wearing earrings. A critical reading, however, suggests that this text has no knowledge of Jewish practices and has constructed its Jews based on the Hebrew Bible. It is only after this analysis that it becomes clear that the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā cannot serve as a witness to an otherwise unattested Jewish practice or community. The same critical analysis is needed of other Syriac texts that depict Jews.185

LEGEND OF THE JUDENKNABEN The History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā belongs among a larger group of texts from Late Antiquity through the Medieval period that narrate the so-called Legend of the Judenknaben (‘Jewish boy’), in which a Jewish boy converts to Christianity and his father consequently attempts to kill him.186 Three Greek and Latin texts seem to contain the earliest kernel of this story:187  Gregory of Tours (d. 594), Glory of the Martyrs, 9188 “Anti-Judaism and care for the poor in Aphrahat’s Demonstration 20,” JECS 10 (2002), 305–327. 185 This is true of all heresiological texts; among the many works that could be cited here, see A. Cameron, “How to Read Heresiology,” Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 33 (2003), 471-492. 186 The following section is based on S. Gross, “The Sources of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā and the Creation of a Persian Martyr Act,” in A. M. Butts and R. D. Young (eds.), Syriac Christian Culture: Beginnings to Renaissance (Washington, forthcoming), to which the reader is referred for more detail. The classic study of the the Legend of the Judenknaben is E. Wolter, Der Judenknabe. 5 griechische, 14 lateinische und 8 französische texte (Halle, 1879). For more recent remarks on the Legend of the Judenknaben in the Medieval West, see M. Rubin, Gentile Tales: The Narrative Assault on Late Medieval Jews (Philadelphia, 1999), 7–39. 187 See still Th. Nissen, “Zu den ältesten Fassungen der Legende vom Judenknaben,” Zeitschrift für französische Sprache und Literatur 62 (1939), 393–403. 188 The Glory of the Martyrs, or Liber in gloria martyrum, is the first book in Gregory’s Eight books of Miracles, or Libri octo miraculorum. The standard edition is B. Krusch and W. Levison, Gregorii Turonesis opera, Part 2. Miracula et opera minora (Scriptores Rerum Rerovingicarum 1; Hannover 1885; repr. 1969 with new pagination and revised index, 1988), 44. Krusch added additional manuscript data on the Libri octo miraculorum in an

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 

Evagrius Scholasticus (d. 590), Ecclesiastical history, IV.36189 a text we call Mioni 12 (date unknown), which is attributed to John Moschos by Mioni190 Each of these texts narrates a story about the son of a Jewish glassblower who partakes of the Eucharist with Christian children. As a result, the boy’s father attempts, unsuccessfully, to kill him in his glassblowing furnace, with the father dying instead. These three texts share the following similarities:  a Jewish boy;  son of a glassblower;  converting to Christianity;  the presence of Christian children;  the near martyrdom of the boy;  at the hands of the boy’s father;  in the father’s glassblowing oven;  the father’s death;191  a reference or allusion to Dn 3. The theme of youths being thrown into a furnace and surviving through divine intervention derives of course from Daniel 3, and appendix in Passiones vitaeque sanctorum aevi merovingici (Hannover, 1910), 707–756. An English translation is available in R. Van Dam, Glory of the Martyrs (2nd ed.; Liverpool, 2004). Gregory seems to have composed the Glory of the Martyrs sometime around the late 580s or early 590s (see Van Dam, Glory of the Martyrs, xii). 189 The standard edition is J. Bidez and L. Parmentier, Evagrius, Ecclesiastical History (London, 1898), 185–186. A French translation is available in A.-J. Festugière, “Évagre, Histoire Ecclésiastique,” Byzantion 45 (1975), 187–488, and an English translation in M. Whitby, Evagrius Scholasticus. The Ecclesiastical History (Liverpool, 2000). 190 E. Mioni, “Il Pratum Spirituale di Giovanni Mosco: Gli episodi inediti del Cod. Marciano greco II.21,” OCP 17 (1951), 61–94. 191 The father is thrown into the furnace in Gregory of Tours, but is executed in a different manner in the Greek versions of the story. From this, Duffy originally concluded that the father’s death in the furnace was a “Western” reworking of an original Greek tradition (J. Duffy, “Passing remarks on three Byzantine texts,” Palaeoslavica 10 [2002], 54–64). However, he has since changed his mind; see J. Duffy, “The Jewish Boy Legend and the ‘Western Twist’,” in D. Sullivan, E. Fisher, and S. Papaioannou (eds.), Byzantine Religious Culture: Studies in Honor of Alice-Mary Talbot (Leiden, 2012), 313–322.

64

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

this comparison is made explicitly in one of the sources (Gregory).192 Moreover, in Evagrius and Mioni 12 the story is set in Constantinople, while Gregory refers only to ‘the East’ (in oriente).193 These sources are products of the broad exchange of hagiography in Late Antiquity.194 These stories and the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā share a number of common plot components:  a Jewish boy;  converting to Christianity;  the presence of Christian children;  the (near) martyrdom of the boy;  at the hands of the boy’s father;  the father’s death (though the differences here are as great as the similarities). While these three stories share many features in common with the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, an even more striking parallel to the latter can be found in a text which appears in several manuscripts that

Dn 3 was also utilized in other martyrdoms as a precedent to be martyred, despite the fact that the three youths are saved. See, for instance, the Passion of Montanus and Lucius 3.4, in H. Musurillo, Acts of the Christian Martyrs (Oxford, 1972), 214. This is also found in some of the Persian Martyr Acts themselves (see the references in fn. 134 above). Miraculously surviving ovens is found in many other texts, such as Cyril of Scythopolis’s Life of Sabas, 5 (ed. E. Schwartz, Kyrillos von Skythopolis [Leipzig, 1939], with an English translation in R. M. Price, Cyril of Scythopolis. Lives of the Monks of Palestine [Kalamazoo, MI, 1991]). Similarly, John Rufus, Plerophories, 14, has a vision in which Christ is placed in an oven for three days before being retrieved (ed. F. Nau, Jean Rufus, évêque de Maïouma. Plérophories [PO 8.1; Paris, 1912]). 193 Though it is worth pointing out that Constantinople was indeed to the east of Gregory’s home in Gaul. Note also that Gregory mentions Syrian merchants a number of times in his History (see L. Thorpe, Gregory of Tours: History of the Franks [London, 1974], 433). 194 For Gregory’s sources and informants from around the Mediterranean, see G. Kurth, Etudes franques II (Paris—Brussels, 1919), 131–145 and Van Dam, Glory of the Martyrs, xv–xvi. It is interesting to note that a Jewish glassblower converts to Christianity at the instigation of Symeon the Holy Fool (see D. Krueger, Symeon the Holy Fool: Leontius’s Life and the Late Antique City [Berkeley, 1996], 122). 192

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contain the Spiritual Meadow by John Moschos (d. 619).195 In 1938, Nissen published 14 short Greek stories as a supplement to Migne’s edition of Moschos’ Spiritual Meadow.196 The eighth story in this collection, which we hereafter refer to as “Nissen 8,” contains several striking parallels to the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā.197 Nissen 8 cannot be an authentic part of John Moschos’s Spiritual Meadow. This is most clearly demonstrated by the role that the emir (ἀμηρᾶς) plays in the story,198 which establishes a terminus post quem for the text at ca. 638, when Jerusalem fell in the Arab conquests, a couple of decades after the death of John Moschos (d. 619). Thus, it seems that Nissen 8 was secondarily attached to the

On John Moschos, see H. Chadwick, “John Moschos and his friend Sophronios the Sophist,” JTS 25 (1974), 47–49; E. Mioni, “Jean Moschus Moine,” Dictionnaire de Spiritualité 7 (1973), cols. 632–640; B. L. Ihssen, John Moschos’ Spiritual Meadow. Authority and Autonomy at the End of the Antique World (Farnham, 2014). There continues to be no reliable edition of the Greek text of the Spiritual Meadow; thus, recourse must still be made to J. P. Migne, Patrologia Graeca lxxxvii (1863). A French translation is available in M.-J. Rouët de Journel, Le pré spirituel (SC 12; Paris, 1946), and an English translation is available in J. Wortley, The Spiritual Meadow (CSS 139; Kalamazoo, 1992). On the textual history of The Spiritual Meadow, see in addition to the literature already cited, P. Pattenden, “The Text of the Pratum Spirituale,” JTS 26 (1975), 38–54. 196 Th. Nissen, “Unbekannte Erzählungen aus dem Pratum Spirituale,” Byzantinische Zeitschrift 38 (1938), 351–376. Nissen based his edition on two manuscripts, which contain other Moschos material: ms. Berlin, Gr. 221 (= Phillipp. 1624) and ms. Vienna, Hist. Gr. 42. In 1951, Mioni argued that both of these manuscripts are dependent on ms. Venice, Marcianus Gr. II.21 (Mioni, “Il Pratum Spirituale di Giovanni Mosco”). For further information on this manuscript, see also Pattenden, “The Text of the Pratum Spirituale,” 40 with fn. 4. 197 The Greek text of Nissen 8 can be found in Nissen, “Unbekannte Erzählungen aus dem Pratum Spirituale,” 361–365; an English translation is available in Wortley, The Spiritual Meadow, 205–210. 198 So already Nissen, “Unbekannte Erzählungen aus dem Pratum Spirituale,” 353; Chadwick, “John Moschos and his friend Sophronios the Sophist,” 43. 195

66

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

Spiritual Meadow in the manuscript tradition, which was a common occurrence in this text’s transmission.199 Nissen 8 is set not in Constantinople but in Palestine, in a town in which the children of both Jews and Christians are shepherds. One day, as the shepherding Christian youths sit to eat, they decide to playact the Eucharist. A Jewish youth who is shepherding the flock of his father, identified as the ‘chief rabbi’ (ἀρχιρεμβής),200 wishes to join them but is rebuffed because he is Jewish: a Jewish boy cannot, of course, partake of the Eucharist. The Jewish boy, however, agrees to convert, and what began as a Booth explains the reason for the proliferation of Pseudo-Moschos texts: “an immediate consequence of Moschos’s open, delinearized narrative is that where later scribes have added their own narratives to, or subtracted others from, manuscripts of the Spiritual Meadow, it is difficult to know which are in fact from his pen. Thus where an unattributed tale refers to an Eastern context of the sixth or seventh century, or where such a tale sits within a manuscript alongside recognizably authentic tales (that is, tales with multiple attributions to Moschus or with references to the presence of Sophronius), it is tempting to regard it as an original component of the text … It is perhaps unsurprising, therefore, that the text still lacks a modern critical edition—the unenviable task has occupied Philip Pattenden since the 1970s.” (P. Booth, Crisis of Empire: Doctrine and Dissent at the End of Late Antiquity [Berkeley, 2013], 91). 200 The word ρεμβής results from the dissimilation of Hebrew or Aramaic *bb > mb. See P. Wexler, Explorations in Judeo-Slavic Linguistics (Leiden, 1987), 26 with fn. 93; idem, Three Heirs to a Judeo-Latin Legacy: Judeo-Iberio-Romance, Yiddish, and Rotwelsch (Wiesbaden, 1988), 17–18 with fn. 18; V. A. Tcherikover, A. Fuchs, and M. Stern, Corpus Papyrorum Judaicarum, vol. 3 (Cambridge, 1964), sec. XIII, 44. A Christian baptismal formula dated to 1027 includes the equivalent of rabbi with and without ἀρχι, each with two forms due to a vowel change: ρέμβι, ράμβι, ἀρχιρεμβίται, and ἀρχιραμβίται (J. Starr, The Jews in the Byzantine Empire, 641–1204 [New York, 1970], 175–178). These seem to represent accurately Jewish titles, as they are paired with ἀρχιφερέχεται, which is a calque on the title resh pirqa, or head of assembly or session (on which, see D. Goodblatt, Rabbinic Instruction in Sasanian Babylonia [Leiden, 1975], 171– 196). Moreover, the baptismal formula has a scholion explaining the titles ραβίς and ἀρχιραμβός, suggesting that they were real words with which the Christian audience might not have been familiar. This is corroborated by a twelfth-century list where these titles appear with other real ones (see A. Sharf, Byzantine Jewry from Justinian to the Fourth Crusade [London, 1971], 178–179). 199

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67

playful Eucharist turns real as the Jewish boy converts at the hands of the Christian children. Upon returning home, the Jewish boy refuses to eat with his father and confesses that he has converted. The father tries to kill the boy in a furnace in the local bathhouse, but, like the youths in Daniel 3, to whom he is explicitly compared, the Jewish boy miraculously survives, and his father dies in the furnace instead. All of the aforementioned Greek and Latin stories share some common elements:  a Jewish boy;  encounters Christian children;  converts to Christianity;  the near martyrdom of the boy;  at the hands of the boy’s father;  the father’s death;  a reference or allusion to Dn 3. The account in Nissen 8 is, however, different in a number of ways from those of Gregory, Evagrius, and Mioni 12, and each of the differences distinctive to Nissen 8 is also found in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā:  The stories in Nissen 8 and the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā do not take place in Constantinople, but in Palestine and Shigar, respectively.  In Nissen 8 and the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, the Jewish and Christian youths are shepherds tending to their fathers’ flocks and meet while taking a break to eat.  In Nissen 8 and the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, the Jewish boy is not only in the presence of Christian youths when he converts, but he is converted by their very hands, in a kind of makeshift ritual only later confirmed to have been successful (either by a divine sign, in Nissen 8, or by a wandering bishop and a dream, in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā).  Only in Nissen 8 and the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā does the Jewish youth refuse to eat with his father, at which point the father learns of his son’s conversion.  Finally, in Nissen 8 the Jewish boy’s father is said to be the ‘chief rabbi’ (ἀρχιρεμβής), and similarly in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, he is said to be the ‘head of the Jews’ (‫ܪ ܐ‬

68

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

‫)ܕ ̈ ܕ ܐ‬.201 By contrast, the three Greek and Latin stories do

not ascribe any significant leadership role to the boy’s father. Nissen 8 also shares some elements in common with Gregory, Evagrius, and Mioni 12 that are missing from the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, namely, the father throwing his son into a furnace and the boy miraculously surviving. Finally, in contrast to all of the Greek and Latin texts, the boy is actually martyred in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. How do we make sense of these inter-related texts? We propose the following genealogy: Gregory, Evagrius, and Mioni 12 seem to be working with a shared story, in which the father’s occupation as a glassblower perfectly explains why he later uses a furnace to try and kill his son. Nissen 8 is then revising this story, leading to a less symmetrical narrative. Nissen 8 moves the story to Palestine and changes the occupation of the father from glassblower to shepherd. Once the father’s occupation is changed, Nissen 8 must find a different way to account for the furnace, which it does by adding a lengthy portion explaining the existence and relevance of a bathhouse.202 Finally, while in the works of Gregory, Evagrius, and Mioni 12 the Christian youths and the Jewish boy partake of a Eucharist officiated by a bishop, Nissen 8 has the Christian youths perform the Eucharist themselves. This is in line with a preoccupation found predominately in sources from the seventh century in the Eastern Mediterranean of makeshift Eucharists, oftentimes at the hands of children, a motif we even find elsewhere in John Moschos himself.203 This would therefore be an insertion of a contemporary and local concern into an earlier story that did not share this preoccupation.

This is in Syrα. N is unfortunately not extant here, but Arabβ has ̈ ‘head and chief of the people of Yehud (‫ܘܕ‬ ‫’)ܪ ܘ ܿ ܐ‬. 202 Also in Nissen 8, the father is no longer killed in the furnace, but he is now beheaded elsewhere. 203 For this motif, see Krueger, “The Unbounded Body in the Age of Liturgical Reproduction.” The story is also found in John Moschos, Pratum spiritual, 196. See also R. Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw it: A Survey and Evaluation of Jewish, Christian, and Zoroastrian Writings on Early Islam (Princeton, 1997), 65–67 with fn. 37–38, where he notes the parallel between Nissen 8 and John Moschos, Pratum Spirituale, 196. 201

INTRODUCTION

69

What then is the relationship between these stories and the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā? The strongest relationship is between the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā and Nissen 8.204 This fits with the chronological data, as both seem to have been written postconquests, whereas the works of Gregory, Evagrius, and Mioni 12 come from the end of the sixth century. Moreover, whereas Nissen 8 helps explain many of the differences we find between the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā and the works of Gregory, Evagrius, and Mioni 12, the reverse is not the case. That is, the existence of Nissen 8 is crucial for understanding how the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā arrived in its current form—it is the “missing link” in the text’s evolution, whereas Nissen 8 is directly dependent on these earlier sources. We are not, however, necessarily arguing for a direct line of influence between Nissen 8 and the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. The story could have traveled eastward in many different ways, and Nissen 8 and History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā may each be dependent on a common source.

THE ‘WHY’ QUESTION In this introduction, we have argued for a new reading of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā and, by extension, of other Syriac martyrdom accounts as well as of other Syriac texts that depict Jews. No longer is the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā a text to be mined for a potential historical kernel that it might contain. This text is quite simply not a reliable source of historical information for fourth-century northern Mesopotamia.205 In addition, the History of

Sahner (“Old Martyrs, New Martyrs, and the Coming of Islam,” 111 fn. 101) already noted that the two tales are similar, but he did not elaborate and did not take note of the similar stories in Gregory, Evagrius, and Mioni 12. 205 This is most obviously the case for the murder of a young boy by his father, but it extends to other historical questions as well. In a relatively recent article, for instance, Stern argues that the fact that the date of the death of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is recorded in a lunar calendar and not the Julian calendar shows that Shigar was “rapidly ‘de-Romanized’” after it fell to the Persians in 363 (S. Stern, “Near Eastern Lunar Calendars in the Syriac Martyr Acts,” Le Muséon 117 [2004], 468). Stern never, however, considers the possibility that the supposed date of ʿAḇdā da204

70

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā does not speak directly—or possibly even indirectly—about a Jewish population living in Shigar at the time of the composition of the text, or worse at the time of the purported death of one ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. Rather, the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is a piece of literature. More specifically, we have argued that it represents the reception of a Western martyrdom account in the Syriac world and that part of this process involved the construction of Jewish antagonists based on the Old Testament.206 We want to conclude this introduction by at least asking— through not adequately answering—the ‘why’ question. That is, if the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, as we have argued, constructs an imagined Jew based on the Hebrew Bible, why does it do this? As Bloch, has pointed out, “[T]o establish the fact of forgery is not enough. It is further necessary to discover its motivations … Above all, a fraud is, in its way, a piece of evidence.”207 In Bloch’s language, then, what is the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā evidence of? What are its motivations?208 To answer these questions, we should begin by noting that the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā participates in a larger trend of Christian anti-Jewish polemic—whether Syriac or not—that flourished in the early centuries of the Islamic period.209 Within the Syriac context, one can point to a number of texts that illustrate this trend.210 Mšiḥā’s martyrdom could be a literary construct created long after the fourth century. 206 A further argument can be made that the story has been adapted to the genre of the Syriac Persian Martyr Acts; see Gross, “The Sources of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā and the Creation of a Persian Martyr Act.” For the genre of Syriac Persian Martyr Acts more broadly, see Becker, “The Invention of the Persian Martyr Acts.” 207 M. Bloch, The Historian’s Craft (Glasgow, 1992), 77. 208 It should be noted that the most obvious function of the text is to provide an etiology for the existence of two cult sites to ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, one in the area around Shigar and another further west where the Arab merchants reside (see pp. 33–34 above). 209 See, e.g., Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw it, 78–87, 538–539. For an interesting introduction to the topic, see A. Cameron, “Blaming the Jews: The Seventh Century Invasions of Palestine in Context,” Travaux et Mémoires 14 (2002), 57–78. 210 See the discussion and sources in A. Becker, “Beyond the Spatial and Temporal Limes: Questioning the ‘Parting of the Ways’ Outside the

INTRODUCTION

71

Struggling with the conquest of Jerusalem and the foundation of the Dome of the Rock (late 7th century), the Gospel of the Twelve Apostles includes the “Apocalypse of James,” which focuses on the Jews’ loss of the Temple when they did not believe in Christ.211 Or, to take another example, the Disputation of Sergius the Stylite Against a Jew, composed sometime between 730–770 according to its editor, depicts a long disputation between the Christian Sergius and a Jew.212 Another dialogue between a Jew and Christian can be found in the Discourse on Priesthood, which may have been composed sometime in the ninth century and which includes supersessionist claims based on the Jews’ loss of temple and priesthood.213 In addition to texts such as these that belong to the genre of Adversus Judaeos,214 there are a number of practical and legal texts that legislate certain kinds of anti-Jewish behavior. For our purposes here, prohibitions against eating and drinking with Jews Roman Empire,” in A. H. Becker and A. Y. Reed (eds.), The Ways That Never Parted (Tübingen, 2003), 382–387. 211 Drijvers dates the text to after 692, because of its indebtedness to the Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius, but before the reign of ʿAbd al-Malik in 705 (H. J. W. Drijvers, “The Gospel of the Twelve Apostles: A Syriac Apocalypse from the Early Islamic Period,” in A. Cameron and L. I. Conrad [eds.], The Byzantine and Early Islamic Near East, Vol. 1. Problems in the Literary Source Material [Studies in Late Antiquity and Early Islam 1; Princeton, 1992], 213). For our purposes, see also his explanation for the anti-Jewish polemic found in the Gospel of the Twelve Apostles but not in slightly earlier Syriac apocalypses in his “Christians, Jews and Muslims in Northern Mesopotamia in Early Islamic Times,” in P. Canivet and J.-P. Rey-Coquais (eds.), La Syrie de Byzance à l’Islam (Damas, 1992), 67–74, esp. 73–74. 212 A. P. Hayman, The Disputation of Sergius the Stylite against a Jew (CSCO 338–339; Louvain, 1973). 213 For discussion, text, and translation, see A. Becker, “The Discourse on Priesthood (BL Add 18295 137b–140b): An Anti-Jewish text on the Abrogation of the Israelite Priesthood,” JSS 51 (2006), 85–115, as well as his “Beyond the Spatial and Temporal Limes,” 385–386. See also the important corrections in G. Herman, “Note on the Recently Published Discourse on the Priesthood (BL Add. 18295, ff. 137B–140B),” JSS 54 (2009), 389–391. 214 For Syriac texts in this genre, see Becker’s contribution to the edited volume mentioned above in fn. 21.

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

72

are especially important. The Church of the East synod in 676, for instance, prohibits Christians from rushing to drink wine at Jewish taverns after celebrating the Eucharist:

‫̈ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫܀‬ ‫܀‬ ̈ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫̈ ܐ܀ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܕܐ̈ܪܙܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ‬ ‫ܕܒܐܬܪܐ ܗ ܐ܆ ܒ ܪ ܕ ܒ ܐ̈ܪܙܐ ̈ ܐ܆ ܘ‬ ̈ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈ ܬܐ ܕ ܘܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܪܗܒ‬ :‫ܒ ̈ ܐ ܕ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕ ܒ ܆ ܒ‬ ‫ܬܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ܆ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ̈ ‫ܘܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ ܘܗܕܐ‬.‫ܝ ܒ ܒ ܬܐ‬ ̈ ‫̈ ܬܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܕ‬ ‫ܪܓ ܗܘܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܢܒ‬ ‫ܐܕ‬ ‫ ܕ ܐ ܬܘܒ‬: ‫ܘܒ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܢ܀ ܿ ܗ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ܿ ‫ܘ ܚ‬ ‫ ܘܐܢ ܐ‬.‫ܐ‬ ‫ܬܗܘܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܒܓ ܪܕ ܐ ܬ ܐ܀‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ ܐ‬:‫ܿܗ‬ ‫ܕ ܒ‬

‘Canon 17: Concerning the confusion of the faithful who neglect the honor of the holy mysteries. We have heard that Christian people in this place, after they receive the holy mysteries and leave the church on the days of the Eucharist, rush to the shops of Jews to drink wine, and they disgrace in their madness the holiness that they have received by mixing with Jews, who deny grace. And this (happens even) when they do not lack shops of Christians by which to fulfill their desire of drinking wine according to their custom. We hereby ban and abolish this practice so that it does not again happen among Christians. If someone violates this and dares to do it, let him be repressed by the bishop through ecclesiastical judgement.’215 Slightly later in time, the canons of Catholicos Ishoʿ bar Nun (d. 828) contain the following prohibition:

‫ܐ܆ ܐܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܐܘ‬ ‫ ܐܢ ܐ‬. ‫ܐ ܕ ܐܐ ܘܬ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܒܐ‬ ‫ ܘܐ‬:‫̈ܘܕ ܐ‬ ‫ ܐ ܘ ܿ ܐ‬:‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ .‫ܕ̈ܪܓ ܘܢ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫̈ ܐ‬ ‫̈ ܐ ܘ‬ :‫ܐ‬ ̈ . ‫ܗܘܢ ܕ ܐ ܬܘܒ‬ ‫ ܘ‬:‫ܒ ܬ ܒ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܪ‬ ‫ܓ‬ ‫ ܘܐܢ‬.‫̈ܓ ܐܐ‬ ‫ܡ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܆‬ ‫ܕ̈ܪܓ ܘܢ‬ ‫ܪܘܢ‬ ‫܆‬ ‫ܘܢ ܘ‬ : ‫ ܒܐ ܬܐ ܕ‬. ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܿ ܆‬. ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ 215

346.

‫ܕ‬ ̈‫ܙ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬

Chabot, Synodicon Orientale, 225.1–10; 489; Braun, Synodicon Orientale,

INTRODUCTION

.‫ܡ ܓ ܐ‬

‫ܢ‬

‫ܐ ܗܘ ܕ ܆‬ .‫ܬܐ‬

‫ ܐܢ‬.‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ .

73

‫ܒ‬

‫ܕܕܓ‬ ‫ܘܐܢ ܐ‬

‘Judgement 118: If some priest, deacon, or layperson eats and drinks with Jews, and if there is friendship with one of the crucifers, then the priests and deacons should be prevented from their offices until they offer penitence and (until) they impose an oath upon themselves that they will not do (this) again and (until) they establish a covenant before many. If they do not abide by this covenant and do (it) again, they should be released from their offices a second time because they committed a double sin in that, on the one hand, they ate (with Jews) and, on the other hand, that they did not abide by their covenant. If it is a layperson, this person should be admonished before the community. If the person does not stop, the person should be prevented from church.’216

This canon is broader than the earlier canon in forbidding Christians from eating and drinking with Jews or, for that matter, from even befriending a Jew. Such prohibitions are not restricted to the Church of the East, but are also found among the Syriac Orthodox in the early Islamic period. Jacob of Edessa (d. 708), for instance, provides the following answer to a question about drinking wine pressed by Jews:

‫ ܐܢ ܿܙܕܩ‬.‫ܬܐܘ ܐ‬ .‫̈ܕ ܐ‬ ܿ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܡܕ ܒ‬ ‫ܘܒܐܘܪ ܐ ܪܕܐ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ ܐܢ‬.‫ܒ‬ ‫ܨܒ ܬܐ‬ ‫ ܘܐ ܐ‬.‫̈ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ ܐ ܐ ܨ‬. ‫ ܘܕܐ ܗ‬.‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܘ‬ ܿ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܘܒ ܘ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ ܐ‬.‫ܐ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܡ ܕ ܐ ܠ ܐܘ‬ ‫ܚܕ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܘܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܐ‬ ‫ ܗ ܐ‬.‫ܡ ܕ ̈ܒ ܐ ̈ ܐ ̈ ܐܬܐ ܕ ̈ܕ ܐ‬ ̈ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕܐ ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܢ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܕ ̈ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ ܘ‬.‫ܐ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫̈ܪܬܐ‬ ‫ ܐ ܓ ܿܙܕܩ ܐ ܐ ܕ ܿ ܐܠ‬.‫ܒ ܒ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܕ‬ .‫ܘܢ ܕ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܐ‬ ‫ܡ ܐ ܐ ܕܐ‬ ‫ ܘܐ ܐ‬.‫̈ ܕ ܐ‬ ̈ .‫ܐ ܕ ܪܘ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܚܘ ܐܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ .‫ܒܐ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܐܦ ܼܗܘ‬ ‫ܪ‬

‫ܐ ܕ‬

‫ܐ‬

‫ܐ ܕ‬

E. Sachau, Syrische Rechtsbücher (Berlin, 1907–1914), vol. 2, 170.11–20 (Syr.), 171 (GT). 216

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

74

‘Thomas: If it is right for a Christian to drink wine that Jews have pressed… Jacob: On the one hand, if someone is travelling and does not find anything to buy bread, wine, etc., except from the Jews, and if necessity presses him, then he is without blame. On the other hand, if the one who dares to buy something to eat or drink that the defiled hands of the Jews have held is in a place where there are Christians, then this one should be rejected from the Church of God and from the fellowship of the believers as one who is defiled, rejected, and despised, and he217 should be numbered with Jews until he218 is purified through repentance. For, it is not right even to ask the Jews for wine presses or for any other thing lest one be defiled by the wicked. If a priest dares to pardon in the name (of God) wine that the Jews have pressed, he too is guilty.’219 As with the examples from the Church of the East, Jacob here prohibits Christians from accepting food or drink from Jews, unless it is absolutely unavoidable. Interestingly, part of the punishment for accepting food or drink from Jews is not only to be removed from the Church but also to be considered as Jews. To take one final example, prohibitions against Christians eating with Jews are found in the volume edited by Beck as Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones III.220 Mēmrā 4 in this volume contains the following warning about Christians eating with Jews:

‫̈ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܿ ܬ ܓ ܐ‬

‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܐ ܪܒܐ ܒ ܿ ܘ‬ ̈ ‫ܐܕ‬ ‫ܘ ܒ ܒܒ ܫ‬

‘A great woe on that day for the one who eats with Jews and (who) is adorned with the garments of pagans, for he will inherit Gehenna with them.’221 An appendix to this mēmrā adds:

Ms. ‘they’. Ms. ‘they’. 219 A. Vööbus, The Synodicon in the West Syrian Tradition, vol. 1 (CSCO 367–368; Louvain, 1975), 257.23–258.5 (Syr.); 235 (ET). 220 E. Beck as Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones III (CSCO 320– 321; Louvain, 1972). 221 E. Beck, Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones, vol. 3 (CSCO 320– 321; Louvain, 1972), Mēmrā 4, ln. 57–60. 217 218

INTRODUCTION

ܿ ‫ܕܗܘ ܕܐ ܕܒ ܐ ܕ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ܿ ̈ ‫ܗܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܓܐ ܐܠ‬

75

‫ܬܘܒ ܕ‬ ‫ܪ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܐܕ‬

‘I also reflected on what is the judgment of the one who eats the sacrifice of pagans, and into which accusation the one who eats with Jews will enter.’222

This mēmrā is not genuine Ephrem,223 and, important for our purposes, Beck dates it to the Islamic period.224 Mēmrā 2 in this volume contains similar prohibitions:

ܿ ܿ ‫ܐ ܐ ܐ ܠ ܓܗܕ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ܿ ܿ ̈ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܕ ܐ‬ ܿ ܿ‫ܘ‬ ‫̈ܘܕ ܐ ܐ ܐܪܬ ̈ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ̈ ‫ܐ ܪܐ ܘܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܗ ܓܒܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܿ ܬ ܓ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܪܒ ܘܢ ܬܘܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈ ܘܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܢ‬

‘Whoever eats with the magicians will not eat the body of Christ, whoever drinks with conjurers will not drink the blood of Christ, whoever eats with Jews will not inherit life eternal. May these three groups be food for the fire. Whoever mixes with them will inherit Gehenna, the Jews with the magicians with their master Satan.’225

While this mēmrā is also not genuine Ephrem,226 Beck does not locate it as clearly in a post-Islamic context. Regardless of the date of this final example, there is clearly an abundance of evidence

Beck, Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones III, Mēmrā 4, Appendix 1, ln. 85–88. 223 So Beck, Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones III, ix (introduction); S. P. Brock, “In Search of St Ephrem,” Христианский Восток NS 6 (2013), 42. 224 Beck, Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones III, ix (translation). 225 Beck, Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones III, Mēmrā 2, ln. 151– 162. 226 So Beck, Des Heiligen Ephraem des Syrers Sermones III, vii, (introduction); Brock, “In Search of St Ephrem,” 42. 222

76

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

from the early centuries of the Islamic period for prohibitions against Syriac Christians’ eating and drinking with Jews.227 These texts provide just a sample of the anti-Jewish polemic that flourished among Syriac Christians in the early centuries of the Islamic period. The question now is: How are we to read this antiJewish polemic? Two options are commonly proposed.228 One is that we take these texts at face value as polemics directed against Jews. According to this line of thought, these texts would be motivated by a change in social reality following the conquests: the (more) rigid boundaries between Christians and Jews, which at least for the (Eastern) Roman Empire were maintained imperially, came at least partially undone in the Islamic period.229 Thus, anti-Jewish polemic at this time would serve to reinforce boundaries. This This is not to imply that similar prohibitions are not found in Syriac literature before the Islamic period. The Synod of Ishoʿyahb in 585, for instance, forbids Christians from participating in the feasts of other religions, including Jews as well as heretics and pagans (Chabot, Synodicon, 157–158, 417–418; Braun, Synodicon Orientale, 225). Or, to take another sixth-century example, in his martyrdom account concerning Najran, Simeon of Bēth Arsham (d. before 548) has a young child refuse to eat food offered by the Jewish king: ‘The child answered, “No, by Christ, I will not eat the nuts of Jews, and my mother will not eat the nuts of Jews.” The king asked him why, and the boy responded, “Because the nuts of Jews are unclean…”’ (I. Guidi, “La lettera di Simeone vescovo di Bêth-Aršâm sopra i martiri omeriti,” Reale Accademia dei Lincei. Memorie della classe di scienze morali, storiche e filologiche, Ser. 3a, VII [1881], 513.1–4). To move earlier in time and to broaden the scope from eating to befriending, the Teaching of Addai (ca. 420) warns Christians not to be friends with Jews lest they become responsible for ‘the blood of Christ’ (Howard, The Teaching of Addai, 43 [Syr.], 87 [ET]). Similarly, some Canons attributed (probably falsely) to Marutha of Maypherqaṭ (fl. the beginning of the fifth century) contain prohibitions against Christians befriending Jews (A. Vööbus, The Canons Ascribed to Mārūtā of Maypherqaṭ and related sources [CSCO 439–440; Louvain, 1982], 38.22–23 [Syr.], 35 [ET]; 71.12–13 [Syr.], 62 [ET]). For additional examples, see Gross, “The Sources of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā and the Creation of a Persian Martyr Act.” 228 For the broader methodology, see the discussion on pp. 5–8 above, with further references. 229 See Adam Becker, “Beyond the Spatial and Temporal Limes,” 382– 387. 227

INTRODUCTION

77

would not necessarily have to represent a version of the ‘conflict theory’ in which Jews were actually a greater threat to Christians, but still the rhetoric of these texts would in some way reflect a social reality in which Syriac Christians were polemicizing against a perceived (and possibly real) threat of real Jews. A second way in which to read the anti-Jewish polemic that flourished among Christians in the early centuries of Islam is that it would not actually be directed against Jews but against Muslims. That is, the Jews in these texts could serve as proxies for Muslims. Or, to state it differently, Muslims could be mapped onto Jews. The mapping of the ‘other’ onto Jews is a well-established polemical strategy among Christians, including Syriac Christians.230 It occurs already when Ephrem depicts his Arian adversaries as ‘Jews’ and is later developed by miaphysite authors in arguments with the dyophysites (Chalcedonian or not).231 This mapping is also attested in Syriac polemical writings against Muslims who become ‘New Jews’.232 In his Letter 40, for instance, Timothy I (d. 823) ‫ ) ̈ܘܕ ܐ ܿܗ ܢ‬from the days of contrasts ‘those old Jews’ (‫̈ ܐ‬ Herod and Pilate with the ‘New Jews among us’ (‫̈ܘܕ ܐ ̈ ܬܐ‬ ‫)ܕܒ ܢ‬.233 According to this line of thought, then, the Syriac antiJewish polemic from the early centuries of Islam could actually be directed against Muslims.234 A book on the mapping of the ‘other’ onto Jews among Syriac Christians is currently in progress by A. M. Butts. 231 For Ephrem, see C. Shepardson, “Mapping Contemporary Heretics onto Biblical Jews in Ephrem’s Hymns on Faith” and, with more detail, her Anti-Judaism and Christian orthodoxy: Ephrem’s Hymns in fourth-century Syria (Washington, 2008). For miaphysite authors, see L. Van Rompay, “A Letter of the Jews to the Emperor Marcian Concerning the Council of Chalcedon,” OLP 12 (1981), 215–224. 232 See Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw it, 538–541. 233 H. P. J. Cheikho, Dialectique du langage sur Dieu: Lettre de Timothée I (728–823) à Serge (Rome, 1983), 274–275 (f. 216a, ln. 19–f.216b. ln. 25), 186 (FT). For discussion and the broader context of this passage, see M. Penn, Envisioning Islam. Syriac Christians and the Early Muslim World (Philadelphia, 2015), 83. 234 For further, non-Syriac examples and discussion, see S. O’Sullivan, “Anti-Jewish Polemic and Early Islam,” in D. R. Thomas (ed.), The Bible in Arab Christianity (Leiden, 2007), 49–68. It should be noted that some of 230

78

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

Returning to the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, the Jews in this text could potentially be read as a stand-in for Muslims. One potential datum of evidence in favor of such a reading would be the fact that the Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius, which probably stems from more or less the same time and location as the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, is overtly directed against Islam. This notwithstanding, the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā offers no indication that it is concerned with Islam. Thus, we are hesitant to embrace such a reading, even if it is not impossible. We do not, however, want to rule out categorically that the Jews in the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā could serve as a metonymy for the ‘other’, including the Muslim ‘other’, especially since the Jew often serves as the non-Christian par excellence. This, in fact, may even be likely for some of the versions of the text, such as the Arabic, which would find a natural home in Christian anti-Muslim polemics.235 Alternatively, the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā could reflect a social reality in which Syriac Christians were polemicizing against real Jews. If this is indeed the case, Syriac Christians would be constructing an imagined Jew for the purpose of polemicizing against a real Jew. As Lieu has convincingly shown for an earlier period of Christianity, image and reality often interact in Christian anti-Jewish polemic in interesting and sometimes surprising ways.236 This would, however, represent a rather extreme case, the purported cases of Jews standing in for Muslims have been criticized in Cameron, “Blaming the Jews,” 77–78; Hoyland, Seeing Islam as Others Saw it, 539–540. 235 For a similar line of reasoning concerning the Arabic version, see Sahner, “Old Martyrs, New Martyrs, and the Coming of Islam,” 110. 236 To quote one of many relevant passages: “Recognition both of the stereotyping and of evidence of real contact, even in the same author, means we must speak about ‘image and reality’ in some form of interaction. When this literature speaks of Jews and Judaism there is a contemporary reality, one of which, in differing degrees, its authors are aware. Yet their own needs, the logic of their argument, and the tradition they draw on, especially the ‘Old Testament’, help create and mould the terms in which they speak—to create an ‘image’. Neither can we see these two components in simple opposition; part of the social reality or world of the early Christians was the Old Testament as read by them in the light of their conviction that it had been fulfilled, or its true meaning revealed, in the person and story of Jesus. While they draw on and maintain such

INTRODUCTION

79

since we have argued that the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā does not show knowledge about contemporary Jews yet it would be polemicizing against them. In the end, the ‘why’ question for the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is inextricably tied up with the interpretation of broader Christian—including Syriac Christian—anti-Jewish polemic in the early centuries of Islam. It remains unclear whether this polemic is to be read as directed against Jews or directed against Muslims or as stemming from another issue, whether external or internal. In fact, the only point that seems certain given the current state of the field is that this polemic served to negotiate issues of identity. Future research on this broader question will hopefully allow for firmer conclusions as to why the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā constructs an imagined Jew based on the Hebrew Bible in the process of transforming a Western martyrdom account into a Syriac Persian Martyr Act.

earlier traditions, they also create new ones through the ‘image’ they project, which in turn becomes part of the ‘reality’ for the next generation.” (J. Lieu, Image & Reality: The Jews in the World of the Christians in the Second Century [Edinburgh, 1996], 12).

SYRIAC RECENSION α

81

SYRIAC RECENSION α

83

The following edition along with its accompanying translation presents the text of Syriac Recension α (= Syrα). The earliest recoverable form of Syrα is witnessed in the following two manuscripts:1 L = ms. London, British Library Add. 12,174, ff. 316r–322r D = ms. Damascus, Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate 12/18, ff. 128r–132r Since D is damaged in a number of places, we have selected L as the base text of this recension. Departures from L are noted in the accompanying apparatus, with the following exceptions: - Section numbers have been supplied following the divisions in Corluy’s editio princeps. - The diacritic points of L are reproduced only to a limited extent: we include diacritic points that are found in L that provide useful grammatical information, e.g., ܼ ‫ ܐ‬/ʾemar/ ‘he said’ versus ܿ ‫ ܐ‬/ʾāmar/ ‘he says’ and ‫ ܿܗܘ‬/haw/ ‘that’ versus ‫ ܼܗܘ‬/hu/ ‘he’, but we do not include those that do not. Also, we have not added diacritic points that are not witnessed in L, even when doing so would have provided useful information. - The syāmē points are occasionally repositioned, e.g., ‫̈ܪܘܪܒ‬ ̈ in 26. instead of ‫ܪܘܪܒ‬ - No vowel markers are included. ̄ and ‫;ܐܘ‬ ّ - L uses both ‫ܐܘ‬ we have, however, standardized the latter. - We have separated some words that are written together, e.g., ‫ ܐܢ ܗܘ‬instead of ‫( ܐ ܘ‬18), ‫ ܐܦ ܐ‬instead of ‫( ܐ ܐ‬25, 26, 27), instead of (1, 16, 20), ‫ܡ‬ instead of ‫ܡ‬ (16), ‫ܐ‬ instead of ‫ܐ‬ (16, 25), ‫ܡ‬ instead of ‫ܡ‬ (27), and ‫ܗܕܐ‬ instead of ‫ܕܐ‬ (26). - Abbreviations have been expanded. - We have attempted to follow the punctuation of L as best we could, with a couple of exceptions: When one of the dots of taḥtāyā or ʿellāyā is placed below or above the final letter of a A third witness is found in ms. Mardin, Church of the Forty Martyrs 268, pp. 489–523 (= M). As discussed above (pp. 16–17) ), we have chosen not to collate M in our edition of Syrα, since it is entirely derivative from D and since it contains numerous variants that would overburden the apparatus if included. 1

84

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

word, we place the dots on the line after the word (i.e., ‫ ܆‬and ‫)܇‬. We also do not account for the variable position of the single dot, which can range from on the line to a higher position. In addition, we have occasionally supplied a single dot on the line at the end of a sentence. The apparatus to the text includes a systematic collation of D, where it is legible. We have not indicated places where D is difficult or impossible to read; thus, readers should not draw conclusions about the reading of D when it is not mentioned in the apparatus. In addition, we have generally not noted the places where D differs from L in the use of diacritic points, the placement of syāmē, vowel markers, abbreviations, or punctuation. The critical apparatus also includes a systematic collation of the editio princeps of L by Corluy (= C).2 Differences from the text in Bedjan’s Acta martyrum et sanctorum (= B) have also been noted in the apparatus, though not systematically, since his edition is dependent on that of Corluy.3 In particular, the following orthographic changes introduced by Bedjan are not included in the apparatus: ‫ ܐܘ ܐ ]ܐܘܘ ܐ‬B ‫ܐ ]ܐ ܐ‬ B ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ]ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬B ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ]ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬B ‫ ܒܒ ]ܒܒ‬B ‫] ܐ‬ B ‫ ܒܐ ] ܐܒܐ‬B ‫ ܘܕ ܐ ] ܕ ܐ‬B ‫ܐ‬ ]‫ܐ‬ B ] B ‫ܐ‬ ] ‫ܐ‬ B ‫ܐ‬ ]‫ܐ‬ B

L] ‫ܐ‬ B (also occasionally D) ] B ‫ ܐܪܙܐ ]ܪܐܙܐ‬B ‫ ܪ ܐ ]ܪ ܐ‬B ‫ ̈ܒ ܐ‬L] ‫ ܒ ܐ‬B ‫ܐ] ܘ ܐ‬ B ‫ ܬܓ ܐ ]ܬܐܓ ܐ‬B ‫ ܬܐܘ ܐ‬L] ‫ ܬܐܘܘ ܐ‬D] ‫ ܬܘ ܐ‬B ‫ ܬܐ ܐ‬L] ‫ ܬ ܐ‬B (also occasionally D) ‫ ܬ̈ܪ‬L] ‫ ܬܪ‬B ‫ܐ‬

In addition, Bedjan regularly removes final yod from third-person feminine singular verbs (e.g., ‫ ܬ ܠ ]ܬ‬B; ‫]ܬ‬ ‫ ܬ‬B; We have even noted whether or not Corluy indicates multiple readings in L, since we occasionally see secondary readings where he does not and in one instance do not see a change that he notes. 3 See Bedjan, Acta martyrum et sanctorum, vi–vii. 2

SYRIAC RECENSION α

85

‫ܝ‬ ‫]ܬ‬ ‫ ܘܬ‬B) and from third-person feminine plural verbs, ̈ ‫]ܐܬ‬ along with deleting syāmē in this case (e.g., ‫ ܐܬ‬B; ̈ ] B). These changes introduced by Bedjan are not indicated in the apparatus. It should be stressed that the readings of C and B are entirely derivative from L, and thus they are not of independent textual value. In the apparatus, the witnesses usually appear in the following order: L C B D. L is listed first as it is the base manuscript. C follows L, since it is derivative from L, and similarly B follows C, since it is derivative from C. This order should not, however, be understood to imply that D, which is usually listed last, is of less textual value than the other witnesses: in fact, D is at least of equal value to L and of more value than the entirely derivative C and B. D is listed before C and B in a few cases when it attests a reading against L but in agreement with an emendation proposed in C (followed by B): in these cases, D provides textual support for a conjectural emendation in C. Superscripts 1 and 2 indicate first and second hands, respectively; superscript m indicates a marginal correction. In the left margin of the Syriac text, the letters L and D mark the folio numbers of ms. London, British Library Add. 12,174 and ms. Damascus, Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate 12/18, respectively. Similarly, the letters B and C mark the page numbers of the editions of Bedjan and Corluy, respectively. The translation accompanying Syrα has a number of annotations in footnotes. Many are for clarification or further information. In addition, we aim to provide translations of all meaningful variants from the critically established text that are found in L and/or D. We also include a select comparison of readings witnessed in Syrβ, which is edited below (pp. 167–219). We have compared Arabβ when N, our only witness to Syrβ, is not extant.4 The notes comparing Syrα with Syrβ (and its daughter Arabβ) are, however, far from exhaustive: we have included only a selection of differences that we thought might be of interest to the reader. As noted above, Arabβ was previously edited by Peeters (“La passion arabe de S. ʿAbd al-Masīh”) based on ms. Vatican Syr. 199. Unfortunately, Peeters’ edition is in Arabic script not Garšūnī like the manuscript, so we have returned to ms. Vatican Syr. 199 for this text. 4

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THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

In the right margin of the translation, we have included copious references to biblical passages. These range from direct quotations to (potential) verbal allusions. We have not attempted to denote references that are closer to the latter, say, with ‘cf.’ or the like, since this would inevitably involve a significant amount of subjectivitity (we are dealing with a spectrum not a clearlydelineated binary). Regardless, the numerous references speak to the degree to which the biblical text is appropriated in the narrative (see pp. 43–45 above).

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

88

Again,1 the History or Martyrdom of the man of God2 ʿAbd al-Masīḥ, who became ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā,3 whose name (formerly) was Asher son of Levi the Jew from the city of Shigar.4

5

1 In the year 701 according to the reckoning of the Greeks (= 390 CE),5 while Maganism6 was still7 flourishing in the land of the Persians, and Judaism was also publically known in the land of the inhabitants of Shigar, there was a Jewish man from the city of Shigar. He had possessions and a great 15 household, and he was increasing in great wealth. His

10

The heading of the text is not extant in N, but Arabβ reads: ‘…the story of the great, precious, and glorious martyr, Mār ʿAbd al-Masīh, whose name in Hebrew is Asher son of Levi the Jew, whose father killed him, because he confessed Christ and became a Christian when previously he was a Jew…’. 2 Here the ‘man of God’ is an epithet or title. This is not to be confused with the Syriac text often called the History of the Man of God. For the Syriac of this text, see A. Amiaud, La légende syriaque de saint Alexis, l’homme de Dieu (Paris, 1889). For an English translation, see R. Doran, Stewards of the Poor. The Man of God, Rabbula, and Hiba in FifthCentury Edessa (CSS 288; Kalamazoo, 2006), 3–38. 3 ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā means ‘slave of Christ’ in Syriac and is equivalent to Arabic ʿAbd al-Masīḥ in the previous line. Syriac ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā is used throughout the text, except for occurrences of ʿAbd al-Masīḥ in the initial and closing headings and another of ʿAbd al-Mašīḥ (a hybrid form) in 21. See further pp. 37–38 in the Introduction above. 4 This city, known in Syriac also as Shingar and in Arabic as Sinjār, is located ca. 115 km west of Nineveh/Mosul and ca. 100 km south-east of Nisibis. For 1

SYRIAC RECENSION α

L 320b D 128a C9 B 173

89

‫ܕܘܬܐ܆‬ ‫ܐ ܐܘ‬ ‫ܬܘܒ ܬ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܕܓܒ ܐ ܕܐ ܐ܂ ܼܒ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܕܗܘܐ ܼܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ܼ ‫܆‬ ‫ܕܐ ܘܗܝ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ ܝ ܕ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܓ‬ ‫ܕ‬

5

‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐܐ ܘ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ ܒ‬1 ‫ܐ ܗܘܬ‬ ‫ܓ ܬܐ‬ ‫ ܕ ̈ ܐ܂‬10 ̈ ̈ :‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܝ ܐ ̈ ܿ ܕ ܕ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܓ‬ ‫ܒܐܬܪܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܐܦ ܒܐܬܪܐ ܕ ܓ ܐ܆ ܓܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ܇ ܘܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܓ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘܐ‬ more details, see pp. 30–33 in the Introduction above. 5 The end of the text adds the month Tamuz, and thus it would be 390 and not 389 (see fn. 9 in the Introduction above). N is not extant here, but Arabβ also has year 701. The Georgian version, however, has 703. The Armenian version reads յամին չորրորդի առաջներորդի թուականին Հայոց ‘in the year fourth and first according to the enumeration of the Armenians’. The editors suggest that originally the numbers were not spelled out but represented by letters and that ղ ‘9’ was misread as դ ‘4’, and thus they propose to read the date as year 91 of the Armenians (= 642 CE). 6 The word translated ‘Magianism’ here is mḡušuṯā. It has been taken by scholars to date to be equivalent more or less with Zoroastrianism (see, e.g., A. V. Williams, “Zoroastrians and Christians in Sasanian Iran,” Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 78 [1996], 51). Nevertheless, to avoid conflating the two categories, we have retained ‘Magianism’ here. The same applies, mutatis mutandis, to our use of ‘Magi’. 7 N is not extant here, but Arabβ does not include ‘still’—a word with implications for the dating of the text (see fn. 103 in the Introduction above).

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

90

name was Levi, and he was the chief of the Jews.8 He had sons,9 and he entrusted to each of them a flock10 from his possession. The youngest of them was about eleven years old more or less, and his name was 5 Asher.11 This one would shepherd the flock of bulls of his father, and he would come at the time of watering to where all the shepherds would regularly gather to water their flocks. A large number of children of his age would congregate there,12 some of whom were 10 Christians and others of whom were Magi. Congregating there often, they would gather with each other and eat bread together, the Magi and the Christians,13 so that Asher would remain alone, because he did not have a Jewish friend to eat with 15 him. He was longing to eat with the Christian children, but they would push him away and would not allow him to eat with them. They wanted him to become a Christian like them.14 They were constantly telling stories about Christ and the deeds of the holy ones, as 20 they had heard from their parents.15

N is not extant here, but Arabβ reads: ‘This one was head and chief of the people of Yehud ( ̈ ً‫ܘ ܿ َّ ܐ‬ ‫ܪ‬ ‫ܘܕ‬ ) at that time’. 9 Or, ‘children’. Syrβ adds: ‘many’. 10 D reads ‘flocks’. 11 Syrβ adds: ‘which when translated from Hebrew into Syriac means “wealth”.’ To this, Arabβ adds an additional gloss: ‘i.e., good’. A putative etymology of Asher’s name is not found in Syrα until section 20 (see fn. 175 below). 12 Syrβ already makes clear that there is a spring at this location. This does not come in Syrα until section 2. 13 The later context makes it clear that the Christians were eating together separately from the Magi, and that the Magi were eating together separately from the Christians. This is made more explicit in Syrβ, which reads: ‘every one of them would eat with a member of his own confession, Magi together, Christians together’. Arabβ has: ‘…his own race and confession (‫ܘܐ ܐ ܗ‬ ‫’…)ܓ‬. 14 Syrβ provides further explanation for this: ‘he was 8

‫‪91‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION α‬‬

‫ܬܚ‬ ‫ܓ ܐܬܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫̈ ܐ ܘ ܒ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܝ܂ ܘܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܒ ܬܪܐ ܪܒܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܕ ̈ ܕ ܐ܂ ܘܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܐܓ ܂ ܿ‬ ‫ܘܗܘ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܪ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܐ ̈‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܐ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܙ ܪܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܐ ܂܀‬ ‫ܐ ܘܗܝ ܗܘܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗ ܐ ܕ ܒ ܐ ܕܐܒ ܗܝ ܕܬܘ̈ܪܐ ܪ ܐ ܗܘܐ܂‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܐ ܗܘܐ ܒ ܐ ܕ ܐ ܕ ̈ ܐ܇ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܘܢ ̈ܪ ܬܐ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒ̈‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ܗܘܢ܂ ܘ ܓ ܐܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܒ̈‬ ‫܇ܕ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܓ ܐ܀‬ ‫ܘܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘܘ܆ ܘܐܦ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫܆‬ ‫̈ ܐ ̈ ܓ ܐܐ ܨ ܒ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܆ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ܐ܇‬ ‫ܓ ܐ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܫ܂‬ ‫ܒ ܕܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܕܐ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܕܐ ܕܐ ܠ‬ ‫ܒܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܘ ܪܓ ܓ ܗܘܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܂ ܘ ܐ ܒ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܠ ܘܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂ ܘܨܒ ܗܘܘ ܕܐ ܬܗܘܢ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܕ ܐ ܠ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ܂ ܘܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܆‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܢ܂܀‬ ‫ܐܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫‪ LC‬ܪ‬ ‫‪L‬‬

‫ܬܐ ‪ B | 4‬ܘ ܒ ܬܐ ]‪ C‬ܘ ܒ ܐ ]‪ L D‬ܘ ܒ ܬܐ ‪1‬‬ ‫ܗ ‪ D | 11‬ܗܘܐ ܕ ]‪ L C B‬ܗܘܐ ‪̈ D | 8‬ܪ ܬܐ ]‪B‬‬ ‫‪D2‬‬ ‫ܐ ]‪C B D1‬‬

‫‪loved by everyone, and they wanted to associate him with‬‬ ‫‪themselves’.‬‬ ‫‪15 ‘Parents’ could also be translated ‘fathers’ here and‬‬ ‫‪below.‬‬

‫‪C 10‬‬

‫‪B 174‬‬

‫‪C 11‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

92

2 On one of the days when all of the children were gathered,16 and the time of the meal had approached, Asher approached the children and said to them, “My 5 brothers, I want to eat with you. Do not reject me!” They turned to him and said, “When you are baptized in water in the name of Christ and become a Christian,17 you can eat with us. It is not permitted for Christians to eat with Jews.”18 Asher said, “Here is 10 water, what is the impediment to me being baptized?” Acts 8:36 The children responded to him, “Not in this way, but it is right for you to be baptized in a church by the hands of priests.” Asher said, “Now that the church is far away and the priests are not near, as well as out of 15 fear for my parents and brothers, do I not have an opportunity at this time?19 It is not good that I remain out of fellowship with you, and that the readiness of my mind become futile. If your God, Christ, is true, and if he receives a humble spirit20 more than whole Ps 51:1820 burnt offerings, according to what you have taught me, 19; Hos Syrβ again makes clear that they are at a spring (see fn. 12 above). 17 Syrβ adds: ‘and you establish a covenant with the Lord not to eat or drink with Jews’. Arabβ goes even further adding also: ‘and you do not mix with them’. 18 The text, written from the Christian perspective, does not reference Jewish prohibitions against eating with nonJews, which are well known, but rather a Christian prohibition against eating with Jews. For this, see pp. 71–76 in the Introduction above. Note that a broader version of this prohibition is already mentioned in 1 in Syrβ: ‘it is not permitted for Christians to be associated with Jews’ and ‘they (viz. the Christian children) were prevented (from associating with Asher) by divine law’. 19 It should be noted that Corluy’s text (followed by Bedjan) has a positive statement here ‘I have an opportunity at this time’ (misreading ʾiṯ ‘there is’ for layt ‘there is not’). 20 D reads: ‘if a humble spirit is received…’. Syrβ similarly reads: ‘if everyone who draws near to your God 16

6:6; Mt 13:52; Mk 12:33

SYRIAC RECENSION α

L 316b

C 12 B 175

93

̈ :‫ܘܢ‬ ‫̈ ܐ‬ ‫ ܘܒ‬2 ‫ܨ ܗ‬ ‫ܘ ܐ ܕ ܘܬܐ ܼ ܒ܆ ܼ ܒ ܐ‬ ̈ ‫ܘܢ ܐ ̈ ܆ ܒ ܿ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܠ‬ ܼ ‫ܐ ܘܐ‬ 5 ‫ܘܗ ܢ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ ܐ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ܼ ‫܂‬ ̈ ‫ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܬܗ ܘܐ ܼ ܘ܂‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ܆ ܬܐ ܠ‬ ‫ ܘܬܗܘܐ‬:‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ܿ ‫ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܐ ܓ‬ ̈ ‫̈ ܕ ܐ ܐ ܢ܀ ܐ ܼ ܐ ܂ ܗܐ ܐ܆ ܐ‬ ܿ‫܀ ܐ‬ ‫̈ ܐ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ ܗܝ ܿ ܐ ܕܐ‬10 ‫̈ ܐ ܙܕܩ‬ ‫ܐ̈ ܝ‬ ‫ܗ ܐ܂ ܐ ܐ ܒ ܬܐ‬ :‫ܐ ܼ ܂ ܗ ܐ ܕ ܬܐ ܪ ܐ‬ ‫܂܀ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܬ‬ ̈‫ܕ ܐ ܕܐܒ ܝ‬ ̈ ‫ ܘ‬: ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܘ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ ̈ ܆‬ 15 ‫ܢ܇‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܝ ܕܐ ܫ‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫ܝ ܒ ܐ܂ ܐܢ‬ ‫ܒܐ ܕܬܪ‬ ‫ܘ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ ܘܪܘ ܐ‬:‫ܐ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ̈ ̈ : ‫ܐ ܕܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ̈ ܿ ‫ܐ ܕ ܒ ܇ ܘܨܐܬ‬ ‫ܒ ܐܦ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܒ ܇ ܘܐܦ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ ܐܦ‬20 4 ‫ ܐ ܐ‬D L2 C B ] omit L1 | ‫ ܐ ܠ‬L C D] ‫ ܕܐ ܠ‬B 6 ‫ ܒ ̈ ܐ‬D C B] ‫ ܒ ܐ‬L. The writing of this word without syāmē is found elsewhere in this manuscript (Brock, History of Holy Mar Maʿin, 11) as well as in other medieval ‫ ܕ‬C (notes the reading of L) B] manuscripts | 7 ‫ܐ‬ ‫ ܐ ܼ ܐ‬L C B] ‫ܐ܆‬ ‫ ܘܬܐ ܠ‬:‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬LD | 9 L D] ‫ ܐ‬C B | 17 ‫ܒ‬ L C B] ‫ܐ‬ ‫ ܐ‬D | 14 ‫ ܐ‬L C B] ‫ ܐ‬D | 19 ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܒܐ‬ D | 18 ‫ܐ‬ L C B] ‫ ̈ܒ ܐ ̈ ܐ‬D

with a humble spirit and a suffering heart is accepted by him…’.

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

94

then he will also receive the whole sacrifice21 of my thoughts, he will listen to the readiness of my heart, and he will render me baptized by your hands, because of the necessity of fear22 and the absence of 23 Arise, then, strongly and confidently, and essentials. 5 baptize me in the name of Christ.24 He will be the one who perfects your holiness and action.” Then, when the children saw his courageousness and alacrity, they stripped him and brought him down into the water of 10 a spring.25 They all spoke up in unison and said, “Baptized is the slave of Christ26 in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit,”27—along with all of the holy expressions that priests say at baptism—“You, Christ, our God and the God of the 15 priests, rest upon this water, and render your slave baptized completely.” After they submerged him three times in the water, as they had previously learned and seen, they brought him up from the water.28 They all one by one approached him and were kissing him 20 profusely.29 They picked him up and carried him in a procession, as a newly baptized one, casting upon him

D has the plural ‘sacrifices’. Syrβ, however, has the singular ‘sacrifice’, like L. 22 D has the plural ‘fears’. The word translated ‘fear’ here is deḥlṯā, which might better be translated as ‘religion’. For an important discussion of this word in the Syriac Persian Martyr Acts and beyond, see Becker, “Martyrdom, Religious Difference, and ‘Fear’ as a Category of Piety in the Sasanian Empire.” 23 I.e., they are not in a church, and there is no priest. 24 Syrβ reads: ‘…in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit’. To this, Arabβ adds: ‘one God’. For discussion, see pp. 24–25 in the Introduction above. 25 Syrβ adds a long prayer here, for which see pp. 25–26 in the Introduction above. 26 Or, ‘ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’. 27 N is not extant here, but Arabβ presents a slightly different baptism rite in which the children scoop a handful of water onto ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā three times, one each for the 21

SYRIAC RECENSION α

D 128b

C 13

95

̈ ‫ܒܐ‬ ‫ܕܕ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕ ̈ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܘܪ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܘܬ ܐ ܆ ܘܐ‬ ܿ ‫ܬ ܢ‬ ‫ܘܗܘ ܗܘܐ ܓ ܪܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ܼ ‫ܐ܂‬ ̈ ‫ܼ ܘ ܒ ܒ ܬܗ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܪܘܬ ܢ܂ ܗ‬ ‫ܘ‬5 ̈ ‫ܗܝ ܘܐ ܘܗܝ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܗ܆ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܐ ܼ ܘ܂‬ ‫ܘܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ܼ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ܿ ‫ܐ܇ ܒ ܐ ܕܐܒܐ ܘܕܒ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ̈ ̈ ̈ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܘܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܘܕܪܘ ܐ‬ ܿ ‫ ܕܐ‬10 ̈ ‫ ܐ‬:‫ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܢ ܘܐ ܐ ܕ ̈ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܟ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈ ܐ ܗ ܂ ܘ‬ ̈ ̈ ‫ܗܝ ܒ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܙܒ ܐܓ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܬ‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫ܘ ܘ܆ ܐ‬ ‫ܗ ܐ ܐܕ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܂‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ ̈ ܐ܂ ܘ ܒ‬15 ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܦ‬ ‫ܬܐ܂‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܗܝ܀ ܘܐܬ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܂‬ ‫܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܘܬܐ ܘ ܒ‬ 1 ‫ ܐ‬L C B] ‫ ܐ ܐ‬D | ‫ ܕܕ ܐ‬L C B] ‫ ܕܕ ̈ ܐ‬D ̈ ̈ 6 ‫ ܒ ܐ‬L C B] ‫ܐ‬ D | 9 ‫ ܘ ܘܢ‬L C D] Perhaps emend to , as in B Father, Son, and Holy Spirit. 28 The literature on baptism in Syriac Christianity is immense; for overviews, see S. P. Brock, “Studies in the Early History of the Syrian Orthodox Baptismal Liturgy,” JTS 23 (1972), 16–64; idem, “Some Important Baptismal Themes in the Syriac Tradition,” The Harp 4 (1991), 189–214. 29 For ritual kissing among Christians (including at baptism), see M. P. Penn, Kissing Christians: Ritual and Community in the Late Ancient Church (Philadelphia, 2005).

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

96

their clean cloaks.30 They all gathered in happiness and sat together to dine. They were honoring him, as a groom on the day of his wedding feast.31 His countenance became splendid, and the appearance of 5 his face shone, having come up from the water, because he had received divine strength through the simple word of those children. They named him ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā.32 The crowds of the shepherds and of the Magi were amazed and astounded from afar by this 10 wondrous action that was fulfilled at the hands of children. They smelled a sweet scent in the air from this pure and simple camp.33 Fear and trembling fell upon them, and they were saying to one another, “Great is the mystery of the Christians.” 15

3 While the children were sitting and rejoicing, they were urging ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā to take care of the deposit that he had received, not to think that the gift that had been given to him was scanty or ordinary, and 20 not to associate with Jews from now on. ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā was professing things that were greater than these, being inflamed in his mind and taking pride in the name of Christ. One of the boys had in his ears two earrings of gold. This one said to his companions,

For the use of clothing metaphors in Syriac Christianity, see S. P. Brock, “Clothing Metaphors as a Means of Theological Expression in Syriac Tradition,” in M. Schmidt and C. F. Geyer (eds.), Typus, Symbol, Allegorie bei den östlichen Vätern und ihren Parallelen im Mittelalter: Internationales Kolloquium, Eichstätt 1981 (Eichstätter Beiträge 4; Regensburg, 1982), 11–38; idem, “The Robe of Glory. A Biblical Image in the Syriac Tradition,” The Way 39 (1999), 247–259. For the relationship between baptism and clothing metaphors, see Brock, “Some Important Baptismal Themes in the Syriac Tradition,” 202–204; idem, “The Robe of Glory,” 253–255. 31 Building upon the New Testament (Mt 9:14–15; 30

SYRIAC RECENSION α

B 176

C 14

97

‫ܘܬܗ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ̈ ‫ܘܐܙܕܗܝ ܗܘܐ ܨܘ ܂ ܘܐܒ ܩ ܘܐ ܕܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܕ ܒ‬ ‫̈ ܐ܂‬ ܼ ̈ ܿ ‫ܐ ܕ ܐ ܗ ܢ ܘ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ̈ 5 ‫ܐ ܕ ܕ̈ܪ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂܀‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ̈ ܿ ̈ ‫ܗܘܘ ܘܬܗ‬ ‫ܓ ܐ܆ ܬ‬ ‫ܗ ܢ ܘܕܒ‬ ‫ܬܐ܇‬ ‫ܪܘܬܐ ܗܕܐ ܬ‬ ‫ܒ ܠ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘܬ܂ ܘܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܒܐ ̈ ܝ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܒܐܐܪ܇‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ܿ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫ ܕ‬10 ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܕ ܐ ܘܪܬ ܐ܆ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ܀‬ ‫܂ ܕܪܒ ܗܘ ܪܐܙܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܗܘܘ ̈ ܐ ܘܪܘܙ ܂‬ ‫ܕ‬ 3 ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܇ ܕ ܕܗܪ ܒܓ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ ܗܘܘ‬15 ܿ ܿ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܬܐ ܐܘ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܒ ܂ ܘܕ ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܘܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܒ ܐ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܗ ܐ ܘ ܠ܂܀ ܼܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫̈ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܕܐ ܗܘܐ܇‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܕ̈ܪܘܪܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ܿ ‫ܐ܂܀‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܪܒ‬ ‫ܗ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ ܪܬܚ ܒ ܪ‬20 ̈ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܕ ܐ܆ ܐ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ̈ ̈ ‫ܒܐܕ ܗܝ ܬ̈ܪ‬ ܼ ‫ܐ ܕܕܗܒܐ܂ ܘܗ ܐ ܐ‬ 25:1–13; Mk 2:18–20; Lk 5:33–35; Jn 3:25–30), Syriac Christianity often employs wedding imagery for salvation. In addition, baptism is explicitly connected to the wedding feast of Christ the bridegroom and his bride the church (Brock, “Clothing Metaphors,” 19–20). 32 ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā means ‘slave of Christ’ in Syriac. See fn. 3 above. 33 For the use of olfactory imagery to describe salvation, see S. A. Harvey, Scenting Salvation: Ancient Christianity and the Olfactory Imagination (Berkeley, 2006). See also 4, 13, 17, 20, and 23 below.

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

98

“My brothers, you yourselves know that the Jews do not pierce the ears of males,34 but, if it is good in your eyes, come let us pierce the ear of our brother ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā so that he will remain a Christian, lose hope 5 in Judaism, and become an excellent confessor. Let us35 place in his ear one of the earrings that is in my ears. May there be also for us a pledge and a commitment, and may it be further confirmed by God. May it happen so that we can have confidence that he 10 is a Christian.” Then all of his companions—and he along with them—said, “You have spoken well, our brother!” They pierced his right ear and suspended in it an earring of gold. They all arose and went to their flocks rejoicing. They were looking to see what would 15 happen to him from his parents.

4 When evening arrived and ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā went to the house of his parents, he entered unto his mother. She saw him, cried out, and said, “My son, 20 Asher, what has happened to you? What is this in your ear? Who led you astray and brought this punishment upon us? Have you not heard in the law of Moses that he commands thus, ‘The ear of a male in Israel shall Ex 21:5-6; not be pierced, aside from a slave who wishes to stay Dt 15:1625 with his master forever’?36 If your father finds out, he 17 will be the first avenger of the law. I do not know what I will do for you, my son. An ear cannot be hidden!” N is not extant here, but Arabβ adds: ‘but only their slaves who do not want to be manumitted and become freepeople’. This is a reference to Ex 21:5– 6 and Dt 15:16 –17, which does not come up in Syrα until section 4. For further discussion, see fn. 36 below and especially pp. 54–60 in the Introduction above. 35 Translating against the punctuation in the manuscripts, which connects this verb to the previous series. 36 A prohibition against piercing the ear of a male in Israel is not found in the Pentateuch or in the entire Bible 34

‫‪99‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION α‬‬

‫ܐ ܘܢ܂ ܕ ̈ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܘܗܝ܂ ܐ ̈ ܆ ܐ ܘܢ‬ ‫̈ܐܕ ܐ ܕܕ ܐ܂ ܐ ܐ ܐܢ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܢ‬ ‫ܒ ܐܕ‬ ‫ܢ܂ ܬܘ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܩ‬ ‫ܐ܆ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܪ‬ ‫ܐ܆‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܒ ܐ܇‬ ‫ܕ ܬܐ܇ ܘ ܘܐ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܒܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܕܒܐܕ ܇ ܘ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒܐܕ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܪܗܒ ܐ ܘܪܘ ܐ܇ ܘ ܪܪ ܒܐ ܐ܇‬ ‫ܐܦ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫ܐܦ‬ ‫ܘ ܘܐ ܕ ܬ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܗܘ‬ ‫ܗܘ܂܀ ܗ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܒ ܘܗܝ ܼ‬ ‫ܐ ܬ ܐ ܢ܂ ܘ ܒ ܐܕ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܐ ܘ܂ ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕܕܗܒܐ܂܀ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܬ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫܇ ܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܘܐܙ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܒ ܘܗܝ܀‬ ‫ܢܓܫ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܕ ܘܢ‬ ‫ܪ ܐ ܿ‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ ܕ ܕ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬ ܐ ܂ ܘ ܬܗ‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠ ܒ ܐܒ ܘܗܝ܆‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܗܘܟ܆‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܬ܂ ܒ ܝ ܐ ܆‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܿ‬ ‫ܒ ܆ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗ ܐ ܕܒܐܕ ܂‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܗ ܐ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‪ :‬ܕܗ ܐ ܿ ‪ :‬ܕ ܐ ܬܬ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕܕ ܐ ܒܐ ܐ ‪ :‬ܐ ܐ ܕ ܼܒ ܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܐܕ‬ ‫܆ ܘܐܢ ܪܓܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܪ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܕܨܒܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܿܗܘܐ ܬܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐܒ ܟ܆ ܼܗܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܒ ܘܗܝ ‪13‬‬ ‫]‪D C (does not note the reading of L) B‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪ (sic) L‬ܐܒ ܘܗܘܝ‬ ‫‪for that matter. The latter part of this claim—along with the‬‬ ‫‪ensuing narrative—is, however, based on the slavery laws‬‬ ‫‪found in Ex 21:5– 6 and Dt 15:16–17 (other pentateuchal‬‬ ‫‪slavery laws, such as Lv 25, do not mention piercing the ear‬‬ ‫‪of slaves). For further discussion, see pp. 54–60 in the‬‬ ‫‪Introduction above.‬‬

‫‪L 317a‬‬ ‫‪C 15‬‬ ‫‪B 177a‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

100

The holy one first answered his mother, saying, “My mother, may your thoughts not be troubled, for I am a Christian from this moment and ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā forever. I am his slave,37 because I have come to love 5 him, and he is my Lord38 and my God. The law of Moses does not reproach slaves who love their masters, but the fact that it commands that the ear of such a slave be pierced at the door of the dwelling of his master’s house, and then he will become a slave 10 forever, this is what happened to me today, for at the door of baptism I pierced my own ear and confirmed the covenant with my Lord forever.” His mother said to him, “How did you suddenly become a Christian? Who made you a slave of Christ?39 Who taught you 15 these things that you are saying?” The holy one said, “The one who said to his disciples, ‘whoever believes in me shall not be ashamed,’ as well as ‘do not worry about how you will defend yourself against adversaries,’40 he taught me, and he promised that he 20 would continue to teach me.” He told his mother the words that he had heard from the children, his friends, and how they had baptized him in water, and how all the false belief41 had passed from him, and how he was clothed in a sweet smell by Christ.42 His mother was 25 wisely listening and understanding, and she was astounded at the words of grace that were coming The Syriac word for ‘slave’ here is the technical term ʿḇeḏ pallāḥ found in Ex 21:5–6 and Dt 15:16–17. 38 The Syriac word for ‘Lord’ here is the same as that for ‘master’ in Ex 21:5–6 and Dt 15:16–17. 39 A play on his new name, ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā ‘slave of Christ’. 40 N is not extant here, but Arabβ provides a fuller citation of the biblical passage: ‘When you have been brought before kings and rulers, do not worry about what you will say and what you will speak, for he will give to you in this (hour) what you will say.’ 41 N is not extant here, but Arabβ is more polemical: ‘…the dirt and filth of Judaism (‫ܘܕ ̈ ܘ ܓܐ ܗܐ‬ ‫’…)ܙ ̈ܗ‬. 37

Rom 9:33; 10:11; 1Pt 2:6 cf. Is 28:16 Lk 12:11; Mt 10:19; Mark 13:11

‫‪101‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION α‬‬

‫ܒ ܝ ܐ ܿ ܐ ܐ ܐ܇ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܢ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܐܕ ܐ܂܀ ܼ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒ ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐܿ ‪:‬ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܂‬ ‫ܗ ܐ ܘ ܼܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܝ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫܆‬ ‫ܐ ܝ‬ ‫܂ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫‪5‬ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܝ ܘܐ ܝ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܗ܂ ܘܗܘ‬ ‫ܕܪ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ ܕ̈ܪ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐܕ ܐ ܕ ܼܒ ܐ ܗܘ ܒ ܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܬܬ‬ ‫ܐܐܕ‬ ‫ܗ‪ :‬ܘ ܘܐ ܒ ܿ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܕܕܪܬܐ ܕܒ‬ ‫ܬܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܆ ܕ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܗܕܐ ܒ ܓ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܒ ܐܕ ܐ ܕ ܇ ܘ ܪܬ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܂ ܐ‬ ‫܂܀ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܝ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܟ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ܆‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܐ ܂܀‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܼ ܂ ܗܘ ܼ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܒ ܬ܂ ܘܕ ܐ ܬܐܨ ܢ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܬ ܢ ܪܘ ܐ ܒ ܒܒܐ܆ ܼܗܘ ܐ ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܂ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܘܕܝ ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܒ ܘܗܝ܂ ܘܕܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕܼ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܒ ܐ܇ ܘܕ ܒ ܬ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂܀‬ ‫ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܪܘܬܐ܂ ܘ ܼܒ ܪ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘܬ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܼܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘ ܒ ܐ܇ ܘܬܗܪܐ ܒ ܓ ܐ ܕ ܒ ܬܐ‬ ‫܂ ܘܬܗ ܐ ܗܘܬ ܬܘܒ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܗܝ ܕ ܐ܂‬ ‫‪ 25‬ܒ ܐ ܕ ܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫]‪ L C B‬ܒ ‪11‬‬ ‫ܕ ‪ D | 16‬ܐܕ ܐ ]‪ L C B‬ܐܕ ܐ | ‪ D‬ܒ‬ ‫ܿ ]‪L C B‬‬ ‫‪ L2 C (does not note the reading‬ܘܕ ܐ | ‪ D‬ܕ‬ ‫‪ L1‬ܘ ܐ ]‪of L1) B D‬‬

‫‪For olfactory imagery here and immediately below,‬‬ ‫‪see fn. 33 above.‬‬ ‫‪42‬‬

‫‪C 16‬‬

‫‪B 178‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

102

from his mouth. She was also astounded at the radiance that was resting on the face of the holy one as well as at the sweet scent that was wafting forth from his splendid43 body. His mother hid him for a month44 Ex 2:2 5 so that he would not be seen by his father, fearing that, if he saw him, he would be incensed with anger and kill him on account of the religion45 of the Jews and embarrassment before his people. The holy one was regularly going to his flock in the morning and 10 conversing with his friends all day. Evening to evening, he would hide with his mother. His father, being occupied with a multitude of cares on account of worldly concerns, did not think to see him or to ask about him. 15

5 When some of the parents of the Christian children gathered at one of the monasteries of the holy solitary ones46 on the mountain for the feast of the martyr Babylas and of the three children who were 20 martyred with him,47 they heard there the story of D omits ‘splendid’. The adjective is, however, found in Arabβ (N is not extant). 44 Compare a similar tradition in b. Soṭ. 12a (but not earlier) about Moses’ shining and therefore being in need of hiding. 45 Literally, ‘fear’ (see fn. 22 above). If construed literally, ‘fear of the Jews’ would be parallel with the following ‘embarrassement before his people’. 46 The Syriac word here is ʾiḥiḏāyē, on which, see S. H. Griffith, “Monks, ‘Singles’, and the ‘Sons of the Covenant’. Reflections on Syriac Ascetic Terminology,” in E. Carr et al. (eds.), ΕΥΛΟΓΗΜΑ. Studies in Honor of Robert Taft, S.J. (Rome, 1993), 141–160; idem, “Asceticism in the Church of Syria: The Hermeneutics of Early Syrian Monasticism,” in W. L. Wimbush and R. Valantasis (eds.), Asceticism (Oxford, 1995), 220–245; D. Juhl, Die Askese im Liber Graduum und bei Afrahat. Eine vergleichende Studie zur frühsyrischen Frömmigkeit (Orientalia Biblica et Christiana 9; Wiesbaden, 1996); R. A. Kitchen, “Iḥidāyā,” in GEDSH, 208. 43

SYRIAC RECENSION α C 17

D 129a C 18

103

‫ܓ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܿ ܐܚ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܒ ܐ ܒ‬ ̈ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܚ‬ ‫ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܙܗ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ܿ ‫܂‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܕܐܢ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܒ ܗܝ܂‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܝ܇‬ ‫ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܓ ܙܠ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫܂܀ ܼܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫ ܕ ̈ܕ ܐ ܘܒ ܬܬܐ ܕ‬5 ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܬܗ܆ ܘ‬ ‫ܡ ܗܘܐ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܬܪ ܗܘܐ܂܀ ܐܒ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܬ ܐ‬ :‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘܐ ܒ ܓܐܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ܿ ̈ ̈ ‫ܬܗ܂‬ ‫ ܐ ܪ ܐ ܗܘܐ‬:‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ ܒ‬10 ‫ܗܝ܀‬ ‫ܘ ܐ‬ ̈‫ ܐ‬5 ̈ ‫ܐܒ ܐ ܕ ̈ ܐ ܿܗ ܢ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܒ ܒ‬ :‫ܐ‬ ‫ ܒ ܐܕܐ ܕ ܕܐ‬:‫ ܕ ̈ ܐ ̈ ܐ ܕܒ ܪܐ‬15 ̈ ‫܆‬ ‫ܒܒ ܐ ܘܕܬ ܐ ̈ ܐ ܿܗ ܢ ܕܐ ܕܘ‬ ̈ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂ ܘܐܬܘ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ̈ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܒ‬ ‫ܘܢ܇ ܐ‬ ‫ܒܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ 2 ‫ ܙܗ ܐ‬L C B] omit D | ‫ ܐ ܚ‬L2 C (does not note the ‫ ̈ܒ ܐ‬L C D reading of L1) B D] ‫ ܚ‬L1 | 10 ‫̈ ܐ‬ (only partially preserved)] ‫ܐ‬ ‫ ܒ ܐ‬B Babylas is said to have been a bishop of Antioch who was martyred in January of 250 with three companions (BHO 127–128). A Syriac martyrdom is edited in P. Bedjan, Acta Martyrum et Sanctorum, vol. 4, 274–290. An Armenian version is edited in Վարք եւ վկայաբանութիւնք սրբոց, vol. 1, 149–157. John Chrysostom also wrote a homily on Babylas; for the Greek with French translation, see M. A. Schatkin, Jean Chrysostom. Discours sur Babylas (SC 362; Paris, 1990). On this saint, see Fiey, Saints syriaques, 43–44 (s.v. no. 67). N is not extant here, but Arabβ also has Babylas. The Armenian version, however, has Paul, and the Georgian version has Polycarp. 47

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

104

their heroic deeds. They went and told them in their homes, as praise to God and a panegyric of the holy martyrs. These children were telling one another the things that they had heard from their parents at that 5 place where they would gather at the time of watering (the flock) so that, when this holy one learned these things at this place, he was even more ablaze in faith. The fire of Christ shone upon him, and he was also smoldering with love for the victories of the holy ones. 10 He was praying that he also might be worthy of the crown of confession like this. 6 On one of the nights when he was sleeping in his mother’s house, he saw in a dream that he was 15 imprisoned in a dark house underneath the earth,48 and he was being tortured wretchedly with those from the household of Datan and Aviram, and he was Nm 16:1moaning with groans from the depths of Sheol, 33 imagining in his thoughts those children, his friends, 20 their words about Christ, and their confidence in him.49 When he was seized by such misery, all of a sudden a young man, comely in appearance, struck hard with his heel on the pit and broke through it. He reached out his right hand and took him from the 25 pit.50 He stood him in the company of children who

N is not extant here, but Arabβ already explicitly describes it as a ‘pit ( ‫’)ܓ‬. See fn. 50 below. 49 N is not extant here, but Arabβ has ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā call out to the children and to Christ for deliverance. 50 The imagery is reminiscent of Joseph being saved from the pit (gubbā ) in Gn 37:23–38. The Syriac exegetical tradition, like others, often identifies God as the one who saved Joseph from the pit; see, e.g., the Syriac History of Joseph, 8:13 (edited in M. Weinberg, Die Geschichte Josefs angeblich verfasst von Basilius dem Grossen aus Cäsarea [Halle, 1893]; S. W. Link, Die Geschichte Josefs angeblich verfasst von Basilius dem Grossen aus Cäsarea [Berlin, 1895]; with an English translation in K. Heal, “The Syriac History of 48

‫‪105‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION α‬‬

‫̈ ܐ܂ ܘ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ̈ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܐ܆ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܆ ܐ‬ ‫ܼܗ ܢ ̈ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܐܒ ̈ ܘܢ܂ ܒ ܘ ܐ ܿܗܝ ܕܒ ܿ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܗܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܕ ܐ ܕ ̈ ܐ܂ ܐ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܼ ܆‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫‪ܼ 5‬ܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܐܦ‬ ‫ܪܗ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܬܐ܂ ܘܕ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܢ ܕ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܒ ܫ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘܐ ܕ ܘܐ ܐܦ ܼܗܘ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܕ ܬܐ ܕܐ ܗܕܐ܂܀‬

‫‪B 179‬‬

‫‪L 317b‬‬

‫‪10‬‬

‫ܒܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫̈ ܬܐ‬ ‫‪ 6‬ܘܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘ ܕܒܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܆ ܼ ܐ ܗܘܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܐܪ ܐ ܒ ܗܘܐ܇ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܬ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕܬܢ ܘܐܒ ܡ܂‬ ‫ܗ ܢ ܕܒ‬ ‫ܕܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗ ܕ ܠ܇‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܡ ܗܘܐ ܓܐ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫ܒ ܗܝ܇‬ ‫ܗܓ ܗܘܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܘ ̈‬ ‫ܐ܆‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܒ ܘܗܝ܇‬ ‫ܘܢ ܕ ܗܝ܂ ܘ ܒ ܘܘ ܐ ܕܐ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܦ ܗܘܐ܆ ܗܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܼܐ ܒ ܒ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܕ ܐܐ ܒ ܬܗ܆‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܓ ܒܐ ܿܗܘ܂ ܘܬܪ ܂ ܘܐܘ‬ ‫ܒܓ ܕܐ ܕ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܓ ܒܐ ܿܗܘ܆ ܘܐ‬ ‫܂ ܘܿ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ‪2‬‬ ‫ܼܗ ܢ ̈ ܕܐ‬ ‫]‪L C B‬‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܿܗܘ ]‪ L C B‬ܗ ܐ ‪̈ D | 18‬‬ ‫ܐܒ‬

‫| ‪D‬ܘ̈‬ ‫ܐ ]‪ L C B‬ܘ‬ ‫ܐܒ ̈‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ܆ ܼܗ ܢ ̈ ܕܐ‬

‫ܐ ‪1‬‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܂‬ ‫‪D‬‬

‫‪Joseph: A New Translation and Introduction,” in R.‬‬ ‫‪Bauckham and J. R. Davila [eds.], Old Testament‬‬ ‫‪Pseudepigrapha: More Noncanonical Scriptures [Grand Rapids,‬‬ ‫‪2013], vol. 1, 85–120).‬‬

‫‪C 19‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

106

were surrounding him and were shouting out praise.51 Then, the soul of the holy one returned to him, and he was comforted. Trembling, he asked the young man and said to him, “Who are you, my lord, that you have 5 shown this care for me and have saved me?” The young man answered him and said, “It is I, Christ,52 in whom you have trusted and to whom you have called. Now, find your strength in me and do not fear. Behold, your dwelling is established with that of the 10 holy martyrs, and your crown is reserved. After a little while, I will take you up beside me. From the moment when you put me on through the water53 by the hands of your friends the children, I turned my gaze upon you that you might remain in my inheritance.” 15 Amazed, the holy one fell down and bowed to him and said, “My Lord and my God,54 I bow to you, and I confess you, for you have saved me from the darkness of this misery. Tell me, my Lord, who are those who were being tormented like me? For, even now the pit 20 has closed its mouth over them.” Christ said to him, “The men belong to your people and to the tribe of your father, and these are the ones who wronged me.” Is 1:2 The holy one said, “My lord, do not take away your care from me, and establish me to do your will, and I 25 will become a herald of truth. Make me worthy to delight in the light of your face.” N is not extant here, but Arabβ states that the children are angels. 52 For the syntax of this verbless clause, see G. Goldenberg, “On Syriac Sentence Structure,” in M. Sokoloff (ed.), Arameans, Aramaic, and the Aramaic Literary Tradition (Ramat-Gan, 1983), 104–110, esp. fn. 23. Reprinted in G. Goldenberg, Studies in Semitic Linguistics. Selected Writings (Jerusalem, 1998), 525–568. 53 N is not extant here, but Arabβ is more specific: ‘water of baptism’. 54 Arabβ—perhaps reflecting its Vorlage, i.e., Syrβ (unfortunately N is not extant here)—lacks the remainder of 6 and almost the entirety of 7: All that remains of 7 is 51

SYRIAC RECENSION α

107

‫ܐ‬

B 180

C 20

‫ܕ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘܗ‬ ‫ܬ ܒ‬ ܿ ‫ܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܘܐܬܒ ܐܝ܂ ܘ ܐ‬ ܿ ‫ܪ‬ ܿ ‫܂‬ ‫ܝ܇ ܕܗܕܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ܼ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܬܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ܿ ‫ܐ ܗܘ ܕܐܬܬ‬ ‫܂ ܐܐ ܐܐ‬ ܼ ‫ ܘܐ‬5 ‫ܒ ܘ ܐ ܬܕ ܂‬ ‫܂ ܘܗ ܐ ܐܬ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ܿ ̈ ̈ ‫ܼܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܗܐ ܐܘܘ‬ ܿ ‫ܐܐ ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܆ܨ ܝ‬ ‫܂ ܘܒ ܪ‬ ‫̈ ܐ ܒܐ ̈ ܝ ̈ ܐ ܒ ܆‬ ‫ܒ‬ 10 ‫ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܕܬ ܐ ܒ ܬܘܬܝ܂܀‬ ‫̈ܐ‬ ‫ܓ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ܼ ܼ ‫ܐ ܐ ܘܗܝ ܗܘܐ܆‬ ܿ ‫܇ ܘ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܝ ܘܐ ܝ ܓ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܼ ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܕܕܘܘ ܐ ܗ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܐܐ ܒ ܂ ܕ‬ ܿ ‫ܕܐ ܬܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܢ ܗ‬ ‫ܝ܆‬ ܼ ‫ܐ‬ 15 ‫ܗܘܘ܇ ܕܗܐ ܐܦ ܗ ܐ ܐ ܬ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ܿ ‫܂‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܘܢ ܒܐܪܐ‬ ܼ ‫ܐܕ ܐ‬ ̈ ̈ ‫ܒ ܗ‬ ‫܂ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܓܒ ܐ ܐ ܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ܂‬ ‫ܕܐܒ ܟ܂ ܗ ܢ ܐ ܢ ܕܐ‬ ܿ ‫܆ ܘ ܪ‬ ‫ܬܟ‬ ‫ܝ ܬܪ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܼ ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܙܐ ܕ ܪܐ܂‬ ‫ ܕܐ ܒ ܨܒ ܂ ܘܐܗܘܐ‬20 ‫ܒ ܗܪܐ ܕ ܨܘ ܂܀‬ ‫ܕܐܬܒ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ 2 ‫ ܘܐܬܒ ܐܝ‬L2 C (does not note the reading of L1) D (not entirely preserved, though the end of the word seems certain)] ‫ ܘܐܬܒ‬L1 (the ʾālaṕ takes a different form here from that found elsewhere in the text)] ‫ ܐܬܒ ܐ‬B | 10 ‫̈ܐ‬ ‫ ̈ܐ‬L1 L2 C (notes the reading of L1) B D] several lines of Arabic text at the end of Peeters’ section 6 (“La passion arabe de S. ʿAbd al-Masīh,” 308.9–109.2), which correspond to the Syriac text of Syrα at the end of 7, and the first sentence of 7–8 in Peeters’ edition (“La passion arabe de S. ʿAbd al-Masīh,” 309.3–4), which corresponds to the beginning of section 7 in Syrα.

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

108

7 When the holy one was saying these things in the vision, his mother was woken by the sound of his words. She awoke him and said to him, “Is everything 5 okay with you, my son? What are these words that you are saying? You speak like one does to a friend.” Trembling, the holy one answered her and said, “I was speaking to Christ, in whom I have come to believe and have been baptized. He also lifted me just now 10 from the pit of misery, and he saved me from the dark rooms of Sheol.” His mother said to him, “What is his appearance, my son?” The holy one said, “He is a young man comely in appearance, and flashes of fire shine forth from his countenance. His tunic was torn, 15 his side open, and his hands and feet pierced. It was written on his garment:55 ‘This is the one whom the Jews crucified in Jerusalem, and who took the debts of the house of Adam upon himself. This is the Lamb of God, who took away the sin of the world. This is 20 the one who establishes the contest of martyrs, and (he is) the crowner of athletes’.56 I saw children of my age surrounding him and shouting, ‘O Lord, save us, o Lord, deliver us!57 Blessed is he who comes in the name of the Lord. Hosanna on high, hosanna to the 25 son of David’, while some of them were being adorned with splendid crowns and were carrying branches in their hands, and others were bearing the The Syriac word here is prisā, which could also mean ‘breastplate’ in addition to ‘garment’. Corluy (“Acta sancti Mar Abdu’l Masich,” 21) translates ‘chest’ (pectore). 56 The word translated ‘contest’ here is Syriac ʾaḡonā, which is a loanword from Greek ἀγών; the word translated ‘athlete’ is Syriac ʾaṯliṭā from Greek ἀθλητής. Both are found in the earliest period of Syriac and remain common throughout the history of the language, especially in hagiography. For the use of the latter as an epithet of Christ, see S. P. Brock, “Greek Words in Ephrem and Narsai: A Comparative Sampling,” ARAM 11–12 (1999–2000), 444–446. 55

Ps 30:3

Rom 5:1221 Jn 1:29

Mt 21:9; Mk 11:910 Mk 11:8

‫‪109‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION α‬‬

‫ܒ ܘܐ ܿܗܘ‬ ‫‪ 7‬ܘ ܗ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܬ ܬ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ܆‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܕ ܓ ܗܝ܆ ܘܐ ܬܗ ܘܐ ܐ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ܓ ̈ܐܗ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܝ܆ ܘ ܐ ܐ ܢ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܂܀‬ ‫ܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܇ ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܼ ܂‬ ‫ܪ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܼܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܂ ܗܘ ܕܒ ܗ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܓ ܒܐ ܕܕܘܘ ܐ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܬ܂ ܘܐܦ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܐܘ ܐ ̈‬ ‫܂܀‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܠ‬ ‫܇ ܘ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܗ ܒ ܝ܂܀‬ ‫ܐ ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܘܗܝ ܐܐ ܒ ܬܐ܂ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܐܿ ܂‬ ‫ܪ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܨܘ ܂ ܬ‬ ‫ܪܐ ܿ ܓ‬ ‫̈ܐ ܘܗܝ ܘ̈ܪܓ ܗܝ܂‬ ‫ܬܪ ܐ܂ ܘ ̈ܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫܂ ܗ ܗܘ ܕܙ ܗܝ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܕܡ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܕܒ‬ ‫̈ ܕ ܐ ܒܐܘܪ ܆ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܼ ܗ ܕܐ ܐ ܿܗܘ ܕ ܿ‬ ‫܂ ܿܗ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐܡ ܐܓ ܐ ܕ ܕܐ܆‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܗ‬ ‫ܗܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܇‬ ‫ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܐܬ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ‬ ‫܂ ܐܘ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕܐܬܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܢ܇ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܇ ܐܘ ܐ ܒ ܘ ܐ ܐܘ ܐ ܒ ܗ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܒ ̈ ܐ ܗܕ ܐ ܿ ܓ‬ ‫ܕܕܘ ܂‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܢ܂‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕܕܗܒܐ ܕ ܐ ܕܨܘ̈ܪ ܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܒ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ܘ‬ ‫ܗܝ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܪܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܇ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬

‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܐܘ ܐ ‪10‬‬ ‫ܬܐܘܘ ܐ ]‪L C B‬‬ ‫]‪D | 19 ̈ B‬‬ ‫‪L C D‬‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫]‪ L C B‬ܕ‬ ‫| ‪ D‬ܕ‬ ‫]‪ D‬ܘ‬ ‫‪ L C B‬ܘ‬ ‫]‪ ܿ D‬ܢ ‪21‬‬ ‫‪L C B | 25‬‬ ‫‪ B‬ܒ ̈ ]‪ L C D‬ܒ‬ ‫‪L has ‘me’ instead of ‘us’ in both cases.‬‬

‫‪57‬‬

‫‪C 21‬‬

‫‪B 181‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

110

blood of their necks on a throne58 of gold as an offering before him. Rejoicing and exulting, they were saying, ‘This is our God, whom we have awaited. Let us celebrate in his salvation and rejoice’. Then I too, 5 my mother, longed to be in their company, to join59 their ranks and to give praise in their pleasant songs. I was, however, not allowed. For that reason, I ardently long for him. Would that I had stayed in this sleep in that beloved company more than in this wakefulness! 10 That vision is beloved and pleasant to me, and the contemplation of that time is loved. How much more so would an endless period truly be (beloved)! My soul has gone out after that group; my heart has been captured by love of that vision. Death with these is 15 better than a long companionship with the customary routine.”60 8 When his mother heard these words, she was smitten with sorrow in her heart, and her soul was 20 filled with astonishment. She was keeping in her heart the things that were spoken, and she was careful lest they become known to his father and his brothers. She said to him, “My son, may your thoughts not be confused. There are many deceitful dreams, and they 25 also need interpreters, just as with Joseph and Pharaoh Gn 41 as well as with Daniel and the king of Babylon.” The Dn 2 holy one replied, “These were dreams, and they were in need of interpreters, but this of mine is a revelation, and it is a clear vision, whose explanation is true, and 30 whose interpreter is the one who dreamed it.61 Now, o my mother, the beginning of my preaching will be with For the Syriac word sylyn here, see pp. 35–36 in the Introduction above. 59 The root here is √ḥlṭ ‘(lit.) to mix’, which calls to mind the earlier prohibition given to ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā by his young companions that he should no longer associate (d-lā neṯḥallaṭ) with Jews (3). 60 Literally, ‘turnings of the entire world’. 58

‫‪111‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION α‬‬

‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܪܘܙ ܐ ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܂ ܿܗ ܐ ܢ ܕ‬ ‫ܘ ܐ܂ ܘܐܦ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܨ ܒ ܪ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܐܗܘܐ ܒܓ ܕ ܘܢ܂‬ ‫ܐܬܪܓ ܓ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܒ ̈ܪ ܘܢ܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܬ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫‪̈ 5‬ܗ ܐܬܐ܆ ܘ ܐ ܐ ܒ ܂ ܘܒ ܓ ܢ܂‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܿܗܝ ܕܒ ܐ ܿܗܘ‬ ‫ܐܐ ܂ ܝܕ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܬܐ ܪ‬ ‫ܗܕܐ‬ ‫ܐ܆‬ ‫ܪ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܕܗܘ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܗܘ܂ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܘܗ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ ܪܐ‬ ‫‪ܿ 10‬‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܪ ܓܐ ܿܗܘ܂ ܘܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܗ ܕܓ ܐ ܿܗܘ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܐܪ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܿܗ ܢ܂‬ ‫܂܀‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫̈ ܐ ܗ ܐܬܓ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܬܗܪܐ܂ ܘ ܐ ܗܘܬ‬ ‫ܒ ܒ ܆ ܘܐܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܂ ܘܙܗ ܐ ܗܘܬ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܐܬ‬ ‫ܒܒ ܿ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܂‬ ‫ܐܒ ܗܝ ܘ ܐ ̈ ܗܝ܂ ܐ ܬ‬ ‫̈ܒ‬ ‫ܕ ̈‬ ‫̈ܓ ܐ ܐ ܢ‬ ‫̈ ܒ ܟ܂‬ ‫ܒ ܝ܆ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܂‬ ‫̈ܪܐ‬ ‫‪ ̈ 20‬ܐ ܕܓ ܐ܆ ܘܐܦ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܢ܂ ܘܕ ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܕܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘܘ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܐ ܼ ܂ ܗ‬ ‫ܕܒܒ ܂܀‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܆ ܗ ܐ ܕ ܕ ܓ ܐ‬ ‫ܪܐ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܗܘ܂‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܕ‬ ‫ܗܘ܆ ܘ ܘܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ܐܘ ܐ ܆‬ ‫ܗ ܗܘ܂‬ ‫‪ 25‬ܘ ܪܗ܂‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒ ܘ‬ ‫ܘܗ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܪ ܐ ܕ ܘܙܘܬܝ܂‬

‫ܐ ‪9‬‬ ‫ܐ ]‪ L2 C (notes the reading of L1) B D‬ܒ ܪܐ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫ܕ ]‪L C B‬‬ ‫‪D‬‬ ‫‪ L | 15‬ܒ ܪܐ‬ ‫‪This exchange about dreams is different in several‬‬ ‫‪respects in Syrβ.‬‬ ‫‪61‬‬

‫‪C 22‬‬

‫‪L 318a‬‬

‫‪B 182‬‬ ‫‪C 23‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

112

you! Listen to me and believe in that one in whom I have come to believe. I will die on behalf of his truth.” When she heard the news of (his) death, her tears started to flow forth, and she began to cry silently. The 5 holy one said to her, “Do not cry, o my mother, and do not be distressed, for the bones of Joseph after they were consumed became a bulwark for the children of his people, who were living. Had Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob not been alive, God would not have 10 said to Moses, ‘I am their God’. Therefore, be resolute in the fact that those who die on account of his hope are (actually) alive with God. In order to pay you the debt of parentage that I owe you, I exhort you, and I implore you to believe in Christ, be baptized in his 15 name, and be saved from the torments of those who have rejected him,62 so that my rejoicing can be completed in you, for I am your son, and so that your rejoicing can also be completed in me. In the world that does not pass away, I will delight in you and also 20 you in me. You, mother, will be to me also a sister in baptism. Remember, o my mother, the revelation that I have told you, and may the words that I have shown you not depart from before your eyes.” His mother said to him, “I accept my son, and I believe. When I 25 find the right time, I will do these things. For now, let our thoughts be hidden from your father and brothers, lest, when they hear this, they kill you and me, o my beloved.” Then the holy one took his bag and his shepherding staff and said to his mother, “Goodbye63 30 my mother. I entrust you to Christ my lord. Now, I am going to the children, my friends. But you, my mother, do not delay coming after me.” So, the holy one hinted at his death and at the confession of his mother.

Syrβ has the following instead of ‘him’: ‘the great and glorious mystery of his saving economy’. 63 Literally, ‘remain in peace’. 62

Gn 50:25; Ex 13:19; Josh 24:32 Ex 3:6; etc. Mk 12:2627; Mt 23:32; cf. Lk 20:3738

Mt 10:10; Lk 9:3; Mk 6:8

‫‪113‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION α‬‬

‫ܪܗ‬ ‫ܐܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܆ ܘ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܐ ܗ‬ ‫܆‬ ‫ܐܒܐ ܕ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܬ܂܀ ܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕ ̈‬ ‫ܒ ܂܀‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܿ܆ ܘ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ܐܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܐܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܐ ܬܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܪ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫܂ ܕܗܐ ܓ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܬܬ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܆ ܗ ܢ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܒ ܆ ܪܐ ܗܘܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܐܒ ܗܡ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܂ ܘܐ ܐ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‪:‬‬ ‫ܒ܆ ܐ ܐ ܿ ܗܘܐ ܐ ܐ ܬ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫܇ ܕ̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܗܘܢ܂ ܐ ܪܪܝ‬ ‫ܒ ܗ܂‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܐ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܕܐܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫܆‬ ‫ܐܐ‬ ‫܆ ܘ‬ ‫ܐܐ‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫‪:‬‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܬ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܕܬܗ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܝ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܕܗ ܢ ܕ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܘܬܬ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܬܝ ܒ ܕܐ ܝ ܒ ܇‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܐ ܐ ܕܬ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐܦ ܘܬ ܒ ܂ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܘܬ‬ ‫ܒ ܐܦ ܐ ܝ ܒ ܆ ܘܬܗܘ‬ ‫ܿ ܒ ܐܬܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܂‪ ::‬ܐܬ ܕܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܐܦ ܐ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܓ ܐ ܗܘ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܐܘ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܀‬ ‫̈ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܡ‬ ‫‪ ̈ 20‬ܢ‬ ‫ܒܐ ܐܐ ܒ ܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܂‬ ‫ܐܿ ܐ‬ ‫ܙܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒ ܢ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܐ܂ ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܢ܆ ܘ‬ ‫܆ܕܐ‬ ‫ܐܒ ܟ ܘܐ‬ ‫‪ّ 25‬‬ ‫ܢ܂܀ ܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܐܘ ܒ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܼ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܬܪ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܪ ܬܗ܆ ܘܐ ܼ‬ ‫ܐܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐܐ ܂ ܓ‬ ‫ܐ ܂‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫]‪ L C B‬ܬܬ‬ ‫‪ L‬ܕ ܐ ]‪ D‬ܕ ܐ ‪ (sic) D | 6‬ܬܬܬ‬ ‫‪ C (notes the reading‬ܐ ܝ ‪2 L C B] omit D | 17‬‬ ‫‪C B | 12‬‬ ‫‪ DC‬ܓ‬ ‫‪ܿ L C B] omit D | 27‬ܗܘ ‪ L D | 19‬ܐ ]‪of L) B‬‬ ‫ܓ ]‪(notes the reading of L) B‬‬ ‫‪L‬‬

‫‪D 129b‬‬

‫‪C 24‬‬

‫‪B 183‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

114

9 When he went out with his flock as was his custom, a bishop happened to appear in the distance walking from village to village.64 He ran and fell before 5 his feet, and he said to him, “Bless me, my lord. Seal me with the sign of the cross. Complete my baptism.”65 The bishop said to him, “How do you know me? Who revealed to you about me? For, I am walking about as a layman.”66 The holy one said to 10 him, “The one who told you about me, the one who prepared a path for you to go out in search of me, and the one on account of whose truth I will die.” The bishop was amazed at what he said and said to him, “Indeed, I was commanded to go out after you and to 15 bless you before your coronation.” He set his right hand on his head, gave him the gift of the Spirit, and said, “Go in the strength of the Holy Spirit. May your Lord be pleased with you. Be prepared67 to put on the sufferings of Christ.68 May the children who have 20 baptized you be invited to great ranks.”69 Thus, the old man70 departed and went on his way. The holy one arrived at the children, his friends, and told them about the vision that he had seen, about his encounter

Fiey (“Encore ʿAbdulmasīḥ de Sinğār,” 217) argues—not entirely convincingly—that this bishop is not an itinerant bishop. 65 Syrβ adds: ‘which I have received from the hands of children’. 66 Syrβ does not include ‘I am walking about as a layman’, but has here: ‘and told you to go out in search of me’, which comes several lines later in Syrα. 67 Syrβ has here: ‘May he make you worthy…’. 68 N is not extant here, but Arabβ adds: ‘and to carry his 64

‫‪115‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION α‬‬

‫ܐ ܝ܂ ܗܐ ܐ ܐ ܿܐܙܠ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܬܘ‬ ‫ܒ ܝ܂ ܐ ܝ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܼܗܘ‬ ‫ܪ ܼ ܗܘܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܕ ܬܐ ܕܐ ܂܀‬

‫ܬ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܪܝ܂‬ ‫܆ ܘ‬ ‫‪C 25‬‬

‫‪5‬‬

‫‪ 9‬ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܆ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܼܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܪܘ ܐ܇‬ ‫܂ܒ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫̈ܪܓ‬ ‫ܡ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܛ‬ ‫ܪܗ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܕܨ ܒܐ ܘܓ ܪ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܝ ܘ ܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܝ܂܀ ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܘܿ‬ ‫܇ ܕܗܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܓ ܼܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ܀ ܐ ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܿܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܝ܇ ܘܕܪܫ‬ ‫ܓ ܼܐ‬ ‫ܕܐܦ‬ ‫ܪܗ‬ ‫ܐܐ ܕ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܕܬ ܩ ܒܒ ܝ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܬ܂܀ ܘܬ ܼ ܐ‬ ‫ܗ ܘܐ ܼ‬ ‫܂ ܕܐܦ ܐ ܐ ܐܬ ܬ ܕܐ ܩ ܒ ܪܟ܆‬ ‫ܪ ܂‬ ‫ܡ‬ ‫ܘܐܒ‬ ‫܂ܘܼ‬ ‫܂ ܙܠ‬ ‫ܘ ܼܒ‬ ‫ܘ ܐ ܕܪܘ ܐ ܘܐ ܼ‬ ‫ܟ܂‬ ‫ܐ܆ ܘ ܒܐ ܒ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܒ ܐ ܕܪܘ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܐ ܗ ܢ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫ܕܬ ܒ‬ ‫ܘܐܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܪܘ̈ܪܒܐ܂ ܘܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫ܘܟ܆ ܕ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܙܠ ܐܘܪ ܂܀‬ ‫ܒܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܼ ܫ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܒ ܘܗܝ‪ :‬ܘܐ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬

‫ܕ‬

‫ܗ ܐ‬

‫‪ L D‬ܐ ]‪ C (does not note the reading of L) B‬ܐ ܝ ‪2‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܪܗܛ ‪9‬‬ ‫]‪ L C B‬ܘܐܬ‬ ‫‪ D‬ܐܬ‬ ‫‪ C | 21‬ܪܗܛ ]‪ܼ L D B‬‬ ‫‪23‬‬ ‫‪ L C B‬ܒܐܘܪ ])‪ D (also the reading in Syrβ‬ܐܘܪ‬ ‫‪cross’.‬‬ ‫‪N is not extant here, but Arabβ adds: ‘and may they‬‬ ‫‪be blessed’.‬‬ ‫‪70 Syrβ has ‘bishop’ instead of ‘old man’.‬‬ ‫‪69‬‬

‫‪L 318b‬‬ ‫‪C 26‬‬ ‫‪B 184‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

116

with the bishop, and about the things in between. Astonishment and awe seized all of them, and they saw that their baptizing (of him) had been confirmed by the power that ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā had put on, by the 5 vision that he had seen, and by the gifts of the Spirit.71

10 That day was Friday, and when Saturday72 was approaching, the Jews had a great feast, during which his father prepared73 a great banquet. He invited and 10 called his friends74 to supper, and he sent his servants after all his sons. He commanded that before Saturday come they should gather apart from their flocks. When the holy one arrived there, he withdrew to the house of his mother. When he entered the door, the servants 15 of his father seized him and brought him to the banquet. When his father, along with the Jews who were reclining with him, saw the earring in his ear, all of them were greatly agitated and troubled. His father then indignantly said to him, “Asher, who misled you 20 and did this to you? Do you not know that this is the appearance of slaves who forsake freedom?”75 The holy one said, “Do not fear, old man, I know these things you say. But, I have inscribed myself as a slave for Christ76 forever, and I am a Christian.” When his Ex 21:5-6; 25 father heard, he became very angry, and he struck him Dt 15:16in the face, threw him down among the guests, and 17 Syrβ omits: ‘by the gifts of the Spirit’. The word here is šabbṯā, which could also be translated ‘Sabbath’. The same is true for other cases of ‘Saturday’ below. 73 Syrβ has: ‘arose early to prepare’, with a possible allusion to Gn 22:3. 74 Syrβ specifies that they are Jews. 75 Syrβ omits ‘who forsake freedom’, departing from the biblical verses. 76 The Syriac for ‘slave for Christ’ is ʿaḇdā lamšiḥā, which 71 72

‫‪117‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION α‬‬

‫ܓ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܕ ܼ ܐ‪ :‬ܘ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܕܒ‬ ‫ܐ‪ :‬ܘܗ‬ ‫ܕܒܐ‬ ‫ܐ܆ ܘܐ ܼ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܬܗܪܐ ܘܕܘ ܐ܂ ܘ ܘ ܕܐ ܪܪܬ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܗܘܢ܂ ܘܒ ܐ ܕܐܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘܒ ܘܐ ܿܗܘ ܕ ܼ ܐ ܘܒ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫‪5‬ܕ‬ ‫ܕܪܘ ܐ܂܀‬ ‫ܘܒ ܐ ܗܘܬ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܿܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܓ ܐ ܗܘܬ܆ ܐܕܐ ܪܒܐ ܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܐܒ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܕܒ‬ ‫‪ ̈ 10‬ܕ ܐ ܒ ܿ ܘ‬ ‫ܿ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܼ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܪܒܐ܂ ܘܙ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܼ̈ܒ ܐ ܕ ܂ ܒ ܪ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܪ‬ ‫ܒ ̈ ܗܝ܂ ܘ ܼ ܗܘܐ ܕ ܡ ܕ ܐ ܐ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܢ܂܀ ܼܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܕܐ ܂ ܘ‬ ‫܆ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ ܕܐܒ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܐܠ ܒ ܪ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܕ ܐܒ ܗܝ ܼ ܐ ܐܦ‬ ‫ܐ܂܀‬ ‫ܘܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫̈ܕ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܪܗܒ ܂‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܕܒܐܕ ܆ ܐܬܕ‬ ‫ܬܗ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܒ ܗܝ ܙ ܐ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܗ‬ ‫ܐ ܼ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒ ܘܗ ܐ ܒ ܒ ܂ ܐ ܥ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘ ܗ ܐ ܕ ܼ̈ܒ ܐ‪ܿ :‬ܗ ܢ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒܐ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܂ ܐ ܬܕ‬ ‫ܪܪܐ܆‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܂‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܿ ܥ ܐܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܝ܂܀‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫‪ܼ 25‬ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܝ‬ ‫܆ܘ‬ ‫ܐܒ ܗܝ ܐܬ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫‪ D | 19‬ܘܕܘ ܐ ]‪ L C B‬ܘܕܘ ܐ ‪3‬‬ ‫‪ D‬ܐܬܕ ]‪ L C B‬ܐܬܕ‬ ‫‪24‬‬ ‫]‪ L2 C (notes the reading of L1) B D‬ܐ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫‪ L1‬ܐ ܐ‬ ‫‪again is a play on his new name, ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā.‬‬

‫‪C 27‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

118

was trampling him. The guests arose and said to him, “Leave him alone, for he is a boy, and he is out of his mind. Let us not take out our anger against him today, and let us not upset our banquet.77 For, it is a feast. 5 May there not be an uproar78 at it.” All of them were silent, and they sat to eat. They were calling to him enticingly to eat with them. He was saying to them, “Do not err! For, I am a Christian. It is not right for a Christian to eat with Jews.79 His father was afflicted 10 with shame from what he said, and he arose to strike him once again in anger,80 but they did not let him. They said to the holy one three times,81 “Come, our beloved, eat with us, and the anger of your father will be pacified. We will be silent about the transgressing 15 of the law which has been performed upon your ear because of your lack of education and because of the honor of the feast and banquet.82 Now, be convinced and come eat.” The holy one said, “Had you known the things that have happened, perhaps you would not

Syrβ has negative commands addressed to the father here, instead of the hortatory statements. 78 Syrβ has ‘blood’ here. The variants ‫‘ ܕ ܐ‬blood’ and ‫‘ ܪܘܒܐ‬uproar’ are likely the result of a scribal error given the similarity of these two words in the Syriac script. It is difficult to decide which is original, but ‘uproar’ would seem to be the lectio difficilior. In addition, this word appears in a simlar context in 12 (see fn. 93 below). 79 This echoes, with different wording, the same prohibition in (2). See also fn. 59 above. 80 L omits ‘in anger’, but its inclusion is supported by β Syr . 81 The language of ‘three times’, which, it should be noted, is not found in Syrβ, calls to mind the baptism of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, in which he was submerged three times (2): perhaps it is intended to counter literarily the three times that he was submerged during baptism. 82 N is not extant here, but Arabβ preserves a different text beginning at ‘your ear’: ‘We will not blame you. Your father loves you more than your brothers (see Gn 37:3). If 77

‫‪119‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION α‬‬

‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܙ ̈ ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܝ‬ ‫ܐ ̈ ܗܝ܂ ܘ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܙ ̈ ܐ ܘܐ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܐ ܘܗܝ܆ ܘ‬ ‫ܝ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ܆ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܂ ܐ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫܂ ܐܕܐ ܗܘ ܓ ܆ ܐ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܘܢ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܪܘܒܐ܂‬ ‫ܘܢ܂܀‬ ‫ܐ ܕܐ ܠ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܢ܂‬ ‫ܗܘܐ܆ ܐ ܬ‬ ‫ܼܗܘ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܓ ܐ ܝ܀ ܘ ܐ ܙܕܩ‬ ‫ܕ ܐܒ ܗܝ ܒ ܬܬܐ‬ ‫‪ ̈ 10‬ܕ ܐ܂܀ ܐܬ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܬܘܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܆ ܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܒ ܗܝ܂܀ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܇‬ ‫ܐ ܕܬ ܙܒ ܂ ܬܐ ܒ ܒ‬ ‫ܗ ܕܐܒ ܟ܆ ܘܗܐ‬ ‫ܘܬܬ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܕ ܇‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫‪ܿ 15‬ܒ‬ ‫ܐ܆‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܕ ܐܕܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܪܕ ܬܟ܇ ܘ‬ ‫ܐܕ ܐ ܼ ܂‬ ‫ܗ ܐ ܘܬܐ ܼ ܂܀‬ ‫ܐܬܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܗܘܝ܆ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܘܢ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܢ܂ ܬ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܠ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫܆‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܓ‬ ‫ܐ܀‬ ‫ܿ ܐܡ‬

‫‪1‬‬ ‫]‪ L1 C (notes the reading of L2) B D‬ܘ‬ ‫‪L2‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪ L C B] omit D | 12‬ܗܘܐ ‪11‬‬ ‫‪ D (also the reading in‬ܒ‬ ‫]‪ L C B‬ܗ ܐ ‪D | 17‬‬ ‫]‪ L C B‬ܗܘܘ | ‪Syrβ)] omit L C B‬‬ ‫‪D‬ܗ ܐ‬

‫‪you want to do our bidding and that of your father…’.‬‬

‫‪B 185‬‬

‫‪C 28‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

120

urge me to eat with you. For, until now, a veil has been Ex 34:2935; 2Cor set on the face of Moses, the establisher of the law.”83 3:7-18

11 When they heard these things, they were in awe at the parables and also amazed by the 5 courageousness of his words. They were saying to one another, “Maybe he did have some vision. For, these words are not demonical,84 and this is not difficult with God. For, many and great things came about 10 among the prophets when they were but children, such as Moses, Joshua, Gideon, Samuel, David, Jeremiah, Daniel, the children who were with Hananiah, as well as many others.85 Therefore, it would not be too much for one light of wonderment to appear among our 15 people. For our tribe is not small in Israel, and God’s laws are our pride.” While they were saying these things, his father was silent. Then, they said to the holy one, “Tell us, o beloved among brothers, who is that one whom we do not know?86 Show us, and let us 20 learn. Demonstrate to us, and let us know.” The holy one said to them, “That one whom your fathers killed in Jerusalem, I have seen that he is the lamb of God, whom John (the Baptist) proclaimed by the Jordan. I

The veil of Moses as found in Ex 34:29–35 and interpreted in 2Cor 3:7–18 is a locus classicus for Christian polemics against Jews (see R. Roukema, “The Veil over Moses’ face in Patristic Interpretation,” in R. Roukema [ed.], The Interpretation of Exodus: Studies in Honour of Cornelis Houtman [Louvain, 2006], 237–252). It should, however, be noted that the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā does not follow the usual Christian trope of the veil symbolizing Jewish misreading and misinterpretation of the Old Testament, as is found, for instance, in Clement, Tertullian, Origen, and Augustine, as well as in Syriac authors, such as Jacob of Serugh (see S. P. Brock, Jacob of Sarug’s Homily on the Veil on Moses’ Face [Piscataway, 2009]). Rather, for the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, the veil symbolizes Jewish stubbornness, that is, their unwillingness to listen or to be persuaded, which is, however, not a permanent condition since the Jews 83

Ex 2:6; 33:11; Jdg 6:15; 1Sm 2:18; 17:33, 42; Jr 1:6-7; Dn 1:17

Mt 3; Mk 1:1-11; Lk 3:1-22; Jn 1:19-37

SYRIAC RECENSION α

C 29 B 186 D 130a

121

‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܕ ܗ ܆‬ 11 ‫ܗܘܘ ܒ ܒ ܒ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܒ ̈ ܐܬܐ܂ ܘܐܦ ܬ‬ ‫܂ ܕ ܐ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܕ ̈ ܗܝ܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܕܕ ܐ‬ ‫̈ ܐ܆‬ ‫܂ ܗ ܓ‬ ‫ ܡ ܗܘܐ‬5 ‫ܬ ܐ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܗܕܐ‬ ‫ܐ̈ ܂ ܐ ܓ‬ ̈ ‫̈ ܓ ܐܬܐ ܓ ܘ ̈ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܝ ܬ ̈ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܥ܂‬ ‫ܕ ܬ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܕܘ ܂ ܘܐܪ ܐ ܘܕ ܐ ܂‬ ‫ܘܓ ܢ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܐ ܕܐ ܐ܂ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ ܘ ̈ ܐ ܕܒ‬10 ܿ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒܐܘ ܢ‬ ‫ܪܒܐ ܗܕܐ ܐܢ‬ ‫ܒ ܢ܂ ܐ ܙ ܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܬܕ ܪܬܐ܂ ܗܐ ܓ‬ ̈ ‫܂ ܘܐܦ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܕܐ ܐ ܬܪܢ܂܀‬ ‫ܒܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ܂‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܆ ܐܒ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܘ ܗ‬ ّ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܘ ܪ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ ܗ‬15 ܼ ‫ܐ܂ ܐ‬ 3 ‫ ܒ ̈ ܐܬܐ‬L B D] ‫( ܒ ̈ ܐ ܐ‬sic) C | ‫ ܘܐܦ ܬ‬L C B] ‫ ܘܬ‬D | 7 ‫ ̈ ܓ ܐܬܐ‬L B] ‫( ܿ ܓ ܐܬܐ‬sic) C in the story do ultimately convert. 84 Syrβ reads ‘of children’ instead of ‘demonical’. 85 Not all of the figures mentioned here did great deeds when they were children. Almost all of them are, however, identified as a ṭalyā ‘child, youth’ in the Syriac Peshiṭta (usually translating Hebrew naʿar): Moses (Ex 2:6), Joshua (Ex 33:11), Samuel (1Sm 2:18), David (1Sm 17:33, 42), Jeremiah (Jr 1:6–7), and Daniel and his three companions (Dn 1:17, where the word for his companions is yĕlāḏīm in Hebrew). The exception to this pattern is Gideon, who is not identified as a ṭalyā in the Peshiṭta, though he is the youngest of his father’s house (Jdg 6:15). The Armenian version has the same list here, as does the Georgian. Syrβ, however, has ‘Jeremiah, Daniel, the three children who were with Hananiah, Joshua bar Nun, Samuel, as well as other prophets like them’, which is also found in Arabβ. 86 Syrβ reads: ‘whom you know’.

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

122

have been baptized in his name, and on account of his truth I will die. If you are not absolved by his baptism, you are responsible for the debt of your fathers. Thus, I proclaim to you the innocent blood that they shed by 5 which the Gentiles87 have been saved, because they confessed him, whereas those who crucified88 him have perished.89 Take off the veil that is spread over 2Cor 3:1218 your heart! Believe, be baptized, and be absolved!”90

12 Then, they were all filled with anger by these words, and his father sharpened a knife91 for his Gn 22:9 destruction.92 When the servants saw the uproar93 that had come about,94 they allowed the boy to flee. For, they knew and understood that he intended to kill him. 15 Then, Levi, his father, got up angrily95 and with a hard

10

Literally, ‘peoples’. Following earlier Syriac authors (R. Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom [London, 2004], 41–68), the text here uses the plural ʿammē ‘peoples’, which often refers specifically to Gentiles, as opposed to the singular ʿammā ‘people’, which often refers specifically to the Jewish people. In addition, it should be noted that Syrβ does not mention ‘peoples, Gentiles’ here, but has the more generic ‘those who have confessed him’. 88 Syrβ reads: ‘our fathers’. 89 Syrβ adds: ‘because they did not believe’ (reading not entirely certain). 90 Syrβ has a slightly different text here, which ends ‘…and the bill that your fathers wrote and placed upon you will be repaid’. 91 The Syriac word here is sakkinā, the same as in Gn 22:9. 92 Syrβ reads here: ‘they encouraged his father to destroy the child’. The root of the words translated as ‘sharpened’ in 87

SYRIAC RECENSION α L 319a

C 30

123

ܿ ‫ܒܐ ̈ ܐ܂‬ ‫܂ ܒ ܩ ܘܐ ܂‬ ‫ܿܗܘ ܕ ܐ‬ ܿ ‫ܘ ܥ܂܀ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܿܗܘ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ̈ ‫ܕܗܘ‬ ‫ܢ ܒܐܘܪ ܆‬ ‫ܐܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ܿ ‫ܪܕ ܇‬ ‫ܐ ܼ ܗ ܕܐ ܐ܇ ܗܘ ܕܐ ܙ‬ ‫ܪܗ ܐܬ ܐ ܐ܂‬ ‫܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܬ ܒ‬ ‫ܘ‬5 ‫ܕ ܗ܆‬ ‫ܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܘܢ ܐܢ ܐ ܬܬ‬ ̈ ‫ܐ ܘܢ܇ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܒ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫ܕܐܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ‬ ̈ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܙ ܐ ܿܗܘ ܕܐ ܘ܆ ܕܒ ܐܬ‬ ܿ ‫ܘܗ ܢ ܕܙ ܗܝ ܐܒ ܘ܂ ܗܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܂‬ ‫ܕܐܘܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܢ܂ ܐܪ‬ ‫ ܐ ܙܬ‬10 ‫܂܀‬ ‫ܘ ܘܐܬ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܒ ܢ܂ ܘܗ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫ ܗ‬12 ‫܂‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈ ܐ ܗ ܂ ܘ ܼ ܐܒ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܘܒܐ ܕܗܘܐ܆ ܒ‬ ‫ ܼ̈ܒ ܐ ܕ‬15 ‫ܕܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܘܕ‬ ‫ܓ‬ ‫ܕ ܘܩ܂‬ ‫ܝ ܐܒ ܗܝ ܒ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܗܝ܂܀‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܆ ܘ ܼ ܒܐ ܗ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܘܒ ܒܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܪܗܛ ܒ ܪܗ ܒ‬ ‫ܘܪܐ ܕ‬ ܼ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ܆‬ ‫ܗܝ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܪܗܛ‬ ‫ ܪܒ ܐ܂‬20 ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐܒ‬

‫ ܕ‬C (notes the reading of L) B] ‫ ܕ‬L D ‫ ܐܬ‬L2 C (does not note the reading of L1) B D] ‫ ܘܐ ܘܕ‬L C B] ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ ܘܐ ܘܕ‬D ‫ ܐ‬L1 | 16 17 ‫ ܒ ܒ ܐ‬D C (does not note the reading of L) B] ‫ܒ ܒܐ‬ (sic) L | 20 ‫ ܕ‬L D] omit C B 3 13

Syrα and as ‘encouraged’ in Syrβ is the same (√lṭš ); context, however, demands a different translation in each case. 93 This is the same word as ‘uproar’ discussed in fn. 78 above. 94 Syrβ reads here: ‘…that [evil was decided] against him.’. 95 Literally, ‘with a bitter liver’ (see Acts 8:23).

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

124

heart, took a knife in his hand96 from the table that was before them, and ran after him in great anger.97 The child ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā ran before him in the valley,98 until he came straight to that spring in which he had been baptized. Evening was near, and Saturday 5 was approaching.99 While he was being chased from before him and while the sun was setting in the west, he turned towards his father and said to him, “Observe your Sabbath,100 wretched one!101 If you are 10 a Jew, stop your chase and sheathe your blade. If you are a disciple of Moses, do not make yourself liable for transgressing his law. But, if (you are a disciple) of Christ, as I am,102 do not defile your hand with the blood of his slave. For, I do not implore you so that I 15 avoid being slaughtered103 on behalf of Christ, but so that you do not become an evil butcher104 and become even more lost.” The more of these things that his father heard, the more embittered he became. He was gnashing his teeth like a lion at its prey and roaring like 20 a ravenous wild beast thirsting for blood, as he spat out the bile of his blasphemy and shouted.

Compare ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܗ ܐܒ ܗܡ ܘ‬ ‫ܘܐܘ‬ ‫( ܒܗ‬ ) ‘Abraham reached out his hand and took a knife to slaughter his son’ (Gn 22:10). 97 N is not extant here, but Arabβ adds: ‘and he pounced upon him like a harmful lion’. The comparison with a lion does not come until the end of this section in Syrα. 98 The Syriac word could also mean ‘plain’, but the springs around Shigar are found in valleys around the city (see Oates, Studies in the Ancient History of Northern Iraq, 97). The same is the case with this word in 17. Note also that Cain kills Abel in a ‘valley’ (same word as here) in the Peshiṭta text of Gn 4:8. 99 N is not extant here, but Arabβ does not include this sentence of temporal references. 100 N is not extant here, but Arabβ places the command ‘observe your Sabbath’ within the conditional clause ‘if you are a disciple of Moses…’ below. 96

Gn 22:10

Ex 20:8; 31:14

Gn 22:10

Rev 13:14

SYRIAC RECENSION α

B 187

C 31

125

‫ܼܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܼܗܘ‬ ‫ܕܐܬܐ ܗܘܐ ܬܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ܼ ܿ ܿ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܼ ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܕܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܝ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܼܗܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܪ ܐ ܘ ܒ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܗܘܬ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ܆‬ ‫ܪܕܦ ܗܘܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ܼ‫ܐ ܪ‬ ‫ܒ ܟ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ ܐܬ‬5 ܼ ‫ܬ ܐܒ ܗܝ ܘܐ‬ ܿ ‫ܠ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܪܗ‬ ‫ܕܘ ܐ܂ ܘܐܢ ܕ ܐ ܐ ܆‬ ‫ܐ܆ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܟ܂ ܘܐܢ ܬ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܿܒ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܐ ܟ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܕܐܦ ܐ ܐ܆ ܐ ܬ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܓ ܕ ܐ ܐܬ‬ ‫ ܕ ܼܒ ܗ܂‬10 ‫܆ ܐ ܐ ܕ ܐ ܬܗܘܐ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܗ‬ ‫ܐܒ ܐ܂܀ ܐܒ ܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܐܘ‬ ܿ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ܆‬ ܿ ‫ܬܒ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܘܓ‬ ‫ܩ ̈ ܗܝ ܐ ܐܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕ ܬ ܐ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ ܗܘܐ ܒ‬15 ܿ ̈ ‫ܬܐ ܕܓ ܕ ܗܝ ܓ ܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ܿ‫ܘ‬ ‫܀‬ ܿ L C] omit B | 12 ‫ ܒ ܐ‬L C 4 ‫ ܗܘܐ‬L C B] omit D | 6 ‫ܕܘ ܐ‬ D] omit B N is not extant here, but Arabβ strengthens this pejorative: ‘wretched one in whom there is no natural mercy ( ̈ ‫’)ܪ ̈ ܒ‬. The phrase ‘natural mercy’ appears again in 14 in Arabβ, where again N is unfortuantely not extant (see fn. 124 below). Note that Bedjan deletes ‘wretched one’ here. This is not the only place that Bedjan softens the language of the text; see fn. 104 and 110 below. 102 N is not extant here, but Arabβ reads: ‘if you want to be a disciple of Christ…’. 103 The root that is used here is √nks ‘to slaughter, sacrifice’, which also occurs in Gn 22:10 (cited in fn. 96 above). 104 Bedjan deletes ‘evil’, again softening the language of the text. 101

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

126

13 When the holy one arrived at the spring, he prostrated to pray weeping. He said something like this, “O Christ, who pulled me out of the water, accept 5 me among the number of the baptized. Upon this spring, again open the gate for me that I may enter among your martyrs and be included105 in the troop of your athletes. I offer you my blood as a pure offering. Accept me as a sweet smell106 and as the pleasure of 10 your mercy, along with the company of my triumphant friends, whom you showed me were praising you with their hosannas.107 Make me also worthy, my Lord, to praise you and say,108 ‘I have come to the altar of God and to the God who makes my youth happy. I will Ps 43:4 15 confess you with my lyre, God, my God’.109 Do not reckon this sin to the swift pursuer, my deceitful110 father.111 Make my mother, who gave birth to me and on whose knees I was raised,112 become to me a sister by the new mother, baptism—truly a mother—and The root here is √ḥlṭ ‘(lit.) to mix’, which again calls to mind the earlier prohibition given to ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā by his young companions that he should no longer associate (dlā neṯḥallaṭ) with Jews (3). See also 7 with fn. 59 above. 106 For olfactory imagery, see fn. 33 above. 107 Note that hosanna is commonly used in reference to Palm Sunday, which often has an anti-Jewish focus. Consider, for instance, the important fifth-century author Narsai: Among his more than eighty mēmrē, only one is explicitly anti-Jewish, and this is his Mēmrā on Palm Sunday, which is also sometimes entitled Against the Jews in the manuscripts. See J. Frishman, “Narsai’s Homily for the Palm Festival – Against the Jews: For the Palm Festival or against the Jews?,” in H. J. W. Drijvers, R. Lavenant, C. Molenberg, and G. J. Reinink (eds.), IV Symposium Syriacum, 1984. Literary Genres in Syriac Literature (Groningen—Oosterhesselen 10-12 September) (Rome, 1987), 217–229. For anti-Jewish polemic in Narsai more broadly, see recently A. H. Becker, “The ‘Evil Inclination’ of the Jews: The Syriac Yatsra in Narsai’s Metrical Homilies for Lent,” JQR 106 (2016), 179–207. 105

SYRIAC RECENSION α

127

‫ܬ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ 13 ܿ ‫ܒ ܐ ܗܘܐ܂ ܘܕܐ‬ ‫ܿܗܝ܆ ܐܬܓ ܢ‬ ّ ‫ܗ ܐ ܿ ܗܘܐ܂‬ ‫̈ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܐ ܕܨܕ‬ ‫ܐܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܕܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ̈ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ ܒ‬5 ̈ ‫ܕ ܆‬ ‫ܬܪ ܐ ܕܐ ܠ ܬ‬ ‫ܬܘܒ ܼ ܚ‬ ̈ ܿ ‫ܒ‬ ‫܂ ܗܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܐܬ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܘܐܬ‬ ܿ ‫ܪܒ ܐ ܕ ܐ܆ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐܐ‬ ܿ ‫ܐ ܘ ܐ ܕ̈ܪ‬ ‫ܓ ̈ ܕܐ‬ ‫܂ܘ‬ ‫ܐܒ‬ ܿ ‫ ܿܗ ܢ ܕ‬:‫ ܕ ܒ ܝ ̈ ܐ‬10 ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܿܒ‬ ̈ ‫ܝ‬ ‫ܐܦ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܒܐܘ‬ ܿ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܂ ܐܬ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܬܝ܂‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܐ܆ ܘ ܬ ܐ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܝ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܝ܂ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܘܕܐ‬ ‫ܐ܆ ܐ ܬ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܐܒܐ‬ ‫ ܪܕܘ ܐ‬15 ‫ ܘ‬: ‫ܕ ܬ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܕܐ܂ ܐ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ̈ܪ ܿ ܐܬܪܒ ܆ ܒ ܕܬܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܂ ܘܐ ܐ ܒ ܪܐ܆‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬

C 32 B 188

15 ‫ܐ ܘܐܒܐ‬ L2 C (notes the reading of L1) D] ‫ܘܐܒܐ‬ L C D] omit B ‫ܐ‬ L1 ] ‫ ܘܐܒܐ‬B | ‫ܐ‬ N is not extant here, but Arabβ reads: ‘and with the prophet David, I call out and say…’. 109 N is not extant here, but Arabβ does not include the second half of the biblical verse. 110 Bedjan deletes ‘deceitful’, once again softening the language of the text. 111 Understanding the waw as exepegetical. This is supported by Arabβ (N is not extant): ‘this madman who pursues me like a harmful lion’. 112 N is not extant here, but Arabβ reads: ‘who raised me on her knees and who nursed me from her breasts’. This latter clause does not come until the end of this section in Syrα. 108

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

128

also a partner in those rewards that are kept for those who fear you.113 Anyone who invokes my name on account of your name and whoever makes a remembrance of me in your name,114 be for them a helper in any appeal to you, my Lord, an answerer of 5 requests, and a physician115 and a guardian of souls and bodies. May a blessing rest upon their homes. May they be delivered from the evil one and his power. May their souls be absolved. Thus, my blood is poured out 10 for you as is the sacrifice of my thoughts on account of the fact that you made me a worker116 for you, you retrieved me from the deep pit,117 you revealed your truth in me, you made me your herald, you did not loath my impurity, and your greatness did not despise 15 my smallness. Like a lamb to the slaughter, I hereby Is 53:7 offer my neck for your sake. I have thus become a stranger to my brothers and a foreigner to my mother’s Ps 69:8 children.118 Where are you, my beloved friends? Come, see my struggle that is due to your proclamation! 20 Come, delight in the fruit of your teaching! By this deed I will finish the path that you have prepared for me. Come, be the best men at my wedding feast.119 Exult with me in the feast of blood that is prepared for me. Who hid from you the day of my marriage? It 25 is the time in which friends are tested. It is the day on 113

The root here is √dḥl, on its meaning, see fn. 22

above. N is not extant here, but Arabβ adds: ‘make them partners, o Lord, with me in the heavenly blessing and in the eternal kingdom that does not pass away’. 115 The Syriac word here is ʿāṣuḇā ‘surgeon, doctor’. Such medical imagery is common for Christ in Syriac literature (see Murray, Symbols of Church and Kingdom, 200). 116 The Syriac word here is pallāḥā (or possibly pālḥā), which could also be rendered ‘farmer, slave, soldier, cultivator of a vineyard’. 117 The word for pit here is hawtā, as in Lk 16:26: ‘Along with all of these things, a great chasm (hawtā) is placed between us and you…’. The word may also call to mind the 114

SYRIAC RECENSION α

129

‫ܐܦ ܬ ܐ ܒ ̈ܪ ܐ ܿܗ ܢ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܿ ܐ‬ ‫ܿ ܕ‬ ‫܂ܘ‬ ‫ܕܕ‬ ‫܆ ܼܗܘܝ ܘܪܐ ܒܒ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ ܘ ܒ ܕܘ‬: ‫ܕ‬ ̈ ‫ܐ ܕ ܐ ܐ܂ ܘ ܘܒܐ‬ ‫ܝ܆‬ ̈ ‫ܐ ܘܕ ܓ ܐ܂ ܘܒ ܪ ܐ ܬ ܐ‬ ‫ܪܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܘ‬5 ‫܂‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂ ܘ ܘܙܒ ܢ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ̈ ̈ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܗܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ̈ ‫ܐ܇‬ ‫ܕ ܒܬ‬ ‫ܘܕܒ ܐ ܕ ܒ ܆‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ܇ ܘܓ‬ ‫ܗܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܙܟ܇ ܘ ܐ ܬ‬ ‫ ܪܟ܇ ܘ ܒ ܬ‬10 ‫ܙ ܪܘܬܝ܂‬ ‫ܐܘܬܝ܂ ܘ ܐ ܓ ܬ ܪܒ ܬܟ‬ ‫ܨܘܪܝ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܼ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ̈ ‫ܐ܆‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܟ܂ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ ̈ܒ ܐ ܂ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܘܢ ܒ ܝ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܙܘܬ ܢ܂‬ ‫ܐ܇ ܬܘ ܘ ܬ ܘ ܕ‬ ‫ ̈ܪ‬15 ‫ܬ ܢ܂ ܗܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐܪܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܬܘ ܐܬܒ‬ ܿ ܿ ‫ܐ ܐ ܐܘܪ ܐ ܗܝ ܕܕܪ ܘܢ ܇‬ ‫ܒ ܿܒ ܐ ܓ‬ ‫܇ ܘܪܘܙܘ‬ ‫̈ܘܓܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܬܘ ܗܘܘ‬ ܿ ‫ܒܐ܂‬ ‫ܘܬܐ ܕܕ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ‬ 20 ‫ܬܝ܂ ܙܒ ܐ ܼܗܘ ܕܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ܿ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܼܗܘ ܕ ܕ‬ ‫̈ܪ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬

C 33 L 319b

1 ‫ ܐܦ‬L B D] C states that this word appears to be deleted in the ms. This is not, however, clear in the digital images 11 ‫ܐܘܬܝ‬ B] ‫ ܐ ܬܝ‬L C D | 17 ‫ ܕܕܪ ܘܢ‬L2 C (does not ‫ ܕ‬LC note the reading of L1) B D] ‫ ܕܕ ܘܢ‬L1 | 19 ‫ܒܐ‬ B] ‫ܒܐ‬ ‫ ܕ‬D | 21 ‫ ܒ‬L C B] D Joseph narrative and its pit (gubbā ) as well as ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā’s earlier vision in which he is saved from a pit (gubbā ) (6 with fn. 50). 118 The words ‘stranger’ (nuḵrāyā) and ‘foreigner’ (ʾaḵsnāyā) call to mind the ascetic life. 119 For wedding imagery, see fn. 31 above.

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

130

which beloved ones are invited. Would that someone show me the agony that is thrown at me and would that you join me in my great deeds.120 Goodbye, pray for me that I may be worthy to see you at the banquet 5 of the heavenly bridegroom. Goodbye mother who gave birth to me and womb that carried me. Goodbye knees that raised me and breasts that nursed me.121 Goodbye my brothers, sons of my mother. If only you would become brothers to me through the womb of 10 baptism as well!” 14 While the holy one was praying these things and things like them122 and was crying with groans and wailing before God, his father overtook him like a lion 15 that is thirsting for prey.123 He lowered his head onto the stone on which he was reclining, and he slew him like a lamb with the knife in his hand. He poured out Gn 22:10 his blood on that stone. While ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā was being sprinkled with his own blood, he shouted with 20 the flow of his own blood and said, “Christ, my Lord, I entrust my spirit into your hands.”124 His father Lk 23:46 returned to his home,125 when it was already night. His brothers and those who had been reclining had For the syntactic construction of man + den + suffixconjugation (perfect), see L. Van Rompay, “Oh that I had Wings like a Dove! Some Remarks on Exclamatory Clauses in Syriac,” in T. Bar and E. Cohen (eds.), Studies in Semitic and General Linguistics in Honor of Gideon Goldenberg (Münster, 2007), 91–105. 121 N is not extant here, but Arabβ omits both ‘womb that carried me’ and ‘breasts that nursed me’; for the latter, see fn. 112 above. 122 N is not extant here, but Arabβ omits ‘these things and things like them’. This is not the only place where Syrβ, whether as preserved in N or as witnessed indirectly by Arabβ, omits similar statments (see fn. 137 below). 123 N is not extant here, but Arabβ adds: ‘and like a wild, thirsty bear’. 124 N is not extant here, but Arabβ adds: ‘While he was 120

SYRIAC RECENSION α

B 189

C 34

D 130b

131

‫ܢ ܐܪ ܐ ܕܪ ܐ ܇‬ ‫̈ܒ ܒܐ܂ ܿ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ܂܂‬ ‫ܒ ̈ ܂‬ ‫ܘܐ ܘܬ ܘܢ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܘܐ ܬ ܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܘܨ‬ ‫ܒ ܐܐ ܐܕ ܬ ܆ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ̈ ‫ܒ ܐ ܒ ̈ܪ ܐ ܕܪܒ ܆‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܕ‬5 ̈ ̈‫ܒ ܐ ܐ ̈ ܂܂ ܒ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܘܬܕ ܐ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܂ ܝ ܕ ܐܦ‬ ‫ܐ ̈ ܐ ܗܘ ܘܢ ܂܀‬ 10 ‫ܐ ܗܘܐ ܼܗܘ‬ ‫ܗ ܘܕܐ ܗ‬ 14 ‫ܐ‬ ‫ ܘ ܬ ܐ ܐ ܒ ܓ ܐ ܪ‬:‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܒ ܗܝ ܐ‬ ‫ܿܒ ܐ ܗܘܐ܆ ܐܕܪ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܿܗܝ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ܆ ܘܐܪ ܪ‬ ‫ܕܨܗܐ‬ ܿ ‫ܐ ܼ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ܆ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ܿ ‫ܐ ܐ ܗܝ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܕܒܐ ܗ܂ ܘܐ ܼ ܕ‬ ‫ ܒ‬15 ܿ ‫܆‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܼܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܝ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܪܕ ܐ ܕܕ ܂ ܘܐ ܼ ܂‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ܿ ̈ ‫ܒܐ‬ ‫ܓ‬ ܼ ‫ܐ ܐ ܪܘ ܂ ܐܒ ܗܝ ܕ ܗ‬ ‫ܘ ܗܘܐ܂ ܐ ̈ ܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܗ܆‬ ܿ 20 ‫ܒ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܡ ܕܬ‬ ‫܂ ܗ‬ ‫ܘܗ ܢ ܕ‬ ‫ ܘ ܝ‬: ‫ܐ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܢ ܝ‬ ‫ܘ‬

5

‫ ܕܪܒ‬C (notes the reading of L) B]

‫ ܕܪܒ‬L]

‫ ܕ̈ܪܒ‬D

saying this and when the angels received his pure soul and brought it to the dwelling place of the those pure holy ones who had been martyred and crowned in the contest like him, the heavens were amazed, and the earth shook from its place on account of the holy one whose father was devoid of natural mercy ( ̈ ‫ )ܪ ̈ ܒ‬and parental compassion. At the killing of his son, he had neither anxiety in his heart nor sadness in his conscience’. 125 Syrβ adds: ‘rejoicing and exulting’.

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

132

returned before the rise of Saturday. When Levi told them about the killing of Asher and showed them the knife that was besmeared in his blood, they mourned greatly and lamented intensely. His mother, although embittered and wailing, was consoled by the words 5 that ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā had said to her, and she was looking forward to when she would find an opportunity to be baptized and to believe in126 Christ. For, she believed that, when she died in the faith of the 10 holy one, she would be made worthy to see her beloved in the life that does not pass away—she who after some time, when a house of prayer was built on the bones of the martyr, came and secretly was baptized at the grave of her beloved.127 15

15 On the next128 day, when it was Saturday morning, the children came to water their flocks as usual.129 They saw the corpse of the holy ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, cast down, slaughtered like a lamb, and 20 sprinkled in his own blood. They raised their voices in weeping and bitter sorrow. They were hitting themselves on the face and tearing their garments. They were lamenting saying, “O lamb of Christ, pure 1Pt 1:19 and without defect, who was maliciously envious of 25 your beauty? Who harmed your comeliness? Who defiled his hand with your pure blood? O our beloved and adored brother, who deprived us of your company? O child of our proclamation, choice fruit of our teaching, and first-born sacrifice, who by our weak 30 hands was consecrated130 to Christ. Would that we be shown if your Lord is pleased with your coronation! Syrβ reads: ‘confess’. The syntax of this final sentence (i.e., a relative clause) suggests that it is a later addition, though note that it is also found in Syrβ. 128 Literally, ‘another’. 129 Syrβ adds: ‘at that spring’. 130 Perhaps even: ‘consecrated a priest’. Syrβ reads: ‘called’. 126 127

‫‪133‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION α‬‬

‫܆ ܐܒ ܐ ܪܒܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ܂܀ ܿ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܬܐ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܘ ܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒܒܐ ܗܘܬ ܼܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘܬ ܘܐ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܿ ܒ ̈ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܿ ܐ ܗܘܬ ܕ ܐ ܝ ܬ‬ ‫‪5‬ܕ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܝ ܘܬܗ‬ ‫ܐ܇ ܘܬ‬ ‫ܬܗ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘܬ ܓ ܂ ܕ ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܂ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܿ ܐ ܗܘܬ܆ ܬ ܘܐ ܬܗ ܕܪ‬ ‫ܐܬܒ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܒ ܂ ܿܗܝ ܕܒ ܪ ܙܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܕ ܕܐ܆ ܐܬܬ ܘ‬ ‫ܓ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܨ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܬ ܒ ܗ ܕ ܒ ܒ ܆܀‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܨ ܐ ܕ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܓ ̈ܪ ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ ܗ ܢ‬ ‫ܼܗܘܐ܆ ܐܬܘ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܗ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܘ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܼ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܪ ܐ܆ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫܂ ܘܐܪ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܐ܆ ܘ‬ ‫ܒܒ ܐ ܘܒ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ̈ ܘܢ܇ ܘ ܿ ܪ ܗܘܘ ܐ ܘܢ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ܐܘ ܐ ܼ ܐ ܕ ܐ ܘܕ ܐ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܟ܂ ܘ ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܼ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ܆‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܗ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܬܟ܂‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ ܒ ܒܐ܂‬ ‫ܐ܂܂ ܐܘ ܐ ܢ ܪ‬ ‫ܓܼ‬ ‫܂܂ ّ‬ ‫ܐܘ ܼ ܐ ܕ ܘܙܘܬܢ܂ ܘ ܐܪܐ‬ ‫ܪܒ ܐ ܒ ܐ܂܂‬ ‫ܬܢ܂ ܐܦ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ܪܓ ܓܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕܒܐ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܐܬ ܢ‬ ‫܂ ܿܗܘ‬ ‫ܟ ܒ‬ ‫ܐܢ ܐܨ ܒ‬ ‫ܝ‬ ‫܆‬ ‫ܓ ܒܐ ܕܕܘܘ ܐ ܕܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫‪6‬‬ ‫] ܘܬܗ‬ ‫‪ L C B D | 16‬ܘܬܗ‬ ‫‪ L2 C (does not‬ܐ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪ L C B] omit‬ܗܘܐ ‪note the reading of L ) B D] omit L | 17‬‬ ‫‪ L C B] omit D‬ܐܦ ‪D | 25‬‬

‫‪C 35‬‬

‫‪B 190‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

134

The one who brought you up from the pit131 of misery about whom you told us, he will be a comforter to you in our stead there, brother,132 and also to us.133 Because we have now been deprived of your agreeable 5 company, o ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, quick martyr, seek on our behalf from your Lord, to whom you are now very close, that he may make us worthy to see you at your great wedding134 and that he may install us with you when you are joined in the ranks of the holy martyrs. 10 When you encounter Christ unashamedly,135 we too will delight with you.”136 16 As they were wailing and crying these and similar things,137 each one of them dug with the tip of 15 his staff, and they made something like a grave. They wrapped the holy one with their cloaks, and they placed him in the crack that they had made along with dirt that had been sprinkled with the blood of the athlete, as they were crying with wails in great 20 suffering.138 They raised their hands to heaven and said, “Strengthen us, Christ, so that we may call to you! Hear now and answer us! Everything that is necessary to be consecrated139 for the corpses of those baptized

See fn. 50 above. L reads ‘brothers’. This is also the original reading in D, which has, however, it seems, been changed to ‘brother’ by a second hand. 133 The Syriac text here is difficult and possibly corrupt. Emending ‘brothers’ to ‘brother’, as we have done here—and we are in good company since a second hand in D has done the same (see the previous footnote), produces an intelligible text. In addition to the translation above, it is also possible to render the emended text as follows: ‘The one who brought you up from the pit of misery about whom you told us, he will be a brother to you in our stead there and also a comforter to us’. Syrβ here connects ‘Christ who brought you up from the pit’ to the preceding clause and then reads: ‘Behold, we have there spiritual brothers 131 132

SYRIAC RECENSION α C 36

‫ܐ ܐ܆ ܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܨܘܬܟ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܟ ܿܗܘ ܕܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܟ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫̈ ܐ‬ ‫̈ܓ ܐ ̈ ܆‬

135

‫ܬ‬ ‫ܼܗܘ ܿܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܐ܂ ܘܕܗ ܐ ܐܬܓ‬ ّ ‫ܼܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐܘ‬ ‫ܗ ܐܐ܂‬ ‫ܗܒܐ܆ ܒ‬ 5 ‫܆ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ܿ ‫ܗܘ ܪܒܐ܇ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ̈ ‫ܐ ܝ ܕܒ ̈ܪ ܘܢ ܕ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܿܓ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܆ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܂܀‬ ‫ܐܦ‬ 10

L 320a

B 191

‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܘܕܐ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ ܘ‬16 ‫ܘ܂‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܒ‬ : ‫ܘܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫ܒ ܘ܆ ܘ‬ ‫ܬ ܒܐ‬ ‫ܘܒ‬ ܿ ‫ܗܝ ܒ ܪ ܐ ܗܘ ܕ ܒ ܘ܇‬ ‫ܘܢ܇ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ܿ 15 ‫ܕܐܬ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘ ܕܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ ܐ ܪܒܐ܂‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܪ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ܆‬ ܿ ‫܂ ܬܘܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܬ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ ̈ ܘܢ ܬ‬ ‫ܐܕ‬ ‫ܒܒ‬ ܼ ‫܂‬ ܼ ‫ܐܦ ܗ ܐ ܘ‬ ܿ ̈ ̈ ‫ܝ‬ ‫ܐܕ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܘ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫܂ܘ‬ 1 ‫ ܐ ܐ‬D2 C (notes the reading of L) B)] ‫ ܐ ̈ ܐ‬L D1 | 5 ̈ ‫ ܐ‬D C (does not note the reading L C B] ‫ ܐܦ‬D | 8 of L) B] ‫ ܐ‬L | 16 ‫ ܗܘܘ‬L C B] omit D | ‫ ܒ ܐ ܪܒܐ‬L C B] omit D

which are more excellent than we are. But seek on our behalf…’, with the plural ‘brothers’. 134 Syrβ reads: ‘…in the new world which will not pass away and whose joys will never cease’. 135 Or, ‘face to face’ (see 1Cor 13:12). 136 Syrβ omits this last sentence. 137 Syrβ omits ‘these and similar things’. 138 D omits: ‘in great suffering’. 139 Syrβ reads: ‘is said by the saints’.

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

136

in your name,140 give it that it might also be on the body of your slave. Receive his soul with the preparation of his mind.”141 They set on the grave the stone on which he had been slaughtered. They left 5 mourning and weeping bitterly. The children did these things because evening was near, and that place was deserted. They were afraid that the holy body would be torn apart by animals if it were to remain through the night142 on top of the earth.143 They left from there 10 filled with suffering and grief. Not one of them revealed to his parents what had happened, since they feared that blame for the killing of the holy one would come upon them, because they had been the cause of it. Every day, they would come to the grave, and they 15 would form choruses with wailing and bitter crying.

17 After a few days, a caravan of merchants came Gn 37:25 from the east, and it passed to the west at night on the road near the grave of the holy one.144 The merchants 20 looked and saw at that place a fire burning and blazing on the grave. It was lighting up the entire valley, so to speak, with its rays. Some of the merchants came to see that great marvel. When they arrived at the grave, they saw the stone from under which rays were 25 coming forth like the sun. They were smelling from those rays a pleasing and sweet smell that was more agreeable than every spice.145 Since they were

140

Syrβ reads: ‘of the deceased who believe in your

name’. 141 142 143 144 145

Syrβ omits this sentence. L omits ‘through the night’. Syrβ omits the previous two sentences. D omits ‘holy one’. For olfactory imagery, see fn. 33 above.

‫‪137‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION α‬‬

‫ܓ ܗ ܕ ܼܒ ܟ܂‬ ‫ܕ ܘܐ ܐܦ‬ ‫܆‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܗ܂ ܘ‬ ‫܂ ܒ ܒܐ ܕܬܪ‬ ‫ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܆ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܂܀ ܗ‬ ‫ܘܒ‬ ‫ܐܒ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܪ ܐ܇ ܘܨܕܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫‪ܿ 5‬ܗ ܢ܆‬ ‫ܫ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܂ ܕܕܡ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܐ ܿܗܘ܂ ܘ‬ ‫̈ ܬܐ ܿܗܘ‬ ‫ܐܪ ܐ܆ ܒ ܒ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܬ‬ ‫ܓܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܓ ܼ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ܂ ܐ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܓ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܗܘܐ܂ ܕ‬ ‫ܐܒ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܡ ܼ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܬܐܬܐ‬ ‫ܡ ܬ ܒܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂܀ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ ܿ ܝ ܕܗܘܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܐܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܓ ̈ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܗܘܘ܆ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ܂܀‬ ‫ܘܒ ܐ‬

‫‪C 37‬‬

‫‪15‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܙ ̈ ܪܐ܆ ܐܬܬ‬ ‫‪ 17‬ܒ ܪ ܕ‬ ‫ܒܐ‬ ‫ܐ܇ ܘ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕܬܐܓ ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܗܘܬ ܒ ܐ܆ ܒܐܘܪ ܐ ܗܝ ܕ ܒܐ ܗܘܬ‬ ‫ܬܐܓ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ ܗ ܕ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ ܐܘ ܓ ܙܐ‬ ‫ܐ܆ ܪܐ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܒ ܿ ܝ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ܂ ܘ ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܬ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܂ ܐ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܪܐ ܗܘܬ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܂‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܬܕ ܪܬܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܬܐܓ ܐ ܐܬܘ‬ ‫ܬ ܒ ܐ܆ ܘ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܪܒ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܬ ܬ ܐ‬ ‫‪ܿ 25‬ܗܝ܆ ܕܙ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܙ ̈ ܐ ܿܗ ܢ܆ ܪ ܐ ܗ ܐܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܗ̈ܪܘ‬ ‫ܘ ܐ܆ ܕ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫ܿܗܘ ‪ D] omit L C B | 7‬ܒ ܐ ‪ D | 6‬ܘܐ ]‪ L C B‬ܘܒ‬ ‫‪ D‬ܬ ܒ ܗ ]‪ L C B‬ܒ ܗ ‪ D | 19‬ܓ ܐ ܿܗܘ ]‪ L C B‬ܓ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ]‪ L C B‬ܐ ̈ ܐ ‪ L C B (also Syrβ)] omit D | 22‬ܕ ܐ‬ ‫]‪ D‬ܒ‬ ‫‪ LCB‬ܒ‬ ‫‪D | 27‬‬

‫‪C 38‬‬

‫‪B 192‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

138

Christians from the Arab146 peoples in the West,147 they understood in their thoughts and were saying to one another, “This is a great tomb148 of one of the holy ones, which has not been disclosed to anyone 5 from this land.149 Come, let us pillage it and take it to our land. Let us acquire from it spiritual benefits. For, Christ, in whom we believe, is the one who showed and revealed it to us, because he wishes to make us wealthy by it, as by the remains of the bones of the 10 holy ones.” They lifted up the dirt from the grave, rolled away the stone, and took the body of the holy one, which was sprinkled with blood. They recognized that he was a boy and that he had been killed only a few days before. They took off their cloaks, wrapped 15 him, and carried him rejoicing. They ran quickly to the group of their companions.150 They turned around, and they saw that the fire that had been shining was that very thing that they were carrying.151 They were confirmed in their faith because of the strength of the 20 martyr.152

The word for ‘Arab’ here is ṭayyāyē. For Arabs in and around Shigar, see fn. 110 in the Introduction above. 147 Fiey (Saints syriaques, 20) suggests that these Christian Arab merchants from the West come from Ṣadad. For further discussion, see p. 33–34 in the Introduction above. Note that Syrβ only relates that they are Christians and does so earlier in the narrative; there is no mention that they are Arabs from the West. 148 Alternatively, ‘treasure’. This is certainly the meaning in Syrβ, which reads: ‘This treasure is a body of one of the holy ones’. 149 Syrβ adds the reason: ‘because the owners of the land are not worthy of it’. 150 Syrβ adds: ‘and they told them how the slave of God had been found’. 146

‫‪139‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION α‬‬

‫ܘܢ ܗܘܘ‪:‬‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒܐ܆ ܐܬܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܗ ܢ ܕܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܒ ̈ ܒ ܗܘܢ܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫̈ ܐ܆ ܕ ܐ ܐܬܒ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܗܕܐ ܪܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈ܒ ܐܬܪܐ ܗ ܐ܂ ܬܘ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܬ̈ܪ ܐ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܐܬܪܢ܇ ܘ ܬܓ‬ ‫ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫܆ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܓ ܗܘ ܕܒ ܗ‬ ‫̈ܪܘ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܪ ܆‬ ‫ܕܨܒܐ ܕܒ‬ ‫ܿ ܂ ܘܓ‬ ‫ܕܒ ܐ ܕܓ ܐ ܕ ̈ ܐ܂ ܘܐܪ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ܐ ܐ܇ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ܆ ܘ ܓ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܓܗ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܗܘ܆ ܘܕ ܡ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܘܕ‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܘ‬ ‫܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܗܒܐ‬ ‫܂ ܘܪܗ‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘܐܬ‬ ‫ܕ ܒ ܘܢ܂‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒ ܪܗܘܢ܂ ܘ ܘ ܕܗܝ ܪܐ ܕ ܒ ܐ ܗܘܬ܆‬ ‫ܿ ܂ ܘܐ ܪܪܘ‬ ‫ܿ ܕ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܐ‬ ‫ܼܗܝ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܘܬܗ ܕ ܕܐ܂܀‬ ‫ܬܗܘܢ܂‬ ‫ܒ‬

‫]‪ L2 C (does not note the reading of L1) B D‬ܒ ̈ ܒ ܗܘܢ ‪3‬‬ ‫]‪L C D‬‬ ‫‪ L C‬ܕܒ ܿ | ‪ B‬ܕ‬ ‫ܿ ‪ (sic) L1 | 8‬ܒ ̈ ܒ ܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗܝ ]‪ D‬ܘ‬ ‫‪ (sic) L C B‬ܘ‬ ‫ܗܝ ‪ D | 14‬ܕܐܦ ܒ ]‪B‬‬

‫‪Syrβ reads: ‘they did not see the fire that had [been‬‬ ‫‪shining] on his grave’.‬‬ ‫]‪152 Syrβ reads: ‘…that with them was the ch[osen one‬‬ ‫‪of [God]’.‬‬ ‫‪151‬‬

‫‪C 39‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

140

18 One153 of them was wealthy in possessions and rich in property, and his name was Nastir.154 His wife was barren and had a bitter soul because of her barrenness. With moans and groans, he vowed openly 5 before his companions, saying on that road,155 “If the Lord gives me a male156 child and by this he comforts me and my wife, I will build for this holy one a house of prayer from my own resources, I will honor the bones of the holy one in it all the days of my life, and I 10 will decorate it157 with all adornments that are fitting for his praise. I will count the holy one among my children and an heir and partner to the children of my inheritance. Seeking out the name of the martyr, I will make for him a memorial and a feast for his 15 coronation. I will call my son, whom I will have through his prayer, by the name of this holy one. This holy one will be for me a son and an heir, and I will be to him a disciple and a slave. May I have a portion with him in the world that does not pass away.”

Syrβ adds the following at the beginning of this section: ‘When one of the merchants who was with them saw that the holy one was a child, he was inflamed in his love, and he thought that he would take the holy one.’ 154 A marginal note in N vocalizes the name as /nastir/ ( ܻ ܱ ). Corluy (“Acta sancti Mar Abdu’l Masich,” 39.7) reads the name as nsṭyr. In all the Syriac manuscripts (L, D, M, as well as N), however, this name is clearly written nstyr with a taw instead of ṭet. In addition, Payne Smith does not have an entry for , but he does have one for , which is the name of an abbot and ascetical author mentioned by Bar ʿEḇroyo (R. Payne Smith, Thesaurus Syriacus [Oxford, 1879-1901], col. 2403). Thus, would seem to be a ghost word. One might expect an Iranian origin for the name, since it is unlikely to be Semitic and given the setting of the text, but it is not included in P. Gignoux, C. Jullien, and F. Jullien, Iranisches Personennamenbuch, Vol. 7. Iranische Namen in semitischen Nebenüberlieferungen, Fasicle 5. Noms propres syriaques d’origine iranienne (Sitzungsberichte. Österreichische Akademie der 153

SYRIAC RECENSION α

D 131a

B 193 L 320b

C 40

141

‫ܐ ܗܘܐ ܒ ̈ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܕ‬ 18 ̈ ‫܂‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܗܘܬ ܘ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܬܗ‬ ܿ ̈ ̈ ‫ܘܬܗ܂ ܘܒ ܐ ܐ ܘ ܓ ܐ ܼ ܪ ܪܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܿ ܒܐܘܪ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܡ ܒ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܓ ܐ‬5 ‫ ܘ ܒ ܐ‬:‫ܐ ܒ ܐ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܐܢ ܗܘ ܕ ܠ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܕܐ ܘ ܬ ܐ ܕ ܆ ܐܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܗ ܐ ܕ ܇ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܨ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫̈ ܐ ܕ̈ ܇‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܕ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܓ‬ ̈ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܨܒ ܐ ܕ ܒ‬ ‫ ܘܐܗܕܪ ܗܝ ܒ ܘܢ‬10 ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ̈ ̈ ܿ ‫ܬܘܬܝ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܒܒ ܐ܆ ܘ ܬܐ ܘ ܬ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܕܐ܆ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ܿ ‫܂ ܘܐ ܐ ܒ ܝ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܗܕ ܐ ܘ ܐܕܐ ܕ‬ ܿ ‫ ܕܒ ̈ ܬܗ‬15 ‫ܕ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܆‬ ‫ܐ ܒ ܐ ܘ ܿ ܬܐ܇ ܘܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܼܗܘ‬ ‫ܘ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ ܼܒ ܐ܂ ܘܬܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ܿ ‫ܐ ܕ ܐ ܒ ܂܀‬ ‫ܒ‬ 1 ‫ ܒ ̈ ܐ‬L C] ‫ ܒ ܐ‬B | 2 ܿ L C B] ‫ ܘܐ‬D 15 ‫ܗܘܐ‬

L D]

C B

Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 789. Iranische Onomastik 5; Wien, 2009), in either spelling. ) here like the Arabα and Arabβ both have Nastir ( Syriac; note the tāʾ and not ṭāʾ. The Armenian version has Natʿer (Նաթեր), and the Georgian version has Esther (ესთერ). 155 Syrβ adds the following to the beginning of Nastir’s statement: ‘By the confidence of this martyr and the help of his prayers…’. 156 Syrβ omits: ‘male’. 157 That is, the house. This is explicit in Syrβ. In Syrα, in contrast, the pronominal suffix could also be understood as ‘him’, i.e., ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā.

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

142

19 When these men had arrived at their place, that faithful one158 carried159 the body of the holy one and brought it into his house, and he set it in honor 5 that was befitting it. He told the members of his household those things that had happened and that he had set aside a portion to God and had made a vow in the name of the Lord and of the holy martyr. When the children of his house heard these things, they 10 rejoiced, confessed, and praised God.160 They also asked in prayer that the vow be received and that the request be answered through the imploring of the martyr. God opened the womb of the woman on that same day, and she conceived through the blessing161 of 15 the holy one. There was great rejoicing for all the Gn 30:22 members of the household, the neighbors, and friends. They praised God for this great marvel that had occurred.162 They were saying, “Truly the Lord is near Ps 144:18 to those who call on him in truth!” Then, the faithful 20 one163 hastened to build a glorious sanctuary for the dwelling place164 of the holy one. In a few days, he completed it with all the adornments that are fitting for it. He established an altar there for the Lord.165 The members of his household congregated at it to 25 pray, and they were waiting for the fulfillment of the That is Nastir. This is made explicit in Syrβ. Syrβ adds: ‘from the camel’. 160 Syrβ adds: ‘for the discovery of the martyr of Christ’. 161 Syrβ reads: ‘prayers’. 162 Syrβ adds ‘and because hope had been confirmed and expectation had been fulfilled’. 163 Syrβ again makes explicit that this is Nastir. 164 The Syriac word for ‘dwelling place’ is šḵintā, which could also mean ‘grave, sepulcher’, though here it may refer to the more abstract ‘dwelling place’ or even ‘presence’ of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. Note that this word is used with saints and holy men in a number of funerary inscriptions from Iraq (edited in A. Harrak, Syriac and Garshuni Inscriptions of Iraq [Répertoire des inscriptions syriaques 2; Paris, 2010]). See 158 159

SYRIAC RECENSION α

C 41

B 194

143

‫ܐܬܪܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ ܘ‬19 ܿ ‫ܓܗ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܓܒ ܐ ܗ ܢ܆‬ ‫ܒ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܿܗܘ܆ ܘܐ‬ ‫̈ܒ ܒ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ ܒܐ ܐ ܕܙܕܩ ܂ ܘܐ‬5 ̈ ‫ܪ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܘ ܼ ܪ ܪܐ‬ ‫ܕܗܘܝ܂ ܘܕ ܼ ܫ‬ ܼ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܘܕ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܘܐܘܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܗ ܗ ܆‬ ‫̈ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ܂ ܘ ܐ ܐܦ ܗ ܢ ܒ ܬܐ ܕ ܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܬܗ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ ܪܐ܆ ܘܬܬ ܐ‬10 ‫ܒ ܐ ܕܐ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܕܐ܂܀ ܘ ܼ ܚ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܿܗܘ܆ ܘ ܒ ܒ ܐ ܒ ܒ ܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܒ‬ ̈ ‫ܘܢ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܂ ܘܗܘܬ ܘܬܐ ܪܒ ܐ‬ ̈‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܘ ̈ܒܒܐ ܘ̈ܪ ܿ ܐ܂ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܂‬ ‫ ܬܕ ܪܬܐ ܗܕܐ ܪܒ ܐ ܕܗܘܬ܆ ܘܐ‬15 ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ܿ ‫ܘܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܗ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ܼ ‫ܐ ܗܘ܆ ܗܒ‬ ̈ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗ ܕ ܐ܂ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܗ ܐ ܒ ܐ‬ ̈ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܒ ܘܢ ܨܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܙ ̈ܪܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܨ ܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ ܂ ܘ ܼܒ ܬ‬20 ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܢ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܒ ̈ ܒ ܗ ܕ‬ 7 ‫ܐ ܘܕ ܕܐ‬ ‫( ܐܬܐ‬sic) D

‫ ܕ‬L C B] ‫ܕܐ‬

‫ ܕ‬D | 10 ‫ ܐ ܐ‬L C B]

also the remarks of L. Van Rompay, Review of Harrak, Syriac and Garshuni Inscriptions of Iraq, Syria 89 (2012), 60. 165 After this sentence, Syrβ adds: ‘Immediately, many people from every place and region began to come, take refuge in the slave of God, and receive healing and health for their sicknesses as well as atonement and forgiveness for their sins’, which occurs later in Syrα.

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

144

request and that the name of the athlete might become known to them.166 20 When those children, the friends of the holy one, came as usual to water (their flocks) on Sunday after they had buried him and when they saw that the stone had been rolled away from the tomb, that the body had been taken, that only the dirt that had been sprinkled with blood remained, and that a pleasing 10 scent emitted from it,167 they were suddenly shocked and amazed, and trembling seized168 them. They lamented with groans in a loud voice and with bitter crying, hitting their faces moaning bitterly.169 While one of them was saying that an animal ate him,170 15 another was saying that he was stolen by Christians, and still another was saying that his parents171 took him to bury him. Then, when they were amazed at the great calamity, every one of them went to the home of their parents and carefully told them the entire story 20 of the holy one: how they had baptized him, the things that the athlete had told them, how they had found him killed,172 and how they had buried him. So, early 5

Syrβ differs for the last clauses: ‘…and they were seeking from God that he make known to them the name of the holy one, and they were praying that the one who had been conceived would be born a male by the prayers of the holy one’. This last clause can be contrasted with the earlier case in which Syrβ omits male’ (see fn. 156 above). 167 For olfactory imagery, see fn. 33 above. 168 Bedjan emends ‫ ܐ ܬ‬to ‫ ܐ‬to agree with ‫ܪܬ ܐ‬, as in Ex 15:15: ‫ܐ ܼ ܐ ܢ ܪܬ ܐ‬. The word ‫ ܪܬ ܐ‬is, however, also attested in the feminine gender (Nöldeke, Compendious Syriac Grammar, §86), and thus the emendation is unnecessary. Note that Syrβ has ‫ ܐ‬here, with the gender of ‫ ܪܬ ــ ܐ‬conforming to Ex 15:15 and to Bedjan’s emendation. 169 Syrβ omits this sentence. 170 Compare Gn 37:33, which has very similar wording 166

Mk 16:1; Lk 24:2; Jn 20:1

Gn 37:33

‫‪145‬‬

‫ܕܐܬ‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION α‬‬

‫ܿ ܕ ܐ ܐ܆ ܘܕ‬ ‫ܐ܂܀‬

‫ܥ‬

‫ܘܢ‬

‫ܿܗ ܢ ܒ ܘܗܝ ܕ ܐ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ ̈ 20‬ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ ܡ ܒ ܒܐ ܿܗܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܢ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܐܬܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܒ ܪ ܕ ܒ ܘܗܝ‪ :‬ܘ ܘ ܐ ܐ ܕ ܓ ܐ‬ ‫ܓ ܐ‪ :‬ܘ ܐ ܒ ܕܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܒܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‪ :‬ܘ ܐܚ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܗܘ ܕܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܪ ܐ ܗ ܐܐ܆ ܬܘܗܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ܇ ܘܐ ܬ ܐ ܢ ܪܬ ܐ܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܒ‬ ‫ܬܐ܂‬ ‫ܓܐ ܒ ܐ ܪ ܐ ܘܒܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ܂‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ̈ܐ ܘܢ ܒ ܐ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܿ ܗܘܐ ܕ ܬܐ ܐ ܗ܂ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܓ ܂ ܐ ܐ ܕ ܐܿ‬ ‫ܕ ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒ ܗ܂܀ ܗ‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܗܘܐ܆ ܕܐܒ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܒܓ ܐ ܪܒܐ܆‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܘܕ‬ ‫ܐܙܠ܂‬ ‫ܐܒ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗ ܕ ܐ‪ :‬ܘܕܐ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܐܒ ̈ ܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܼܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ܇ ܘܕܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܇‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܐܬ ܐ܇ ܘܕܐ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ]‪ D C (notes the reading of L and Lm) B‬ܕ ܐ ܐ ‪1‬‬ ‫‪ D (possibly an‬ܒ ܕ ]‪ L C B‬ܒ ܕܘܗܝ ‪ Lm | 7‬ܕ ܐ ܐܬܐ ]‪L‬‬ ‫]‪1 L C B‬ܗܘܐ ‪abbreviation, though not marked as such) | 8‬‬ ‫]‪ L C B‬ܒ ܐ ̈ ܐ ‪ B | 12‬ܘܐ ]‪ L C D‬ܘܐ ܬ ‪omit D | 10‬‬ ‫‪ L2 C (notes the reading of L1) B‬ܗ‬ ‫‪ D | 15‬ܒ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪| 19‬‬ ‫]‪ L C B D2‬ܘܕܐ‬ ‫‪ D1‬ܘܐ‬ ‫]‪D‬‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫‪L‬‬ ‫‪β‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪20‬‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫‪ D (also Syr )] omit L C B‬ܘܕܐ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫‪ ). Note that this exact wording is‬ܬܐ ܒ ܐ ܐ ܗ(‬ ‫‪found in Syrβ.‬‬ ‫‪171 Syrβ reads: ‘his father and his brothers’.‬‬ ‫‪172 L omits this clause; its inclusion is, however,‬‬ ‫‪corroborated by Syrβ.‬‬

‫‪C 42‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

146

in the morning,173 news went out everywhere that Levi the Jew had killed his son because he had become a Christian. From this news and from the story of the children, the faithful have been assured that as a 5 martyr Asher had been killed by Levi his father and that now he truly was wealth and the one who makes wealthy.174 For, Asher is translated as ‘wealth’.175 Gn 30:13

21 The faithful ones176 arose in heated zealotry, 10 gathered, and came to that place. They saw the stone colored with blood and that golden earring affixed to the stone with his ear as a miracle.177 They were saying, “Truly great wealth has been pillaged from this land.”178 They built a small sanctuary on top of the 15 grave and set that stone in the middle of it. They put atop it a sign of the cross, and they wrote above the Syrβ reads: ‘after a few days’. Syrβ adds: ‘all of those who take refuge in true faith’. 175 Ishoʿdad of Merv (fl. ca. 850) relays the following ܿ .‫ܐ‬ meanings for the name Asher: .‫ܐܘ ܬܪܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܆ܬ ܒ‬ ܿ ‫ܐܘ ــ ܒܐ‬. ‘Asher (means) “praise” or “wealth” or “goodness”’ (J.-M. Vosté and C. Van den Eynde, Išoʿdad de Merv. Commentaire de l’Ancien Testament, I [CSCO 126; Louvain, 1950], 191.8–9 [Syr.]; C. Van den Eynde, Išoʿdad. Commentaire de l’Ancien Testament, I [CSCO 156; Louvain, 1955], 205 [FT]). Theodore Bar Koni (fl. end of the 8th cent.), however, only gives the meaning ‘praise’ (‫ܐ‬ ‫)ܬ ܒ‬ for Asher (A. Scher, Theodorus bar Kōnī. Liber Scholiorum [CSCO 55, 69; Louvain, 1910-1912], 185.8 [Syr.]; R. Hespel and R. Draguet[†], Thédore bar Koni. Livre des scholies [recension de Séert] [CSCO 431- 432; Louvain, 1981], 175 [FT]). The anonymous commentary on Genesis-Exodus 9:32 preserved in ms. (olim) Diyarbakır 22 also only gives the meaning ‘praise’ (‫ܐ‬ ‫( )ܬ ܒ‬L. Van Rompay, Le commentaire sur Genèse-Exode 9,32 du manuscrit [olim] Diyarbakir 22 [CSCO 483 –484; Louvain, 1986], 99.25 [Syr.], 127 [FT]). Thus, 173 174

SYRIAC RECENSION α

147

‫ܼ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ܂ ܡ ܗܘܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܘܕܐ ܐ‬ ܿ ‫ܐܬܪܐ ܗܘ܂ ܕ ܝ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܒܐ ܒ‬ ܼ ‫ܐܒܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܗ܆‬ ̈ ‫ܐ ܕ ܐ܆ ܐ ܪܪܘ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ ܘ‬:‫ܗ ܐ‬ ܿ ̈ 5 ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫ܐ ܗ ܢ܇ ܕ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܝ ܐܒ ܗܝ܂ ܘܕܗ ܐ ܒ ܪܐ ܐ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܬܪܐ‬ ‫ܓ‬ ‫ܪ ܐ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܪܐ ܘ‬ ‫܂܀‬ B 195

C 43

̈ 10 ‫ܐ ܿܗ ܢ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ 21 ܿ ‫ܐ܆ ܘܐܬܘ ܘ ܘܐܬܘ ܘ ܐ ܗܝ܂ ܘ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܿܗܘ‬ ‫ܨܒ ܐ ܒ ܐ܆ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܿܗܝ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܒ ܿ ܒ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܕܕܗܒܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܂‬ ‫ܕ ܕ ܪܬܐ܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܐܕ ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܐ‬ ‫ܬܪܐ ܪܒܐ ܐܬ‬ ‫ ܕ ܐ‬15 14 ‫ܪܬܐ‬

‫ ܕ ܕ‬L C B] ‫̈ܪܬܐ‬

‫( ]ܕܠ[ܬܕ‬sic) D

Ishoʿdad and the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā give the same etymology for the name, but the source of this etymology remains unknown. It might just be possible that the connection between Asher ( ‫ )ܐ‬and ‘wealth’ (‫ ) ܬܪܐ‬is based on a folk etymology that exploits the common correspondence of Hebrew š and Syriac t (reflecting ProtoSemitic *ṯ) and ignores the difference between ʾālaṕ and ʿē. In this regard, it should be noted that Syrβ specifically invokes the comparison of Hebrew and Syriac, stating: ‘when Asher is translated from Hebrew to Syriac, it means “wealth”’. Arabβ adds an additional gloss: ‘good’, which interestingly enough is also found in Ishoʿdad. Note also that an etymology of Asher’s name is introduced already in 1 in Syrα. 176 Or, ‘believers’. 177 Syrβ adds that the grave is empty, perhaps echoing Lk 24:3. 178 Syrβ adds: ‘and we also have lost an expensive pearl’.

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

148

stone, “This is the place of the coronation of the martyr of Christ ʿAbd al-Mašīḥ.”179 The faithful ones of that place would come regularly to the sanctuary dedicated to the glorious one, and they all obtained 5 healing, and all the sick and afflicted180 were receiving help. The news of its medicine181 went out through the entire place, in Bēth ʿArbāyē,182 in the area of the Ḥabur,183 and throughout the entire East.

22 A year later,184 when the merchants were passing on that road,185 they were trying to seek out in every way how they might learn the name of the holy one.186 When they arrived at the sanctuary, they entered diligently to pray. They saw the stone which 15 was set in the middle of the sanctuary and on which the sign of the cross shined. They asked those who were nearby what was the name of this martyr, and how did his coronation come about. They told them

10

The use of šin in ʿAbd al-Mašīḥ instead of the expected sin in Arabic ʿAbd al-Masīḥ is due to the influence of the Syriac form ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā with šin. It should be noted that, outside of the opening and closing headings, this is the only occurrence of the Arabic form of the name, even if it is slightly Syriacized here. Syrβ does not have the hybrid form ʿAbd al-Mašīḥ here, but rather ‘slave of God (ʿaḇdā dʾalāhā)’. 180 Syrβ adds: ‘and those who had unclean spirits’. 181 Syrβ adds: ‘and the miracles that the holy one had done’. 182 This is the ecclesiastical province in which Shigar is located, stretching from Bēth Zabdai in the north to Balad in the south, to Nisibis in the West. See p. 31 in the Introduction above with fn. 83 there. 179

SYRIAC RECENSION α

149

‫ܒ ܐ܆‬

L 321a

‫ܙ ܪܐ‬ ‫ܗ ܐ܂ ܘܒ ܗ ܐ‬ ܿ ‫ܝ ܐ ܐ܇ ܘ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܒܿ ܒ‬ ‫ܘ ܒ‬ ܿ ܿ ‫ܐ ܕܨ ܒܐ܂ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܐ܆ ܕܘ ܐ ܗܝ ܗܕܐ ܕ‬ ‫܂ ܘܐܬ ܗܘܘ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܼܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬5 ܿ ܿ ̈ ‫ܐ ܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܐܬܪܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܒܐ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ̈ ‫ܐ ܘܐ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܘ ܒ ܗܘܘ ܕܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܐ ܿܗܘ܆‬ ‫ܐܒܐ ܕܐ ܬܗ ܒ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ܿ ‫ܒ ܐ܂ ܘܒܐܬܪܐ ܕ ܒ ܪܐ܂ ܘܒ‬ ‫ ܘܒܒ‬10 ‫ܐ܂܀‬

‫ ܒ ܪ ܕ ܙܒ ܐ ܕ ܐ‬22 ‫̈ܪ‬ ‫ ܘܒ‬:‫ܒ ܗܘܘ ܒܐܘܪ ܐ ܿܗܝ‬ ‫ ܗܘܘ ܕ ܒ ܢ ܕܐ ܐ ܐ ܢ‬15 ‫ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܆ ܘ‬ ܿ ‫ܗ‬ ‫܂ ܘ ܘ ܐ ܐ ܗܝ ܕ ܒ ܐ ܒ‬ ܿ ‫ܕܨ ܒܐ܂ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܗ ܐ ܘ‬ ܿ ‫ܕ ܕܐ ܗ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܿ ܢ ܕ ܒ ܆ ܕ‬ ܿ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫ ܘܕܐ ܐ ܼܗܘܐ‬20 ‫ܘܬܐ ܪܒ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܗ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܗ ܘܬ‬ ‫ܬܓ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬

C 44

:‫ܐ‬

6 ‫ ܿܗܘ‬1 L D] omit C B | 8 ‫ܕܪ ܐ‬ L C B] ‫ܕ̈ܪ ܐ‬ D 14 ‫ ܒܐܘܪ ܐ ܿܗܝ‬D (also Syrβ)] ‫ ܒܐܬܪܐ ܿܗܘ ܘܒܐܘܪ ܐ ܿܗܝ‬L C B

That is the Khabur River, the largest tributary of the Euphrates in Syria. It is located to the southwest of Bēth ʿArbāyē. It should be noted that Syrβ omits this reference to the Khabur. 184 Syrβ adds: ‘more or less’. 185 L adds ‘through that land’; its omission from the critical text is, however, corrobrated by Syrβ. 186 D omits this sentence. 183

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

150

his whole background and history.187 They rejoiced greatly, and while exulting they in turn told what had happened at their hands: how they took his body, that they had built a glorious sanctuary in his name in their own land as well, and about the salvific work that our 5 Lord had accomplished by his hands. The people of the land requested (from the merchants)188 that they send them a portion of the holy one for the honor of that sanctuary. After a short time, they did this and 10 sent them a portion.189 When these merchants returned to their own land and when the man who had taken the body of the holy one entered his house, he learned that his wife had given birth to a son, who had a beautiful complexion. He baptized him in the Gn 39:6; 15 sanctuary of the holy one and called him by the name Ex 2:2 of the holy one ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā, as he had found written above his grave. He made a great banquet on that day. 23 The holy ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā had appeared to that woman190 when she was pregnant, and he said to her, “You are pregnant and will give birth to a son,191 in my form and likeness,192 and you will call him by my Gn 1:26 name.”193 The woman said to him, “My lord, what is Gn 17:19 25 your name?” The holy one said to her, “When your husband returns from the land of my upbringing, he will tell you my name.” Amazed by this vision, the woman awoke and told the members of her household194 the things that had transpired. These

20

Syrβ adds: ‘…from the beginning of his discipleship until the end’. 188 This is explicit in Syrβ. 189 The following three sentences of this section are not found in Syrβ. See the discussion on p. 26 in the Introduction above. 190 Syrβ is more specific: ‘the wife of Nastir’. 191 This is similar to Jdg 13:3, in which an angel of the Lord appears to Samson’s mother but not father, as well as to the annunciation (Lk 1:26–38) 187

‫‪151‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION α‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫ܕܗܘܝ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܦ ܗ ܢ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܪܘܙ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܓ ܗ܂ ܘܕܒ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂ ܘܕܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܒܐ‬ ‫ܗ ܐ ܒ ܐ ܬܘܒ ܒܐܬܪܗܘܢ܂‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܢ ܒܐ ̈ ܘܗܝ܂‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܪܘܬܐ ܗܝ ܕ ܼ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܘ ܐ ܒ ܐܬܪܐ ܗ ܢ܆ ܐ ܐ ܕ ܪܘܢ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܐ ܗ ܕܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܙܒ ܐ܆ ܘ ܪܘ ܘܢ‬ ‫ܿܗܘ܂ ܘ ܒ ܘ ܗܕܐ ܒ ܪ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܗܘܢ ܼܗ ܢ‬ ‫ܕ ܗ‬ ‫ܐ܂܀‬ ‫ܬܓ ܐ‪ :‬ܘܓܒ ܐ ܿ‬ ‫ܓܗ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ܕ ܬ ܐ ܬܗ ܒ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܒ ܗ܆ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗ ܗܘܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܘܗ܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܝ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܐ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘ܂܀‬ ‫ܐ ܪܒܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܗ܂ ܘ ܼܒ‬ ‫‪15‬‬

‫ܐ܆ ܐܬ ܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܼܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫‪ܼ 23‬ܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܐ ܬܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܗܘܬ ܘܐ ܼ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ܆ ܐ ܨܘܪܬܐ‬ ‫ܗܐ ܒ ܐ ܐ ܝ ܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܕ ܬܐ ܕ ܂ ܘܬ‬ ‫ܝ ܘܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܬܐ ܗܝ܂‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܕ ܂܀ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܐܿ‬ ‫ܗܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܒ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܐ ܕܬܪܒ ܝ܆ ܗܘ ܐ ܿ‬ ‫܂܀ ܘ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܬܐ ܿܗܝ ܒ ܘܐ܆ ܐܬܬ ܬ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕܓ ܂ ܘܗܘܝ‬ ‫ܒ ܒ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫‪ D‬ܬܐܓ ܐ ]‪ L C B‬ܬܓ ܐ ‪ D | 9‬ܕܐ‬

‫ܝ ]‪̈ L C B‬‬ ‫ܕܗܘܝ ‪1‬‬

‫‪Compare the wording of Gn 1:26: ‘and God said,‬‬ ‫‪“Let us make humanity in our image according to our‬‬ ‫ܕ ܬܢ( ”’‪likeness‬‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫‪).‬ܘܐ ܼ ܐ ܐ ܒ ܐ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫‪Syrβ has only ‘my likeness’.‬‬ ‫‪193 Compare the language of Gn 17:19.‬‬ ‫‪194 Syrβ has only ‘her husband’.‬‬ ‫‪192‬‬

‫‪B 196‬‬

‫‪D 131b‬‬

‫‪C 45‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

152

words became a marvel among many of the people as well.195 His name was renowned from that time in every region, in the East and in the West.196 To anyone who calls on his name, the Lord bestows help on 5 account of his prayers, to the distant and near alike.197 The scent of his triumphs was emitted in every land and region, better than pure spices,198 and his triumphs were being repeated in the mouths of everyone, more than (those of) kings and commanders who are 10 victorious in wars and return in victory. Christians were especially boasting in him, and in his name faith in Christ increased because the help of his grace spread out on everyone. Mercy from God pours out on everyone who takes refuge in his name!199

15

Syrβ adds here: ‘When the faithful Nastir returned to his home, his wife gave birth to a son who was beautiful and fine in form (see Gn 39:6). He baptized him in the sanctuary of that holy one and called him by the name ʿAbd al-Masīḥ, as he had found written above his grave in the place in which he had been crowned. On that day, Nastir made a great banquet for all of his acquaintances.’ See fn. 189 above. 196 Syrβ reads only: ‘in that place’. 197 Syrβ adds: ‘All the sick and afflicted were receiving various forms of healing and help from him. The name of the Lord was being praised by all of the faithful ones on account of the slave of God because of the great and amazing marvels that the Lord had done by his hands—and still does! Indeed, which speech or which mouth is able to speak the glorious deeds of the holy one! For, it is too great for us to speak about him since his glorious deeds surpass speech and language. This one who gave a pure offering to Christ, a young boy only eleven years old, he did not fear threats or warnings. This one who scorned this wearisome life so that he might inherit life eternal. This one who denied family and stock and considered parents and siblings to be strangers on account of the love of Christ. This 195

SYRIAC RECENSION α

C 46 B 197

153

‫̈ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܕ ܪܬܐ ܕ ̈ ܓ ܐܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܗ ܆‬ ̈ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܚ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ܿ ܿ ‫ܚ‬ ‫ܒܐ܂ ܘ ܕ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ̈ ‫ܐ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ̈ܪ ܐ ܒ ܬܗ܂‬ ‫ܐ‬ ܿ ̈ ‫ܗܝ ܐܚ ܗܘܐ ܒ‬ ‫ ܘ ܒܐ܂ ܘܪ ܐ ܕ‬5 ̈ ‫ܗ̈ܪܘ ܐ ܕ ܐ܂ ܘܐܦ‬ ‫ܐܬܪ ܘ ̈ ܆‬ ‫ܬ ܗܘܘ܇‬ ‫̈ ܗܝ ܒ ܡ‬ ‫ܒ ܒܐ ܘܗ‬ ‫̈ ܐ ܘ̈ܪܒ ̈ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܪ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܬܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ ܗܘܘ ܒ ܂ ܘܪܒ ܐ ܒ‬10 ‫܂‬ ‫ܕܪ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܣ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ܿ ‫ܕܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ‫̈ܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܓ ܣ܀‬

1 ‫ܪܬܐ‬ B

‫ܕ‬

L C B] ‫̈ܪܬܐ‬

‫ܕ‬

(sic) D |

‫ ܒ‬D]

̈‫ܒ‬LC

radiant virgin whose body sin did not overtake, he was not been soiled by passing desires.’ 198 For olfactory imagery, see fn. 33 above. Syrβ has a different text from here to the end of this section: ‘…and it delighted every land and city by the help of his prayers. This one, who was more than every king who was victorious in battle, battled against paganism and Judaism, and he was victorious, triumphed, and seized the crown of endurance. Because of this, people come and gather from every region to worship him and for the help of his prayers.’ 199 Alternatively, this final clause could be connected to the previous clause: ‘…because the help of his grace spread out on everyone and mercy from God was pouring out on everyone who took refuge in his name’. For discussion, see p. 29 in the Introduction above.

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

154

24 After some time,200 when Levi, his father, had reached old age, he was being consumed and tortured by an evil spirit. One day when he was convulsing and was cast down, the members of his household heard him screaming and saying, “My son, my son, Asher, let 5 me not be recompensed by you as I deserve!”201 His children carried him, took him, and bound him to that stone that was colored with the blood of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. After a few days had passed, he received 10 healing, and he believed in Christ and his slave.202 He Ex 14:31 was baptized,203 along with his children and the members of his household, in that very spring in which the martyr of Christ had been baptized.204 With this one was fulfilled the saying of the gospel that says, 15 “Whoever is thirsty, let him come to me and drink.” In Jn 7:37 the same way, all those who were afflicted, seeking refuge, and coming to him were healed of their various sicknesses by his prayers.

Syrβ omits this. Alternatively, ‘…can I not be recompensed by you as I deserve?’. 202 The word ʿaḇdēh ‘his slave’ plays on the name ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā ‘the slave of Christ’. In addition, the wording here is very similar to Ex 14:31: ‫ܐ ܒ ܗ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܘܗ‬ ‘and they believed in the Lord and in Moses his servant’. This occurs right after the death of the Egyptians in the Red Sea, following the Israelites’ doubt in God and Moses his servant. Thus, the author of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā could be drawing a subtle parallel between the formerly recalcitrant Israelites and Levi. 203 Syrβ adds: ‘and became a Christian’. 204 Syrβ has a different, though in places related, text from here to the end of this section: ‘…because it opened up at the door of his sanctuary, and it was receiving those 200 201

SYRIAC RECENSION α

C 47

155

‫ܒ ܪ ܙܒ ܐ ܐܬ‬ ‫ ܝ ܕ ܐܒ ܗܝ‬24 ‫ܕ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܪܘ ܐ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ ܘ‬:‫ܒ ܬܐ‬ ̈ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ ܒ‬: ‫ܘ‬ ̈ ܿ ‫ܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܒ ܒ ܗ‬ ‫ܒ ܆‬ ‫ܘ‬ ܿ ‫ ܘܐ ܂ ܒ ܝ ܒ ܝ ܐ ܆ ܐ ܐܬ ܥ‬5 ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܒ ̈ ܗܝ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܿ ܐ ܐ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܬ ܐ ܐ ܿܗܝ ܕ ܒ ܐ ܗܘܬ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܼܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫̈ ܐ ܙ ̈ ܪܐ܆ ܒ ܐ ܬܐ ܘܗ‬ ̈ ‫ܗܘ ܘܒ ̈ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܒ‬ ‫ ܒ‬10 ܼ ‫ܐ ܘܒ ܼ ܒ ܗ܂ ܘ‬ ܼ ܿ ܿ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܝ ܕܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܗ܆ ܒ‬ ܼ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܬܗ ܕܗ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ܿ ‫ܕܨܗܐ ܐܬܐ‬ ‫ܕܐܘ ܓ ܢ ܗܝ ܕܐ ܐ܂ ܕ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܝ ܘ ܐ܂ ܘܗ ܬ‬ ‫ܬܗ܆‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܘܐܬ‬ ‫ ܗܘܘ ܘ ܓ‬15 ̈ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈ܪܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ̈ ܬܗ܂܀‬

̈ 3 D] L C B | 16 ‫̈ܪܗ ܐ‬ reading of L) B] ‫( ܗ̈ܪ ܐ‬sic) L

D C (notes the

who turn toward Christ. So, the athlete was catching to his side many with a divine net. All those who were taking refuge in his prayers were receiving inner help for their souls and outward healing for their bodies. Quickly, Christ was healing those who were taking refuge in the prayers of the slave of God.’

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

156

25 One day, a herd of camels fled and bolted205 straight ahead into the desert. They belonged to one of the wealthy Arabs of that land. When he lost hope of (recovering) the camels and could not find any 5 other way to make them his again, he went to the holy one, groaning and praying. He took a vow and said, “O slave of Christ206 and martyr, if this herd of mine returns to me, I will give you one out of every ten that returns to me.” When the man returned home, all his 10 camels and their calves surrounded the town, and not even one of them was missing. The man and his servants rejoiced greatly. He then regretted the great size of the vow that he had made, and he refrained from sending to the holy one those that were right 15 according to his vow. He said, “May only ten camels be sufficient for the martyr because it is not by work that he gathered them, and he did not incur great expenses in their gathering.” His friends and the members of his household were saying, “Do not give to the holy one 20 thus, my master, but what you have promised, lest the same thing happen to you again, and you call on him, but he does not answer you!” He was not willing because he had many camels, and he said,207 “It is not by force that he gathered them, and it is not by work 25 or toil, not with weariness or with great vigil or with barefeet, and he did not incur great expenses, not by gold or silver, or with staffs and swords did he go out after enemies and bring them back. Thus, ten or twenty camels are sufficient for him.” He separated 30 off ten camels that seemed good to him, and he sent

Brockelmann (Lexicon Syriacum, 421), followed by Sokoloff (Syriac Lexicon, 904), translates this occurrence of the root √nwr as ‘to be terrified, dread’ (expavit). Given the parallel with √prd ‘to flee’, however, a translation of ‘to bolt, hasten away’, which is also possible for this root, is better. Syrβ uses the much more transparent √ʾzl ‘to go’. 206 That is, ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. 207 Syrβ omits the following direct speech. 205

‫‪157‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION α‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫ܕ ‪ :‬ܐܒ ܐ ܕܓ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒ ܒ ܐ܆ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܬ ܘ ܪܬ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܕܐܬܪܐ ܗܘ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܬ ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܢ ܕܓ ܐ‪ :‬ܘ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܒܐ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܬܗ‬ ‫ܐܬܐ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܪ ܐ ܬܘܒ ܕ ܘܘܢ ܕ ܆‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܼ ܪ ܪܐ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܆‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ ܕܐ‪ :‬ܐܢ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܼ ܐܘ‬ ‫ܐܒ ܐ ܗܕܐ ܕ ܆‬ ‫ܬܗ ܟ‬ ‫ܐ ܿ‬ ‫ܕܗ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܐܬܠ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܓܒ ܐ ܒ ܗ܆ ܗܐ‬ ‫ܼܗ‬ ‫‪ 10‬܂܀ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ܇‬ ‫ܗܝ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܓ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂ ܘ ܼ ܝ ܼܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘܐ ܐܦ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܓܐܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܘ ܼ ̈ܒ ܘܗܝ ܪܘܪܒܐ ܂܀‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܪ‬ ‫ܕ ܪܐ ܗܘ ܕ ܼ ܪ܆ ܘ ܼ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܪܗ܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܕܙܕ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܓ ̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܕ܆‬ ‫̈ ܐ ̈ ܓ ܐܬܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܢ܂ ܘ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܘܒ ܒ ܗ܂‬ ‫̈ܪ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂܀ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܡ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܝ܆ ܐ ܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܓ ܫ‬ ‫ܐ܇ ܕܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܒ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܐ ܘܕ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫܂ ܼܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܘܒ ܼܗܝ ܗܕܐ܇ ܘܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕ ܓܐܐ ܕܓ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐܨ ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒܐܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ܂‬ ‫܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ ܪ ܐ܂ ܘ ܐ ܒ ܐܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܢ܂ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫‪ܿ 25‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܬܐ܂ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܪܐ ܓ ܐܐ܇ ܐܘ‬ ‫ܐܘ‬ ‫܂ ܘ ܐ ܒ ܗܒܐ ܿܐܘ‬ ‫̈ ܐ ̈ܓ ܐܬܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܒ ̈ ܐ ܼ ܒ ܪ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ܇ ܿܐܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܢ܂‬ ‫̈ܒܒܐ ܘܐܗ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܓ ܐ܂ ܘ ܼ ܫ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐܘ‬ ‫‪ B‬ܘܒ ̈ ܘܢ ]‪ L C D‬ܘܒ ̈‬ ‫ܐ ‪9‬‬ ‫ܐ ]‪L C B‬‬ ‫‪D | 11‬‬ ‫ܓܐܐ ‪13‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪ D | 16‬ܓܐ ]‪L C B‬‬ ‫ܐ ]‪L C B‬‬ ‫‪D‬‬

‫‪B 198‬‬

‫‪L 321b‬‬

‫‪C 48‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

158

them with his messengers to the house of the holy one. 26 On another day, when his servants went out to shepherd them as usual, with the same impulse as before, all the camels immediately fled and were scattered, while the servants who were riding them in order to shepherd them remained on them in their flight. In a wild course straight ahead, they wandered 10 so that they did not even know where they were. When the man208 was informed about this, he was greatly saddened and covered in shame. He implored his friends and many men that they go implore the martyr,209 that they be surety that he would send those 15 things that he had promised, and that they take upon themselves to recompense the holy one.210 When they went and sought from the holy one with supplication and great entreaty concerning this, they looked and saw in front a great camp of camels that was gathering, 20 coming from all corners, and surrounding the house of the holy one.211 They, however, thought that they were the armies of the enemies. After they arrived quickly, they saw that they were camels. Marveling, they lifted up praise to God, saying, “This martyr is 25 the one who owns debt and the just avenger, for he 1Th 4:6 has gathered all of them to himself, because the vow to him had remained unfulfilled. Therefore, let us implore him to receive his according to the agreement that came about previously and to forgive the folly that 30 came about afterward. They separated and gave him 5

Syrβ is more specific: ‘the owner of the camels’. Syrβ adds: ‘…on his behalf about the camels that were lost, that the holy one receive from them the previous vow…’. 210 Syrβ does not have this last clause, but instead reads: ‘…if he would return the camels to their owner as previously’. 211 L reads, ‘that were gathering and going to the house 208 209

‫‪159‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION α‬‬

‫ܓ ̈‬ ‫܆ ܘܿ ܪ ܐ ܢ‬ ‫ܕ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ̈ ܓ ܘܗܝ ܒ ܗ ܕ ܐ܀‬ ‫ܼ ̈ܒ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫‪26‬‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ܗܘܢ‪ :‬ܒ ܒ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܢ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܪ ܆ ܘܐܬܒ ܪܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ ܗ ܢ ܕܪ ܒ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܓ ̈ ܗܝ܂‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܢ ܐ ܢ܆‬ ‫ܘܢ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ̈ ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܘ ܐ܂ ܘܒ ܗ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܐ ܐ ܕܐܦ ܐ ܬܬ ܥ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ܗܕܐ܆‬ ‫ܕܘ ܐ܂܀ ܘ ܐ ܒ ܼܗܘ ܓܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܒܒ ܬܬܐ܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܬ‬ ‫ܐܬܬ‬ ‫ܿ ܗܝ ܘ ܓܐܐ ܕܓܒ ܐ ܕ ܐܙ ܢ‬ ‫ܒܐ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ܆ ܘ ܘܘܢ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫ܘܢ܆‬ ‫ܒ ܢ‬ ‫ܘܗ ܢ‬ ‫ܪ܆‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܕܐ ܘܕܝ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܐ܂܀ ܘ ܐܙ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܝ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܓ ܐܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܪܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܠ‬ ‫ܗܕܐ܆ ܘ ܘ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܆‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܘܐܬ‬ ‫ܕܓ ̈ ܐ܆ ܕ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܒ ܗ ܕ ܐ܂ ܼܗ ܢ ܕ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܐ ܐ ܢ ܕܒ ܒܒܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܒܘ ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܆ ܘ ܕܓ ܐ ܐ ܢ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܂ ܕ ܐ ܒܐ ܘܬܒ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ܕܐܬܒ ܪ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܗ ܐ܂ ܕܗܐ‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫ܬܗ܂‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܪܗ܆‬ ‫ܬ ܝ ܕܗܘܬ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ]‪L C B‬‬ ‫| ‪ L C B] omit D‬ܗܘܘ ‪D | 19‬‬ ‫‪ ̈ D (similarly Syrβ)] omit L C B‬ܘ‬

‫ܐ ‪6‬‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬

‫‪of the holy one’. Note that Syrβ has the longer text as in D.‬‬

‫‪B 199‬‬

‫‪C 49‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

160

one out of ten, from good ones to bad ones, and they gave him from the servants, the shepherds, in the same way. When they had completed these things carefully, they offered a prayer to God, and they called out in 5 the name of the martyr, saying, “O strong martyr, slave of Christ,212 take yours and allow ours to go with us.” By the help of God and the prayers of the martyr, those camels turned around and went with them.213 Many214 things like these and greater than these the 10 Lord did and continues to do through the prayers of the martyr.215 Fear216 fell upon everyone who saw and heard. May his memory become blessings, amen.217

27218 Also, there was a person who was being 15 afflicted by a bad219 sore and whose smell was so rotten that no one was able to go near him. Worms had come upon him, only a little breath remained in him, and he was unable to open his eyes. The parents of the wretched one were very anxious at seeing their 20 son afflicted. He was a dead person who had not been buried. They were crying day and night and gave him

The Syriac here is ʿaḇdēh da-Mšiḥā, which is very close to the name ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. 213 Syrβ switches the order of this and the following sentence. 214 Bedjan (Acta martyrum et sanctorum, 200) makes a new paragraph division here. This is not, however, found in Corluy (“Acta sancti Mar Abdu’l Masich,” 50). 215 Syrβ adds: ‘…for all of those who take refuge in the true faith’. 216 For the translation of this word, see fn. 22 above. 217 Syrβ omits this last sentence. 218 This would be paragraph 28 in Bedjan, Acta martyrum et sanctorum. In addition, as we argue in the Introduction 212

SYRIAC RECENSION α D 132a C 50

B 200

161

‫ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕܒ ܪ ܂܀ ܘ‬ ‫ܘ ܒ ܩ‬ ̈ ̈ ‫ܒ ܐ܂ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܒܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ܆‬ ܿ ‫ܼ̈ܒ ܐ ̈ܪ ܬܐ ܗ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܬܐ܆ ܨ ܬܐ ܒ ܐ ܐ܇ ܘ ܘ‬ ‫ܗ ܒ‬ ّ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫܂ ܐܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬5 ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܼܒ ܗ ܕ‬ ‫ܕܪ ܐ ܕܐ ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܐܙ ܢ‬ ̈ ܿ ‫ܐ ܘܢ ܗ ܢ‬ ‫ܘܒ ̈ ܬܗ ܕ ܕܐ܆ ܐ‬ ̈ ‫ܘܢ܂ ܘܬܘܒ ܓ ܐܬܐ‬ ‫ܓ ̈ ܐ ܘܐܙ‬ ܿ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܗ ܇‬ ‫ܘܕ̈ܪܘܪܒ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ ܕܐ‬10 ܼ ̈ ‫ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ ܬܗ ܕ ܕܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܒ ̈ܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܼ ܐ ܘ ܼ ܂ ܕܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܂܀‬ 15 ‫ܗܘܐ ܐ‬ ‫ ܬܘܒ ܕ ܐ‬27 ‫ܐ ܒ ܐ܂ ܘ ܐ ܗܘܐ ܪ ܆ ܐ ܕܐܦ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܬܗ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ̈ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܒ ܬܘ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܕ ܚ܂‬ ‫ܗܘܬ ܒ ܂ ܘ ̈ ܗܝ ܐ‬ ‫ ܐܒ ̈ ܘܗܝ ܕ ܕܕܘ ܐ ܒܐܘ ܐ ܪܒܐ ܗܘܘ܇‬20 ‫܇ ܘܐ ܘܗܝ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܒ ܗܘܢ ܕ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܂ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܐ‬

‫ܕ‬

16 ‫ ܒ ܐ‬L C B] omit D | 17 ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ̈ ‫ܘ‬ read ‫̈ܗܘܝ‬

‫ ܘ‬L C B D] perhaps

above (pp. 28–29), this section is a secondary addition. Note that it is found neither in the Armenian versional witnesses to Syrα (the same is the case for the Georgian, which is dependent on the Armenian) nor in Syrβ and its versional witness Arabβ. The section is of course found in Arabα, since this is a translation from D. 219 D omits ‘bad’.

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

162

every type of drug and medicine. He did not, however, find rest, but it was as if he was burning in fire. So, they brought him to that spring and the stone which was colored with the blood of the holy one. They 5 washed off some of the blood of the martyr with water, and they anointed all of the limbs of the afflicted one. He was healed in that very moment by the power of God and the prayers of the martyr. He immediately stood on his feet and walked. Everyone 10 who saw lifted up praise to God. Everyone who has an illness and takes refuge in God and in that martyr and anoints in the name of the holy one receives healing from all maladies so that by his prayers the Lord will exalt the Church220 and establish harmony 15 and peace on the earth and its inhabitants.

28221 The day in which he was crowned was Friday the 25th222 of Tamuz. He became a martyr in the year 701 of Alexander (= 390 CE).223 Everyone 20 who takes refuge in his prayers will be healed for the praise of God so that he may give healing along with his various forms of help to wipe out from every region every burden224 of anger, so that he may absolve our shortcomings and those who are deceased

Literally, ‘raise the horn of the Church’. This would be paragraph 29 in Bedjan, Acta martyrum et sanctorum. 222 L reads ‘27th’, but ‘25th’, as is found in D, is corroborated by Syrβ. 223 The remainder of this paragraph is different in Syrβ: ‘May the remembrance of the holy one be a blessing and his prayer a wall and a refuge for all of the faithful ones who take refuge in him and call to him in true faith. When they hear of his deeds, they will believe and praise Christ who has 220 221

SYRIAC RECENSION α C 51

B 201

L 322a C 52

163

‫ܐ‬

‫ܡ ܒܘ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܘܒܐ‬ ‫܂ ܐܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ ̈ ܬܐ܆ ܘ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܬ ܿܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܒ ܪܐ ܿ ܗܘܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ ܐ ܐ ܕܨܒ ܐ ܗܘܬ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ ܕ ܐ܆ ܘܐ ܓ‬5 ̈ ܿ ‫ܘܢ ܗܕ ܗܝ ܕܗܘ‬ ‫ܒ ̈ ܐ܆ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܒܿ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘܐܬܐ‬ ܿ ‫ܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܐ ܘܒ ̈ ܬܗ ܕ ܕܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܼܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܗ ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ ܓ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܪܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܐ܂܀ ܘ ܕܐ‬ ‫ ܬ ܒ‬10 ܿ ‫ ܘ‬:‫ܒ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܓ ܣ ܒܐ ܐ ܘܒ‬ ܿ ‫ܐ ܬܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܐ ܒ‬ ̈ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܡ‬ ‫̈ܐܒ ܂܀ ܕܒ ܬܗ‬ ‫ܐܪ ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ ܘ‬:‫ܕ ܬܗ‬ 15 ‫̈ܪ ܿ ܂܀‬ ‫ܡ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܒ ܐܬ‬ ‫ܘ ̈ ܐ ܒܐ ܚ ܬ ܙ܂‬ ‫ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ̈ ܐܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܓ ܣ ܒ ̈ ܬܗ‬ ‫ܕܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܐ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܒ‬ ܼ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܕ̈ܪ ܗܝ܂‬ 18 ‫ܐ‬

‫ܗܘܐ ܕ‬ ܼ 28 ‫ܘܒ ܐ܂ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܪܘܣ܂‬ ‫ ܕܐ‬20 ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܠ ܐ ܬܗ‬

̈ ‫ ܘ‬D (also Syrβ)] ‫ ܘ ̈ܒ ܐ‬L C B

crowned him. In the prayers and entreaties of the slave of God, the holy one and glorious and renowned martyr, and of all the holy ones, his colleagues, and by the prayers of the holy mother of God and virgin Mary, may God make us worthy of his heavenly kingdom and the bridal chamber whose rejoicings never depart, amen.’ 224 D reads: ‘discipline, chastisement’ (√rdy) or ‘rebellion’ (√mrd).

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

164

collectively, and so that he may make us worthy of a portion225 with him through the prayers of his mother and of his holy ones, amen.

5

Completed is the history of the holy Mār ʿAbd al-Masīḥ.226 May his prayer be with us,227 amen.

D reads: ‘portions’. This is the Arabic form of the name, which is otherwise found only in the initial heading and in a hybrid form (ʿAbd al-Mašīḥ) in 21. See fn. 3 above. 227 L adds ‘in both worlds’; its omission from the critical text is, however, corrobrated by Syrβ. 225 226

‫‪165‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION α‬‬

‫̈ ܬܐ ܕܪܘܓ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫̈ ܆‬ ‫ܘܕ ̈‬ ‫ܐ ܂ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܨ̈ܪܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܨ ܬܗ ܕ ܬܗ‬ ‫܂ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܘܕ ̈‬ ‫ܗܝ ܐ ܂‬ ‫ܐ‬

‫‪5‬‬

‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܨ ܬܗ‬ ‫]‪L C B‬‬ ‫‪D (also‬‬

‫ܐ‬ ‫܂‬

‫ܝ‬

‫ܼܒ‬

‫̈ ܬܐ ‪1‬‬ ‫ܬܐ ]‪L C‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪ D | 3‬ܕܘܬܐ ]‪B‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫‪D | 7‬ܒ ̈‬ ‫ܬܗ ]‪ L C B‬ܒ ̈ܨ‬ ‫̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܗ | ‪D‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪β‬‬ ‫‪LCB‬‬ ‫ܐ ܒ ̈ܪ ܘܢ ]) ‪Syr‬‬

SYRIAC RECENSION β

167

SYRIAC RECENSION β

169

The following edition along with its accompanying translation presents the text of Syriac Recension β (= Syrβ). It is based on ms. London, British Library Add. 17,267, ff. 53v–61r (= N). This represents the editio princeps of this recension of the History of ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā. The edition aims to reproduce the text in the manuscript with the following exceptions: - section numbers have been supplied, corresponding to Syrα, which derive ultimately from Corluy’s editio princeps of ms. London, British Library Add. 12,174, ff. 316r–322r (= L). - The diacritic points of N are reproduced only to a limited extent, following the practice described above for Syrα (p. 83). - The syāmē points are occasionally repositioned, e.g., ‫̈ ܐ ܐ‬ ̈ instead of ‫ ܐ ܐ‬in 8. - No vowel markers are included. - We have separated some words that are written together, e.g., ‫ ܐܢ ܗܘ‬instead of ‫( ܐ ܘ‬19) ‫ ܐܦ ܐ‬instead of ‫( ܐ ܐ‬2), ‫ܒ ܪ‬ ‫ ܗ‬instead of ‫( ܒ ܪܗ‬8), ‫ܕܘܟ‬ instead of ‫( ܘܟ‬26), instead of (10; 20), ‫ܡ‬ instead of ‫ܡ‬ (8, 25, 26), ̈ instead of ̈ (23), ‫ܗ ܐ‬ instead of ‫ܐ‬ (23), instead of (26), ‫ܗܕܐ‬ instead of ‫ܕܐ‬ (23), and ‫ ܬܘܒ ܕ‬instead of ‫( ܬܘܒ‬25). - Abbreviations have been expanded. This leads to a slight problem with the abbreviation ‫ ܐ‬twice in 9, since both ‫ܐ‬ ‫ ܐ‬and ‫ܐ‬ ‫ ܐ‬are found elsewhere in the text. - We have attempted to follow the punctuation of N as best as we could, with the same exceptions described above for Syrα (p. 83). - We have not indicated every case where the scribe made a false start or erased a mistake, both of which occur relatively frequently. All other deviations from the manuscript are indicated in the apparatus. In addition to missing several folios, N is damaged in a number of places. We have in general taken a liberal approach to reconstructing the text, due to the fact that recourse could be made to the Arabic translation found in ms. Vatican, Syr. 199 (= Arabβ) as well as to Syrα. These two texts have enabled us to conjecture readings and propose reconstructions when N is damaged. We stress that without these texts we would not be so generous in many of our readings and reconstructions.

170

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

The translation accompanying this edition attempts to reflect the state of our reconstruction of Syrβ: When we venture to reconstruct Syriac text in square brackets, then the corresponding translation also appears in square brackets. However, if we do not reconstruct Syriac text but resort to elliptical dots in brackets, this is reflected in the translation, though often a footnote is provided with our conjectured understanding of the text, usually based on Arabβ. In contrast to the translation of Syrα, that of Syrβ does not include full annotation. For this, the reader is referred to the translation of Syrα above.

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

172

1 […ma]ny children. [To each one] of […] from his [possessions to she]pherd. To one […] who was the youngest of all of them, this one […] our story.1 When […] eleven years old, his father also gave him a flock 5 of bulls to shepherd. [The name] of this boy was Asher, which when translated from Hebrew into Syriac means ‘wealth’.2 When this boy would shepherd the flock of bulls, in a wide valley [… with] other young children who would congregate there […] When they 10 would seek to eat, these children would gather at the spring that was there—children of Christians, children of Magi, and the boy Asher with them. When they would sit at that spring, and when every one of them would eat with a member of his own confession, Magi 15 together, Christians together, but Asher would not have a companion because he was a Jew, the Christians would push him away from them, and they would not eat with him, because it is not permitted for Christians to be associated with Jews. Asher, however, longed to 20 eat with those Christian children, but they would not allow him. Regardless, he was loved by everyone, and they wanted to associate him with themselves, but they were prevented by divine law.

Arabβ reads here: ‘this is the one whom this story concerns’. 2 The word ‘translated’ appears twice in the Syriac text. 1

‫‪173‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫]܂܂܂[‬ ‫[‬ ‫‪] 1‬܂܂܂[ ̈ܒ ܐ ܓ] ̈ ܐܐ܂‬ ‫ܕ]܂܂܂[ ܿ‬ ‫ܕܗܘ ܕܐ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫[ܪ ܐ܆‬ ‫]‬ ‫ܢ܂‬ ‫ܼܗܘܐ ܙ ܪܐ ܕ ܘܢ܂ ܗ ܐ ܕ]܂܂܂[ ܬ‬ ‫ܐ ̈ ]܂܂܂[ ܼ ܒ ܐܦ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ܐ ] ܐ[ ܕ‬ ‫ܐܒ ܗܝ ܒ ܐ ܕܬܘ̈ܪܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܼܗܘܐ ܐ ܂ ܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܪܐ‬ ‫ܪ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫] [‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕ] ܒ ܐ[ ܗܝ ܕܬܘ̈ܪܐ ܪ ܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܐ ܪܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ̈ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܼܗܘ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܐ ܙ ̈ܪܐ ܕ ܘ‬ ‫‪] 10‬܂܂܂ [‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫܂܂܂[‬ ‫ܕܗܘܘ ]‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܗ‬ ‫ܐ‪:‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܬ ܂ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܝ܂ ܕܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܒ ̈ ܐ ܕ ܓ ܐ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܒ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ ܬܘܕ ܗ ܐ ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܓ ܐ ܐ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܐ܂ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܘܗܝ ܗܘܐ ܕ ܐ܂ ܕ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܬܗܘܢ܂ ܘ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܙܕܩ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܂‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܂ ̈ ܼܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܗ ܢ‬ ‫ܪܓ ܓ ܼܗܘܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ ܐ ܒ ܗܘܘ ܂ ܒ ܡ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܠ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܘܢ܆ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܼܗܘܐ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ܪ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂ ܘ‬

‫])‬

‫ܐܪܝ ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܘ‬

‫ܐ ‪ N | 17‬ܕ ܕ‬ ‫‪N‬ܘ‬

‫] ܕ‬

‫‪9‬‬ ‫ܐ‬

‫‪N 53b‬‬

‫‪N 54a‬‬

174

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

2 On one of the days when all of the children were gathered at the spring and were eating, a thought from the grace of God stirred in the mind of Asher, and he approached the Christian children and said to them, 5 “O, my dear and beloved brothers, what does it seem to you that you could do that I might draw near to you without you despising me?” The children answered him, “When you are baptized in the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, you become a Christian like us, and you 10 establish a covenant with the Lord not to eat or drink with Jews, and when you keep and fulfill these things, we will mix with you, and you will be like one of us.” Asher, from divine grace, answered in preparation and alacrity of will and said to the children, “O dear and 15 beloved brothers, now divine grace has clearly indicated in your minds that you should draw near to me and that you should be associated with me. Here is water right before you! What is the impediment to me being baptized?” The children said to him, “It is not 20 right for us to do as you have said, but this holy order of divine baptism should be completed in a holy church through the gift of the Holy Spirit at the hands of priests.” Asher answered and said to them, “Now that the church is far from us and the priest is not near 25 here, out of fear for my parents and brothers, I am unable to do this openly, and I am unable to remain out of association and fellowship with you. Now, do a favor for me, if your teaching is true, as you have taught, and if everyone who draws near to your God 30 with a humble spirit and a suffering heart is accepted by him, as you say, then he will receive in his mercy the sacrifice of my thoughts and the preparation of my mind, and he will complete this baptism at your hands. I will then be a newly baptized one, who does his will 35 and keeps his commandments. Now, please, arise courageously in faith, baptize me in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit. The one who sees my faith in him, he will be the one who completes and perfects this action and this great divine mystery.”

‫‪175‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫‪ 2‬ܒ ̈ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܐ܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܕܠ ܒ‬ ‫ܒܐ ̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܬܐ ܐ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ܐܘ ܐ ̈‬ ‫ܘܢ܂‬ ‫‪ܿ 5‬ܗ ܢ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܐ ܼ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈ܪ ܿ ܐ ܘ ̈ܒ ܒܐ܂‬ ‫ܕܬ ܒ ܘܢ ܕܒ ܿ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܐ ܬ ܢ܂‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿܗ ܢ‬ ‫܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫̈ܓ ̈ ܢ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܥ‬ ‫ܕ ܢ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܬܢ܂‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘܗܘܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܕ ܐ ܬܘܒ ܐܿ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܐܡ ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܂ ܘ ܗ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܿ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܿ‬ ‫ܘܗܘܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܗܘ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܒ ܬܐ ܐ‬ ‫̈ ܐ ܿܗ ܢ܂ ܐܘّ‬ ‫ܘܒ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕܨܒ ܐ ܘܐ ܼ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ ܒ ܒܐ܂ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ̈ܪ‬ ‫ܢ܂ ܕܬܬ ܒ ܢ ܬܝ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܐܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈ ܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܗܐ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫ܘܬܬ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܗ ܢ܂‬ ‫܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܐ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܗܝ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܙܕܩ ܕ ܒ ܐ ܐ ܕܐ ܬ܂ ܐ ܐ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܐ܂ ܒ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܒ ܐ ܕܪܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܼ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܝ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܼ‬ ‫܂ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ܘܢ܂ ܗ ܐ ܕ ܬܐ ܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܒ ܝ̈‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܗܪ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܼ ܐ ܐ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܪ ܗܕܐ ܓ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ ̈ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ ‪ N | 15‬ܕ ܐ ] ܕ ̈ ܐ ‪2‬‬ ‫ܒ ܬܐ ܘܒ‬ ‫‪ (Arabβ has‬ܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܕ‬ ‫‪, i.e., the inverse)] The reading of these word‬ܒ ܘܗ ܘܐ‬ ‫‪(Arabβ has‬‬ ‫])‬ ‫‪N‬‬ ‫‪is not entirely certain | 19‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪22‬‬ ‫‪ N‬ܘ ܐ]‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

176

When the children saw his faith and the alacrity of his mind, they stripped him of his clothes and brought him down to the spring. All of them bowed down in 5 prayer and prayed to God saying, “Our Lord, Jesus Christ, our true God, creator of the ages, you who have completed on our behalf the economy of flesh, you who have consecrated for us baptism for the forgiveness of sins, and from it we are born as spiritual 10 sons to God the Father.3 You are the one who entrusted this power and this action into the hands of your holy apostles. They went out and baptized all nations, just as you had commanded them, in the name of the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit. You, 15 Lord, also answer our weakness now at this time. Look upon the preparation of this slave of yours, who gladly has drawn near to receive divine baptism from our hands, which is (normally) completed at the hands of

3

Arabβ takes ‘God the Father’ with the next sentence.

‫‪177‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫ܢ ܐ‬

‫ܐ ܘܐܘ ܬܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܘܕܐ ܫ‬ ‫ܒܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ܂ ܗ ܐ ܐ ܘܢ‬ ‫ܢ܂ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܬܐ܂ ܐܢ ܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܢ܂‬ ‫ܬ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܘ ܂ ܘ ܿ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘܒ ܒܐ‬ ‫ܒܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫‪5‬ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܢ܂ ܼܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܐ ܕܐ ܘܢ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܕ ܒ ܘ ܒܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܼ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕ ܐܒ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫܂ܘ‬ ‫ܕܪ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܬܐ܂‬ ‫ܐ ̈ ܢ܆ ܘܐܗܘܐ ܐܦ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܝ܂ ܐ ܐ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܕ ܿ ܒ ܨܒ‬ ‫ܬܐ܂‬ ‫܂ ܒ ܒܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܢ܂‬ ‫ܒܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܒܐ ܘܒ ܐ ܘܪܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕ ܕܒ ܂ ܼܗܘ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܗܘ ܗܘ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܪܘܬܐ ܗܕܐ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܘܓ ܪܐ ܕ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܘ ܐܙܐ ܗ ܐ ܪܒܐ ܘܐ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܬܗ܂‬ ‫ܘ ̈ ܐ ܿܗ ܢ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܗܝ܂‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܬ ܬܪ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܝ ܕ ܐ܂ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܐ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܒ ܬܐ܂ ܘܨ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܒ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܢ‬ ‫ܥ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒ ܬܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܕ ̈ ܐ܂ ܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܒܒ ܂ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ̈ܪܘ ܐ‬ ‫̈ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܼܗܘ ܿܗܘ ܕܐܓ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ܐ ܐ ܐܒܐ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܪܘܬܐ ܗܕܐ ܒܐ ܝ̈‬ ‫ܐ ܗܐ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫̈ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐܒܐ‬ ‫̈ ܐ܂ ܐ ܐ ܕ ܬ ܐ ܢ܂ ܒ‬ ‫‪ N | 11‬ܒ ])ܐܨ ܐ ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܒ ܘ ‪2‬‬ ‫‪(Arabβ has‬‬ ‫‪β‬‬ ‫‪ N‬ܘܨ ])ܘܨ ܐ ‪ (Arab has‬ܘܨ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܡ ])‬ ‫‪N | 20‬‬ ‫])ܘ ܐ ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܘ ܿ ‪24‬‬ ‫‪N‬ܘ‬

‫‪N 54b‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

178

holy priests. Now, do not look upon our transgressing of the law or upon our audacity, because it is neither in haughtiness nor in contempt nor even that we might snatch for ourselves priesthood that we do this by 5 ourselves, but because you know that this occasion presses us and that there is not a priest nearby us, and because of the request and supplication of this slave of yours. We have consented to this deed because of your name, but we are seeking from you, o Lord, finish and 10 complete this mystery within our hands as if by the hands of your holy priests. This slave of yours should not be deprived of the gift and grace of adoption.” At that time, they brought him to the spring, and they submerged him in the water. All of the children 15 answered in one voice, saying, “This slave…is baptized…”4

[…several folios are missing here…] 8 […] which the chosen one of God was saying. She wondered at the things that she had heard, and she was very careful lest these words become known to his fath[er and his brothers,] but she was encouraging the holy one, saying, “My son, may your thoughts not be 25 confused, because there are many deceitful dreams.” The holy one replied, saying, “But, those that are true

20

Arabβ reads ‘May this one be baptized as a slave of Christ in the name of the Father, amen’. 4

‫‪179‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫ܐ‬

‫ܘܒ ܐ ܘܪܘ ܐ ܕ ܕ ܐ܂ ܐ ܐܦ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܘܬܢ ܒ ܐ ܗ ܐ܂ ܘ ܪ ܒ ܒ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܒ ܕ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܟ܂ ܕ‬ ‫ܕܗ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܂ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܐ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܕܒܐ ̈ ܐ ܕ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕ ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܬ ܪ ܒ ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܬܐ܂‬ ‫ܬܐ܂ ܐܘ ܒ ܒ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܬܐ‬ ‫ܦ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫ܘܐܦ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܿ ܥ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܕܐ܂ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܗ ܐ܂ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܕܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ܂‬ ‫ܒ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܬܢ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܒ ܟ ܗ ܐ܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܐܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܗ ܐ܂ ܐ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐܙܐ ܗ ܐ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܓ ܪ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܓ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܕܒܐ ̈ ܝ‬ ‫ܘ ܐ ܘ ܒ ܬܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܟ ܗ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫̈ܒ ܐ܂ ܘܒ ܒ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܒ ̈ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ ̈ ̈ ܐ܂ ܘܐܓ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܬ ܒܬ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫‪ܿ 20‬‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ ܗ ܐ ]܂܂܂[‬ ‫]…‪[…several folios are missing here‬‬

‫‪] 8‬܂܂܂[ ܕ ܿ‬ ‫ܼܗܘܐ ܓܒ ܐ ܕܐ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܘܙܗ ]ܐ[‬ ‫ܡ ]ܕ [‬ ‫‪ 25‬ܘܐܬܓ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܒ ܗ]ܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܗ‬ ‫ܗܘܬ ܘ ܓ ܕ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܐ ̈ [ܗܝ ܐ ܐ ܒ ܡ ܒܒܐ ܗܘܬ‬ ‫̈ ܒ ܟ܂‬ ‫̈ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ܂ ܒ ܝ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܕܓ ܐ܀܀ ܼܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܕ ̈ܓ ܐ ܐ ܢ‬ ‫‪ N‬ܐ ܘܗܝ ])ܐ‬

‫ܗ ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܐ‬

‫ܗܝ ‪17‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

180

are also many, although they are dreams, […]5 the dreams that appeared to Pharaoh, king of Egypt. They were dreams, but truth was hidden in them. This of mine is not a dream, but it is a revelation from God. 5 Now, my mother, hear me, and may my preaching start with you. Receive my words and believe in the one in whom I have come to believe and on behalf of whose truth I will die, and you6 will inherit eternal life.” When his mother heard the news of his death, tears flowed 10 forth in grief, and she began to cry quietly. The holy one answered and said to her, “Do not cry, my mother, for the bones of Joseph [became] a bulwark [for the children of his people] after his death. For, God said to Moses, ‘I am the G[od of] Abraham, of Isaac, and of 15 Jacob’. In this, he showed that everyone […]7 on account of his hope are (actually) alive, and af[fliction] does not draw near to them. [But,] o my beloved mother, I implore you to believe [and to be baptized in the nam]e of our lord Jesus Christ, so that you will be 20 saved from [bitter afflictions that are] kept for the wicked who deny the great and glorious mystery of his saving economy (and) so that you (and) I, o my beloved mother, might rejoice and delight in the blessed life8 that is promised to the just and righteous. 25 See to it, my mother, that the revelation that has appeared to me and that I have related to you does not pass from your heart.” His mother said to him, “I believe, my son, everything that [you ar]e telling me, and I [am receiving it]. When it is a time that is suitable 30 for me, I will in fact do the things […]9 me, but at this time may these things that […]10 by us be hidden from your father and your brothers, lest, when they hear Arabβ reads: ‘like’. Arabβ reads: ‘I and you’. 7 Arabβ reads: ‘who dies’. 8 The reading of N is not entirely certain here. Arabβ ̈ ‫ܐܗ ܐ‬ ̈ has: ‘eternal life ( )’. 9 Arabβ reads: ‘you have told’. 10 Arabβ reads: ‘have been spoken’. 5 6

‫‪181‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܿ ܂ ܐ ܐ ̈ܓ ܐ ܐ ܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܢ܂ ]܂܂܂[‬ ‫܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܕ ܪ ܂‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫̈ ܐ ܕܐܬ ܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫]ܐ [ ܘܢ ܗܘܘ܂ ܐ ܐ ܐܢ ܪܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܘܗܝ܂ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܒ ܘܢ܂ ܗ ܐ ܕ ܕ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܐ ܐ܂ ܗ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܓ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܪ ܐ ܕ ܘܙܘܬܝ܂ ܒ‬ ‫] [ ܼ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܪܗ‬ ‫ܒ ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ ܘ ܕܐ ܐ ܗ‬ ‫ܘܗ‬ ‫܂܀܀ ܼܗܝ‬ ‫ܿ ܐܬ ܐ ܐ܂ ܘ ܬܐ ܐ ܝ ̈ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܐܒܐ ܕ ܬܗ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ] [ ܗܘܝ ]ܕ[ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ]ܐ [ ܿ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ܂܀ ܼ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܂ ܕܗܐ ܓ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܬܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܗ܂‬ ‫ܒ ܪ‬ ‫[‬ ‫ܪܐ ]ܗܘܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܐ ܐ] ܐ ܐ ܐ[‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܐ ܼ ܓ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܝ‬ ‫ܒ܂ ܘܒ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܘܕ‬ ‫ܕܐܒ ܗܡ ܘܕܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫]܂܂܂[‬ ‫ܘܢ܂ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܒܗ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܐ[ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܬ ] ܐ‬ ‫ܿ ܒ‬ ‫ܕܬܗ‬ ‫ܐܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܒ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܒ [‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܥ‬ ‫ܕ ܢ‬ ‫‪] 20‬ܘܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫]ܬ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܕܬܬ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐܙܐ ܪܒܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܗ ܢ ܕ‬ ‫ܕ[‬ ‫ܘ ܐ܂ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܒ ܐ ܕ ܒ ܬܐ ܕ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܪ‬ ‫ܐܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܐ ܘܐ ܝ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܠ] ̈ [ܐ ] [ܒ ܐ ܗ ܢ ܕ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܿ ‪1‬‬

‫]) ܐ ‪(Arabβ has‬‬ ‫‪N | 2‬‬ ‫]) ܕ ܐ ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܕ‬ ‫‪β‬‬ ‫|‬ ‫‪7‬‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫‪(Arab‬‬ ‫‪has‬‬ ‫‪ N‬ܒ ])ܐ ܒ‬ ‫‪ (sic) N‬ܕܬ‬ ‫‪β‬‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪ (Arab has‬ܘܗ‬ ‫])ܘܐ‬ ‫‪ N‬ܐ ] ̈ ܐ ‪ N | 9‬ܘܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪14‬‬ ‫‪ ] Traces of ink support this reading‬ܗܘܐ ܒ‬ ‫‪19‬‬ ‫‪ (Arabβ has‬ܕܬܗ‬ ‫])ܬܘ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܝ ‪ N | 24‬ܕܬܗ‬ ‫‪ N‬ܐ ])ܘܐ ܝ ‪(Arabβ has‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

182

these things, they kill you and me.” Then, after this, the holy one took his bag and his shepherding staff [and said] to his mother, “Good[bye], my mother. Pray for me, for I am going to my friends, the children. If I 5 delay, you should […]’.11 But she did not understand these words about his death and about the faith of his mother.

9 [When] he went out [with his fl]ock as was his custom, a bishop happened to appear suddenly in the distance walking and passing from village to village. The child ran to him and f[el]l at his feet, and he said to him, “Bless me, [my lord.] Seal me with the sign of the cross. Complete and finish my bapt[ism], which I 15 have received from the hands of children.” The bishop said [to him], “My son, how do you know me? Wh[o] is the one who revealed to you about me and told you to go out in search of me?” The child said to him, “[The] one on account of whose truth I will die, he is 20 the one who told me about you.” Amazed at what he said, the bishop said to him, “Indeed, my son, I was told by my Lord to go out to greet you and to bless you before your coronation.” Then, the bishop set his right hand on the head of the child, gave him the gift 25 of the Holy Spirit, and said to him, “Go [in] the strength of the Holy Spirit. May Christ God be pleased 10

11

Arabβ reads: ‘arise and see’.

‫‪183‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫]ܕ[ ܐ‬ ‫̈ ܐ ܐ ܘܙܕ ̈ ܐ܂ ܼ ܝ ܐ‬ ‫܂܀‬ ‫ܘܬ‬ ‫ܓ ܐ ܿܗܘ ܕܐܬ ܝ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܐܐ ܒ ܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘ ] ܒ ܐ[ ܐ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫]ܐ [‬ ‫ܡ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܕܐ] [ ܕ ܢ ܂ ܒ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܙܒ ܐ ܼ‬ ‫ܐ] ܐ ܐ [ ܕ]܂܂܂[ ܂ ܐ ܐ ܒ ܡ܂ ܒ ܐ ܙܒ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܐܒ ܟ܂ ܘ‬ ‫]܂܂܂[‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫̈ ܗ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫ܢ ܐ̈ ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ̈ ܂ܕܐ‬ ‫ܬܪ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ ܪ ܗ ܂‬ ‫]܂܂܂[ ܕ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫]‬ ‫ܐ ܕܪ ܬܗ ]ܘܐ [ ܐ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫܂ ܕܗܐ ܐܙܠ ܐ ܐ ܬ‬ ‫ܒ[ ܐ ܐ ܘܨ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ܂ ܐ ܝ܆‬ ‫] ̈ ܐ ܒ [ܝ܂ ܐܢ ܕ‬ ‫̈ ܐ ܗ ܂‬ ‫ܬ]܂܂܂[ܝ ܼܗܝ ܕ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕܐ ܂܀‬ ‫ܘ ܗ‬ ‫ܒ‬

‫‪15‬‬

‫]‬ ‫ܗܐ‬ ‫[‬ ‫‪] 9‬ܘ [ ܼ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫] ܐ[ ܐ‬ ‫ܪܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘܪܗܛ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܬܗ ܘ ] [‬ ‫]ܗ[ܘ‬ ‫̈ܪܓ ܗܝ܂ ܘܐ ܼ‬ ‫ܒܘ‬ ‫܂ ] [ܝ ܘ ܘ‬ ‫‪ 20‬܂ ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ] [ ܐ ܕ ܂ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܕܨ ܒܐ܂ ܘܓ ܪ ̈ܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫] [‬ ‫ܐ ̈ ܐ ܕ ܐ ܒ ܂܀ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫܂ ܘ ] [ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ ܝ܂ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕܬ ܩ‬ ‫ܕܓ ܐ‬ ‫ܝ܂ ܘܐ ܼ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܗ]ܘ[ ܕ‬ ‫ܼܗܘ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ܒܒ ܝ܀܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܪܗ ܐ ܬ܂ ܘܕܗܘ ܓ ܼ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬

‫‪ is in the‬ܕ ‪)] It is unclear whether or not‬ܐܢ ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܕ ܐ ‪1‬‬ ‫‪text: there are no traces of it, but there may be enough room‬‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫])ܐ ܝ ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܐ ܝ ‪in the damaged area for it | 12‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪ ] Alternatively,‬ܐ‬ ‫‪ (abbreviation‬ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ‪N | 17‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪ ] Alternatively,‬ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ‪in the text) | 23‬‬ ‫)‪(abbreviation in the text‬‬

‫‪N 55b‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

184

with you and make you worthy to put on […].12 May the children who baptized you be […]13 to great ranks […”]14 The bishop departed and went on his way. The holy one […]15 the children, his friends, and 5 immediately told them […]16 and about his encounter with the bishop, and about […]17 When the children heard these words, astonishment […] seized them […] their baptisim (of him) had been confirmed […] and which power ʿAḇdā da-Mšiḥā had put on, by the 10 vision that he had seen.

10 It was Friday, and Saturday was dawning. The Jews had a great feast on that day, during which the father [of Asher] arose early to prepare a great banquet 15 for those whom he had invited and called from the Jews, his friends. When those who had been invited gathered, the father [of Asher] sent […]18 and after all of his brothers, and he commanded that before Saturday come they should gather to him apart from 20 their flocks. When the holy one arriv[ed there], he Arabβ reads: ‘his sufferings and to carry his cross’. Arabβ reads: ‘entitled’. Syrα, however, reads: ‘invited’. 14 Arabβ reads: ‘and may they be blessed’. 15 Arabβ reads: ‘arrived at’. 16 Arabβ reads: ‘about the vision that he saw in the dream’. 17 Arabβ reads: ‘what he had said to him’. Syrα, however, reads: ‘the things in between’. 18 Perhaps, ‘after him’, though this is not found in Arabβ. 12 13

‫‪185‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫ܟ܂ ܐ ܿ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܐܦ ܐ ܐ ܒ ܝ ܗ ܐ ܐܬ]ܐ [ܬ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܡ‬ ‫ܘܐܒ‬ ‫ܝ܂ ܘܕܐ ܩ ܐܘܪ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫܂܀ ܿܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܐ ܕܪܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܘ ܼܒ‬ ‫‪5‬ܪ‬ ‫܂ ܙܠ ]ܒ[ ܐ ܕܪܘ ܐ ] [ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܼ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܘ ܒܐ ܒ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܟ܂‬ ‫ܕܬ ܒ] ܂܂܂[ ܘ ܐ ܗ ܢ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܐܙܠ‬ ‫ܫ ̈ܐ‬ ‫]܂܂܂[‬ ‫ܪܘ̈ܪܒܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ ܘܗܝ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ] ܂܂܂[‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܐܘܪ ܀‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕܒ ̈ ܘ‬ ‫ܓ‬ ‫ܘܢ ]܂܂܂[ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ]܂܂܂[ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈ ܐ ܗ ܂ ܐ ܘ ܐ ܢ ܬ]ܗ̈ܪܐ ܂܂܂[ ܕܐ ܪܪܬ‬ ‫ܐ ܐܬ‬ ‫ܕ ܗܘܢ܂ ܘܕܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ ܘܐ ܿܗܘ ܕ ܼ ܐ܂܀‬ ‫‪ܼ 15‬ܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܕ‬

‫ܿ‬

‫ܿܗܘ ܕ] ܘܒ [ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ܗܘܬ ܘ ܒ ܐ ܓ ܐ ܗܘܬ܂ ܐܕܐ ܕ ܪܒܐ‬ ‫ܡ‬ ‫ܐ ܿܗܘ܂ ܕܒ‬ ‫̈ܕ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܪܒܐ܂‬ ‫ܐܒ ܗܝ ]ܕܐ [‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܗܘܐ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܬܗ‬ ‫ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܙ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܕܐܙܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫ܒ ]ܘܗܝ[܀ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘ ܪ ܐܒ ܗ]ܝ ܂܂܂[ ܘܒ ܪ ܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂ ܘ ܼ‬ ‫ܢ[ ܬܗ‬ ‫ܕ ܡ ܕ ܐܐ ܒ ܐ ]‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ܐܬ ]‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܢ܀ ܼܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܕܐ‬ ‫[ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒܐ‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫ܐܠ ܒ]ܬܪ[ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ] [‬ ‫ܬ ܘܐ ܗ]ܝ[ ]‬ ‫[ܐ܀‬ ‫ܕܐܒ ܗܝ‬ ‫]‪ N2‬ܒ‬ ‫ܿ ‪ N | 17‬ܐ ] ̈ ܐ ‪ N1 | 13‬ܒ‬ ‫]ܐ‬ ‫ܢ ‪ N | 24‬ܕܐܙܕ ] ܕܐܙܕ‬ ‫‪] This‬‬ ‫‪ N | 22‬ܐ‬ ‫‪reconstruction may be too large for the damaged space‬‬

‫‪2‬‬

‫‪N 56a‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

186

withdrew to the house of his mother as was his custom. [When] he entered t[he do]or, the servants of his father seized him from there and brought him to [the banqu]et. When his father, along with the Jews 5 who were reclining, saw the e[arrin]g hanging in his ear, all of them were agitated and troubled. His father then indignantly said to him, “Asher, my son, who misled you and did this to you? Do you not know that this is the appearance of sl[av]es?” The holy one said 10 to him, “Do not be agitated, old man, I know […] these things you say. But, I have inscribed myself as a slave for Christ forever, and from now on I am a Christian all the days of my life.” When his father heard these things, he became very angry, and he 15 st[ru]ck him in the face and threw him down among the guests, trampling him. When the [gu]ests saw these things, they arose and placated his anger at the child. They began to say to him, “Do not be agitated, for he is a boy, even if he is out of his mind. Do not take out 20 your anger against him, and [do not upset] our banquet. For, this is a feast. May there not be any blood at it.” […]19 his father’s anger was placated, and he sat20 to eat and to [drink]. Each one of them called to him enticingly to eat and to drink with them. The 25 child did not want to, but he answered all of them, saying, “Do not err! For, I am a Ch[ris]tian. It is not right for Christians to ea[t] with Jews.” Then, his father was afflicted with shame from what he said. He21 arose against him to strike him once again in anger, 30 but they did not let him. The guests there began to say to the child, “[Come], our beloved, eat with us, and the ang[er of your father] will be placated. If you do this, we will be silent about the transgressing of the law

19 20 21

Arabβ reads: ‘At this’. Perhaps emend to ‘they’, as is found in Arabβ. N reads ‘they’.

‫‪187‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫ܗܘܘ܂‬ ‫ܼ ܐ ܐܒ ܗܝ ܘ ̈ ܕ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫] [ ] [ܐ ܗ]ܘ[ ܕܒܐܕ ܬ ܐ ܼܗܘܐ܂ ܐܬܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܘܐܬܪܗܒ ܂ ܗܘ ܕ ܐܒ ܗܝ ܙ‬ ‫ܒܝ ܿ‬ ‫ܒ ܘܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܼ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܒ] [ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܘ ܐ ܥ ܐ ܕܐ‬ ‫‪ܼ 5‬ܒ‬ ‫܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ]ܘ[ܗܝ ܗ ܐ܂܀‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܐ ܼ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܿ‬ ‫ܒܐ܂ ܿ ܥ ܐ ܐ ]܂܂܂[ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܬܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܝ‬ ‫ܗ ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܘ‬ ‫][ ܐ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ܐܒ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܢ ̈ ] [ܐ ܕ ̈ ܀܀ ܘ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫܂ ܘ ] [ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܂ ܘܗ ܢ‬ ‫ܘ ܐܒ ܙ ܐܘ‬ ‫ܘܪ‬ ‫ܘ ܗ ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܙ[ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ]‬ ‫܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫] [ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫] [ܗ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܗܘ܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܬܬܕ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܐ ܐ܂ ܘ] ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܬܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܗܝ [‬ ‫܂ ܐܕܐ ܗܘ ܓ ܗ ܐ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܕ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܒ ܕ ܐ܀ ]܂܂܂[ ܐܬܪ ܐܒ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܗ܀ ܘ ܼ ܒ ܐ ܘ ]‬ ‫ܐ[ ܘ ܘ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܨܒܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂ ܼܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܓ ܐ ܘܐ ܼ ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫] [ܐ ܐ ܝ܂ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܢ܂ ܐ ܐ ܓ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܐ ] ܢ[‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܙܕܩ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ܒ ܬܬܐ‬ ‫ܐܒ ܗܝ ܐܬ‬ ‫ܐ܂܀ ܘܗ‬ ‫ܗ]ܝ[‬ ‫ܬܘܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܕܐ܀ ܘ‬ ‫] ܬܬܕ ‪7‬‬ ‫‪ N | 13‬ܬܬܕ‬ ‫] ܘܪ‬ ‫ܐ ‪ N | 14‬ܘܪ‬ ‫]‪N2‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪β‬‬ ‫]])ܬ ܓ ‪ (Arab has‬ܬܬܕ‬ ‫‪ N‬ܬܬܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫‪N | 15‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪, like Arabβ‬ܘ ܒ ‪ ] Perhaps read‬ܘ ܼ ܒ ‪19‬‬ ‫ܘ ܘ | ܘܓ‬ ‫ܐ ‪ N | 21‬ܘ ܐ ])ܘܕ ܐ ‪(Arabβ has‬‬ ‫‪ N‬ܘ ܐ ܐ ] ܘ‬ ‫])ܘܘܬܒ ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܘ ‪26‬‬ ‫‪N‬ܘ‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

188

[…]22 your ear […]23 if you do not do our bidding and that of your father.24 But, since today is a feast, be convinced by us, eat [with u]s, and receive this advice that we are giving to you.” The holy one s[aid to] 5 them, “Had you known the things that have happened, you would not [urge] me to eat with you, but, because the v[eil] of [Mo]ses, the establisher of the law, is on your heart, you do not [obey] me.”

11 When the guests there heard these things, they were amazed by the courageousness of his mind and the sophistication of his word. They began to say to one another, “Maybe a vision did appear to him. These words are not of children. For, many great things came 15 about among the prophets when they were but children, such as Jeremiah, Daniel, the children who were with Hananiah, Joshua bar Nun, Samuel, as well as other prophets like them. Therefore, it would not be too much for one such ray to come from our nation, 20 because God’s law is our pride, and in it we boast.” While these things were being said by them, his father was silent and was not saying anything. Then, the guests were saying to the child, “O beloved among us, 10

Arabβ reads: ‘with respect to’. Arabβ reads: ‘and we will not blame you. Your father loves you more than your brothers…’, but there does not seem to be enough space for all of this in N. 24 It is unclear how this last clause fits into the larger discourse. Arabβ is missing some words here and so is of little help. 22 23

‫‪189‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫ܘ ܐ ܒ ܗܝ܀ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ܂ ]ܬܐ[ ܒ ܒ‬ ‫ܙ ܐ ܕܬ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫]ܗ ܕܐܒ ܟ[ ܘܐܢ‬ ‫ܘܬܬܪ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫][ ܒ‬ ‫ܗ]ܕ[ܐ ܬ ܒ] [܂‬ ‫܂ ܘܐܢ‬ ‫]܂܂܂[ ܐ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܕܐ ]܂܂܂[ ܐܕ ܂‬ ‫ܕܐܒ ܟ܂ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܬ ܒ ܨܒ ܘܨܒ‬ ‫] [܂‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫܂ ܐܬܬ‬ ‫ܕ ܐܕܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫܂܀܀ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܒ‬ ‫][‬ ‫]ܘ[ ܢ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ] [‬ ‫]ܕ [‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܗܘܝ܂ ܐ ]ܐ [ ܗܘ ܘܢ܂‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܗܘ ܘܢ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫ܐ ܠ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘ ܐܡ ] [ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܬ] [ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܢ܂ ܐ ] [ܬ ] [ ܐ] [ܬܘܢ ܀‬ ‫ܙ ̈ ܐ ܕܬ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫‪11‬‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ܬ] [‬ ‫ܘܒ ܕ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܒ ܒ ܒ ܬܐ ܕܪ‬ ‫̈ܘܐ‬ ‫܂ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗ ]ܘ[‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫] [ܐ ] [ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܡ ܐܬ ܝ ܂ ܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ̈‬ ‫܂ ̈ ܓ ܐܬܐ ܓ ܒ ܐ ܗܘ]ܝ[ ܬ‬ ‫ܬ ܐܪ ܐ ܘܕ ܐܠ‬ ‫܂ ܒ‬ ‫‪̈ ̈ [ ] 20‬ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܥ ܒ ܢ‬ ‫ܘ ܐ ܿܗ ܢ ܕܒ ] [‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܂ ܘ ܐ ܕ ܒ ܐ ܒ ܘܢ܂ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܙܗܪ ܐ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܪܒܐ ܗܕܐ ܨܒ ܬܐ܂ ܐܢ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܢ܂‬ ‫ܗܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܪ ܂܀ ܘ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ܐ ܘܗܝ ܬܪܢ ܘܒ ܗܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܢ܂ ܐܒ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܗܘܝ‬ ‫̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫]ܗ[ܘܐ ܡ܂܀ ܼܗ ܢ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܐܘ ܪ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܙ ̈ ܐܐ‬ ‫ܿܗܘ ܐ ܕܐ ܿ ܥ ܐ ܆ ܒ ܩ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫܂ܐ ܼ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪(Arabβ has‬‬ ‫])‬ ‫] ̈ ܓ ܐܬܐ ‪N | 19‬‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪ ] Possibly added by a second hand‬ܕܐ ‪ N | 23‬ܓ ܐܐ‬

‫‪N 56b‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

190

tell us, what you know. Show us now, and let us learn. Demonstrate to us those things that you have hea[rd, and let us know].” The slave of God25 said to them, “Now that I have begun to speak, comprehend what I 5 am saying: the one whom our fathers crucified in Jerusalem, I have seen that he is the living lamb of God, as John (the Baptist) proclaimed by the Jordan. I have been baptized in his name, and for the sake of his truth I will die. Now, if you are not baptized in his 10 name, you are re[spo]nsible for the debt of your fathers. For, the innocent blood that they shed is that by which those who have confessed him have been saved and by which our fathers perished because they [did not believe]26 in his name. Now, if you want, take 15 off the v[ei]l that is spread over your hearts! When you believe and are baptized in his name, in that of his Father, and in that of the Holy Spirit, you will be absolved, and the bill that your fathers wrote and placed upon you will be repaid.” 20

12 When they heard these words, they were filled with anger, and they encouraged his father to destroy the child. When the servants of the father saw that [evil was decided] against him, they allowed him to 25 flee. For, they […]27 that his father wanted to kill him. Immediately, [… ar]ose […]

[…a folio is missing here…]

Arabβ reads: ‘slave of Christ’. The reconstruction is not entirely certain; Arabβ reads: ‘have denied’. 27 Arabβ reads: ‘knew’. 25 26

‫‪191‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫]‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗ ܐ ܘܐ ܂‬ ‫ܘ ܥ[܀ ܐ ܿ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ ܕܐ ܐ܂ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܡ ܕܐ ܿ ܐ ܐ܂‬ ‫] [ ܆ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܗܘ‬ ‫ܒܐ]ܘܪ[ ܂‬ ‫ܐܒ‬ ‫ܿܗܘ ܕܙ‬ ‫] [‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܐ ܗ ܐ ܕܐ ܐ܂ ܐ ܕܐ ܙ‬ ‫ܬ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܪܕ ܂ ܘܐ ܐ ܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܪܗ ܿ ܐܬ ܐ ܐ܂ ܘܐ ܘܢ ܗ ܐ ܐܢ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܢ‬ ‫ܕܐܒ‬ ‫܂ ] [ܒ ܐ ܿܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܢ܂ ܕܕ ܐ ܙ ܐ ܿܗܘ ܕܐ ܘ‬ ‫] ܬ[ܒ‬ ‫ܿܗ ܢ ܕܐܘܕ ܒ ܂ ܘܐܒ ̈‬ ‫‪ܿ 10‬ܗܘ ܕܒ ܐܬ‬ ‫܂ ܘܗ ܐ ܐܢ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫]ܕ ܐ ܗ [‬ ‫ܐܒ ܘ܂‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫]ܬ [ ܐ ܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫ܨܒ ܐ ܘܢ ܐܪ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܢ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ ̈ ܬ ܢ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܂ ]ܘܕ[ܐܒ ܗܝ ܘܕܪܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܢ ܒ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ܥ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܢ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܢ܂܀‬ ‫ܢ ܐܒ‬ ‫ܗܘ ܕ ܒ ܘ‬ ‫̈ ܐ ܐܬ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫‪ 12‬ܘ‬ ‫] ܐ[ܒ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܂܀ ܒ ܐ ܕ ܕ]ܐܒ[ ܗܝ ] [ ܘ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܐܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܒ ܐ܂ ܒ ܗܝ ܐ‬ ‫[‬ ‫ܕܓ]‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫ܕ ܘܩ܂ ]܂܂܂[ ܗܘܘ ܓ ܒܐܒ ܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ] [‬ ‫ܿܨܒܐ܂܀ ܘ‬ ‫‪25‬‬

‫]…‪[…a folio is missing here‬‬

‫‪ N | 11‬ܕܐ ܙܘ ]) ܙ ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܕܐ ܙ ‪5‬‬ ‫] ܕܐ ܗ‬ ‫‪β‬‬ ‫ܘܐ ‪Reconstruction not entirely certain; Arab has‬‬ ‫‪21‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܕܓ‬ ‫‪)] The traces of ink look more‬‬ ‫‪, but‬ܓ ܬ ‪like‬‬ ‫‪ seems certain given the syntax of the‬ܓ‬ ‫‪idiom as well as the reading of Arabβ‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

192

14 […] but rejoicing and exulting, he returned to his home. Night had already arrived, and the guests whom he had invited28 before the Sabbath had come were gone from there. When the mad Levi entered his 5 home, he told his children about the killing of their brother and even showed them the knife in his hand sprinkled with the blood of the ho[ly o]ne. When his brothers heard, they mourned greatly and lamented intensely. His mother, although very embittered and 10 weeping, was nevertheless consoled and comforted herself by the words that the holy one had said to her be[fo]re his death. Then, she was [loo]king forward to finding a suitable opportunity to be baptized and confess Christ. For, she knew that, if she died in the 15 faith of Christ, she would be made worthy to see the holy one in the world that does not pass away—his mother, who after some time, when a house of prayer was built on the bones of the holy one, secretly came and was baptized in that spring in which the slave of 20 God had been [ba]ptized.

15 On the morning of (the next) day, when Saturday dawned, the children, his friends, came to water their flocks at that spring. When they saw the 25 corpse of the holy one, cast down on the ground, slaughtered like a lamb, and sprinkled with his own blood, they raised their voices with wailing, weeping for the holy one. They were hitting themselves on the face and tearing their garments on account of him. 30 They were saying, “O pure lamb and servant of

This is the reading of Arabβ. N reads ‘who had invited him’. 28

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫‪193‬‬

‫ܿ ܐ ܿ‬ ‫ܘܪܘܙ ܗ ܼ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫‪] 14‬܂܂܂[ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ܂‬ ‫ܘ ܐܬ‬ ‫ܒ ܗ܀ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܗܘܐ ܘܢ ܡ ܕܬ ܠ‬ ‫ܘܙ ̈ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܬ ܂܀ ܝ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ܂‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܗ܂ ܒ ܐ ܢ ܒ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܗܘܢ܂ ܘ ܝ ܐ ܢ ܐܦ‬ ‫ܕ ] [ܐ܂ ܼܗ ܢ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܕܒܐ ܗ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܐܒ ܐ ܪܒܐ‬ ‫ܒܘ‬ ‫ܐ ̈ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ܂܀ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܬܐ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ܒܒ]ܐ[‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘܬ ܘܒ ܐ܂ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕ ] [ܡ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܗ‬ ‫ܼܗܘܬ ܘ ܒ ܐܐ ܼܗܝ‬ ‫܂ ܗ‬ ‫ܐ ܡ‬ ‫ܿ ܼܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܙܒ ܐ ܕ ܢ܂‬ ‫ܗܘܬ ܕܬ‬ ‫] [ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘܬ ܓ ܂‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܝ ܘܬܘܕܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܕܬ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘܬ܂‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܕܐܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܬܗ ܕ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܐܬܒ ܒ ܨ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܬ܆ ܿܗܝ ܕܒ ܪ ܙܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܕ ܐ܂ ܐܬܬ ܼܗܝ ܐ‬ ‫ܓ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܝ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܬ܆ ܒ ܒ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܕܒ ܿ ] [‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ ܕܐ ܐ܂܀‬ ‫ܓ ܬ ܒ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗ ܕ ܕ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܢ ܓ ̈ܪ ܘܢ‬ ‫ܒ ܘܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗ ܕ ܐ ܕܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܝ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܪ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܪ‬ ‫܂ ܐܪ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܘܢ܂‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܕ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ] [‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܗ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫‪N‬‬

‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܒ ܘ ])ܒ‬ ‫‪N‬‬

‫]) ܝ ܐܢ ܕ ܐܗܡ ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܕ ܐ ܗܘܐ ܘܢ ‪3‬‬ ‫‪ (Arabβ has‬ܒ ‪ N | 5‬ܕܬܐ ܠ ] ܕܬ ܠ | ‪N‬‬ ‫]) ܐ ‪12 ܿ (Arabβ has‬‬ ‫ܘܢ ] ̈ ܘܢ ‪N | 26‬‬

‫‪N 57a‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

194

Christ,29 who was maliciously envious of your beauty? Who harmed your comeliness? Who defiled his hand with your pure blood?30 O first-born sacrifice, who was called to Christ through our hands. Would that we 5 be shown if Christ, who brought you up from the pit, is pleased with your coronation! Behold, we have there spiritual brothers who are more excellent than we are. But, seek on our behalf that Christ may make us worthy to see you in the new world which will not pass 10 away and whose joys will never cease. May we join with you in the ranks of holy ones, and may we be installed among the troops of glorious ones.”

16 As they were wailing and crying, they dug in the earth with their [sta]ffs something like a grave. They surrounded the grave of the holy one,31 and they set him in the place that they had made along with dirt that had been sprinkled with his blood. When they were crying with wails, they raised their voice to God 20 and said, “Now, Lord, […]32 us as before. Everything that is said by the saints for the corpses of the deceased who believed in your name, give even now 15

That is, ʿAḇdā damšiḥā. After this, Arabβ adds: ‘O beloved brother, who deprived us of your company! O our beloved brother, child of our proclamation and flower of our teaching!’. This is also found in Syrα. Thus, these sentences must have once been in Syrβ but happen to have been lost at some point in the textual tradition preserved in N, our only surviving Syriac exemplar of this recension. 31 So N reads. It is probably best to emend ‘grave (‫ ’) ܒــ ܗ‬to ‘body (‫’) ܓ ܗ‬, or the like, giving ‘They wrapped the body of the holy one’, as is reflected in Arabβ: ‘they wrapped the body ( ‫ )ܓ‬of the holy one’. Note that Arabic ‫ ܓ‬usually renders Syriac ‫ ܓ ܐ‬in Arabβ, whereas Arabic ̈‫ ܓ ܗ‬usually renders Syriac ‫ ܐ‬. 32 Arabβ reads: ‘answer’. 29 30

‫‪195‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫ّ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ] ܿ [‬ ‫ܐܘ ܐ ܼ ܐ ܕ ܐ ܘ ܼܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܬܟ܂ ܿ‬ ‫ܟ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܼ ܒ ܒ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ܪܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܙ ܐ܂ ܐܘ‬ ‫ܐ ]ܗ ܒ[ܕ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܿ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ܂ ܕܒܐ ̈ ܐ ܕ ܐܬ ܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܿܗܘ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܐܢ ܐܨ ܒ ܒ‬ ‫ܝ‬ ‫‪5‬ܕ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܓ ܒܐ܂ ܗܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫܂ ܐܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܪ‬ ‫ܐ ̈ ܐ ̈ܪܘ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܬܐ ܿܗܘ‬ ‫ܬܟ܂ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܢ ̈ ܘܬܗ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܿܒ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܒܓ ܕ ܘܢ ܕ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܒ ̈ܪ ܘܢ ܕ ̈ ܐ܂‬ ‫܀‬ ‫ܘ ܒܐܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܘܒ‬ ‫‪ 16‬ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫ܬܐ ]ܕ [ܒ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ ] [ ] [ ܘܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܒ ܘ ܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܒ ܗ ܕ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫܂܀‬ ‫ܼܗܘܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫]ܕ [ܒ ܘ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܪܥ] [ܐ ܂ ܐܪ‬ ‫ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ]܂܂܂[‬ ‫ܬ ܐ ܐ ܘܐ ܘ܂ ܐܦ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܡ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ] [ܐ ܗ ܢ ܕܗ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܦ ܗ ܐ ]ܒ [ܒ ܬܟ ܕ ܘ] [‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗ ܕ ܒ ܟ ܗ ܐ܂ ܘ] [ ܗ‬ ‫ܿ ܐܬ ] [ ܗܘܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ ܗ ܐ ܐ ܿܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫ܐܙ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܘܒ ܂‬ ‫ܐܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܬܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂‬ ‫‪ 25‬ܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܢ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐܒ‬ ‫ܕܓ ܂ ܘ ܐ ܓ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܓ‬ ‫ܕܗܘܝ܂ ܕ‬ ‫‪ , or the like, following‬ܓ ܗ ‪ ] Perhaps emend to‬ܒ ܗ ‪15‬‬ ‫]ܕ‬ ‫‪ (Arabβ has‬ܐܙ ‪ N | 24‬ܕ‬ ‫ܿ ‪ in Arabβ | 23‬ܓ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫‪ ] This word is damaged, but the‬ܒ‬ ‫ܘܢ ‪ N | 25‬ܐܙܠ ]) ܘܐ‬ ‫‪reading is confirmed by a marginal note‬‬

‫‪N 57b‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

196

[by your g]race that it mig[ht b]e on the corpse of this slave of yours.” Immediately, they placed on his grave the stone on which he had been slau[gh]tered. They left from there mourning and weeping bitterly, and they went to their houses filled with suffering and 5 grief about those things that had happened. The children did not reveal to their parents what had happened, since they feared that perhaps it would be heard and the punishment for the killing of the child 10 would come upon them as well as that they would receive judgment for this from the judge. Every day, the children would come and weep at the grave of the holy one. 17 After a f[e]w days, when merchants were passing before the grave of the holy one at night, having with them a great caravan, travelling from East to West, when they were passing on the road, they saw at that place a fire blazing on the grave of the holy one. It was 20 lighting up the entire valley with its rays. When some of the Christian merchants saw, they turned to see that amazing marvel. When they arrived at the grave, they saw the stone that was placed on the grave with rays of fire coming out from under it like the rays of the sun, 25 and they were amazed. They were smelling from under that stone a pleasing and sweet smell that was better than every spice. When they saw, they said to one another, “This treasure is a body of one of the holy ones, but because the owners of this land are not 30 worthy of it, it has not been disclosed to them. Come, now, let us take it with us to our land. Let us acquire from it wealth for ourselves.33 For, Christ, in whom we believe, is the one who has showed and revealed to us this treasure, like the rest of the bones of the holy 35 ones.” When they lifted up the stone and took away the dirt, they found the body of the holy one sprinkled with blood. When they lifted him up, they realized that 15

33

Or, ‘for our souls’.

‫‪197‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫ܕ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܕܘܬܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܬܐܬܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܀܀‬ ‫ܗܕܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܒ ܢ ܓ ܪ ܕ ̈ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܡ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܐܗ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܗܘܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܬ ܒ ܗ ܕ ܐ܂܀‬

‫‪5‬‬

‫̈‬

‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܙ ] [̈ܪܐ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 17‬ܒ ܪ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܒ ܗ ܕ ܐ ܒ ܐ܆‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܬܐܓ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܪܒ ܐ܂ ܘܪܕ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܼܗ ܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܒܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܝ ܪܐ ܕ ܓ ܙ ܐ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܒܐܘܪ ܐ܂ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܪܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܒܗܕ ܐܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܬ ܒ ̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܐܓ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܿ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܪܬܐ ܿܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܬ ܒ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܬܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘܬ܂‬ ‫ܒܐ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܐ ܐ ܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܙ ] [‬ ‫ܬ ܬ ܿ ܙ ܐ ܕ ܪܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܗ ܐܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܬ ܘ܂ ܪ ܐ ܓ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܗ̈ܪܘ ܂‬ ‫ܪ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܐ܂ ܕܗܕܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܂܀ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܘܗܝ܂ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܓܐܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ ܕܐܬܪܐ ܗ ܐ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫‪ N | 14‬ܒ ̈‬ ‫])ܒ ܓ ܐ ‪(Arabβ has‬‬ ‫ܿܨܘ ̈ ‪Syrα (Arabβ has‬‬ ‫ܐ ])‬ ‫‪N‬‬ ‫ܐ ܼ ]) ܐ ܐ ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܐ ܘ ‪ N | 19‬ܬ‬

‫ܿ ] ܒ̈‬ ‫ܿ ‪12‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪N | 15‬‬ ‫] ܬ ܬ ܿ ‪16‬‬ ‫‪N‬‬

198

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

he was a child, and that he had been killed only a few days ago. Immediately, they took off their cloaks and carried him in them. Rejoicing, they went quickly to their companions and told them how the slave of God 5 had been found. Travelling along the road, they turned around, and they did not see the fire that had [been shining] on his grave. They were confirmed in their faith that with them was the ch[osen one] of [God].

18 When one of the merchants who was with them saw that the holy one was a child, he was inflamed in his love, and he thought that he would take the holy one. The merchant was especially wealthy in possessions, and by name he was called Nastir. He had 15 a barren wife. On the road, he vowed before his companions and said, “By the confidence of this martyr and the help of his prayers, if God gives me a son and makes comfort for me and my marriage, I will build for this holy one a house of prayer from my own 20 wealth, I will honor these bones of his all the days of my life, and I will decorate the house with all the adornments of the service. I will count the holy one among my sons. He will be an heir and partner to my sons in my inheritance. Seeking out his name, I will 25 make for him a feast and a memorial on the day of his coronation. I will call my son, who will be given to me through his prayers, by the name of the holy one. This holy one will be for me a son and an heir, and I will be to him a slave and a disciple all the days of my life. By 10

‫‪199‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫ܒ ܿ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂ ܬܘ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܢ܂‬ ‫ܬܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܢ܂ ܘ ܬܓ‬ ‫ܝ‬ ‫܂ ܼܗܘ‬ ‫ܿܗܘ ܕܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܓ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܕܐ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܓ ܼ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܘ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܕܓ ܐ ܕ ܐ܀ ܘ ܐܪ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܓ ܗ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܗܘ܂‬ ‫ܗܝ ܐ ܘܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ܂ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܡ ̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫܂ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܙ ̈ܪܐ ܐܬ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܒ ܘܢ܂ ܘܐܙ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܘ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ܒ ܘܢ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܗܒܐ‬ ‫ܒܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܐ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫ܒܐܘ]ܪ [ܐ‬ ‫ܪܕ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒܗ‬ ‫ܪܐ ܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܪܗܘܢ܂ ܘ ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܬܗܘܢ܂‬ ‫] ܒ ܐ[ ܗܘܬ܂ ܘܐ ܪܪܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܐ ܘܗܝ ܓ]ܒ [ܐ ܕ]ܐ ܐ[‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܕ‬ ‫ܬܐܓ ܐ ܿܗ ܢ ܕܐ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫‪18‬‬ ‫ܐ ܕܐ ܗܘܝ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫]ܘܢ [ ܼ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܗ܂ ܘܐܬ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܐܬܓ ܙܠ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܼܗܘ ܕ ܬܐܓ ܐ܂‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܕ ܒ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܒ ܐ ] [ܓ ܂ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܗܘܐ ܐ ܬܐ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ܂܂ ܘ ܪ ܪܐ ܒܐܘܪ ܐ ܡ ܒ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܬܘ ܐ ܕ ܕܐ ܗ ܐ ܘ ܕܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܼ ܂ ܕ‬ ‫‪̈ 25‬‬ ‫ܕܨ ܬܗ܂ ܐܢ ܗܘ ܕ ܠ ܐ ܐ ܒ ܐ‪ :‬ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܐ ܘ ܬ ܬܐ ܕ ܂ ܐܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܪܐ ܕ ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܗ ܐ ܒ ܐ ܕܨ ܬܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܗ ܂‬ ‫ܒ ܓ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫‪N | 8‬‬ ‫]) ܠ ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܐܬ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫‪1‬‬ ‫‪ N | 19‬ܬ‬ ‫])ܘܗܡ ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܘܐܬ‬

‫ܒ ] ܒ ܿ ‪1‬‬ ‫]‪N2‬‬ ‫‪N | 10‬‬ ‫‪ N‬ܘܐܬ ܒ‬

‫‪N 58a‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

200

his prayers, may I have a portion with him in the world that does not pass away.”

19 When the men had arrived at their houses, Nastir lifted up the body of the holy one from the camel and brought it into the house, and he set it in honor that was befitting it. He told the members of his household those things that had happened, the portion that he34 had set aside to God, and the vow 10 that he had made in the name of the martyr of Christ. When the children of his house heard these things, they rejoiced greatly, confessed, and praised God for the discovery of the martyr of Christ. They also prayed that the vow that they35 had vowed be received and 15 that their request36 be answered through the imploring of the holy martyr of Christ. In those days, God opened the womb of the wife of Nastir, and she conceived through the prayers of the holy martyr. There was great rejoicing for all the members of the 20 household, their neighbors, and friends. Everyone who 5

N has the plural ‘they’. Arabβ is of no help here as it does not include this phrase; Syrα, however, has the singular ‘he’. 35 Perhaps emend to ‘he’, i.e., Nastir, though note that Arabβ has ‘their vow’. 36 N reads ‘requests’, but note that this results in number disagreement with the singular verb. In addition, Arabβ has the singular ‘request’. 34

‫‪201‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫̈ܨܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܘܢ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܗܕܪ ܗܝ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܝ ܒܒ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܐܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒ ܒ ܬܘܬܝ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܘ ܬܐ ܘ ܬ ܐ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܐܕ ܐܕܐ‬ ‫܂ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫܂ ܘܐ ܐ ܒ ܝ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܘܕܘ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܂ ܘ ܘܐ‬ ‫܂ ܒ‬ ‫ܕܒ ̈ ܬܗ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ ܐ ܘ ܬܐ܂ ܘܐ ܐ ܐܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܼܗܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܂‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ ܘܬ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܬܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܒ ̈ ܬܗ ܐܦ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܐ ܿ ܒ ܂܀‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܒ‬ ‫ܓܒ ܐ ܒ ̈ ܘܢ܂‬ ‫‪ 19‬ܘ ܕ ܐܬ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܓ ܗ ܕ ܐ ܼܗܘ‬ ‫ܒܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܓ ܐ܆ ܘܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܗܘܝ܂‬ ‫ܒ ܒ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫‪ܿ 15‬ܕܙܕܩ‬ ‫ܘ ܪ ܐ ܕ ܫ ܐ ܐ܂ ܘ ܪܐ ܕ ܪ ܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒ̈ ܒ ܗܗ ܂‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܕܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܘܬܐ ܪܒ ܐ܂ ܘܐܘܕ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܐܦ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘܨ‬ ‫ܗ ܕ ܕܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܪܐ ܕ ܪܘ܂ ܘܬܬ ܐ‬ ‫‪ܼ 20‬ܗ ܢ ܕ ܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܬܗ ܕ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘܢ ܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܼܚ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܗ ܢ‬ ‫ܐ܀ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܕܐ ܬܗ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܗܘܬ ܘܬܐ ܪܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ̈ ܬܗ ܕ ܕܐ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ܘܢ ܒ ̈ ܐ ܘ ̈ܒܒܐ ܘ̈ܪ ܐ ܕ ܘܢ܂ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܬܕ ܪܬܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫] ܕ ܫ ‪16‬‬ ‫‪N | 19‬‬ ‫‪ N‬ܘܨ ])ܘܨ ܐ ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܘܨ‬ ‫‪,‬ܕ ܪ ‪ ] Perhaps emend to‬ܕ ܪܘ | ‪ N‬ܕ ܘܒ ] ܕ ܒ ‪20‬‬ ‫‪ (Arabβ has‬ܐ ܗܘܢ ‪ | 21‬ܪܗܡ ‪though note that Arabβ has‬‬ ‫‪̈ N, alternatively‬ܒ‬ ‫] ܒ ̈ ܐ ‪ ̈ N | 25‬ܐ ܗܘܢ ]) ܐ ܗܡ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܝ ‪emend to‬‬ ‫ܒ‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

202

heard praised God for the great marvel that had occurred and because hope had been confirmed and expectation had been fulfilled. All of them were saying, “Truly the Lord is near to those who call on him in 5 truth!” Then, the faithful Nastir, in those days, built a great and glorious sanctuary in honor of the bones of the holy martyr. He glorified it with all the adornments that are fitting for his service. He37 established an altar there for the Lord. Immediately, many people from 10 every place and region began to come, take refuge in the slave of God, and receive healing and health for their sicknesses as well as atonement and forgiveness for their sins. Nastir and the members of his household were seeking from God that he make 15 known to them the name of the holy one, and they were praying that the one who had been conceived would be born a male by the prayers of the holy one.

20 After these things, when those children, the companions of the holy one, came as usual to the grave of the holy one, they saw that the stone had been rolled away from the grave and that the body of the holy one was not there. Only the dirt that had been colored and sprinkled with blood remained there, and 25 a sweet and pleasing scent was emitting from it. As they were thinking about these things, great astonishment and shock seized them. Some of them were saying that an evil animal ate him, others were saying that he had been stolen by Christians, and still 30 others were saying that his father and brothers took him to bury him. Being astonished at these things, each one of them went to the home of his parents with their flocks at evening time. The children revealed to their parents the story of the martyr, how they had 20

N has the plural ‘they’ here. Arabβ, however, has the singular ‘he’, and this is also found in Syrα. 37

‫‪203‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫ܐ‬

‫ܒ ܐ ܕܐ ܪܪܘ ܘ‬ ‫ܕܗܘܬ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܕܐܬ ܝ܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂܀ ܼܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܼܗܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫܂ ܒ ܘܢ ܒ ܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܒ ܼ ܐ ܗ ܐ ܪܒܐ ܘ ܒ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܕܓ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘܗܕܪܗ ܒ ܘܢ ܨܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܗ܂ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܓ ܬܗ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐܬܪ ܘ ̈‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܂ ̈ ܐ ̈ܓ ܐܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܒ ܼܒ ܐ ܕܐ ܐ܂ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܘ ܓ‬ ‫̈ܪܗ ܘܢ܂‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܐ ܬܐ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܘ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܕ ܕܥ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘܒ ܒ ܗ܂ ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܕ ܐ ܒ ܬܗ ܕ ܐ܂‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܕܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܿܗ ܢ ܒ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܒ ܪ ܗ ܂‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܘ‬ ‫ܒܗ‬ ‫ܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܐܬܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ‪:‬‬ ‫ܓ ܐ ܐ ܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܂ ܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܒ ܕ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ܂‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܘ ܓ ܗ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܼܗܘܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܕܒ ܐ ܨܒ‬ ‫ܐܚ ܼܗܘܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܗ ܐܐ‬ ‫ܘܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܗ ܂ ܬܗܪܐ ܪܒܐ ܘܪܬ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܂ ܕ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܢ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܂‬ ‫‪ 25‬ܒ ܐ ܐ ܗ܂ ܐ ܐ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܓ ܂ ܐ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܗ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫ܕܐܒ ܗܝ ܘܐ ̈ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܒ ܢ ܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܗ ܂‬ ‫ܬܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗ ܒ ܐ ܕܐܒ ܘܗܝ ܐܙ ܂ ܘܓ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܘ ] ܐܬܪ ‪ N | 9‬ܘ ܒ‬

‫])ܘ ܒ ‪ (Syrα) (Arabβ has‬ܘ ܒ ‪7‬‬ ‫‪ ̈ N‬ܗܘܢ ]‬ ‫ܗܘܢ ‪(sic) N | 18‬‬

‫‪N 58b‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

204

baptized him, the things that the child had been telling them, how they had found him killed and had buried him. After a few days, news went throughout the land that Levi the Jew had killed his son because he had 5 become a Christian. From this news and from the story of the children, the faithful have been assured that as a martyr Asher son of Levi had been killed by his father. For, when Asher is translated from Hebrew to Syriac, it means ‘wealth’. Truly, now, my friends, he 10 was wealth and the one who makes wealthy all of those who take refuge in true faith.

21 When the faithful ones38 heard the story of the children, they arose rapidly, went to that place, and saw 15 the stone colored with blood, the golden earring that had been in the ears of the holy one now affixed to the stone, and the grave empty with no corpse in it.39 All of them said, “Truly great wealth40 has been pillaged from our land, and we also have lost an expensive 20 pearl.” After a little while, they built a small sanctuary on top of the grave and set that stone in the middle of it. They inscribed on it the sign of the cross, and they wrote the following above the stone, “This is the place in which the holy martyr, the slave of God, was 25 crowned.” Then, the faithful ones began to come from everywhere to greet the holy one. All the sick, afflicted, and those who had unclean spirits were Or, ‘believers’. The Syriac is difficult here and possibly corrupt. ̈ Arabβ, however, is clear: ‫ــ ܓــ ܗ‬ ‫ــ‬ ‫ܘ ܒ ܐ‬ ‘The tomb was empty, there being no body in it’. 40 Note that this is the etymology that the text gives for the name of Asher. 38 39

‫‪205‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫ܗ ܕ ܕܐ ܘܕܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐܒ ̈ ܘܢ ܬ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ܂ ܘܕܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘܕܐ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܗܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܗܝ܀ ܘܒ ܪ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܐ ܗܘ܂ ܕ ܝ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܗܘܐ ܐܒܐ ܒ‬ ‫̈ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܒܗ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܐ܂ ܐ ܪܪܘ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܐܒܐ ܗ ܐ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܿܗ ܢ܂ ܕ ܕܐ ܐܬ‬ ‫ܓ‬ ‫ܐܒ ܗܝ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܝ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܬܪܐ‬ ‫ܪ ܐ܂‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܐ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܪܐ ܐ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܕܒ ܪܐ ܗ ܐ ܒ ܒ ܂‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܓ‬ ‫ܕܒ‬ ‫ܪ ܐ ܕ ܘܢ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕ ܪܐ܂‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ܐ ܿܗ ܢ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫‪ 21‬ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܐܙ‬ ‫ܗܒܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܨܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܐ ܗܝ܂ ܘ ܘ ܐ ܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗܘܬ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܕܗܒܐ ܿܗܝ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܗܘܬ ܒ ܿ‬ ‫ܒܐܕ ̈ ܗܝ ܕ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܘ ܐ ܕܐ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܒ ܐ ܐ܂ ܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܬܪܐ ܪܒܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܒ ܪܐ܂‬ ‫ܿ ܂ ܘܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܓ ܐ‬ ‫ܢ܂ ܐܦ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫ܒ ܗ ܐ ܙ ܪܐ‬ ‫ܕ ̈ ܐ ܐܘܒ ܂ ܘܒ ܪ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܿܗܘ܂ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܨ ܒܐ܂‬ ‫‪ 25‬ܐ ܐ ܿܗܝ܂ ܘܪ‬ ‫ܿ܂‬ ‫ܿ ܗ ܐ܂ ܗܕܐ ܕܘ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܒ‬ ‫‪4‬‬ ‫]) ܓ ‪(Arabβ has‬‬ ‫‪N | 8‬‬ ‫])‪ (Syrα‬ܐܬ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫‪β‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪(Arab has‬‬ ‫])‬ ‫‪N | 18‬‬ ‫] ܕܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫‪N | 16‬‬ ‫]ܐ‬ ‫ܬܪܐ | ‪ N‬ܐ‬ ‫ܿ ‪ N | 21‬ܒܐܕ ̈ ] ܒܐܕ ̈ ܗܝ ‪N | 19‬‬ ‫ܿ ‪ N | 25‬ܕ ̈ ܐܐ ] ܕ ̈ ܐ ‪ N1 | 23‬ܒ ܬܪܐ ]‪N2‬‬ ‫]‬ ‫]‬ ‫‪N‬‬ ‫ܿ ‪N | 26‬‬

‫‪N 59a‬‬

206

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

receiving help through his prayers, were being healed, and were returning home in great joy. The news of the healings and miracles that the holy one had performed was heard through that entire land, in Bēth ʿArbāyē, and throughout the entire East. 5

22 After more or less a year had passed, when the merchants who had found the holy one were passing through on that road, they saw the sanctuary that had 10 been built on his grave, and they went diligently to see. When they entered into the sanctuary to pray, they looked and saw the stone on which was the sign of the cross. They asked those who were nearby what was the name of this martyr, and how did his coronation come 15 about. They told them the background of the event and all of the rest of his history, from the beginning of his discipleship until the end. Those merchants rejoiced greatly, and immediately the merchants went out and told those who were nearby the things that 20 had happened at their hands: how they had taken the body of the holy one, about the sanctuary that they had built in their own land, and about the glorious deeds that the Lord was accomplishing by his hands. The faithful ones who were at the sanctuary of the 25 holy one requested and asked the merchants to bring to them a portion from the body of the holy martyr for the honor of the sanctuary that they had built in his name. After some time, their desire was fulfilled.

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫‪207‬‬

‫ܕܒ ܿ ܐܬ‬ ‫ܘ ܗ‬ ‫ܕ‬

‫ܒ ̈ ܬܗ܂‬ ‫̈ܗܘܝ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܕܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܘܗ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܘܒ‬

‫ܐ ܼܒ ܐ ܕܐ ܐ܂܀‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܬܪ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫ܕ̈ܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܘܐ ܐ܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܘܢ ̈ܪܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܐܬܪܗܘܢ ܒ ܘܬܐ ܪܒ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܐܒܐ ܕܐ ̈ ܬܐ ܘ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܐ ܿܗܘ܂ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ܂܀‬

‫‪10‬‬

‫ܐ‬

‫‪ 22‬ܘܒ ܪ ܕ ܼܒ ܙܒ ܐ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫܂ ܬܐܓ ܐ ܿܗ ܢ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܿܗܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܒܐܘܪ ܐ ܿܗܝ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܗ܂ ܘܐܙ‬ ‫ܕܒ ܼ ܐ ܼܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܓ ܗ ܕܗ ܐ܂ ܐ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܕ ܘܢ ܗܘܘ ܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܘ ܘ ܘ ܘ ܐ ܐ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܢ ܕ ܒ ܗܘܘ ܬ ܂‬ ‫ܕܨ ܒܐ܂ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܕܐ ܗ ܐ܂ ܘܕܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܐ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܼܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܗ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܬ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܕ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܪ ܐ ܕܬܘ ܗ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܼܗ ܢ‬ ‫ܿܗ ܢ ܬܐܓ ܐ ܘܬܐ ܪܒ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܿ ܢ ܕ ܒ ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܬܐܓ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܢ܂ ܕܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܒܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ܗ ܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܓ ܗ ܕ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫̈ܪܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܒܐܬܪܗܘܢ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܒܐ ܘܗܝ܂ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܐܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܗ ܢ ܕܐ ܗܘܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐܓ ܐ ܿܗ ܢ܂ ܕ ܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܘ‬ ‫‪ N‬ܘ ܐܠ ]) ܐ ܐ ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܘ ܐ‬

‫‪N | 17‬‬

‫]‬

‫ܿ ‪16‬‬

208

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

23 Then, the holy one appeared to the wife of Nastir and said to her, “You are pregnant and will give birth to a son, who will resemble my likeness in his 5 entire form, and you will call him by my name.” The woman said to him, “My lord, what is your name?” The holy one said to her, “When your husband returns in peace from the place of my upbringing, he will tell you what my name is.” Amazed by that vision, the 10 woman awoke. When her husband came, she told him all these words. Many of those who heard were in awe and praised God. When the faithful Nastir returned to his home, his wife gave birth to a son who was beautiful and fine in form. He baptized him in the 15 sanctuary of that holy one and called him by the name ʿAbd al-Masīḥ, as he had found written above his grave in the place in which he had been crowned. On that day, Nastir made a great banquet for all of his acquaintances. After this, the name of the martyr 20 began to be renowned in the entire land. Those near and far took refuge in him. All the sick and afflicted were receiving various forms of healing and help from him. The name of the Lord was being praised by all of the faithful ones on account of the slave of God 25 because of the great and amazing marvels that the Lord had done by his hands—and still does! Indeed, which speech or which mouth is able to speak the glorious deeds of the holy one! For, it is too great for us to speak about him since his glorious deeds surpass 30 speech and language. This one who gave a pure offering to Christ, a young boy only eleven years old, he did not fear threats or warnings. This one who scorned this wearisome life so that he might inherit life eternal. This one who denied family and stock and 35 considered parents and siblings to be strangers on account of the love of Christ. This radiant virgin

‫‪209‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫ܕܐ‬

‫ܓܗ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܕ ܗ ܕܗ ܐ ܗܘ ܕܒ‬ ‫ܪܓ ܗܘܢ܂‬ ‫ܒ ܪ ܙܒ ܐ ܐ‬

‫ܐ܂ ܐ‬ ‫܂ ܿܗܝ ܕ‬

‫‪5‬‬ ‫ܐ ܐܬ ܝ ܐ ܬܗ ܕ‬ ‫‪ܿ 23‬ܗܝ ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫܂ ܕܗܐ ܒ ܐ ܐ ܝ ܘ ܐ ܐ ܝ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܼ‬ ‫ܕ ܬܐ‬ ‫ܨܘ̈ܪܬܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ܁ ܕܕ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ ܂‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܕ ܂ ܘܬ‬ ‫ܿܗܝ ܐ ܬܐ܂ ܘ ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܕܗ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܝ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܐ ܕܐܬܪܒ ܂ ܗܘ ܐ ܿ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫܂ ܘ ܬܗ ܐ ܐ ܬܐ ܒ ܘܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܐܬܐ ܒ ܿ ܂‬ ‫ܐܬܬ ܬ‪ :‬ܘ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܬܕ ܘ‬ ‫̈ ܐ ܗ ܂ ܘ ܓ ܐܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ܂ ܼܗܘ ܕ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܬܗ ܒ ܐ܂ ܕ ܐܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܗ܂ ܬ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܗ ܒ‬ ‫܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܘܗ ܘ‬ ‫܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܼܒ‬ ‫ܝ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܒ ܗ ܒܐܬܪܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܪܒܐ ܒ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܕܒ ܐܬ ܂ ܘ ܼܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܝ‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܘ ܗܝ ܘ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐܬܪܐ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܚ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܂‬ ‫ܓ‬ ‫ܘ ܒܐ ܘ̈ܪ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܘܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܘܐ ̈ ܬܐ ܘ ܕ̈ܪ ܐ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܗܘܘ܂ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ ܕܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܬܐ‬ ‫ܬܕ ܬܐ ܪܘ̈ܪܒ ܐ ܘܬ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ܂‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܐ ܘܗܝ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐܘ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܓ‬

‫)‪ (sic‬ܐܖܬܪܐ ] ܐܬܪܐ ‪ N | 11‬ܐ ] ‪2‬ܐ ܝ | ‪ N‬ܐ‬ ‫]‪ N2‬ܘ‬ ‫‪ N1‬ܗܘܐ ]‪ N2‬ܗܘܘ ‪ N1 | 23‬ܘ‬

‫] ‪1‬ܐ ܝ ‪6‬‬ ‫ܝ ‪N | 18‬‬

‫‪N 59b‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

210

whose body sin did not overtake, he was not soiled by passing desires. Because of this, a sweet and pleasing scent, better than spices, emitted from his pure and holy body, and it delighted every land and city by the 5 help of his prayers. This one, more than every king who was victorious in battle, battled against paganism and Judaism, and he was victorious, triumphed, and seized the crown of endurance. Because of this, people come and gather from every region to worship him 10 and for the help of his prayers.

24 When Levi, the father of the holy one, had increased in years and reached old age, he was being consumed and tortured by an evil spirit. One day 15 when he was convulsing and was cast down, the members of his household heard him screaming and saying, “My son, Asher, my son, my son, Asher, let me not be recompensed by you as my old age deserves!”41 After a little while, his children took him and bound 20 him to that stone that was colored with the blood of the holy one. When he had been there for a few days, he received healing, and he believed in Christ and his

Alternatively, ‘…can I not be recompensed by you as my old age deserves?’ 41

‫‪211‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫ܓ‬ ‫̈ ܗܝ ܕ ܐ܂ ܪܒܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫ܕ ܒ‬ ‫ܗ܂‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܪܒ ܐ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܐ܂ ܗ ܐ ܕ ܫ ܼܗܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐܕ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܐ ܙ ܪܐ ܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܗ ܐ‬ ‫ܓ̈ ܐ ܘ‬ ‫‪ ̈ 5‬܂ ܘܐ ܕܼ‬ ‫ܬ ̈ ܐ ܕ̈ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫̈ ܐ ܗ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܒܓ ܐ ܘ ܗ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܐܪܬ܂ ܗ ܐ ܕ ܼ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܼ ܐ ܢ ܐܒ ܐ ܘ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܗ ܐ ܒ ܘ ܐ ܙܗ ܐ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܕ‬ ‫‪10‬‬ ‫ܐ ܒ ܓ ܗ܂ ܘ ܐ ܐܬ ܡ‬ ‫ܗܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܓ ܓ ܐ ܒ ̈ܪ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܗ ܐܐ‬ ‫ܗ̈ܪܘ ܂ ܿ ܐܚ ܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬܪ‬ ‫ܓ ܗ ܕ ܐ ܘ ܐ܂ ܘܗܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ ܕܪ ܐ ̈‬ ‫ܕܨ ܬܗ܂ ܗ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܒܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܒܐ‪ :‬ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܘ ܕ ܬܐ ܘܙ ܼ ܐ ܘ ܚ ܘܐ ܝ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܕܐ ܗܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܬܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܓ ܬܗ ܘ ܕܪ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܨ ܬܗ܂‬ ‫‪20‬‬

‫ܒ ̈ܐ‬ ‫‪ 24‬ܝ ܕ ܐܒ ܗܝ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܪܘ ܐ ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܬܐ܂‬ ‫ܘܐܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܂‬ ‫܂ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܗܘܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫ܐܪ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܘ ܓܓ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܘܐ ܘܐ ܂ ܒ ܝ ܐ ܒ ܝ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ܒ ̈ ܒ ܗ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܐܬ ܥ‬ ‫ܒܝ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܂ ܐܘܒ ܗܝ ܒ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܒ ܬܝ܂ ܘܒ ܪ ܙܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܬ ܿܗܝ ܐ ܐ ܕܨܒ ܐ ܗܘܬ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܂ ܘ ܗܘܐ ܬ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫‪ N‬ܒ ] ܒ ̈ ‪ N | 25‬ܘ‬

‫] ܘ ܚ ‪16‬‬

‫‪N 60a‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

212

slave. He was baptized and became a Christian, along with his children and the members of his household, in that very spring in which the holy one had been baptized because it opened up at the door of his 5 sanctuary, and it was receiving those who turn toward Christ. So, the athlete was catching to his side many with a divine net. All those who were taking refuge in his prayers were receiving inner help for their souls and outward healing for their bodies. Quickly, Christ 10 was healing those who were taking refuge in the prayers of the slave of God.

25 Then, one day, a herd of camels fled and went straight ahead into the desert. It belonged to one of 15 the wealthy Arabs of that land. When he went, sought them in the entire desert, and did not find them, he lost hope that they might be found. A thought stirred in him that he should go take refuge at the bones of the holy one. He arose and went to the sanctuary of 20 the holy one, mourning, weeping, and striking his face. When he entered the sanctuary of the holy one, he was praying and saying, “O slave of Christ and renowned martyr, if you bring back to me the camels that I have lost, I will give you as a vow one out of every ten that 25 returns to me.” When that man returned home, he42 found that all of the camels had come to his home with not even one of them being lost. When he had passed by and counted them, he rejoiced greatly at them. When he saw that they were numerous, he 30 regretted the vow that he had made, and he said to himself, “It is sufficient for the martyr to receive from them ten camels because it is not by work and toil that N has the plural ‘they’, but the singular is corrobrated by Arabβ. 42

‫‪213‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫ܐ ܘܒ ܼ ܒ ܗ܂‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܬܐ ܘܗ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܗܘ ܘܒ ̈ ܗܝ ܘܒ̈‬ ‫ܘ ܼ ܘܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܼ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܗܝ ܕܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܗ܂ ܒ ܿ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܬܪ ܐ ܕܗ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܗܘܬ܁ ܘ ܒ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܬܗ‬ ‫ܘܗ ܐ ܼܗܘ ܐܬ ܐ ܓܐܦ ܗܘܐ‬ ‫̈ܓ ܐܐ܂ ܘ ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ ܒ ܬܗ܂ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܓ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈ ܗܘܢ܂ ܘ ̈‬ ‫ܐ ܓ ܐ‬ ‫ܕ̈ܪ ܐ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܓ ܘܢ܂ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒ ܬܗ ܕ ܼܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܿ ܢ ܕ ܓ‬ ‫ܕܐ ܐ܂܂‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܐܒ ܐ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ܬܘܒ ܕ ܒ‬ ‫‪̈ 15‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒ ܒܐ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܓ ܐ ܕܬ ܘܐܙ‬ ‫̈ܐ‬ ‫̈ܐ‬ ‫ܿ ܗܘܬ ܕ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗܘ‬ ‫ܐܙܠ ܘܒ ܼ ܐ ܐ ܢ ܒ‬ ‫ܕܐܬܪܐ ܗܘ܂‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ ܢ܂‬ ‫ܒܐ ܘܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܒܐ܂‬ ‫܂ ܘܕܠ ܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ܕܬܘܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܙܠ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܕ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܕ ܐܙܠ ܓ ܣ ܒܓ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܐܒ ܘܒ ܐ ܘ ܦ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܓ ܗ‬ ‫ܐ ̈ ܗܝ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐܘ‬ ‫ܗܘܐ ܘܐ ܿ ܂‬ ‫ܓ ̈ ܐ ܕܐܒ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܐܢ‬ ‫‪25‬‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܪܐ‬ ‫܂ ܐܬܠ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܓܒ ܐ ܗܘ ܒ ܗ܂‬ ‫ܗ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܡ ܕܗ‬ ‫ܬܐ ‪7‬‬ ‫‪, which‬ܘ ‪ ] Before this word there seems to be a‬ܒ‬ ‫‪, though without the diacritic‬ܕ ‪may have been changed into a‬‬ ‫]ܒ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ̈ ] ܐ ̈ ܿ ‪ N | 15‬ܒ‬ ‫‪point | 14‬‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫]ܐ‬ ‫̈ܐ|‪N‬ܐ‬ ‫ܒ ̈ ܐ ]) ܒ ‪(Arabβ has‬‬ ‫‪N | 16‬‬ ‫̈‬ ‫]ܗ‬ ‫‪ (sic) N‬ܗ‬ ‫‪ ) | 22‬ܒ ܐ ‪N (or perhaps‬‬

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

214

he gathered them, and he certainly does not need them.” His friends and the members of his household were saying, “Man, do not do this, but give to the holy one what you promised, lest when the necessity of 5 evil43 come upon you and you immediately call upon him, he does not answer you.” The man decided not to listen to his friends, but he44 separated off and sent to the slave of God only ten camels, which he himself wanted.

10

26 The next day, when the camels went out to graze as usual, vehemently with the same impulse as before, they immediately fled and were scattered, while the servants who were shepherding them were riding 15 them. In a wild course straight ahead, they wandered so that they did not even know where they were. When they informed the owner of the camels about those things that had happened, he was greatly saddened, and his face was covered in shame. He came 20 to his friends and implored them that they go to the holy one, that they plead on his behalf about the camels that were lost, that the holy one receive from them the previous vow, and that they be surety for him for everything that the owner of the camels had This translation is based on a minor emendation of an otherwise nonsensical Syriac word. Arabβ reads ‘a time when you are in misfortune’. 44 N has the plural ‘they’, but the singular is corrobrated by Arabβ. 43

‫‪215‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫ܘܢ ܓ ̈ ܐ ܕܐܬܘ ܒ ܗ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ ܐܒ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܢ ܝ ܒ ܘܢ ܘܬܐ ܪܒ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܪܐ ܕ ܪ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܢ ܕ ̈ܓ ܐ ܂‬ ‫ܕܐ ܕ ܿ‬ ‫܂ ܿ‬ ‫ܼܗܘܐ ܒ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܘܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܒ‬ ‫ܐ ܓ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ ܢ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܘܒ ܐܘܬܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܝ܂ ܘܒ ܒ ܗ‬ ‫̈ܪ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܬ ܒ ܗ ܐ ܓܒ ܐ܂ ܐ ܐ ܗܒ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܡ ܕܐ ܘܕ ܂ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫‪ܿ 10‬ܗܘ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܗܝ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܐܬ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ ܕܒ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ ܢ‬ ‫ܼܗܘ ܕܐܢ ܓܒ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ ܕܐ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܐܐ ܫ ܘ ܪ‬ ‫ܨܒܐ܂‬ ‫ܓ ̈ ܐ ܒ ܕ܂ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܗܘ ܼ‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫‪15‬‬

‫ܓ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫‪ 26‬ܒ ܪܗ ܕ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܒ ܒ ܐ ܐ ܘܒ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܪ ܘܐܬܒ ܪܘ܂ ܘ ܼܒ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܿܗܘ‬ ‫ܘܢ܂‬ ‫ܪ ܒ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ‬ ‫ܿܗ ܢ ܕܪ‬ ‫ܒ ܐ ̈ ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫‪ 20‬ܘܒ ܗ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܕܘ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܂ ܐ ܐ ܕܐ ܐ ܬܬ ܥ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܗܘܢ ܿ‬ ‫ܕܗ ܢ ܓ ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܘ ܐܘܕ ܗܝ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ ܗܝ‬ ‫ܘܐܬ‬ ‫ܕܗܘܝ ܐܬܬ‬ ‫ܐ ܢ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܘܐܬܐ ܨ ̈ܪ‬ ‫ܒ ܬܬܐ܂‬ ‫ܼ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܒ ܢ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ܕ ܐܙ ܢ ܬ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܓ ̈ ܐ ܕܐܒ ܘ܂ ܘܕ ܒ‬ ‫ܒܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܘܗ ܢ ܘܘܢ‬ ‫ܪܐ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܼ‬ ‫])ܘܓ ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ | ‪ N‬ܐ‬ ‫ܢ]‬ ‫‪(sic) N‬‬ ‫| ‪ (sic) N‬ܐ ܐ ] ܐ ܐ ‪| 11‬‬ ‫]‬ ‫ܫ ‪(sic) N | 13‬‬ ‫]) ܠ ‪(Arabβ has‬‬ ‫ܡ ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܘ ܪ | ‪N‬‬ ‫ܘ ܪܘ ])ܐܪ‬ ‫ܒܒ ܬܬܐ ‪ ] Perhaps read‬ܒ ܬܬܐ ‪N | 24‬‬ ‫‪1‬‬

‫‪N 60b‬‬

216

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

vowed, if he would return the camels to their owner as previously. When they came to the holy one, they saw the camels gathered together, coming from every place, and surrounding the sanctuary of the holy martyr. They, however, thought that they were the 5 armies of the enemies. When they drew near to them, they recognized the marks of the camels and knew them. The people marveled and said, “Truly, the holy martyr gathered the camels, and in truth the martyr is 10 the just avenger. Because the previous vow to him had remained unfulfilled, he gathered and brought all of them to himself. Therefore, come, let us implore him to receive his according to the agreement that came about previously and to forgive the previous folly.” 15 They separated and gave him one out of ten camels, from good ones and bad ones alike, and they gave him also shepherds to shepherd the camels. When they had accomplished and completed these things carefully, they prayed before the Lord and exhorted the holy one 20 imploring and saying, “O, slave of God, receive yours and command ours to go with us.” Many other things like these, the Lord did through the holy one, and he still does even until today for those who take refuge in the true faith. Then, those camels, according to the 25 command of God and according to the will of the holy one, went to their previous owner. All who saw the marvel that had occurred praised God, who hears the voice of his slaves and does the will of those who fear him.

‫‪217‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫̈‬ ‫ܕܓ ܐ܂ ܐܢ‬ ‫ܗܘܢ‬ ‫ܡ ܕ ܪ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܕܒ‬ ‫ܗܘܢ ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ ܓ ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܓ ܐ ܗ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܐܬܘ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܕܘܟ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܘܐܬ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫‪5‬‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܒ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܕܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܐ ܢ ܕܒ ܒܒܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐܬܘܬܐ ܕܓ ܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܬܗܘܢ܆ ܐ ܘܕ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗܘܘ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܢ܂ ܘܐܬܕ ܘ ܐ ܐ ܗ ܢ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕܐ‬ ‫ܼܗܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܕܒ ܪܐ ܬܒ ܐ ܐ ܐ‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܓ ̈ ܐ܂ ܘܐ‬ ‫ܕܐܬܒ ܪ‬ ‫ܕܐ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܘܗܝ ܼܗܘ‬ ‫ܬܗ‬ ‫ܘܐ ܝ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫ܪܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܗܝ܇ ܕ‬ ‫ܬܘ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ‬ ‫܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܬ ܝ ܕܗܘܬ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܓ ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܒ‬ ‫‪ 15‬ܒ ܩ܂ ܘ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܒ ܐ܂ ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܒܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ܂‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܢ ܓ ܐ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܬܘܒ ܐܦ ̈ܪ ܬܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܬܐ܂ ܨ‬ ‫ܗ ܐ ܒܘܘ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܘܬܒ‬ ‫ܡ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫‪20‬‬ ‫ܼܒ ܐ ܕܐ ܐ܂ ܒ‬ ‫܂ ܐܘ‬ ‫ܗܝ ܘܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫܂ ܓ ܐܬܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐܙ ܢ‬ ‫ܘ ܕ‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܒܐ ܗ‬ ‫ܐ ܕܐ ܗ ܂‬ ‫ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܂ ܘܗܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕ ܪܐ܂‬ ‫ܒ ܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܓ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܓ ܐ ܗ‬ ‫‪ 25‬ܗ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܗܘܢ ܗܘ‬ ‫ܬ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ܂ ܐܙ‬ ‫ܨܒ‬ ‫ܘܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܪܬܐ‬ ‫ܕ ܘ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܘ ܘܢ ܐ‬

‫)‪ (sic‬ܕܐ ] ܪܐ ‪ N | 12‬ܕܐܬܒ‬ ‫‪ N | 18‬ܘ ܒ ])ܐ‬ ‫]‪N2‬‬

‫]) ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܕܐܬܒ ܪ ‪11‬‬ ‫ܐ ‪ (Arabβ has‬ܘ ܒ ‪N | 15‬‬ ‫‪N1‬‬

‫‪N 61a‬‬

218

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

28 The passing of the holy one, that is the coronation of the slave of God, was Friday the 25th of the month of Tamuz. May the remembrance of the 5 holy one be a blessing and his prayer a wall and a refuge for all of the faithful ones who take refuge in him and call to him in true faith. When they hear of his deeds, they will believe and praise Christ who has crowned him. In the prayers and entreaties of the slave 10 of God, the holy one and glorious and renowned martyr, and of all the holy ones, his colleagues, and by the prayers of the holy mother of God and virgin Mary, may God make us worthy of his heavenly kingdom and the bridal chamber whose rejoicings 15 never depart, amen.

Completed is the history of Mār ʿAḇdā (da-Mšiḥā) the glorious martyr. May his prayer be with us, amen.

‫‪219‬‬

‫‪SYRIAC RECENSION β‬‬

‫ܐ ܐ ܿܗܘ ܕ ܿ‬ ‫ܕܗܘܬ܂ ܒ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܕ ܼ̈ܒ ܘܗܝ ܘ ܒ ܨܒ ܐ ܕܕ ܗܝ܂‬

‫ܐ‬

‫‪28‬‬ ‫ܕ ܕ ܐ ܐܘ‬ ‫ܘܒ ܐ܂‬ ‫ܡ‬ ‫‪ 5‬ܕ ܼܒ ܐ ܕܐ ܐ ܐ ܘܗܝ‬ ‫ܐ܂ ܕܘ‬ ‫ܙ‬ ‫ܐ ܒ‬ ‫ܘ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܪܐ ܘܒ‬ ‫ܕ ܐ ܒ ܪ ܐ ܘܨ ܬܗ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘܢ‬ ‫ܬܗܘܐ‬ ‫ܓ ܐ‬ ‫ܬܐ‬ ‫ܒ‬ ‫ܒ ܂ ܘ‬ ‫ܕ ܓ‬ ‫̈ܪܘܬܗ܂‬ ‫‪ 10‬ܕ ܪܐ ܘ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܘܒ ܬܗ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܘ ܒ‬ ‫ܘܒ ̈‬ ‫ܐ ܘ ܕܐ‬ ‫ܗ ܕ ܒ ܐ ܕܐ ܐ܂‬ ‫̈ ܬܗ܂‬ ‫ܐ ܘ ܒ ܒܐ܂ ܘܕ ܘܢ ̈ ܐ‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܘܒ ̈‬ ‫ܬ ܐ ܐ ܘܒ ܘ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫ܬܗ ܕ‬ ‫‪15‬‬ ‫ܬܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ‬ ‫܂‬ ‫̈‬ ‫ܿ‬ ‫ܢ ܘܬܗ‬ ‫ܐ ܘ ܓ ܐ ܗܘ ܕ ܐ‬ ‫ܐ ܂‬

‫‪20‬‬

‫ܬ‬ ‫ܐ ܨ ܬܗ‬

‫ܐ ܕ‬ ‫ܐ‬

‫ܝ‬

‫ܼܒ ܐ‬

‫ܕܐ‬

‫‪ N‬ܕܐܢ ] ܕ ‪4‬‬

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Vidas, M. Tradition and the Formation of the Talmud (Princeton, 2014). Visotzky, B. “Three Syriac Cruxes,” JJS 52 (1991), 167–175. Vööbus, A. “Entdeckung des Briefkorpus des Dawid bar Paulos,” OC 58 (1974), 45–50. ______. The Synodicon in the West Syrian Tradition, vol. 1 (CSCO 367–368; Louvain, 1975). ______. The Canons Ascribed to Mārūtā of Maypherqaṭ and related sources (CSCO 439–440; Louvain, 1982). Vosté, J.-M. and C. Van den Eynde. Išoʿdad de Merv. Commentaire de l’Ancien Testament, I (CSCO 126; Louvain, 1950). Walker, J. Narrative and Christian Heroism in Late Antique Iraq: The Legend of Mar Qardagh the Assyrian (Berkeley, 2006). Walters, J. E. Aphrahat and the Construction of Christian Identity in Fourth-Century Persia (Ph.D. Diss., Princeton Theological Seminary, 2016). ______. “Reconsidering the Compositional Unity of Aphrahat’s Demonstrations,” in A. M. Butts and R. D. Young (eds.), Syriac Christian Culture: Beginnings to Renaissance (Washington, forthcoming). Weinberg, M. Die Geschichte Josefs angeblich verfasst von Basilius dem Grossen aus Cäsarea (Halle, 1893). Weltecke, D. Die «Beschreibung der Zeiten» von Mōr Michael dem Grossen (1126–1199). Eine Studie zu ihrem historischen und historiographiegeschichtlichen Kontext (CSCO 594; Louvain, 2003). Wexler, P. Explorations in Judeo-Slavic Linguistics (Leiden, 1987). ______. Three Heirs to a Judeo-Latin Legacy: Judeo-Iberio-Romance, Yiddish, and Rotwelsch (Wiesbaden, 1988). Whitby, M. Evagrius Scholasticus, The Ecclesiastical History (Liverpool, 2000). Wiessner, G. Zur Märtyrerüberlieferung aus der Christenverfolgung Schapurs II (Göttingen, 1967). Wilken, R. L. John Chrysostom and the Jews: Rhetoric and reality in the late 4th century (Berkeley, 1983). Williams, A. V. “Zoroastrians and Christians in Sasanian Iran,” Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 78 (1996), 37–53. Wilmshurst, D. The ecclesiastical organisation of the Church of the East, 1318–1913 (CSCO 582; Louvain, 2000).

BIBLIOGRAPHY

239

Wolter, E. Der Judenknabe. 5 griechische, 14 lateinische und 8 französische texte (Halle, 1879). Wood, P. Chronicle of Seert: Christian Historical Imagination in Late Antique Iraq (Oxford, 2013). Wortley, J. The Spiritual Meadow (CSS 139; Kalamazoo, 1992). Wright, W. Catalogue of Syriac Manuscripts in the British Museum Acquired since the Year 1838 (London, 1870–1872).

INDEX OF MODERN SCHOLARS Bedrossian, M., 36 Berghof, O., 55 Bidez, J., 47, 63 Binggeli, A., 15, 16, 20 Blake, R. P., 21 Bloch, M., 70 Boeckmuehl, M., 49 Booth, P., 66 Boustan, R., 7 Boyarin, D., 1, 3, 4, 5, 8 Brakke, D., 5 Braun, O., 32, 72, 76 Brock, S. P., xi, 13, 14, 22, 32, 35, 36, 38, 39, 75, 93, 95, 96, 97, 108, 120 Brockelmann, C., 35, 156 Brooks, E. W., 31, 36 Butts, A. M., xi, 9, 27, 32, 35, 36, 39, 52, 62, 77

A  Adelman, R., 55, 56 Adler, C., 1 Alexander, P. J., 32 Alter, R., 43 Amiaud, A., 88 Assemani, J. S., 18, 34 Assemani, S. E., 18, 34

B  Baasten, M. F. J., 27 Balicka-Witakowska, E., 41 Bar, T., 130 Bar-Asher Siegal, M., 7 Barney, S. A., 55 Barsoum, Ignatius Aphram I, 15, 32 Bartl, K., 37 Bauckham, R., 105 Baum, W., 32 Baumstark, A., 32 Beach, J. A., 55 Beck, E., 74, 75 Becker, A. H., 3, 7, 8, 39, 62, 70, 71, 76, 94, 126 Bedjan, P., ix, 14, 22, 28, 38, 39, 40, 41, 42, 84, 85, 125, 127, 144, 160, 162

C  Cameron, A., 62, 70, 71, 78 Canivet, P., 71 Carr, E., 102 Castelli, E., 2 Cereti, C., 49 Chabot, J.-B., 13, 32, 72, 76 Chadwick, H., 65 Cheikho, H. P. J., 77 241

242

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

Cohen, E., 130 Cohen, S., 52 Colson, F. H., 57 Conrad, L. I., 1, 71 Corluy, J., ix, 14, 18, 22, 35, 83, 84, 85, 108, 140, 160, 169

D  Davila, J. R., 105 Davis, S. J., 27 De Lange, N. R. M., 5 Destro, A., 46 Dilley, P. C., 36, 38 Dillmann, A., 40 Doerfler, M. E., 42 Dōlabānī, Y., 14, 15, 16 Donner, F., 30 Doran, R., 88 Draguet, R., 146 Drijvers, H. J. W., 48, 52, 71, 126 Drijvers, J. W., 32 Duffy, J., 63

E  Emerton, J. A., 61 Epstein, Y. N., 57 Eshel, B. Z., 48

F  Feldman, L. H., 47 Festugière, A.-J., 47, 63 Fiey, J.-M., 1, 3, 4, 5, 6, 14, 21, 22, 30, 31, 33, 39, 114, 138 Finkelstein, L., 58 Fisher, E., 63 Fowden, 34

Frerichs, S., 60 Frishman, J., 7, 126 Fuchs, A., 66

G  Gafni, I. M., 46 Garitte, G., 18, 20, 21, 35 Gavin, F., 61 Geyer, C. F., 96 Ghanem, J. R., 31 Gignoux, P., 140 Gil, M., 50 Ginkel, J. van, 13 Goldenberg, G., 106 Goodblatt, D., 66 Gottheil, R., 1, 5, 37 Graf, G., 18, 20, 41 Greisiger, L., 33 Gressmann, H., 40 Griffith, S. H., 102 Grillet, B., 47 Grintz, J. M., 47 Gross, S., 8, 9, 62, 70, 76 Guest, J. S., 30 Guidi, I., 47, 76 Gyselen, R., 30, 46

H  Haar Romeny, B. ter, 13 Haase, C. P., 6, 30, 50 HaCohen, E., 50 Hagedorn, A., 46 Harrak, A., 31, 32, 43, 142 Harvey, S. A., 97 Hauser, S. R., 37 Hayman, A. P., 60, 71 Heal, K., 104–105 Herman, G., 7, 8, 71 Heseltine, M., 55

INDEX OF MODERN SCHOLARS Hespel, R., 146 Higger, M., 56 Honigmann, E., 13 Horn, C., 38, 40, 43 Horovitz, H. S., 57 Horowitz, C. M., 56 Howard, G., 45, 49, 76 Hoyland, R., 30, 68, 70, 77, 78 Hübschmann, H., 36 Husselman, E. M., 41

I  Ihssen, B. L., 65 Izdebski, A., 1

J  Jacobs, A., 60 Jasiński, D., 1 Jenner, K. D., 27 Jiménez, E., 32 Johnson, S., 27 Joosten, J., 27 Juhl, D., 102 Jullien, C., 30, 140 Jullien, F., 140

K  Kalmin, R., 8, 48 Katsumata, N., 50 Katz, S. T., 46 Kawerau, P., 47, 53 Khalil Samir, S., 14 Kiperwasser, R., 7 Kiraz, G. A., xi Kitchen, R. A., 102 Kmosko, M., 2 Koltun-Fromm, N., 7, 61 Kreyenbroek, P. G., 30

243

Krueger, D., 26, 64, 68 Krusch, B., 62, 63 Kurth, G., 64

L  Labourt, J., 28, 29 Lamberigts, M., 43 Lauterbach, J. Z., 57 Lavenant, R., 14, 126 Lecker, M., 48 Leemans, J., 2 Lehto, A., 52 Lerner, J., 46 Lescot, R., 30 Levison, W., 62 Lewin, B. M., 58, 59 Lewis, W. J., 55 Lieber, A., 7 Lieberman, S., ix Lieu, J., 8, 78, 79 Lifchitz, D., 41 Lindsay, W. M., 55 Link, S. W., 104 Littmann, E., 37 Lizorkin, E., 61

M  MacDonald, M., 37 Macomber, W. F., 20 Macuch, M., 49 Magie, D., 37 Malakhi, Ts., 57 Malḥi, Y., 57 Mann, J., 58 Marcus, R., 47 Martin, D. B., 53 Mastrocinque, A., 40 McKeating, H., 5 Melamed, E. Z., 57

244

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

Migne, J. P., 65 Mioni, E., 63, 64, 65, 67, 68, 69 Molenberg, C., 126 Monferrer Sala, J. P., 33 Moosa, M., 32 Morony, M., 6, 50 Moss, C., 8 Murray, R. 122, 128 Musurillo, H., 64

N  Naeh, Sh., 7 Nau, F., 13, 37, 38, 52, 56, 64 Neusner, J., 47, 60, 61 Newman, H., 58, 59 Nissen, Th., 62, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69 Nöldeke, Th., 144

O  O’Sullivan, S., 77 Oates, D., 30, 124 Oppenheimer, A., 47, 48

P  Pahlitzsch, J., 33 Palmer, A., 15, 16, 20, 32 Papaioannou, S., 63 Parisot, I., 52 Parmentier, L., 63 Pattenden, P., 65, 66 Payne, R. E., 2 Payne Smith, R., 140 Paz, Y., 7 Peeters, P., 18, 85, 107 Penn, M. P., 33, 77, 95 Pesce, M., 46 Peursen, W. T. van, 27

Pourshariati, P., 49 Price, R. M., 64

R  Rabin, I. A., 57 Reed, A. Y., 7, 71 Reif, S. E., 61 Reinink, G. J., 32, 126 Retsö, J., 38 Rey-Coquais, J.-P., 71 Robinson, C. F., 37, 56 Roggema, B., 33 Rolfe, J. C., 30, 47 Rouët de Journel, M.-J., 65 Roukema, R., 120 Rubenstein, J., 7, 8, 49 Rubin, M., 62 Ruzer, S., 7

S  Sabbah, G., 47 Sachau, E., 41, 73 Sahner, C., 1, 4, 5, 14, 20, 69, 78 Saint-Laurent, J.-N., 39 Sarshar, H. M., 49 Scher, A., 14, 15, 146 Schmidt, M., 96 Schwartz, E., 64 Segal, J. B., 37, 47, 49, 56 Shahîd, I., 20 Shaked, S., 46 Shalem, A., 46 Sharf, A., 66 Shepardson, C., 7, 60, 77 Simon, J., 41 Simon, M., 5 Sims-Williams, N., 41 Smith, K., 2, 3, 28, 39

INDEX OF MODERN SCHOLARS Snaith, J. G., 61 Sokoloff, M., 35, 106, 156 Stanton, G., 8 Starr, J., 66 Stemberger, G., 49, 55 Stern, M., 66 Stern, S., 69 Stocks, H., 40 Stone, M., 43 Strack, H. L., 49, 55 Stratton, K., 7 Stroumsa, G., 8 Stuart, D. R., 37 Sullivan, D., 63 Sussman, Y., ix Swanson, M., 33

T  Takahashi, H., 13 Tannous, J., 16 Tauwinkl, C. F., 13 Taylor, M. S., 1, 5 Tcherikover, V. A., 66 Terpelyuk, A. A., 41 Teule, H., 13, 33 Thackeray, H. St. J., 47 Thomas, D. R., 33, 77 Thorpe, L., 64 Tolan, J., 33

U  Uhlig, S., 41

245

Van den Eynde, C., 146 Van Rompay, L., xi, 7, 27, 38, 43, 53, 77, 130, 143, 146 Versteegh, K., xi Vidas, M., 49 Visotzky, B., 51 Vööbus, A., 32, 74, 76 Vosté, J.-M., 146

W  Walker, J., 3, 33, 39 Walters, J. E., 52, 61 Watt, J. W., 32 Weinberg, M., 104 Weiss, Tz., 7 Weltecke, D., 13, 14 Wexler, P., 66 Whitaker, G. H., 57 Whitby, M., 63 Wiessner, G., 28 Wilken, R. L., 5 Williams, A. V., 89 Wilmshurst, D., 31 Wimbush, W. L., 102 Wolter, E., 62 Wood. P., 3 Wortley, J., 65 Wright, W., 12, 13, 17

Y  Young, R. D., 39, 52, 62

V  Valantasis, R., 102 Van Dam, R., 63, 64

Z  Zuckermandel, M. S., ix

INDEX OF BIBLICAL REFERENCES Exodus (cont.)

Hebrew Bible / Old Testament

13:19 14:31 15:15 20:8 20:8–11 20:13 21:5–6

Genesis 1:26 4:8 17:19 22 22:3 22:9 22:10 29:1–10 30:13 30:22 37:3 37:12 37:23–28 37:25 37:33 39:6 41 50:25

150, 151 124 150, 151 1, 34, 45 116 122 124, 125, 130 44 146 142 118 43 44, 104 136 144–145 150, 152 44, 110 44, 112

21:12 31:14 32:2 32:3 33:11 34:21 34:29–35

Leviticus 23:3 25

52 99

Numbers

Exodus 2:2 2:6 2:16–17 3:6 3:7 9:12

44, 112 154 144 44, 124 52 51 44, 54–55, 57, 58, 59, 98, 99, 100, 116 51 44, 124 58 55 44, 120, 121 52 120

16:1–33

44, 102, 150 44, 120, 121 44 44, 112 44 44

104

Deuteronomy 5:12–15 15:16–17 22:5 247

52 44, 51, 54, 98, 99, 100, 116 58

248

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

Joshua 24:32

New Testament 44, 112

Judges 6:15 13:3

44, 120, 121 150

1 Samuel 2:18 17:33 17:42

44, 120, 121 44, 120, 121 44, 120, 121

Psalms 30:3 43:4 51:18–19 69:8 144:18 151:1

108 126 92 128 142 43

Isaiah 1:2 28:16 53:7

106 100 128

Jeremiah 1:6–7

44, 120, 121

Daniel 1:17 2 3

44, 120, 121 44, 110 43, 63, 64, 67

3 9:14–15 10:10 10:19 13:52 21:9 23:32 25:1–13

120 96 112 100 92 108 112 97

Mark 1:1–11 2:18–20 6:8 11:8 11:9–10 12:26–27 12:33 13:11 16:1

120 97 112 108 108 112 92 100 144

Luke 1:26–38 3:1–22 5:33–35 9:3 12:11 16:26 20:37–38 23:46 24:2 24:3

150 120 97 112 100 128 112 130 144 147

John

Hosea 6:6

Matthew

92

1:19–37 1:29

120 108

INDEX OF BIBLICAL REFERENCES John (cont.) 3:25–30 7:37 8:33 20:1

97 154 55 144

Acts 8:23 8:36

123 92

1 Corinthians 13:12

135

2 Corinthians 3:7–18

120, 122

1 Thessalonians 4:6

158

1 Peter

Romans 5:12–21 9:33 10:11

249

108 100 100

1:19 2:6

132 100

Revelation 13:14

124

INDEX OF SUBJECTS Babylonian Talmud (cont.) b. Qid. 22b 57 b. Qid. 69b–71b 48 Baghdad, 46 Balad, 31, 148 Barnabé, Mgr., 33 Barṣawmā, Monastery of, 13 Basil of Caesarea, History of, 13 Basus and Susanna, Mēmrā on, 21–22, 36, 39, 40 Behnam and Sarah, History of, 39 Bēth ʿArbāyē, 31, 48, 148, 149 Bēth Zabdai, 31, 148 Bishārah, 15, 16, 20 Book of the Laws of the Countries, 52

A ʿAḇd Alāhā, 38 ʿAbd al-Malik, 71 ʿAḇd Ishoʿ, 38 ʿAḇd Zaḵyā, 38 ʿAbdā, 38 ʿAḇdishoʿ bar Briḵā, 32 Addai, Teaching of , 45, 49, 76 Adiabene, 47 Aleppo, 15, 20 Ammianus Marcellinus, 30, 47 Aphrahaṭ, 52–53, 61 Apocalypse of Pseudo-Methodius, see Methodius, Apocalypse of PseudoArab, 37, 55–56, 138 Arbela, Chronicle of, 47 Augustine, 120

C catholicos, 8 Church of the Forty Martyrs, 16–17 Clement, 120 Constantinople, 64, 66, 67 Ctesiphon, see SeleuciaCtesiphon Cyril of Scythopolis, 64

B Babylas, 9, 102–103 Babylonian Talmud, 7, 8, 48 b. Ber. 17b 47 b. Ket. 111a 48 b. Ned. 58b 58 b. Soṭ 12a 102 b. Qid. 22b 57 251

252

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

D Damascus, 15, 16, 33 David bar Pawlos, 32 Decretum Gelasianum, 40 Discourse on Priesthood, 71 Disputation of Sergius the Stylite Against a Jew, 71 Dome of the Rock, 71 Dura-Europos, 45

E Edessa, 47, 52 Emesa, see Ḥimṣ Ephrem, 60, 74–75, 77 Euphrates, 46, 48, 149 Evagrius Scholasticus, 63–69 exilarch, 8

F Fayyūm, 41

G Gabriel of Shigar, 31–32 Genizah, Cairo, 50, 58, 59 Glory of the Martyrs, see Gregory of Tours Gospel of the Twelve Apostles, 71 Gourgēn Arcruni, 20 Gregory of Nazianzus, History of, 13 Gregory of Tours, 62–69 Gubarlāhā and of Qazo, Martyrdom of, 39

H Ḥabur, 31, 148, 149 Ḥarqlean, 27

Ḥatra, 31 Helena, Queen, 47 Ḥimṣ, 33 Ḥomṣ, see Ḥimṣ

I ʾiḥiḏāyē, 102 Ishoʿ bar Nun, 72–73 Ishoʿdad of Merv, 146–147 Ishoʿyahb, 76 Isidore of Seville, 55 Islam, 77–78 ʿIyāḍ b. Ghanm, 30 Izates, 47

J Jacob of Edessa, 73–74 Jacob of Serugh, 42, 43, 120 Jacob of Serugh, History of, 13 al-Jazīra, 48 Jerusalem, 20, 47, 65, 71 John Chrysostom, 5, 103 John Moschos, 63, 65–66, 68 John of Ephesus, 36 John of Tella, 31 John of Tella, Life of, 13, 31 John Rufus, 64 Joseph, 13 Joseph, History of, 104–105 Josephus, 47 Judas, History of, 40 Judenknaben, Legend of, 62– 69

K Khabur, see Ḥabur Khorasan highway, 49 Khuzistan, Chronicle of, 47

INDEX OF SUBJECTS Kyriakos and his mother Julitta, History of, 40–42

M Maʿasim liḇnē Ereṣ Yisrael, 58– 59 Macarius of Alexandria, 13 magic bowl, 46 Maḥoza, 46 Maʿin, History of, 12–13 Man of God, History of, 88 Mardin, 16–17 Martyrs of Mount Berʾain, Histories of the, 38 Marutha of Maypherqaṭ, 76 Mata Mehasya, 47 Mekhilta DeRabbi Ishmael Mesekhet Nezikin, 57 Mekhilta DeRabbi Shimon Bar Yohai, 57 Melitene, 13 Methodius, Apocalypse of Pseudo-, 32–33, 71, 78 Michael I Rabo, 13, 14, 15 Mioni 12, 63–69 Monobaz II, 47 Montanus and Lucius, Passion of, 64 Mosul, 30, 31, 88

N Nahar Sura, 46 Naḥote, 49 Najran, 76 Narsai, 43, 126 Nehardea, 46 Nineveh, 30, 31, 47, 88 Nisibis, 30, 31, 47, 88, 148

253

Nisibis, School of, 8 Nissen 8, 65–69

O Old Syriac Gospels, 27 Origen, 120 Origen, 5

P Palestinian Talmud y. Yeb. 1:6 3b (col. 835) 48 y. Qid. 1:2 19d 57 y. Qid. 4:1 65c (col. 1080) 48 Palm Sunday, 126 Paul and Thecla, Acts of, 27 Peshiṭta, 27 Peter the Iberian, History of, 13 Petronius, 55 Peutinger Table, 31 Philo of Alexandria, 57 Pirqe DeRabbi Eliezer, 55–56, 58 Plerophories, see John Rufus Pumbedita, 46

Q Qardagh, History of, 39

R Rechabites, History of the, 13 Renaissance, Syriac, 13 resh galuta, see exilarch Roman Empire, 6

254

THE HISTORY OF THE ‘SLAVE OF CHRIST’

S

T

Sabas, Life of, see Cyril of Scythopolis Ṣadad, 18, 33–34, 138 Sasanian Empire, 3, 4, 36 seal, 46 Seleucia-Ctesiphon, 36, 46, 47, 49 Septimius Severus, 30 Sergius and Bacchus, Church of, 34 Shigar, 3, 4, 8, 30–33, 34, 37, 48, 50, 56, 59, 62, 67, 70, 88, 124, 148 Sifre Deuteronomy, 58 Simeon bar Ṣabbāʿē, History of, 2, 7, 12, 27–28 Simeon bar Ṣabbāʿē, Martyrdom of, 2, 7, 27–28 Simeon of Bēth Arsham, 76 Sinjār, see Shigar Ṣlibā, 13 Solomon al-Sinjārī, see Sulaymān al-Sinjārī Sozomen, 47 Spiritual Meadow, see John Moschos Sulaymān al-Sinjārī, 49–51 Sura, 46 Symeon the Holy Fool, Life of, 64 Synod of 585, 76 Synod of 676, 72 Synodicon Orientale, 32, 72, 76

Tosefta t. Baba Qama 7:5, 57 Talmud, see Babylonian Talmud or Palestinian Talmud Ṭalyā of Cyrrhus, Martyrdom of, 40, 43 Tertullian, 120 Thecla, see Paul and Thecla, Acts of Thecla, Life and Miracles of, 27 Theodore Bar Koni, 146 Tigris, 31, 46, 48 Timothy I, 77

U Umm al-Jimāl, 37

Y Yāqūt al-Hamawī, 48 Yazdgird I, 38 Yazīdī, 30 Yeshivot, 8 Yezidi, see Yazīdī

Z al-Zaʿfarān, Dayr, 15, 20 Zagros, 49 Zuqnin, Chronicle of, 32

INDEX OF MANUSCRIPTS (SYRIAC AND ARABIC) ms. Berlin, Sachau 222 41 ms. Boston, Harvard University Library, Syr. 43 41 ms. Damascus, Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate 12/17 14–16 ms. Damascus, Syriac Orthodox Patriarchate 12/18 (= D) 14–16 ms. Jerusalem, Monastery of Saint Mark 20 ms. London, British Library Add. 12,150 38 ms. London, British Library Add. 12,174 (= L) 12–16 ms. London, British Library Add. 14,599 13 ms. London, British Library Add. 14,654 40 ms. London, British Library Add. 17,267 (= N) 17 ms. London, British Library Or. 4256 41 ms. London, British Library Or. 4404 41 ms. London, Library of the Royal Asiatic Society 41 ms. Mardin, Church of the Forty Martyrs 268 (= M), 16–17 28 ms. New Haven, Yale Syriac 5 41 ms. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale 236 41 ms. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale 309 41 ms. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale 326 41 ms. Paris, Bibliothèque nationale 414 41 ms. St. Petersburg, Institute of Oriental Manuscripts, Syriac 25 41 ms. Vatican, Syr. 161 41 ms. Vatican, Syr. 199, 18–20, 34, 85 169

255