The History of the Kingdom of Basaruah and Three Unpublished Letters [Reprint 2014 ed.] 9780674429482, 9780674499430

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THE HISTORY OF THE KINGDOM OF BASARUAH

LONDON : GEOFFREY CUMBERLEGE OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS

THE

HISTORY OF

THE

Kingdom of Bafaruah, AND Three Unpublished Letters By Joseph

Morgan

Edited with an introduction by Richard Schlatter

Printed, and Sold by Harvard University Press Cambridge in Massachusetts 1946

COPYRIGHT 1 9 4 6 B Y THE PRESIDENT AND FELLOWS OF HARVARD COLLEGE

PHIS EDITION IS LIMITED TO J 2 J COPIES OF WHICH 5 0 0 COPIES ARE OFFERED FOR SALE

PRINTED B Y THE HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRINTING OFFICE CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS, U.S.A.

PREFACE H A R V A R D C O L L E G E L I B R A R Y recently purchased one of the four known copies of The History of the Kingdom of Basaruah to add to its large and growing collection of Utopian literature. The text of this edition is taken from that copy. I wish to thank Professor William A. Jackson who first brought the work to my notice. For permission to print the letters in their possession I am indebted to the American Antiquarian Society for the letter of May 28, 1722, the Historical Society of Pennsylvania for the letter of October 31, 1722, and to the Massachusetts Historical Society for the letter of December 28, 1726. The letters and the History are printed from the originals. The old long "/" has been changed to the modern "s," and the table of Scripture texts at the end of the History has been omitted; the list of the errors of the press has also been omitted and the errors themselves corrected. I am indebted to the Huntington Library for sending me a microfilm of their copy of the History and to the Librarians of the American Antiquarian Society, the Historical Society of Pennsylvania, the Massachusetts Historical Society, the New York Historical Society, the Yale Library, the Library of Congress, the Grolier Club, and to Mr. V . H. Paltsits for their prompt and helpful answers to my enquiries. The advice of Kenneth B. Murdock has been invaluable. THE

Cambridge, Massachusetts August, 1945

R. S.

CONTENTS INTRODUCTION

ι

a. The Work b. The Author c. Evidence of Authorship BIBLIOGRAPHY

23

a. References for the Life of Joseph Morgan b. Published Works of Joseph Morgan c. Letters of Joseph Morgan T H E HISTORY OF T H E KINGDOM OF BASARUAH THREE LETTERS OF JOSEPH MORGAN

a. Letter to Cotton Mather b. Letter to Cotton Mather c. Letter to Nathan Prince

29 161

INTRODUCTION

INTRODUCTION a. The

Work

IF Pilgrim's Progress is to be reckoned as one of the early examples of the English novel, then The History of the Kingdom of Basaruah 1 may well be called the first American novel. It is an allegory telling the Calvinist version of the story of man's fall and redemption and its author was obviously indebted to Bunyan whose Holy War is mentioned in the ninth chapter. Regarded simply as a work of literature, the History is a curious example, often apt in its descriptions of the quirks and paradoxes of human character, of that literary form which instructs men while pretending merely to delight their fancy. It has, like Bunyan's works, the quality of a good allegory in that the symbols hold together and make a good story by themselves while at the same time they fit neatly at all points the things symbolized. In spite of its complexities, the author manages to describe the Calvinist theology accurately in the guise of the history of a mythical kingdom, and yet that history itself makes a logical and dramatic story independently of the theology it symbolizes. The History can also be read with interest by the literary historian tracing the story of the religious allegory, studying the evolution of symbolism in modern literature, or recording the transplantation of the European literary tradition to American soil. He will see in it another example 1 "Basaruah" is a composite of Hebrew roots and is supposed to mean "flesh-spirit." The other allegorical names in the History are explained in the table at the end of the work.

4

Introduction

of that Puritan "plain style," graced with homely images, whose businesslike realism delighted middle-class congregations — a style which the preachers imagined, as the author of the History says (ch. xviii, 2), was inspired by the Holy Ghost himself. But it is, of course, as a historical document that the History reads best. Perhaps the most difficult problem in American history is to understand the Puritan mind and the wide appeal of the dour theology of Calvinism. Together with Wigglesworth's Day of Doom, the History stands as a popularization of that theology sufficiently clear and persuasive to indicate how it could be understood, and passionately believed, by large numbers of ordinary men and women. At the same time, the History, published half a century after The Day of Doom, gives us a glimpse of how the old theology was gradually being humanized, and was substituting human standards for the terrifying and irrational ukases of God's Will. For example, where Wigglesworth had insisted on the pure doctrine of infant damnation, although even he was merciful enough to assign the wretched children "the easiest room in Hell," the author of the History is content to leave it an open question whether all infants are saved or not: There was also the County of Infancy from whence his Lordship called a great many, and because these people were not able to travail, he took them up and carried them over the River, washing them in it as he went along: some think he took all that were in this County and left none; but I do not find in the records whether he did or no, and therefore in that part of m y History I shall be silent.2 2 The same opinion is expressed in Morgan's Portsmouth Disputation. On p. 11 of that work he defines at some length the word "anthropos" which appears as one of the allegorical names in the History.

Introduction

5

Likewise, the History admits the possibility that some of the heathen who had not the advantages of revelation were nevertheless saved while Wigglesworth had calmly assigned them all to Hell without exception. Also, in The Day of Doom the goats apparently far outnumber the sheep, and it was a constant reproach to the Calvinists that they usually included so small a proportion of the human race among the Elect. The History solves the difficulty by emphasizing the doctrine of the Millennium. Before the day of the Great Assize, the last Great and General Court in the Kingdom of Basaruah, the land had enjoyed for a space of a thousand years a period of Utopia when there went as many or more people over the River of Regeneration . . . than all that went to the Sulpherous Pit before that time (which must be very many indeed.) And it is rational to conclude that the great Prince undertaking to redeem a number of the people of Basaruah would perform something like himself; . . . nor is it rational to think that the mercy of the King Pantacrator would be put off with a small number out of so many (since it was his pleasure to shew mercy to any of them.) 3

The next paragraph, however, warns that some people in Basaruah anticipated the Millennium, left off striving to be numbered among the few, and were damned for their error. Finally, in Wigglesworth's Heaven the Saints enjoy equal rewards — each has his kingdom and his throne; but in the Court of the King of Basaruah, although by royal decree no man can justly claim payment according to his good works, every one of the Elect is in fact so rewarded. W h e n they were acquitted by the instance of my Lord Mercy, and with the free consent of my Lord Justice, then my Lord Grace, 8 A similar emphasis upon the doctrine of the Millennium is to be found in Morgan's Briefe History of the Country of Humanity.

6

Introduction

attorney for the prisoners, requested that since his Highness had acquitted them from all whatsoever they had been indebted to His Majesty, and thereby from all the faults and infirmities that had been in their good works, their good works might now be brought to account, and they might have a reward for free gift according to them, which was granted as part of the Covenant.

Apart from these additions, the doctrine of the History is identical with that of The Day of Doom — the traditional Covenant Theology of N e w England. 4 In that complex theological system G o d is still the incomprehensible and inscrutable force whom St. Augustine and John Calvin worshipped. His Will is, of course, the begetter of all things. Moreover, His Will is absolutely unlimited and unpredictable: man can never say that G o d will do thus and so because H e is reasonable or just or good or merciful. G o d has created the ideas of reason, justice, goodness, and mercy, but H e is not Himself bound by them. If H e were, H e would not have created an Adam and an Eve whom H e knew beforehand would disobey his commandments and earn for themselves and all their descendants eternal damnation. But such was His pleasure and, consequently, all men are totally depraved and incapable of pleasing G o d by any efforts, or good works, of their own. Equally arbitrary and irrational, from the human point of view, was His decision to save a few men from the consequences of their sin. From the beginning of time certain individuals, although they are no more deserving than the rest, have been predestined to receive the Grace of G o d and enjoy eternal happiness. All this is standard Calvinist theology and it is assumed in The History . . . of Basaruah. But the Covenant theologians 4 For the best discussion of this theology see Perry Miller, The England Mind (New York, 1939).

New

Introduction

η

had worked out some additions to it which in fact humanized and rationalized it considerably. According to the Covenant theory, God, after the Fall, voluntarily condescended to treat with man as an equal and to draw up a covenant or contract with His creature in which He laid down the terms and conditions of salvation and pledged Himself to abide by them. He promised to save all men who would perform their part of the contract. And the terms were easy — a man must have faith in God and do his best to obey the moral law; it was understood that no man would be able to follow the law perfectly, but a sincere striving to do so was sufficient. Further, it was understood that men would never deserve salvation because of their obedience to the law, but their obedience did serve as an evidence of their faith, and G o d required it as a part of the agreement to be fulfilled. Thus any man who believed and who lived a tolerably good life could be assured that he was one of the Elect, could, in fact, demand salvation under the terms of the contract. The conditions were so reasonable and just that anyone who refused to fulfill them was rightly damned, even according to human conceptions of reason and justice. Nevertheless, the theologians argued, men were still predestined: no man ever fulfilled the terms of the contract unless God gave him Grace; but on the other hand, the man who rejected such easy terms could not blame God. If we dwell longer on the meaning of the Covenant Theology, we shall be overtaken by the fate of the poor Calvinist described by Gerrard Winstanley: "He strives and stretches his brains to find out the depth of that doctrine and cannot attain to it; for indeed it is not knowledg,

8

Introduction

but imagination: and so by poring and puzling himself in it, [he] loses that wisdom he had, and becomes distracted and mad." But for the theologian the Covenant theory was useful because it enabled him to hold fast to Calvin's doctrines of God's incomprehensibility, the total depravity of man, and predestination, and at the same time make the drama of salvation and damnation seem reasonable and just, judged by human standards. The Covenant Theology could easily be fitted into an allegory where the covenants became social contracts — indeed, historically the two were inextricably intertwined and most Puritans argued the necessity of both of them. T o be sure, the charters of Basaruah were not pure social contracts, although the second one was drawn up and ratified by the King and by the Prince as the representative of the people. They were rather charters of liberty granted by the monarch — one of them was called the "Magna Charta" of Basaruah. But they did enact into law a just and reasonable relationship of rights and duties between the King and his subjects; they defined the rights of the people of Basaruah just as the royal charters of England defined the rights of Englishmen. But the people of Basaruah had this advantage over Englishmen: their King would never attempt to withdraw his charters, and it was impossible to conceive that he would not perform to the last jot and tittle all the good things he had promised in them. Calvin, himself a lawyer, had started the practice of describing man's relation to God in legal terms. New England divines had discovered that the lawyer's notions of contracts helped them to explain difficult doctrines like predestination and had invented the Covenant Theology. The author

Introduction

9

of the History turned God's Covenant with man into Magna Charta, dear to the hearts of all Englishmen, and produced one of the most persuasive accounts of Calvinist doctrine in all Puritan literature.5 Perhaps the best chapter of the History for the historian is that which tells the story of heresy. The Puritans were painfully conscious of two particular bypaths which branched off in the direction of Hell from the straight and narrow path of Calvinism. The one on the right hand was chosen by Arminians — men who put their trust in good works and thought to earn salvation by their own efforts; the one on the left was followed by Antinomians — men who rightly trusted in salvation by faith, but who failed to honor the old law, even in some cases expressly breaking the Ten Commandments to show that these rules of the First Covenant no longer were binding on the Elect. The one turned out to the right hand, to go the old High Road, and the other to the left hand to take their fill of wild fruits, nay, some run to that degree as to think they did not prove their full reliance on the King's Son alone for the King's favour, except they openly went contrary to the duties enjoined by the first Charter.

Another thorn in the Puritan's flesh was those men who objected that if good works were not rewarded "then it was to no purpose to strive, for they could not alter the King's Covenant, and knew not whether they were in it or no, and if their endeavours were not worth regarding, they were not worth using; and they supposed them wronged who were passed by." The answer to these men is the essence of the Covenant Theology: "though their endeavE Identical views of the covenants and predestination are to be found in Morgan's Letter to the Authors; Only Effectual Remedy; Sin its own Punishment; and Love to our Neighbour.

ΙΟ

Introduction

ors did not deserve it, and could not be the cause, yet they were a sure token to which the King had given his promise . . . and that as the first Charter was made up of pure justice, so the second was mere Grace and by consequence it might without wrong be denied. . . ." Thus one by one the historic heresies of Christendom, as seen through Puritan eyes, are described and refuted so that the dullest wits in America, and incidentally the historian of two centuries later, could not fail to understand the reasonableness and common sense of Puritan orthodoxy.6 Finally, for the modern reader the chapter on religious persecution presents a sound statement of what are still the best arguments for toleration and shows how easily the Puritan could adjust his thinking to the new policy begun by the Toleration Act only twenty-five years before the History was published. Among other things, the author shrewdly comments that religious indifference on the one hand and on the other the conception of religion as a personal experience of the individual were the real sources of the new policy. I observed t w o sorts of people w h o were very easy to those of other persuasions . . . the one . . . thought that all men w h o did but observe those f e w things which were in their L a w Book plain to be read would well enough travel to the Celestial Country; . . . and if they saw people walk contrary to those f e w things, they did not much care. T h e other sort were such as had crossed the River, and . . . they knew the nature of it, b y experience, to be such that none could go over it against their will, and therefore would use no other force than arguments.

The effect of this straightforward defense of religious β Some of these same heresies are described in other works of Morgan, particularly, The Only Effectual Remedy; Sin its own Punishment; and the letters printed below.

Introduction

II

liberty is, perhaps a little blunted by the next paragraph which relates that the regenerated citizens of Basaruah had no objection to the use of blue laws to restrain their unregenerate brethren. But modern Americans can make no objection to the principle which justifies their own blue laws and gives them the right to stop the sale of the forbidden fruits in the stores of modern Boston. In fact, in more than one way The History of the Kingdom of Basaruah helps us to understand why we are what we are, and shows us the forgotten assumptions which still motivate many of our actions. As one more document in the history of the American mind it deserves to be remembered by the historian; and it can also instruct, and even amuse, the general reader. b. The Author Joseph Morgan, the author of The History of the Kingdom of Basaruah was a third-generation American. His grandfather, James Morgan, came to Massachusetts Bay from Wales in 1636. Sometime before 1650 he moved to New London, Connecticut, where he was a prosperous settler and several times a member of the General Court. The father of the author, Lieutenant Joseph, was born in 1646. In 1671 he married Dorothy Parke and settled on a farm in Preston, Connecticut, were he lived until his death in 1704. His son, Joseph, was born in Preston on November 6, 1671. Of his education nothing is known. He did not go to either Harvard or Yale and one of his letters states that he never crossed the ocean, so that we may assume he was

12

Introduction

never at college. His works give evidence that he had a working knowledge of Latin and some acquaintance with Hebrew and Greek; and, of course, he knew the Bible. However he acquired them, his educational attainments satisfied the Association of Congregational Ministers of Fairfield County, Connecticut, for they ordained him in 1696 and he became the minister at Greenwich in that year; in Cotton Mather's Magnalia (Bk. I, ch. vii) "Mr. Morgan" is listed as the minister of the Greenwich Church. About 1700 he was settled in Westchester County, New York, where he supplied a number of churches including those at Bedford, East Chester, and Westchester. The Royal Governor of New York, Lord Cornbury, had no liking for nonconformists and was determined to keep their ministers out of the colony. In Westchester County he had the support of the local magnate, Colonel Heathcote of Scarsdale Manor, and Morgan soon found himself in trouble. Cornbury and Heathcote maintained that church buildings paid for by a general tax belonged to the Church of England — the only Church in New York which had the right to raise money by taxation. Morgan and his parishioners replied that they were ready to come under the regulation of the Church of England; according to a favorite Puritan theory they could logically claim that they had always been members of that Church. Heathcote took this to mean that Morgan was ready to conform, and that he would go to England and get himself properly ordained by a bishop. Whatever the facts were, Morgan did not conform. Colonel Heathcote imported the Rev. John Bartow from England and installed him in the churches of Westchester County. When Bartow came on a Sunday

Introduction

13

morning to Morgan's church in East Chester he found Morgan had already begun the service. Bartow waited until the afternoon and then conducted another service himself. In the end Morgan lost. Perhaps his parishioners did not support him in his battle, for when Madam Knight journeyed through this region in 1704 she noted that the people were "a poor and quarrelsome crew . . . their quarrelling about their choice of minister, they chose to have none — but caused the government to send this gentleman [Bartow] to them." Morgan returned to Greenwich where he stayed from 1704 until 1708. While preaching at Greenwich he obtained from the town permission to build and operate a grist mill. In 1708 his parishioners complained that he was living and working at the mill and neglecting his ministry. When he refused to return to the parsonage in town he was dismissed. A few months later he was living in Freehold, New Jersey, preaching in the Presbyterian church there. He remained in Freehold for the next twenty years, the most fruitful years of his life, during which he produced at least ten of his published works, including The History of the Kingdom of Basaruah. Here his children grew up and were instructed by their father, the oldest son, Joseph Jr., learning enough to be admitted to Yale from which he was graduated in 1723. Morgan himself had been granted an honorary M.A. by Yale in 1719. The New Jersey churches which Morgan served were Presbyterian and, accordingly, he applied for admission to the Presbytery of Philadelphia in 1710. He was admitted and the minutes prove that he took an active part in the business of the Presbytery and Synod. As a Congrega-

14

Introduction

tionalist he would have had no difficulty adapting himself to the Presbyterian system since the Presbytery and Synod of Philadelphia made no attempt to impose any rigid discipline or doctrine upon their member churches. But in 1721 a proposal was made in the Synod to centralize authority and enforce uniformity of discipline and doctrine. A group of ministers led by Jonathan Dickinson,7 whose ordination sermon Morgan had preached, were not in favor of the proposal. Morgan joined with them in making a formal Protestation against Synods and Presbyteries imposing rules on individual congregations. The matter was compromised then, but in 1729 a new move was made in the Philadelphia Synod to require all ministers to subscribe to the Westminster Confession of Faith. Morgan again joined with the opponents of centralized authority in forcing another compromise decision. Ministers were required to subscribe only to the "essentials" of the Confession and these were left indefinite; the power of civil and ecclesiastical governments to enforce religious uniformity was denied — in short, the principle of toleration was affirmed; and finally, members of the Synod were to follow the Westminster Directory of Worship only so far "as circumstances will allow, and Christian prudence direct." Meanwhile Morgan had served as chairman of a committee to deal with the Rev. John Walton, suspended "for his lustful carriage to some young women," and had taken part in the settling of the dispute in the New York Church where a part of the congregation had split off in 1722 and ' F o r Dickinson, the first president of Princeton, see the Dictionary of American Biography. The History of . . . Basaruah refers (ch. xi, xi, 22) to quarrels in the churches over the principle of centralized authority.

Introduction

15

set up a separate meeting with the young Jonathan Edwards as their minister. Six years after his committee had condemned Walton, Morgan himself was charged by his parishioners at Freehold with several sinful acts including practicing astrology,8 engaging in promiscuous dancing, and drunkenness. The Synod judged that he was not a believer in astrology but that his astrological experiments were reprehensible; that he was not guilty of promiscuous dancing; and that the evidence of his intemperance was insufficient. According to the judgment of the Synod, Morgan's parishioners were captious and querulous, and it is not surprising that, although he was cleared of the charges against him, he found it expedient to accept a call to the church at Hopewell, New Jersey. His name occurs frequently in the records of the Synod thereafter; he attended the annual meetings in Philadelphia and took an active part in the conduct of business. But in 1736 he was again accused, this time by his congregation at Hopewell, of intemperance. The evidence was now sufficient and the Synod suspended him from his duties and appointed a committee to judge of his repentance. In 1738 the committee reported that Morgan denied the obvious facts, that new evidence of his continued addiction to drink had been presented, and that he was not at all penitent. His suspension was continued until the next year when he apparently confessed his sin and was reinstated. In 1740 he was present for the last time at the meeting of the Synod in Philadelphia; after that date his name no longer 8 The History of . . . Basaruah has a reference to a popular magical theory of natural phenomena (ch. xix, 10).

16

Introduction

appears in the records and he had, presumably, retired from the ministry. In September, 1745, he was still living in Hopewell, but after that his name disappears from the historical record and both the date of his death and the place of his burial are unknown. If we add to these scattered records Morgan's own letters and publications we can draw the picture of the man with some fidelity. His life was not unlike that of dozens of frontier preachers in New England and the Middle Colonies at the beginning of the eighteenth century. Puritan congregations were hard to please and Morgan's difficulties with his flocks at Greenwich, Freehold, and Hopewell were typical of the minister's relation to his congregation; even his being publicly accused of sinning was, of course, nothing extraordinary. Accusations of that kind were common enough not, as William Bradford said a century before, because Puritan communities had more sinners than others, but because sinners "are here more discovered and seen, and made public by due search, inquisition, and due punishment; for the churches look narrowly to their members." His writings reveal that Morgan was constantly worried by his poverty and that he was acutely aware that thirdgeneration Americans were not so eager to pay for a learned and godly ministry as their grandfathers had been, especially in backwoods N e w Jersey, which was, of course, poor compared to the older New England settlements.9 He continually laments that his business affairs, carried on to supplement his salary of £30 or £40 a year, force him to neglect his work as a minister; his boys must work on the ' I n The Duty, and a Mark and the History, ch. xi, IJ, he defended, against the arguments of his Quaker neighbors, the right of the minister to be supported by his church.

Introduction

17

parsonage farm and have only the short winter evenings to study Latin; he himself has no books and his Latin, Greek, and Hebrew are being forgotten. But he did cling to the ideal of an educated ministry and in spite of the difficulties he did manage to attain something of that ideal. T h e mere fact that he published a dozen literate and serious works and wrote several more, including a Latin treatise on physics, places him in the great tradition of Puritan ministers who kept alive the fires of literature in the midst of the wilderness. W e today may not read their works but that we can read at all is owing in part to their tenacious refusal to let civilized standards slip away even in the forests of the frontier. Sometimes, as we might expect, Morgan's zeal for the advancement of religion was indistinguishable from zeal to advance himself. His correspondence with Cotton Mather shows him cultivating good relations with the powers that be. He began it by writing a number of letters which Mather did not trouble to answer. Finally Morgan decided to blast out a reply and wrote the letter of May 28, 1722 (printed below). This was a sufficient jolt to cause Mather to respond, apologize, and send a gift of books. Morgan did not neglect his opportunity. His answer (printed below) was humble in tone and announced that he was sending a manuscript. H e asked Mather to write a preface for it, arrange f o r its publication, and persuade the printer to send him some copies on credit. Perhaps Mather did not reply; in any case when the manuscript was printed three years later, it was issued in N e w London, not in Boston, and there was no preface by Mather. Morgan's scientific endeavors were apparently motivated

ι8

Introduction

by the same dual purpose — the desire to increase knowledge and the desire to advance himself. In 1714 he wrote to the Governors at Boston and New York and to the Lord Commissioners for Trade and Plantations to inform them that he had invented a rowing machine to replace sails on small ocean-going vessels. He remarked that he was anxious to sell his machine as he had no money and a large family. Thirty years later, at the age of 74, he was still peddling his invention. In 1745 he wrote to Peter Warren, "Commodore of His Majesties Warships about North America," that his device would help the Navy observe the movements of the French and would also be useful in searching for the Northwest Passage. This letter included a scheme for ascertaining longitude at sea which he had previously sent to Yale; the College had not replied and Morgan was afraid someone would take his plan to England and receive the Parliamentary reward. In concluding he mentioned that he had invented a number of things, including a wagon driven by wind. Not content with invention, Morgan applied himself as well to the more difficult study of pure science. In August, 1726, he wrote a letter to Thomas Prince of Boston; he was anxious to learn what Nathan Prince, brother of Thomas and Fellow of Harvard College, thought of the "Manuscript of Physicks" which Morgan had sent him previously. W e can be reasonably sure that the manuscript, a Latin treatise expounding Morgan's theory of physics, was no great contribution to modern science. In any case, when Prince replied his comments were apparently unfavorable. Morgan's reply (printed below) is partly a defense of his ideas and partly an admission that he was not acquainted with the

Introduction

19

most recent literature, particularly that of Sir Isaac Newton. But the bulk of his letter is an attack on Prince for upholding scientific hypotheses which lead to heresy in religion. Altogether this letter is a classic expression of conflict between orthodox Calvinism and the rational science and philosophy of the eighteenth century. And it shows Morgan at his best as an expositor of orthodox theology at the popular level. There are few clearer statements of the doctrine, so important for the metaphysics, ethics, and politics of Calvinism, that God's will is the origin and measure of all thought and existence. Most of Morgan's published works are good, but more or less run-of-the-mill, popularizations of the orthodox theology. He defended and explained infant baptism, predestination, the total depravity of man, the Covenant of Faith, and the Protestant ethic of wealth and its use. But once in his life he surpassed himself and in The History of the Kingdom of Basaruah produced the best allegory written in colonial America, or even in America before the days of Hawthorne and Melville. c. Evidence of Authorship The evidence that Morgan was the author of the History is indirect. William Bradford had printed two of Morgan's works in the three years before 1715 when the History was published and a glance at Morgan's bibliography shows that in all other cases he worked with only one publisher at a time, Bradford first, then Green at New London, thirdly Samuel Gerrish at Boston, and finally Benjamin Franklin in Philadelphia. If Morgan were the author, we should expect Bradford to be the publisher. Moreover, in the period from

20

Introduction

17 ίο to 1720 Bradford was not publishing for any other author to whom the History can be attributed. In 1728 Morgan published a pamphlet called Α Briefe History of the Country of Humanity, which, as its title implies, is a shortened version of the earlier History. The Briefe History is a garbled and hasty work, and in introducing new episodes and compressing the whole Morgan ruined the allegory; but the book is still easily recognized as a copy, both as to content and style, of the earlier work. Morgan did not attempt to conceal this fact: the author of the History had referred to Bunyan's Holy War; the Briefe History concludes with the words, "They who desire further information in the affairs of this country may read the Book entitled The Holy War. And likewise The History of the Kingdom of Basaruah." Morgan signed the Briefe History with an easily decipherable anagram; if he had been copying any other work than his own it is unlikely that he would have signed the copy and referred the reader to the original. W h y Morgan should have copied his own work at all we do not know. Apparently Andrew Bradford had intended to reissue the History in 1724 but so far as is known he did not do so; perhaps Gerrish in Boston asked Morgan to rewrite it in shorter form for him. Morgan's other writings are sufficiently repetitious to prove that he had no objection to printing his own ideas several times over. W h y he had concealed his authorship of the History in the first place we can only guess; perhaps the dour Scots of Freehold who were so ready to suspect their minister of promiscuous dancing and misuse of alcohol would have thought the History frivolous; perhaps Morgan was afraid that the orthodoxy of some of his doctrines might be called in question.

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21

In the preface, " T o the Reader," the author of the History states that he was sent to Basaruah by the King — in short was born — in 1761. This date is almost certainly a misprint for 1671: in the Huntington Library copy the correction has been made in the margin. 1671 was the birth year of Joseph Morgan. The strongest evidence for assigning the History to Morgan is the similarity between its ideas and their expression and those found in the rest of his writings. Throughout his career he confined himself to defending three or four of the major doctrines of Calvinism against the criticisms of Arminians and Antinomians; in practical affairs, he was a defender of the principle of toleration and of the right of ministers to be suitably supported by their congregations. The History of the Kingdom of Basaruah emphasizes the same concerns and defends them with the same arguments that Morgan used in his other writings. The similarities are, I believe, more than sufficient to prove that he was the author of the History.10 10 1 have made references in the footnotes above to some of the passages of the History which can be matched in Morgan's other writings. The Catalogue of Books printed by William Bradford, Grolier Club, New York, 1893, states that "the author of 'this very curious allegory' is supposed to be the Rev. Joseph Morgan. It was very popular in the colonies, and was several times reprinted." The Librarian of the Grolier Club, Mr. George L. McKay, has very kindly informed me that C. R. Hildeburn was probably the author of the Catalogue, but that the Club has no record of his evidence for these statements.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

BIBLIOGRAPHY a. References for the Life of Joseph Morgan C. A. Briggs, American Presbyterianism (New York, 1885). Nelson R. Burr, "Religious History of New Jersey," Proceedings of the New Jersey Historical Society, 56 (1938). Catalogue of the Officers and Graduates of Yale University (Niw Haven, 1924). F. B. Dexter, Documentary History of Yale University (New Haven, J916). F. B. Dexter, Biographical Sketches of the Graduates of Yale College, vol. I (New York, 1885). Ecclesiastical Records of the State of New York, vols. Ill and IV (Albany, 1901-1916). John Hall, History of the Presbyterian Church in Trenton, N. J. (New York, 1859). Inventory of the Church Archives of New Jersey. Presbyterians. The New Jersey Historical Records Survey Project (Newark, 1940).

Daniel M. Mead, A History of the Town of Greenwich (New York, 1857). Ν. H. Morgan, A History of James Morgan of New London, Connecticut, and his descendants (Hartford, 1869). Records of the Presbyterian Church in the United States (Philadelphia, n.d.). F. R. Symmes, History of the Old Tennent Church (Cranbury, N. J., 1904). Richard Webster, A History of the Presbyterian Church in America (Philadelphia, 1857). F. L. Weis, The Colonial Clergy and the Colonial Churches of New England (Lancaster, Massachusetts, 1936). F. L. Weis, The Colonial Churches and the Colonial Clergy of the Middle and Southern Colonies (Lancaster, Massachusetts, 1938).

26

Bibliography b. Published Works of Joseph Morgan

The Great Concernment of Gospel Ordinances Manifested . . . Sermon at the Ordination of Jonathan Dickenson . . . By Joseph Morgan, A.M. (New York: William and Andrew Bradford, 1712). The Portsmouth Disputation Examined, Being a brief Answer to the Arguments used by the Anti-Paedo-Baptists in Dr. Russel's Narrative of the Disputation held at Portsmouth, between some Baptist and Presbyterian ministers. By Joseph Morgan. (New York: William Bradford, 1713). The History of the Kingdom of Basaruah . . . By a Traveller in Basaruah. Printed, and Sold by the Booksellers in Boston, ιηι j. (C. R. Hildeburn, the authority on Bradford imprints, was the first to point out that this volume was published in New York by Bradford; see his List of the Issues of the Press in New York, Philadelphia, 1889, and Catalogue of Books Printed by William Bradford, New York, 1893. Hildeburn also found the History in a list of "Books Printed and Sold by Andrew Bradford" in heed's Almanac for 1724, but no one has found a copy of this edition which may never have been printed.) The Duty, and a Mark of Zion's Children. A Discourse at Freehold in New-Jersey, Upon the Sorrowful Occasion of the Death of the Young and very Hopeful Joseph Morgan, of Yale Coll. B.A. . . . his Father Entertained a Mourning Auditory . . . (New London: T . Green, 1723). A Letter to the Authors of a Discourse, Entituled, Some short Observations made on the Presbyterian-Doctrine, of Election and Reprobation. By Joseph Morgan (New London: T . Green, 1724). The Only Effectual Remedy against Mortal Errors . . . By Joseph Morgan A.D.M. (New London: T . Green, 1725). Love to our Neighbour Recommended . . . A Sermon . . . By Joseph Morgan, A.M. (New London: T. Green, 1727). Reprinted by John Green, New London and Boston, 1749. The Nature and Original of Sin Explained . . . A Sermon . . . By Joseph Morgan, M.A. (New London: T . Green, 1727). Sin its own Punishment . . . A Discourse . . . Being a continuation of, the Nature and Original of Sin explained. Which was

Bibliography

27

. . . a continuation of, the Remedy against mortal Errors. By Joseph Morgan, A.M. (Printed by Gamaliel Rogers for Samuel Gerrish, Boston, 1728). Α Briefe History of the Country of Humanity (Printed for Samuel Gerrish, Boston, 1728). (The name of the author is given by an anagram on p. ii: "In Hopes go arm.") The Nature of Riches . . . By Joseph Morgan (Philadelphia: B. Franklin, 1732). The Temporal Interest of North America . . . Being a continuation of The Nature of Riches. By a Lover of his Country (Philadelphia: B. Franklin, 1733). (I have not seen a copy of this work. It is listed under Morgan's name by Charles Evans in vol. II of his American Bibliography. The fact that Morgan did not put his name to it may indicate that it was a continuation of his previous work by some other person.) The General Cause of all Hurtful Mistakes . . . A Sermon . . . Anno. Π39- By Joseph Morgan, A.M. (Philadelphia: B. Franklin, 1741). (Evans, American Bibliography, lists a reprint by T . Green, New London, 1741.) c. Letters of Joseph

Morgan

T o the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, dated from Freehold, N . J., August 5, 1714. T o the Lords Commissioners for Trade and Plantations, dated from Freehold, N . J., August 28, 1714. (These two letters are printed in Archives of the State of New Jersey. First Series, vol. IV, Newark, 1882, pp. 190-195.) T o the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts, London, dated from Freehold, N . J., March 23, 1718. Printed in C. A. Briggs, American Presbyterianism, New York, 1885, pp. lxi-lxiv. Latin letter to Cotton Mather, dated from Freehold, N . J., September, 1721. Printed in the Presbyterian Magazine, November, 1857, Philadelphia, pp. 508-511. T o Cotton Mather, dated from Freehold, N . J., May 28, 1722. In the Library of the American Antiquarian Society. Printed below.

28

Bibliography

T o Cotton Mather, dated from Freehold, N. J., October 31, 1722. In the Library of the American Antiquarian Society. Printed below. T o Thomas Prince, Boston, dated from Freehold, N. J., August 16, 1726. In the Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society. T o Nathan Prince, Cambridge, dated from Freehold, N. J., December 28, 1726. In the Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society. Printed below. To Peter Warren, Commodore of His Majesties War Ships about North America, dated from Hopewell, N. J., September 10, 1745. In the Library of the Massachusetts Historical Society.

THE HISTORY OF THE KINGDOM OF BASARUAH

THE

HISTORY OF

THE

Kingdom of Basaruah, CONTAINING A Relation of the most Memorable Transactions, Revolutions and Heroick Exploits in that Kingdom, from the first Foundation thereof unto this present time. Collected from the most Antient Records of that Country, and Translated into our Language, not only for Delight, but for the abundant Instruction that may be learned there-from, in these Remote Parts. Written in Discharge of the Trust reposed in the Author by his Majesty, for the Discovery of Foreign things. By a Traveller in Basaruah. Printed, and Sold by the Book-sellers in Boston, 1715.

To the Reader. Kind Country-men; T having pleased our Gracious King (in the year of our Redemption, 1761.) 1 to send me into that part of the Land of Basaruah which lies toward the North of America, in order to transact for his Majesty in some of his important Affairs in that Country, I had not been long there before I began to learn their Language, and to be acquainted with the manner of the Country, and the Behaviour of the People. And, in Truth, all things were new to me, I had never seen nor heard the like before; and especially the Government was managed with such a wonder of Wisdom, that I am sure the Wisest States - Man upon Earth may learn by it how to do Justice, and yet extend Mercy, and also promote the Publick Good in the self-same Act, and that in the most Cretical Cases, and all abundantly to his own Honour and Advantage, and the Good of every person concerned in it.

I

The manner how People get their Living is admirable, and how some grow very Rich in a poor barren Country, & all by honest dealing; the Knowledge whereof will be of such inestimable advantage, that I thought I could not be just to my Country-men, except I should impart in our own Language. The Government is purely Monarchical, and the King rules by an indisputable Right, derived from the first Foundation of the Country; and he is a Person of such un1

Probably a misprint for 1671.

[34] parallel'd Wisdom, Justice and Clemency, that no other form of Government can be so happy for the people under so good a Prince; and yet he has many unhappy Rebellious Subjects, Concerning whom we shall hear Wonders in the ensuing History. It pleased our gracious King to send me to lodge in a Family who were steady hearers of the Kings Orders, for which I have to honour his Name with the greatest Thankfulness, and so have all they which get the Reading of this History; for thereby I not only learned to escape from a terrible Snare which is in that Country, but also got the perusal of the Records of the Country, whereby I not only knew the meaning and reason of many things which I saw with my eyes, but also became capable to write a History of the Country. And now, Beloved Country-men, In discharge of the Trust reposed in me by his Majesty, for the good of his Subjects [in learning Forreign Things] I have carefully drawn up this History from the most authentick Records in all Basaruah [even those that were written and kept by the Kings order] and having been my self an Eye-witness to all the Passages which are of late Date, I thereby see the Reason of what I find in the Records; and I have been very careful to write nothing but what I see and understand, and know to be true, and also find in the publick Records of the Country; in which I do little more than Translate it into our vulgar Tongue, except some things of later Date. T o conclude, Reader, I am sure, that if thou wilt Read and mind well what is here written, it will a thousand times compensate thy Trouble.

[35]

The History of the Kingdom of Basaruah. CHAP.

I.

Relating the Scituation and first Settlement of the Country. He Country of Basaruah was first planted at the time when Antropos first settled Oicoumene, soon after Pneumata settled in the Ouranoi in antient times, & soon after the Behemoths were brought into Erets, and the Ophs into Rakia, and the Dagims into Ha-jam·, so that it is almost as Antient a Country as any in those parts of the World. The People are descended from Antropos, who dwelt in Oicoumene. 2 The Name of the Country, according to Constitution of the Inhabitants, in distinction from other People, is Ruahubasar, or Basaruah. 3 Their next Neighbours, viz. the People of the other Provinces of Oicoumene, the Behemoths, the Ophs and the Dagims were Tributary to them. 4. The Country of Oicoumene, wherein lies that of Basaruah, is a part of the great Empire of Colbariah. But the Names of these Countries, I presume, have not been much heard of by the People in these parts. 5. Their King is the great Pantocrator, call'd also Elshadai, Emperor of Colbariah·, and it is no dimunition to

Τ

[36] the greatest King upon Earth, to say, that he has not his Peer in all the World, for glorious Majesty and Power, for Wisdom, Justice and Mercy, Impartiality and making his Subjects happy. 6. N o w among all the Kingdoms & Countries over which he reigns, to the great happiness of all his loyal Subjects, that of Basaruah is one wherein he takes delight, and has signaliz'd his Favour to them, in such a manner, that it has fill'd such parts of his Dominions as have heard of it, with admiration. 7. He gives most wholsom Laws to all the Kingdoms in his Dominions, according to the Constitution of the People; but his Dominions are so very large, that we know little of his Acts in other Countries, except in Basaruah, and the Countries adjacent. 8. This Country of Basaruah was first settled in that part of it, called, The Country of Pleasure, or The pleasant Country·, its a very delightful place, where there was want of nothing needful for Man. It lay in the sight of the Kings Palace, where they might always have free access to his Majesty with their Petitions at any time, and have an answer to their Satisfaction; nor was the sight of the Kings Palace the only thing that contributed to the pleasantness and happiness of the Country. For, 9. The King gave them a Charter full of excellent Priviledges and Immunities, whereby they might freely improve all the good things of the Country to their own use and delight, except some few, which the King reserved for an Acknowledgment to himself, and were his settled Revenue, which the Law forbid them to meddle with, neither had they any need to do it, having sufficiency beside; for the

[37] Laws were so excellently made, that it was rather a Priviledge than a Burthen to pay the King his Dues; and the King had a sufficient Revenue, and had no need to oppress his Subjects, neither would he, nor did he ever do it in the least. 10. The Interest of the King and People was so interwoven, that the advantage of the one, was always the advantage of the other; and the more faithful a man was to the King, the better it was for himself. 11. Now by the way we must note, That the King had a certain Income, as an Acknowledgement, out of every Country, and that of the Kind which that Country did produce, & if any part was wanting, the King's fixed Revenue was not compleat, but the Acknowledgment due to him denyed, which was an evil not to be suffered, to the Dishonour of the King, and the Damage of his loyal Subjects, whose Interest and the Kings could not be separated. 12. It was noted of this King above all others, that he never did any thing but what was needful, and never left any needful thing undone; so that if any part of his Revenue was broke, it could not consist with his Wisdom to leave it so to remain. But to return. 13. Another Priviledge granted by Charter, was, That they might travel along the Kings High-way in the HighRoad, from this Pleasant Country to the Country of Shamajim, and settle themselves there forever, upon Condition of their true Allegiance for such a number of years as the King should appoint to each Man. Now this Country of Shamajim is the happiest place that ever Man set foot on, and lies just by the King's Palace (which stands in part of it) and the King did reserve this place for his only best

[38] Favourites, & none might come thither but Worthy, True and -faithful Heroes. 14 So that the Charter of Basaruah (so well as that of the Pneumata or Ruhoths) run thus That if at any time they went about to defraud the King of any part of his Revenue, they should utterly forfeit their Priviledge of entering the Celestial Country forever, and should be sold for Slaves into a Country, called, The Sulpherous Country or Burning Lake; and that their Price should be brought to my Lord Zedakah, the Treasurer, one of the King's Nobles, to make good the Revenue, that the King might rule compleatly, to the good of all his Loyal Subjects. 15. N o w this Law could not be accounted Rigorous, considering, ist, That the Land was the Kings own Property, before they or any of their fore-Fathers had ever set foot on it, and they never gave him any thing for it, but held it by his Gift only, upon Condition of their continued true and perfect Obedience to his Laws; and so they could have no Right thereunto, nor to any Priviledge granted thereon, if they once transgressed. And the King had set them upon the Land for this very end, that they should pay his Revenue truly, to a Day and an Hour, to the glory of his perfect Kingdom, and the good of themselves and all his Loyal Subjects. 2dly, The Laws were so plain and easie to be understood, that every Man might know them and keep them easily and perfectly to every Punctilio·, and the King had given to every man a Law-book to wear about him continually, so that they knew their Duty, and could easily perform it, and knew the Penalty also of not doing it. 3dly, There was not the least occasion for them to transgress the Laws, as I shewed before. 4thly, A less Punish-

[39] ment could not consist with the King's Truth and Justice, nor the common good of the Kingdom, nor the merit of the Cause, as was shewed before. 5thly, Under these Circustances the least Disobedience could be no less than a designed wilful Rebellion. 16. Another Article was, That if by their Obedience they held their Priviledges (that were given them by the King) they should leave them as an Inheritance to their Children; but if they lost their Priviledges by Disobedience, their Children should have no Bight therein. 17. The Title of this Charter, in the Language of Basaruah, was, He Diatheketon Ergon, and it suited so well with the nature of the People, and was so easie to keep, and contained such Priviledges, that many People, after their Rebellion (when they were cut off from every Priviledge in it) were very unwilling to relinquish their Title to it, which proved the undoing of many, by trusting in that which now would not help them. 18. This was the first happy Estate of the Land of Basaruah, under their Charter Priviledges, with which they settled the Land under so good a King, where they were free from all fear, and sorrow, and want, and danger, except they would make it themselves. CHAP. Relating the first unhappy Basaruah.

O

II.

Rebellion of the People of

Ne would have thought this People would have been content in this happy Estate wherein they might also have risen to all the Happiness imaginable.

[40] 2. But it proved otherwise, and this was the occasion of it, some part of the Nation of the Ruhoths, their Neighbours, Rebelled against the King, and were for their Rebellion Condemned to be sold for Slaves, to the place called the Burning Lake, in the Land of Gehenna, and in order thereto they were banished from the Kings Presence, whereupon these Rebels set themselves to study Revenge, and to do all the Mischief they could against the King, and whatsoever he delighted in. 3. They could find no liklier place to vent their Spleen than upon the people of Basaruah, so they came upon them with all Subtilty, pretending a World of Love to them, and enquired of them about the Kings Laws, as if they were Ignorant of them, and hearing of the things that were forbiden them by the Law, they pretended to wonder very much at it, assuring them, that those things were the only good things in all their Country, and so insinuated to them, that either they did not understand the Laws, and that those things were not forbidden, or else if the King had really forbidden them, it was on purpose to keep them in a mean and Servile Condition. 4. Some say, they pretended themselves to have been a much more despisable People than those of Basaruah, till by using those things which in their opinion the Kings Law forbids, they became thus honourable; for this end they came to them in the attire of the Nahashims, who were very well known to the people of Basaruah, and had been very conversant with them (and they made them their Spokes Men, who paid dear for their Office after) But now appearing in such great State, it would soon gain Credit to this Insinuation.

[4i] 5· However, they told them, the use of these things was the only way to Honour, and would make them like the Kings Nobles, and this (say they) The King knows: and so insinuated, That if the King had really forbidden those things, he did but pretend to love them, but would never let them know what true Honour is. Here they extolled the Excellency of Honour and Promotion, and perverted the signification of the names of the things forbidden, to make them believe that an Experience of the difference between Joy and Sorrow, was an Experience of the difference between Honour and the pretended Servitude they now were in, and as for the threatening, they told them, it would not come upon thern. 6. Whereupon they began to be tickled with the thoughts of Honour and Promotion; But, Oh! the unhappy Day to Basaruah that this was! no sooner had they drunk in these Imaginations, but they willingly took a dislike at the Kings Laws, and fell to longing after the forbidden things, as the only way to Promotion. 7. But herein it was that they mist it, which led them to this, First, They fell to partying with those that brought no Commission from the King to parly with them, and that about their Duty to the King. Secondly, They did not send to the King any Petition, to know what Order these men had to parly with them (for to the King they owed their whole Allegiance) And these things were their undoing. And for their neglect of this necessary part of their Allegiance, these Insinuations took hold of them, and having taken hold, they spread like a Gangreen in the Flesh. Good Country-Men, take notice of this, for a warning in like Cases!

[4^] 8. They fell from longing to seeking, and so cast off the Kings Law, as hurtful, and fell to digging down the Bank of Inhibition Stones, and Earth that was cast up round the forbiden things, to keep them for the Kings use. But, alas! they soon smarted enough for it. 9 For, first, those Rebels, to encourage and strengthen them in this desired work, brought them a parcel of new Fruits to feed upon, such as they had never tasted nor seen before; The names of the chief of those fruits in their Language (as I take it) were Ambition and Self-dependance, very Poisonous things! but they were very sweet in the mouth, and as bitter afterward. With these the People were so pleased, they eat heartily on them, and thought them the best fruits that ever they had tasted, but the Reason was that while they neglected Petitioning to the King, these false friends daubed them over with Sweetning; for they are as bitter as Hell in their proper taste; but a depraved appetite loves them. Well, these fruits soon corrupted their whole Mass of Blood, and caused a Film to grow over their Hearts, which was of pernicious Consequence (as we shall hear by and by) This made them to fall to their work like raving mad men. 10. Secondly, The Dirt of the Bank stained their flesh, and dyed their Skin full of Spots which they could never wash off again with all their skill. Of this they begun to be asham'd and sought to cover them, but to little purpose; for after a while, when every one perceived others stained so well as themselves, they grew less ashamed, and some grew proud of their stains, because the more they were stained, the more they were in the mode or Fashion. 11. Thirdly, By grabling in the mud, and then striving

[43] to wash off and hide those stains they got some of the dirt into their Eyes, which made them Pur-blind, that they could see little near themselves (but clearer afar off) so that many thought their Spots washed away when they were not, and they usually thought their own Spots less than those of other People: This proved the undoing of multitudes. 12. Fourthly The dirt Sullied their Law-books that they could read little in them. 13. Fifthly, By digging down this bank which inclosed the forbidden things, they let out the waters of a River which was wont to run another way, which now broke over at the Passages, which they had made in the bank, and run clear through the Country of Basaruah, and wore till it became a great River, and utterly cut off the Communication between Basaruah and Shamajim, so that it was utterly impossible for any man in all Basaruah to come to that Country. The High way to it from the Pleasant Country, was wholly cut ofF, that none could travel it. Thus it is when men meddle with things they do not understand! as these did in digging down the bank. 14. But you may think that there was sad Lamentation among the Loyal Ruhoths, when they heard this News! 15. Well, the Charter was now broke, and its Priviledges forfeited, which were as much worth to Basaruah as all they had beside, & much more; Indeed, they were undone! and all they were worth, could never make good the Kings Revenue; whereupon my Lord High Treasurer, who was also Lord Chief Justice, passed sentence against them, that they lose their Charter, and be sold for Slaves into the Sulpherous Country, and their price should be brought into

[44] the Treasury for the King to make up his Revenue, which must be Compleat. 16. And a Warrant was given out to Mr. Maveth, the High Sheriff, to Arrest them one after another, in their order, and deliver them to my Lord Mishpat, who was to transport them to the Sulpherous Gehenna.

CHAP.

III.

Relating the wonderful Act of Mercy in the King, and the Method he took to forgive and reclaim the Rebellious People of Basaruah. Ow before the Sentence was executed, it pleased his Majesty (being the most Merciful Prince that ever lived) to condole and Pity the miserable people of Basaruah (although they were not worthy of the least Pity or regard, because of their horrid Rebellion, without the least ground of Provocation) Yea, the King being the wisest Seer that ever was, fore-saw this Rebellion long before it was acted, and accordingly provided a Remedy, whereby the Condition of their being received into Shamajim should be much easier than it was before, as their Rebellion had made the way of Traveling the High Road harder. Thus the King rewarded them Good for evil. 3. But you must conclude, that this filled all the Kings loyal Subjects, who heard of it, with the highest Admiration, and filled their Hearts with joy, that they were under the Government of so merciful a Prince: Yea, they could

N

[45] never satisfy themselves with praising the King for it, wherever they went. 4. Nay, I may say, without disparagement to any, that the like was never known in any other Prince. Kings are not wont to extend mercy in such a Degree, though some Kings have got Glory by shewing Mercy, yet to shew Mercy at this Degree, and that without the least Infringement to Justice (as we shall hear anon) is peculiar only to King Pantocrator. 5. But there was some Difficulty in the way, yea, such great difficulties, that none but the Kings Wisdom could find a way thro' them, such as the Kings Revenue, his Truth & his Justice, which were the Glory of his Kingdom, and the safety of his Subjects. 6. So the King took Counsel with himself, whether a way could not be found to Save his Revenue, which was the strength of his Kingdom, and safety of his Subjects (and which if it were not kept whole, his Kingdom must be broken) and yet pardon miserable Basaruah. 7. Well, the King was not at a loss to find the way, but would try his Subjects; So Proclamation was made in the Kings Court and Palace, and in all the Country of Shamajim, and all other parts of Ouranoi, and throughout Oicumene, and all part of Colbariah, to see if any person could be found that would undertake it, or project a way for it, and there should be the reward of a Kingdom given to the undertaker, viz. the Kingdom of Basaruah it self; yet none could be found, but all did lament the miserable Condition of Basaruah, and magnified the Justice of their Sentence, to be sold for Slaves in the miserable Country of Sheolah or Gehenna.

[4