The History by Herodotus, History of the Peloponnesian War by Thucydides [1 ed.] 0852291639

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HERODOTUS THUCYDIDES

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THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS

THE HISTORY OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR THUCYDIDES

William Benton,

Publisher

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The texts of the history of herodotus and thucydides' the history of the peloponnesian war in this edition

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Number: 55-10316 Book Number: 0-85229-163-9

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GENERAL CONTENTS

THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS,

Page

i

Translated by George Rawlinson

THUCYDIDES: THE HISTORY OF THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR, Page Translated by Richard Crawley

Revised by R. Feetham -

vvx .y,\ .yft

349

THE HISTORY OF HERODOTUS

BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE HERODOTUS, C.484-C.415 b.c

Herodotus was born about four

years after

seven or eight years and perhaps took part in the preparations for the overthrow of Lygdamis. After the expulsion of the tyrant, in

the battle of Salamis in Halicarnassus in Asia

Minor. Although a Greek colony, the city had been subject to Persia for some time, and it remained so for half of Herodotus' life. He came from a Greek family which enjoyed a

and

position of respect in Halicarnassus, uncle, or cousin, Panyasis,

was famous

which the Athenian sive

The

made any free and Herodotus, after

mentary education, appears

to

political

his ele-

In addi-

the story

it is

his observation and inquiry. He traversed Asia Minor and European Greece probably more than once, visited all the most important

— —

Rhodes, Cyprus, Samothrace, Crete, Samos, Cythera, and Aegina made the long journey from Sardis to the Persian capital of Susa, saw Babylon, Colchis, and the western shores of the Euxine as far as the Dnieper, travelled in Scythia, Thrace, and Greater Greece, explored the antiquities of Tyre, coasted along the shores of Palestine, saw Gaza, and made a long stay in Egypt. Apart from the travels undertaken in his professional capacity, political developments Paros,

Thasos,

told that the

young Thucydides was

moved

that

he burst into tears, whereupon Herodotus remarked: "Olorus, your son has a natural enthusiasm for letters." Despite his fame in Athens, Herodotus may not have been reconciled to his status as a foreigner without citizenship. He was either unwilling or unable to return to his native land. When in 443 b.c. Pericles sent out a colony to settle Thurii in southern Italy, Herodotus was one of its members. He was then forty years

thought that most of them were made between his twentieth and thirty-seventh year. The History reveals the elaborateness of

Delos,

is

present with his father and was so

All the dates of his travels are

islands of the Archipelago

a deci-

Halicarnassus,

is

thorough knowledge of Homer, he had an intimate acquaintance with the whole range of Greek literature. In his History he quotes or shows familiarity with, among others, Hesiod, Hecataeus, Sappho, Solon, Aesop, Simonides of Ceos, Aeschylus, and Pindar. Whether or not the plan of his History governed or grew out of his travels is uncertain;

to

surmised that an unfavorable reception to and the ascendency of the anti-Athenian party caused Herodotus to leave Halicarnassus for Athens. At Athens, Herodotus seems to have been admitted into the brilliant Periclean society. He was particularly intimate with Sophocles, who is said to have written a poem in his honour. Plutarch records that the public readings he gave from his History won such approval that in 445 b.c, on the proposal of Anytus, the Athenian people voted to award him a large sum of money. At one of his recitations,

in anti-

have devoted

himself to reading and travelling.

known.

may have been

which then became a member of the ConfedHe remained there less than a year. It

tion to his unusually

not

fleet

returned

parts of his History

Persian tyranny

impossible,

he

eracy.

his

quity as an epic poet. life

factor,

,

old.

From this point in his career Herodotus disappears completely. He may have undertaken some

of his travels after this time,

and there

is

evidence of his returning to Athens, but it is inconclusive. He was undoubtedly occupied with completing and perfecting his History. He may also have composed at Thurii the special work on the history of Assyria to which he

involved Herodotus in many shifts of residence. About 454 b.c. his relative, Panyasis, was executed by Lygdamis, the tyrant of Hali-

refers

and which Aristotle quotes.

From

the indications afforded by his

work

it

inferred that he did not live later than 425 b.c. Presumably he died at Thurii; it was there

Herodotus left his native city for Samos, which was then an important member of the Athenian Confederacy. He was there for carnassus.

is

that his IX

tomb was shown

in later ages.

CONTENTS Biographical Note,

p. ix

The First Book, Entitled Clio, p. i The Second Book, Entitled Euterpe, p. 49 The Third Book, Entitled Thalia, p. 89 The Fourth Book, Entitled Melpomene, p. 124 The Fifth Book, Entitled Terpsichore, p. 160 The Sixth Book, Entitled Erato, p. 186 The Seventh Book, Entitled Polymnia, p. 214 The Eighth Book, Entitled Urania, p. 260 The Ninth Book, Entitled Calliope, p. 288 MAPS, I.

II.

p.

3i7

Babylon

Persian Empire III.

Scythia

IV. Africa, According

to

Herodotus

V. The Region of the Aegean VI. Marathon VII. Thermopylae VIII. Salamis

IX. Plataea

INDEX,

p.

325

The

Book, Entitled

First

CLIO •$»•>» •>» •»? •>» •>» •>» •») •>» •>»

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MT. AGRIELlKr^.^:

BRILESSUS

VI.

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MARATHON

M

MILES

A

L

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I

A

N

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MEGARIS

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& A*E\R O^Nl

PLAT/EA

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1

Index Abaris, the Hyperborean, tale of, 130 Abydos, Xerxes' anger at destruction of bridge 222;

views his armament

Persians

Acanthus, Xerxes

235

at,

channels water the five by the Great passage between the hills. 114

its

rive

distress occasioned

nations, 114;

King blocking the,

retreating

281

at,

Aces, river of Asia,

Achaans,

224;

at,

takes the latter prisoner, at,

its

34

Achamenes, advises Xerxes

as to his further act-

Nance against the Greeks, 258 Acropolis,

huge serpent

in,

and gives him up

to

Apries as king, 85; wins over the Egyptians in a curious way, 86; his general habit of life, 86; builds gateway to temple of Minerva, 8(>; sets up colossal statues subjects, 85; succeeds

his

and Sphinxes, 86; builds temple of Isis phis. 87; wise law passed by, 87; gives

at

Mem-

city

and

lands to the Greeks, 87; gives money for rebuilding temple at Delhi, 87; concludes a league

with Cyrene, 87; his wife, 87; his gifts to temconquest of Cyprus, 88; expedition

ples, 88; his

2^7; captured by the

of

Cambyses against, 89; his death, 91; his body and burned by Cambyses, 92, 93; his

insulted

Persians, 268

Adeimatus, Corinthian commander, story of

from Salamis. 276 Adrastas, King of Argos, worship

his

of,

letter of

advice

to Polycrates, 98; dissolves

tract of friendship with, 99; the corselet by. to the temple of Minerva, 99

flight

172, 173

con-

given

Adrastus, the Phrygian, 8-10 Adyrmachida, African tribe, 154 ./Eaces, former tyrant of Samos, ousted by Aristagoias, offers terms from the Persians to the Samians, 188; re-established on his throne, 190

Amazons, Scythian name for, 143; they massacre the Greek crews and plunder Scythian territory, 14-5; the Scythians take them for wives, 143;

Cohans,

Amber,

Xerxes' /Esop, 77

the, fleet,

33,

34,

49;

35,

furnish

ships

for

they

settle

1

14

Amestris, wife of Xerxes, her revenge on Masis-

231

tres' wife,

Agathyrsi, the, 142; their love of luxury, 142; they have wives in common, 142; refuse to help the Scythians, 144; they forbid the latter to cross their borders, 145, 146

Agbatana, description of, 23, 24 Alarodians, in Xerxes' army, 229 Alcaus, the poet, 180 the,

311,312

Ammonians,

Africa, see Libya

Alcmaonida,

on the further side of the Tanais,

144; their descendants, 144

banished from

Athens,

171;

build the temple at Delphi, 171; bribe the Pythoness to induce the Lacedamonians to free

Athens, 171; charge of treachery against, 208, 209; history of the family, 209; Croesus' generosity towards, 209; further prosperity of family, 209-21

Alexander, son of Amyntas, satrap of Macedonia, slays the Persian ambassadors, 163; bribes Bu-

hush up the matter, 163; is allowed, as a Greek, to enter the foot-race at Olympia, 163; advises the Greeks to retire from Tempe, 247; sent as envoy to Athens, 285; his descent from Perdiccas, 285, 286; delivers the bares, the Persian, to

the. African tribe, 156; Cambyses sends expedition against, 93, 95; the army mys

teriously disappears, 95 refuses to

Amompharetus,

obey the orders of Pausanias, 300, 301 Amyntas, satrap of Macedonia, story of the Per sian ambassadors at his court, 162, 163; his family of Greek origin, 163

Anacharsis, 132; his attachment to foreign customs causes his death, 137

Anaxandridas, King of Sparta, his two wives, 167 Anchimolius, leader of the Laceda-monians against Athens, his death and tomb, 171, 172 Androphagi, the, 142; their nomad life and language, 142; their cannibalism, 142; they refuse help the Scythians, 144; the Scythians lead enemy through their territory, 145; they flee to the desert, 146 Andros, siege of, 280 Angarum, Persian name for the riding post, 277 Anthylla, assigned to the wife of the ruler of to

the

Egypt

to

keep her

in shoes, 68

King of Egypt, see Epaphus

message from Mardonius, 286; the Athenians answer to him, 287; his warning to the Athe-

Anysis,

nians, 298 Milesia, 4, 5; with Cyaxares, 17; his tomb,

Apollo, 82, 83; temple of, at Branchida, 83 Apries (Pharaoh-Hophra), King of Egypt, 152: fights with the King of Tyre, 84; reverse of his

Mem-

army and consequent rebellion, 84; fights with the rebels at Momemphis, and taken prisoner,

Alyattes,

King

his death, 6;

of Lydia,

war

war with

22

Amasis, King of Egypt, 18; phis, 82;

settles

Greeks

at

leads the rebels against Apries, 84;

325

Apis.,

85;

is

78, 79

killed by his subjects, 85

INDEX

326

Arabia, spices and gum peculiar to, 112; winged serpents and vipers in, 113; sheep of, 113 Arabian Desert, method of supplying water to, 90 Arabians, their customs and gods, 90; never enslaved by the Persians, 109; their yearly gift of

frankincense to Persia, 1 1 1 their manner of collecting frankincense, cassia, and cinnamon, 113; of procuring ladanum, 113; in Xerxes' army, their equipment for war, 228: their camels, 230 ;

Araxes, river, 45 Arcadia, deserters from, give Xerxes an account of the Olympic Games, 264 Arcesilaiis, King of the Cyrenaeans, 152 Arcesilaiis, grandson of above, refuses to submit to Demonax, and flees to Samos, 153; returns

with troops, and regains his power 153; disregards the oracle

and

at

Cyrene,

fulfils his destiny,

Ardys, King of Lydia, 4 Argippaeans. the, a bald-headed race, 128; particular fruit which serves them for food and drink, 128 Argives, fight of the three hundred, with three

hundred

Lacedaemonians,

best

19;

musi-

Argives and Cleomenes, 200, 201 refuse help to Egina, 203; their reply to the Greek ambassadors, 241, 242; their friendship with the Persians. 242 Argonauts, the Minyae descended from, 149 Arians, in Xerxes' army, their equipment for war. 228 Arimaspi. the, a one-eyed race, 114, 126, 128 Arion and the Dolphin, 5 cians in

Greece,

117;

the

;

Aristagoras, governor of Miletus, the exiles

Naxos beg

from

Artaphernes to send expedition against the island, 165; he joins forces with the Persian fleet, 165; his quarrel with Megabates, the commander, 166; failure of his expedition. 166; receives messenger from Histiaeus, 166; holds a council with his friends and resolves on revolt against Darius, his help, 165; persuades

166, 167; lays a

down

commonwealth,

his lordship

167; puts

and

down

establishes

the tyrants

throughout Ionia, 167; endeavours in vain to gain the help of Cleomenes, King of Sparta, 169, 170; obtains help from Athens, 180; sends word to the Paeonians to escape, 181; failure of Ionian revolt, 184; resolves on flight, 185; sails to Thrace, 185; he and his army destroyed, 185 Aristeas, the poet. 126; his mysterious disappearances and reappearance, 126, 127; statue bearing his name, 127 Aristides, brings tidings to Themistocles of the

Persian

273; addresses the council, 274; slays the Persians on Psyttaleia, 276 fleet,

Artiscus, the, Darius

140 Aristodemus, the Spartan, sole survivor of Thermopylae, 257, 303

Ariston,

King

at,

of Sparta, story of, 196, 197 in Xerxes' army, their equip-

Armenians, 169;

ment for war, 229 Artabanus, his speech dissuading Xerxes from

at-

tacking Greece, 216-218; Xerxes' vision appears him, 218-220; his conversation with Xerxes at Abydos, 224-226; Xerxes' message to, 268, 269 Artabazus, lays siege to Potidaea, 283; his advice at the Persian council of war, 297; his conduct to

at Plataea, 302;

Artachaes,

he escapes

the Persian, his

to

Byzantium, 307

immense

height,

his

death and funeral, 235 Artaphernes, brother of Darius, made governor of Sardis, 164; is induced by Aristagoras to send an expedition against Naxos, 165; receives Athenian ambassadors, 174; orders the Athenians to take back Hippias, 180: defends Sardis, 181; discovers the treachery of Histiaeus,

down

conspiracy in Sardis, 186;

186; puts

settles affairs in

Ionia. 193

Artaphernes, son of the above, in command of troops, for the invasion of Greece, 203; course of the expedition, 203-205 Artayctes, governor of Sestos, his unholy deeds

and punishment, 222, 313; besieged at Sestos, 313; taken prisoner and put to death with his son, 313, 314

meaning

Artaxerxes,

Artembares, sians. 314 Artemisia,

his

of name, 204 proposal to Cyrus and the Per-

Queen

of

ships for Xerxes' Meet,

Halicarnassus,

and

furnishes

herself accompanies

the expedition against Greece, 2^2: cities ruled by. 2^2:

dissuades Xerxes from risking a sea-

fight with the Greeks, 271; her

conduct during

the battle of Salamis, 274, 275; reward offered for her capture, 276; she escapes, 276; her ad-

he gives some of his children into her care, 278 Artemisium, description of, 247, 248; Greek fleet 24S, engagements between naval at. 260; Greeks and Persians at, 261-262, 262, 2(->^ A r\ andes, governor of Egypt, seeks to rival Darius and is put to death, 153, 154: helps Pheretima with forces against the Barcaeans, 154 vice to Xerxes, 278;

\sb\sta\ the, African tribe, 154 Ascalon, ancient temple of Venus at, 25 Asia, plain in, converted into a sea. 114: chief tracts of, 130; its size and boundaries, 130, 131: greater part discovered by Darius, 131; origin of name, 131, 132 Asmach, the, or "Deserters," 55 Asses, their braying frightens the Scythian horse, 14');

wild, in Africa, 157

Assyria,

its

produce and climate,

used by the natives, 44 Assyrians, their warlike Xerxes' army, 228

43,

equipment,

44:

boats

228;

in

Astyages, King of the Medes, 16; captured by Cyrus, 17; his visions, 25; gives orders for the destruction of the infant Cyrus, 25; his horrible punishment of Harpagus, 28; revenge of the latter, and fall of Astyages, 29, 30 Asychis (Shishak?), King of Egypt, builds gateway to temple of Vulcan, and a pyramid of

brick, 77, 78

INDEX Atar.mtians, the, African tribe, is') Athenians, march against the Peloponnesians at 175; and the 175; forbidden by oracle to take revenge on the Eginetans, 177; they

Eleusis, [74; defeat the Boeotians,

Chalcidians,

immediate determine

be at open enmity with the Perconsent to help Anstagoras, 180; send Meet to help the Ionians, 181 refuse to give them further help, 181; they charge the Eginetans with being traitors to Greece, 194; refuse to give up the Eginetan hostages, 201, 202; they plan to attack Egina, 202; defeat the Eginetans in a naval battle, 203; some of their ships captured by the enemy, 203; they prepare to meet sians,

1

to

So;

;

the Persians, 206, 207; battle of

Marathon. 207-

208; their patriotic conduct, 239; the saviours of Greece, 239; receive warnings from the oracle, 239, 240; Themistocles re-assures them. 24c;

they

become

move

the

a

maritime power, 240; they rechildren from Attica and

women and

prepare for the Persians, 267; battle of Salamis, 274, 275; their reply to the Persian envoy sent by Mardonius, 287; to the Spartan envoys, 287; to the second envoy from Mardonius. 288; the Athenians seek refuge at Salamis. 2SS: their to Sparta, 289; join the Lacedaemonians Isthmus, 292; they and' the Tegeans both angrily claim to have a wing of the army assigned them, 293, 294; are warned by Alexander of Macedon, 298; they change places with the Spartans, 298; their retreat, 300; unable to reach the Lacedaemonians in time to help at the battle of Plataea, 301; help in attack on Persian camp, 303; they bury their dead, 306; at Mycale,

embassy at the

310; their successful siege of Sestos, 312, 313: they carry home with them the cables from

Xerxes' bridges, 314 Athens, under Hipparchus and Hippias, 170, its power increases after their downfall, its inhabitants divided into ten tribes by thenes, 172; rivalry between Clisthenes Isagoras, 173;

172; 172: Clis-

and

Cleomenes, King of Sparta, en-

ters the town, but is forced to retire, 173, 174; sends envoys to Sardis to make alliance with the Persians, 174; cause of the feud with Egina, I

75' I 77^

tri e

women

kill

a

man

with

their

brooches, 177; their punishment, 177; Darius sends expedition against, 203; treatment of Persian heralds to, 237, 238; taken by Persians,

268 Athos, canal

through of

327

Babylon, description of, 40 ff.; besieged and taken by Cyrus, 43; dress of the inhabitants, 44; yearly marriage market in, 44; their custom with re-

gard to the sick, 44, 45; modes of burial, 45; shameful custom of the women, 45; certain fish-eating tribes, 45; besieged by Darius. 121, 122; overthrown by the successful ruse of Zopyrus, 122, 123; its wall and gates destroyed by Darius, 123; he crucifies the leading citizens and finds wives for the remainder, 123; Zopyrus made governor for life, 123 Babylonians, revolt from Darius, 121; they strangle their women, 121: they jeer at Darius and his host, 121; are

overcome and destroyed, 123;

Darius provides wives for the survivors, to prevent the race becoming extinct, 123 Bacchus, sacrifices to, 59: introduction of his name and worship into Greece, 59, 60; a president of the nether regions, 75, 80, 83; Arabian name tor. 90; worshipped by the Thracians, 161 Bacis, prophecy of, 263, 273. 276, 298 Bactrians, in Xerxes' army, their equipment for war, 228, 230 Barca, in Libya, Greeks settle at, 152; Arcesilaiis, king of Cyrene, killed by the Barcarans, 153; Pheretina, his mother, at the head of the government. 153; besieged by Persians from Egypt

on her behalf,

means 159;

159: their

of a shield,

cruelty

of

mines discovered by by fraud,

159; city taken

Pheretina to the

Barca a ns, submit Battus, 151,

Cambyses, 91 Greek colony in Platea, founds another colony on the main-

leader 152;

of

to

the

land of Libya, 152 Battus, grandson of above, king of the Cyrenaeans, 152; deprived of his power by Demonax, 152, 153 Beavers, 143 Bees, in country north of the Ister, 161 Bias of Priene, his advice to the Ionians, 38 Boeotians, give help to the Lacedaemonians, 174; defeated by the Athenians, 175; their struggle with the Athenians at Plataea, 302

Boges, governor of E'ion, his valiant conduct, 234 Boryes, animals found in Africa, 157 Borysthenes (Dnieper), the. 127; description of its

beauties, fish, pleasant taste, etc., 133

Borysthenites, the, or Scythian of, cut

by Xerxes, 220, 221; passage

his fleet, 236

Atlantes, the, African tribe, reported never to eat

any living thing and never to have any dreams, 156 Atlas Mountain, 156 Atys, son of Crcesus, 8-10

Augila, district of Africa, 156 Auschisae, the, African tribe, 154 Auseans, the, African tribe, their feast in honour of Minerva, 155 Azotus, siege of, 83

inhabitants,

159; the enslaved Barca?ans are given a village in Bactria, and name it Barca, 159

husbandmen,

127,

137, 138

Bosphorus, the, 139; pillars erected on its shores by Darius, 139; bridge thrown across for him, 139; memorial of, left by its architect, 139, 140 Branchidas,

temple of Apollo at, 83; treasures given to by Crcesus, 167 Bubares, son of Megabazus, is bribed by Alexander of Macedon to hush up the death of the Persian ambassadors, 163 Bubastis (Diana), goddess of the Egyptians, her temple, 78, 83

INDEX

328 Budini, the, 127; colour of their eyes and 142; their buildings entirely of wood, their worship of Bacchus, 142, 143; their guage, 143; they feed on lice, 143; agree to

hair,

142; lan-

help

the Scythians, 144 Bulis, story of,

and Sperthias, 238, 239

Busiris, 61

Buto, oracle of Latona Byblus (papyrus), 67

at, 61, 62,

82

Carthaginians, circumnavigation of Libya by, 131; method of trading with west coast of Africa, 158; invade Sicily, 245; defeated by Gelo, 245 Carystas, besieged by the Persians, 204 Caspeirians, in Xerxes' army, 230 Caspian, the, 45, 46 Caspians, in Xerxes' army, their equipment for war, 228, 230

Cassandane, mother of Cambyses, 49, 89 Cassiterides, the, 114

Cabalians, the, African tribe, 154; in Xerxes' army, their

equipment

Cabiri, the Phoenician gods, 60, 97 Cadmeian characters engraved on tripods, 171

Cadmus, 170, 171 Cadmus, native of Cos, sent by Gelo to watch the war between Greeks and Persians, 245

in

Calantian Indians,

Calascirians, warrior class in Egypt, 84. 85 Callatians, their custom of eating their fathers, 98

Callatebus, manufacture of

honey by inhabitants

222 Callimachus, Polemarch at Athens, is persuaded by Miltiades to vote for war, 206, 207; leads the of,

wing

Marathon, 207; is killed, 207 Calibrates, his beauty and death, 304 Calliste, Cadmus at, 149; arrival of Theras and the Lacedaemonians at, 151. See Thera Cambyses, marries daughter of King of the Medes, 25; ascends the Persian throne, 49; cause right

of

his

at

expedition

safe-conduct

against

Egypt, 89; obtains

through the Syrian

Desert,

90;

conquers Egypt, 91; takes Memphis, 91: his treatment of Psammenitus, 91, 92; insults and burns the body of Amasis, 92, 93; plans expeditions

the Carthaginians,

against

and Ethiopians, 93; proceeds on

men

lack food

Catarrhactes (cataract), the, 221

Caunians, the, 39 Celts, the, 56

for war, 229

Ammonians,

93; sends spies into Ethiopia, his expedition against, 94; his

and turn cannibals, 94; forced

Ceres, 75 Chalcideans, give help to the Lacedaemonians, 174; defeated by the Athenians, 175 Chalybians, in Xerxes' army, their equipment for war. 229 Charilaiis, brother to Maeandrius of Samos, 120; arms the mercenaries and falls on the Persians, 121

Chemmis (Khemmo), worship Cheops, King of Egypt,

his

of Perseus at, 66 wickedness and op-

pression, 75, 76

Chephren, King of Egypt, pyramid built by, 76 Chersonese, the, 191: subdued by the Phoenicians, 191

Chersonese, the Rugged, 141 Chians, the, at the sea-right of Lade, 188; attacked and defeated by Histiaeus and his Lesbians, 190; their island falls into the

hands of

the Persians, 191 Choaspes, the kings of Persia drink only the water of this river, 42 Chorasmians, in Xerxes' army, their equipment for war, 228 Cilicians, the, 169; vessels furnished by, to Xerxes' fleet,

231;

cient

name

equipment of.

of their crews, 231; an-

231

to give up the expedition, 94; slays the priests of Apis, 95; smitten with madness, 95; kills his brother, 95; his sister, 95, 96; and Prexaspes'

Cimmerians,

son, 97; tries to kill Croesus, 97; makes sport of the temples, 97; receives help

father of Miltiades, 205 Cinyps, the, river of Africa, 155; fertility of the surrounding regions, 158 Cissia, province of, 169; bitumen, salt, and oil obtained from well in, 208; Cissians in Xerxes'

the images in

from

Polycrates, 99; revolt of Magi against, 102; receives his death wound, 103; his vision,

and dying speech

to the Persians, 103, 104; his

death, 104

Camels, used by the Arabian troops, 230; carry provisions of Persian army, and attacked by lions, 236 Candaules, 2; and his wife, 2, 3 Cannibals, the, 127

Cappadocia, invaded by Croesus, 16, 17 Cappadocians, the, 169 Carians, the, 38, 39; assist Psammetichus, 82; join the Ionian revolt, 182; defeated by the Persians, 184; lay an ambush and destroy the Persian army, 184; furnish ships to Xerxes' fleet, 231; their equipments, 231 Carthage, Cambyses plans expedition against, 93; gives

up the

idea, 93

4,

126; traces of,

ment Cimon,

24; still

conquered by the Scythians. in Scythia, 126; their settle-

in Asia, 126

army, 227, 230; their attack on die Persians Thermopylae, 253

at

Cleobis and Bito, 7 Cleombrotus, brother of Leonidas, commands the Peloponnesians at the Isthmus, 272 Cleomenes, King of Sparta, refuses bribe offered

by Maeandrius, and advises the latter being sent away, 121, 167; his short reign and death, 169; account of his interview with Aristagoras, 169; he refuses the help demanded, 170; anecdote of his daughter Gorgo, 169, 170; his contract of friendship with Isagoras, 173; sends a herald to bid Clisthenes and others leave Athens, 173; he enters Athens, 173; he and Isagoras besieged in the citadel, 174; is forced to retire from Athens,

1

INDEX 1-4;

failure

of his further expedition

against

the Athenians, 174; goes in person to Egina to the traitors accused by Alliens. [94; he is

charges brought against, by Demaratus, 194; he conspires with Leotychides to depose Demaratus. 197; bribes the forced to retire,

194;

Delphic oracle, [98; attacks the Eginetans, 199; from Sparta, 199; his pact with the Arcadians, [99; he returns to Sparta and is smitten with madness, 199; he kills himself, 199; his sacrilege and cruel treatment of the Argives, 200, 201; this and other causes assigned for his insanity, 201; his intemperance, 20] Clisthenes, shares government of Athens with Isadoras, 172; divides the Athenians into ten tribes, 172; his other innovations, 17^; ordered by Cleomenes, King of Sparta, to leave Athens, flees in fear

173;

recalled by the people, 174; his parent-

is

age, 2

Clisthenes,

King

of Sicyon, his doings in the mat-

Adrastus, King of Argos, 172, 173; with Dorian tribes, [73; he chooses a husband for his daughter, 209, 210

ter of

respect to the

Cnidians, the, 39 Coes, general of the Mytilenaeans, his good advice to Darius. 141; given the sovereignty oi Mitylene in reward, 161; is stoned to death by the Mytilenaeans, 167

Colchians, 69; gift of boys and maidens furnished in Xerxes' by, to Persia, every fifth year, 1

1

1

;

army, their equipment for war, 2iy

the Argivcs

and then allies, who immediately took up a strong and difficult position, and lormed in ordei ol battle. The Lacedaemonians at once advanced against them, and came on within a stone's throw 01 ).iv< lin's ast, when one ol the oleic men, seeing ihe enemy's position to he a strong one, hallooed to Agis that he was mind ed tO Cure one evil with another; meaning that he wished to make amends lor his icheat, whnh had been so much blamed, Erom Argos, by Ins present untimely precipitation. Mean while- Agis, whether in consequence ol this halloo 01 ol some sudden new idea ol his own, quickly led hack his aimy without engaging, .\\\A entering the- Tegean territory, hegan to turn oil into that ol Manlinea the water about which the Mantineans and Tegeans are always lighting, on account ol the extensive damagedoe-s to whichever ol the- two countries lis object in tins was to make the falls into. ArgiveS and then allies come down liom the c

i

it

it

I

hill,

te>

resist

would he and thus

the diversion ol

sinete)

to

the-

e>l

fight the battle in the- plain.

ple-

e>l

their olel

te>

[eracles,

I

present moment the Lacedaemonians elo ever remember u> have experienced: there

ol thene>t

was

scant time

ly anel hastily

le>r

lell

preparation, as they instantinto their ranks, Agis, the-ir

mands proceed from him: he Polemarchs; they

the-

again to the Faiomo

to the- PentecOStyes; these

these

tare hs, anel

last

te)

gives the worel to

the Lochages; these

te)

the Enomoties. In short

orelers required pass in the same way and quickly reach the troops; as almost the whole all

Lacedaemonian army, consists e>l

what

[6f] posed e>l

army

save-

tor

a

upon many. left wing was eomthe Scintae, who in a Lacedaemonian

is te)

he de)iie

tails

In this battle the

have-

alone; next

always that these were

f*)st the-

te>

te)

1

selves,

company

company, with the Ar

alter

the-

Heraea at their side. Alter these Maenahans, anel e)n the right wing Tegeans with a lew ol the Lacedaemoni-

ans

at the-

cadians

ol

were- the

extremity; then cavalry being posted

it,

He

the action taking place in their country; next

enemy aftei advancing so near, and did not know what to make ol it; but when he- had gone away and disappeared,

military training

them

without their having stirred to pursue him, they hegan anew U> find fault with their gen .acedacmom eraiS, who had not only lei the

their

e>l

the-

I

ans get

oil

before,

when

they were- so happily

intercepted before Argos, hut

allowed them

who now

Brasi

e)l

das from Thrace, and the Nceulamenles with them; then came the ,.u edaenumians them

Arcadia; te) them the- allies Irom came the thousand picked men of

re-treat

themselves

soldiers

accordingly stayed that day where he was, en gaged in turning «>il the- water. The- Argives anel then allies weie at Insi ama/cd at the sud

den

small part,

ollicers uneler officers, anel the care

e>l

upon the two wings. Such was the Laccdaemo man formation. That e)l their opponents was as follows: On the right were the Mantineans,

water, as they

do when thev knew

water

the-

.\o.un

te) run away, without any owe pursuing them, and to escape at then Leisure while- the- Aigivc aimy was leisurely hetiayed.

to

whom

the-ir

lastly

given

whom

long course

e)l

the public expense; next

te)

the- state hael

at

alter

the Argives,

a

them allies, the- ('Icon. u\tns and Orneans, and the- Athenians on the- extreme left, and the rest

the Argives, anel alter

e)l

own cavalry with them. [68] Such were the oulei and the forces e)l the two combatants. The .acedaemonian army looked the largest; though as te) putting down 1

the

numbers

ol

cither host, or

gents composing accuracy.

Owing

it, te)

1

COuld not

e)t

the contin

elo so

with any

the secrecy ol their gOV-

THE PELOPON NESIAN WAR

65-72]

eminent the number of the Lacedaemonians was not known, and men are so apt to brag about the forces of their country that the estimate of their opponents was not trusted. The following calculation, however, makes it possible to estimate the numbers of the Lacedae-

monians present upon were seven companies

this

occasion.

There

without counting the Sciritae, who numbered six hundred men: in each company there were four Pentecostyes, and in the Pentecosty four Enoin

the field

501

on their right wing, and one and the other overlap with this adversary's left; because fear makes each man do his best to shelter his unarmed side with the shield o( the man next him on the right, thinking that the closer the shields are locked together the better will he be protected. The man primarily

get forced out rather

responsible for this

wing, the

who

enemy

is

is

the

first

upon the

right

always striving to withdraw from

his

unarmed

prehension makes the

side;

rest

and the same ap-

follow him.

On

the

rank of the Enomoty was

present occasion the Mantineans reached with

composed of four soldiers: as to the depth, although they had not been all drawn up alike, but as each captain chose, they were generally

their wing far beyond the Sciritae, and the Lacedaemonians and Tegeans still farther beyond the Athenians, as their army was the larg-

ranged eight deep; the first rank along the whole line, exclusive of the Sciritae, consisted of four hundred and forty-eight men. [69] The armies being now on the eve of engaging, each contingent received some words of encouragement from its own commander. The Mantineans were reminded that they were going to fight for their country and

est.

moties.

The

first

to avoid returning to the experience of servitude after having tasted that of empire; the

Argives, that they

would contend

cient supremacy, to regain

for their an-

their once equal

share of Peloponnese of which they had been so long deprived, and to punish an enemy and a neighbour for a thousand wrongs; the Athenians, of the glory of gaining the honours of

the day with so many and brave allies in arms, and that a victory over the Lacedaemonians in

Peloponnese would cement and extend their empire, and would besides preserve Attica all invasions in future. These were the incitements addressed to the Argives and their

from

The Lacedaemonians meanwhile, man man, and with their war-songs in the ranks, exhorted each brave comrade to remember what he had learnt before; well aware that the long training of action was of more saving virtue than any brief verbal exhortation, though

allies.

to

Agis, afraid of his

left

being surrounded,

and thinking that the Mantineans outflanked it too far, ordered the Sciritae and Brasideans to move out from their place in the ranks and make the line even with the Mantineans, and told the Polemarchs Hipponoidas and Aristocles to fill up the gap thus formed, by throwing themselves into it with two companies taken from the right wing; thinking that his right would still be strong enough and to spare, and that the line fronting the Mantineans would gain in solidity. [yi] However, as he gave these orders in the

moment

of the onset, and at short notice, it so happened that Aristocles and Hipponoidas would not move over, for which ofTence they were afterwards banished from Sparta, as having been guilty of cowardice; and the enemy meanwhile closed before the Sciritae (whom Agis on seeing that the two companies did not

move

over ordered to return to their place)

had time to fill up the breach in question. Now it was, however, that the Lacedaemonians, utterly worsted in respect of skill, showed them-

As soon enemy, Sciritae and

selves as superior in point of courage.

came to Mantinean

as they

close quarters with the

the

right broke their

Brasideans, and, bursting in with their allies

never so well delivered. [yo] After this they joined battle, the Argives and their allies advancing with haste and fury, the Lacedaemonians slowly and to the music of many flute-players a standing institution in their army, that has nothing to do

and the thousand picked Argives

with religion, but is meant to make them advance evenly, stepping in time, without breaking their order, as large armies are apt to do in the moment of engaging. [yi] Just before the battle joined, King Agis resolved upon the following manoeuvre. All armies are alike in this: on going into action they

the rest of their army, and especially the centre,

—

closed breach in their line, cut

into the un-

up and

sur-

rounded the Lacedaemonians, and drove them in full rout to the wagons, slaying some of the older men on guard there. But the Lacedaemonians, worsted in this part of the field, with

where the three hundred knights, as they are fought round King Agis, fell on the older men of the Argives and the five companies so named, and on the Cleonaeans, the Orneans, and the Athenians next them, and instant-

called,

ly

routed them; the greater

number not even

UCYDIDES

502 waiting to strike a blow, but giving

moment

that they

trodden under

came

on,

way

the

some even being

foot, in their fear of

being over-

taken by their assailants. al[y$] The army of the Argives and their having given way in this quarter, was now

lies,

completely cut in two, and the Lacedaemonian and Tegean right simultaneously closing round the Athenians with the troops that outflanked them, these last found themselves placed between two fires, being surrounded on one side and already defeated on the other. Indeed they would have suffered more severely

than any other part of the army, but for the services of the cavalry which they had with

them. Agis also on perceiving the distress of his left opposed to the Mantineans and the thousand Argives, ordered all the army to advance to the support of the defeated wing; and while this took place, as the enemy moved past and slanted away from them, the Athenians escaped at their leisure, and with them the beaten Argive division. Meanwhile the Mantineans and their allies and the picked body of the Argives ceased to press the enemy, and seeing their friends defeated and the Lacedaemo-

advance upon them, took to flight. Mantineans perished; but the bulk of the picked body of the Argives made good their escape. The flight and retreat, however, were neither hurried nor long; the Lacedaemonians fighting long and stubbornly until the rout of their enemy, but that once effected, pursuing for a short time and not far. [74] Such was the battle, as nearly as possible as I have described it; the greatest that had occurred for a very long while among the Hellenes, and joined by the most considerable states. The Lacedaemonians took up a position in front of the enemy's dead, and immediately set up a trophy and stripped the slain; they took up their own dead and carried them back to Tegea, where they buried them, and restored those of the enemy under truce. The Argives, Orneans, and Cleonaeans had seven hundred killed; the Mantineans two hundred, and the Athenians and Aeginetans also two hundred, with both their generals. On the side of the Lacedaemonians, the allies did not suffer any loss worth speaking of: as to the Lacedaemonians themselves it was difficult to learn the truth; it is said, however, that there were slain about three hundred of them. [75] While the battle was impending, Pleistoanax, the other king, set out with a reinforcement composed of the oldest and youngnians in

Many

full

of the

[Bookv

Tegea, where he heard of the victory and went back again. The Lacedaemonians also sent and turned back the allies from Corinth and from beyond the Isthmus, and returning themselves dismissed their allies, and kept the Carnean holidays, which happened to be at that time. The imputations cast upon them by the Hellenes at the time, whether of cowardice on account of the disas-

men, and got

est

as far as

ter in the island, or of

slowness generally, were single action: fortune,

it

mismanagement and wiped out by this was thought, might

all

have humbled them, but the men themselves were the same as ever. The day before this battle, the Epidaurians with all their forces invaded the deserted Argive territory, and cut off many of the guards left there in the absence of the Argive army. After the battle three thousand Elean heavy infantry arriving to aid the Mantineans, and a reinforcement of one thousand Athenians, all these allies marched at once against Epidaurus, while the Lacedaemonians were keeping the Carnea, and dividing the work among them began to build a wall round the city. The rest left off; but the Athenians finished at once the part assigned to them round Cape Heraeum; and having all joined in leaving a garrison in the fortification in question, they returned to their respective cities.

Summer now came

to an end. ^767 In the days of the next winter, when the Carnean holidays were over, the Lacedaemonians took the field, and arriving at Tegea sent on to Argos proposals of accommodation. They had before had a party in the town desirous of overfirst

throwing the democracy; and after the battle that had been fought, these were now far

more

persuade the people to Their plan was first to make a treaty with the Lacedaemonians, to be followed by an alliance, and after this to fall upon in a position to

listen to terms.

commons. Lichas, son of Arcesilaus, the Argive proxenus, accordingly arrived at Argos with two proposals from Lacedaemon, to regulate the conditions of war or peace, according as they preferred the one or the other. After much discussion, Alcibiades happening to be in the town, the Lacedaemonian party, who now ventured to act openly, persuaded the Argives to accept the proposal for an accommodation; the

which ran as follows: [77] The assembly of the Lacedaemonians agrees to treat with the Argives upon the terms following: 1.

The Argives

shall restore to the

Orcho-

THE PELOPOXNES1AN WAR menians their children, and to the Maenalians men, and shall restore the men they have in Mantmea to the Lacedaemonians. 2. They shall evacuate Epidaurus, and raze the fortification there. If the Athenians refuse to withdraw from Epidaurus, they shall be declared enemies of the Argives and of the Lacedaemonians, and of the allies of the Lacedaemonians and the allies of the Argives. children 3. // the Lacedaemonians have any in their custody, they shall restore them every their

one

to his city.

As

to the offering to the

themselves. 5.

and

All the cities in Peloponnese, both small great, shall be

independent according

to

the customs of their country. 6. // any of the powers outside Peloponnese

invade Peloponnesian territory, the parties contracting shall unite to repel them, on such terms as they may agree upon, as being most fair for the 7.

All

Peloponnesians.

allies of

the Lacedaemonians outside

Peloponnese shall be on the same footing as the Lacedaemonians, and the allies of the Argives shall be on the same footing as the Argives, being left in enjoyment of their own possessions. 8. This treaty shall be shown to the allies, and shall be concluded, if they approve; if the allies thin\ fit, they may send the treaty to be considered at home. [j8] The Argives began by accepting this

and the Lacedaemonian army

proposal,

turned

Peloponnese shall be upon the same footing as

Lacedaemonians themselves, and the

the

allies

of the Argives shall be upon the same footing as the Argives themselves, continuing to en-

joy

what they

4.

possess.

// it shall

be anywhere necessary to

ma\e

an expedition in common, the Lacedaemonians and Argives shall consult upon it and decide, as may be most fair for the allies. 5. // any of the cities, whether inside or outside Peloponnese, have a question whether of frontiers or otherwise it must be settled; but if one allied city should have a quarrel with an,

god, the Argives, upon the if they wish, shall impose an oath Epidaunans, but, if not, they shall swear it 4.

503

home from Tegea.

re-

After this inter-

other allied

city, it

must be referred

to

some

third city thought impartial by both parties.

Private citizens shall have their disputes de~ cided according to the laws of their several countries.

[80] The treaty and above alliance concludparty at once released everything whether acquired by war or otherwise, and

ed, each

thenceforth acting in

common

voted to receive

from the Athenians unless they evacuated their forts and withdrew from Peloponnese, and also to make neither peace nor war with any, except jointly. Zeal was not wanting: both parties sent envoys to the Thracian places and to Perdiccas, and neither herald nor embassy

persuaded the latter to join their league. Still he did not at once break off from Athens, alto do so upon seeing the way shown him by Argos, the original home of his family. They also renewed their old oaths with the Chalcidians and took new ones: the Ar-

though minded

gives, besides, sent

nians, bidding

ambassadors to the Athe-

them evacuate the

The Athenians,

fort at Epi-

own men

course was renewed between them, and not

daurus.

long afterwards the same party contrived that the Argives should give up the league with the Mantineans, Eleans, and Athenians, and should make a treaty and alliance with the Lacedaemonians; which was consequently done upon the terms following: [yg] The Lacedaemonians and Argives agree

outnumbered by the rest of the garrison, sent Demosthenes to bring them out. This general, under colour of a gymnastic contest which he arranged on his arrival, got the rest of the garrison out of the place, and shut the gates behind them. Afterwards the Athenians renewed their treaty with the Epidaurians, and by themselves gave up the fortress. [81] After the defection of Argos from the league, the Mantineans, though they held out at first, in the end finding themselves powerless without the Argives, themselves too came to terms with Lacedaemon, and gave up their sovereignty over the towns. The Lacedaemonians and Argives, each a thousand strong, now took the field together, and the former first went by themselves to Sicyon and made the government there more oligarchical than before, and then both, uniting, put down the de-

and

to a treaty

alliance for fifty years

upon the

terms following: 1. All disputes shall be decided by fair and impartial arbitration, agreeably to the customs of the 2.

two

The

countries.

rest of the cities in

be included in this treaty

Peloponnese may

and

dependent and sovereign, in

alliance, as in-

enjoyment of what they possess; all disputes being decided by fair and impartial arbitration, agreeably to full

the customs of the said cities. 3. All allies of the Lacedaemonians outside

seeing their

THUCYDIDES

504

at Argos and set up an oligarchy favourable to Lacedaemon. These events occurred at the close of the winter, just before spring; and the fourteenth year of the war ended. [82] The next summer the people of Dium,

mocracy

in Athos, revolted from the Athenians to the Chalcidians, and the Lacedaemonians settled affairs in Achaea in a way more agreeable to

Meanwhile the Argos little by little gathered new consistency and courage, and waited for the interests of their country.

popular party

the

moment

at

of the

Gymnopaedic festival at fell upon the oligarchs.

Lacedaemon, and then After a fight in the

city, victory

declared for

commons, who slew some of their opponents and banished others. The Lacedaemo-

the

nians

for

a long

their friends at

while

let

the

messages of

Argos remain without

freemen that fell into their hands, went back and dispersed every man to his city. After this the Argives marched into Phlius and plundered it for harbouring their exiles, most of whom had settled there, and so returned home. The same winter the Athenians blockaded Macedonia, on the score of the league entered into by Perdiccas with the Argives and Lacedaemonians, and also of his breach of his engagements on the occasion of the expedition prepared by Athens against the Chalcidians in the direction of Thrace and against Amphipolis, under the command of Nicias, son of Niceratus, which had to be broken up mainly because of his desertion. He was therefore proclaimed an enemy. And thus the winter ended, and the fifteenth year of the war ended with it.

effect.

At last they put off the Gymnopaediae and marched to their succour, but learning at Tegea the defeat of the oligarchs, refused to go

CHAPTER Sixteenth Year of the

ence

any further in spite of the entreaties of those

who had

escaped, and returned

home and kept

the festival. Later on, envoys arrived with messages from the Argives in the the exiles,

and

after

town and from

when the allies were also at Sparta; much had been said on both sides,

Lacedaemonians decided that the party in town had done wrong, and resolved to march against Argos, but kept delaying and putting off the matter. Meanwhile the commons at Argos, in fear of the Lacedaemonians, began again to court the Athenian alliance, which they were convinced would be of the greatest service to them; and accordingly prothe

the

ceeded to build long walls to the sea, in order that in case of a blockade by land; with the help of the Athenians they might have the advantage of importing what they wanted by sea. Some of the cities in Peloponnese were also privy to the building of these walls; and the Argives with all their people, women and slaves not excepted, addressed themselves to the work, while carpenters and masons came to them from Athens.

Summer was now over. [83] The winter following the Lacedaemonians, hearing of the walls that were building, marched against Argos with their allies, the Corinthians excepted, being also not without intelligence in the city itself; Agis, son of Archidamus, their king, command. The intelligence which they counted upon within the town came to nothwas

in

however took and razed the walls which were being built, and after capturing the Argive town Hysiae and killing all the ing; they

[Book v

War

—Fate

XVII

— The Melian

Confer-

of Melos

[84] The next summer Alcibiades sailed with twenty ships to Argos and seized the suspected persons to the

still left

number

of the

Lacedaemonian

of three hundred,

Athenians forthwith lodged

faction

whom

the

neighbourAthenians also

in the

ing islands of their empire. The expedition against the

made an

isle of Melos with thirty ships of their own, six Chian, and two Lesbian vessels, sixteen hundred heavy infantry, three hundred archers, and twenty mounted archers from Athens, and about fifteen hundred heavy infantry from the allies and the islanders. The Melians are a colony of Lacedaemon that would not submit to the Athenians like the other islanders, and at first remained neutral and took no part in the struggle, but afterwards upon the Athenians using violence and plundering their territory,

assumed an attitude of open hostility. Cleomedes, son of Lycomedes, and Tisias, son of Tisimachus, the generals, encamping in their territory with the above armament, before doing any harm to their land, sent envoys to negotiate. These the Melians did not bring before the people, but bade

them

state the object

of their mission to the magistrates

upon which

and the few;

the Athenian envoys spoke as

fol-

lows:

[85] Athenians. Since the negotiations are not to go on before the people, in order that we may not be able to speak straight on without interruption, and deceive the ears of the multitude by seductive

arguments which would

pass without refutation (for

we know

that this

THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR

82-98

is the meaning of our being brought before the few), what if you who sit there were to pursue a method more cautious still r Make no set speech yourselves, but take us up at whatever you do not like, and settle that before go-

ing any farther.

And

first tell

us

if

this

propo-

sition of ours suits you.

[86] The Melian commissioners answered: Melians.

To

the fairness of quietly instruct-

ing each other as you propose there is nothing your military preparations are

to object; but

what you say, you are come to be judges in your own cause, and that all we can reasonably expect from this negotiation is war, if we prove to have right on our side and refuse to submit, and in the contrary case, slavery. [8y] Athenians. If you have met to reason too far advanced to agree with as

we

see

about presentiments of the future, or for anything else than to consult for the safety of your state

upon

the facts that you see before you,

we

we will go on. [88] Melians. It is natural and excusable for men in our position to turn more ways than one both in thought and utterance. However, the question in this conference is, as you say, the safety of our country; and the discussion, if you please, can proceed in the way which you propose. [8g] Athenians. For ourselves, we shall not trouble you with specious pretences either of how we have a right to our empire because we overthrew the Mede, or are now attacking you because of wrong that you have done us and make a long speech which would not be believed; and in return we hope that you, instead of thinking to influence us by saying that you did not join the Lacedaemonians, although their colonists, or that you have done us no wrong, will aim at what is feasible, holding in view the real sentiments of us both; since you know as well as we do that right, as the world goes, is only in question between equals in power, while the strong do what they can and the weak suffer what they must. [go] Melians. As we think, at any rate, it is expedient we speak as we are obliged, since you enjoin us to let right alone and talk only of interest that you should not destroy what is our common protection, the privilege of being allowed in danger to invoke what is fair and right, and even to profit by arguments not strictly valid if they can be got to

—

— —

pass current.

And you

are as

much

interested

your fall would be a signal for the heaviest vengeance and an example in this as any, as

505

upon. [gi] Athenians. The end of our empire, if end it should, does not frighten us: a rival empire like Lacedaemon, even if Lacedaemon was our real antagonist, is not so terrible to the vanquished as subjects who by themselves attack and overpower their rulers. This, howto meditate

we are content to take. We proceed to show you that we are come here in the interest of our empire, and that we shall say what we are now going to say, for the preservation of your country; as we would fain exercise that empire over you without trouble, and see you preserved for the good ever, will

is

a risk that

now

of us both. [ g2] Melians. And how, pray, could it turn out as good for us to serve as for you to rule ? [g$] Athenians. Because you would have

the advantage of submitting before suffering the worst,

and we should gain by not destroy-

ing you.

will give over; otherwise

—

world

for the

to

[g^] Melians. So that you would not consent our being neutral, friends instead of ene-

mies, but allies of neither side.

[95] Athenians. No; for your hostility canmuch hurt us as your friendship will be an argument to our subjects of our weakness, and your enmity of our power. [g6] Melians. Is that your subjects' idea of equity, to put those who have nothing to do with you in the same category with peoples that are most of them your own colonists, and some conquered rebels? [gy] Athenians. As far as right goes they think one has as much of it as the other, and that if any maintain their independence it is because they are strong, and that if we do not not so

molest them

it is

because

we

are afraid; so that

we should gain by your subjection; the fact that you are islanders and weaker than others rendering it all the more important that you should not succeed in baffling the masters of the sea. [g8] Melians. But do you consider that there besides extending our empire in security

is no security in the policy which we indicate? For here again if you debar us from talking about justice and invite us to obey your interest, we also must explain ours, and try to persuade you, if the two happen to coincide. How can you avoid making enemies of all existing neutrals who shall look at our case and conclude from it that one day or another you will attack them? And what is this but to make greater the enemies that you have already, and to force others to become so who would otherwise have never thought of it?

THUCYDIDES

506

[997 Athenians.

Why,

the fact

is

that con-

[

our conduct being in any

way

contrary to

tinentals generally give us but little alarm; the prevent liberty which they enjoy will long

men

their taking precautions against us; it is rather islanders like yourselves, outside our empire,

we know,

and subjects smarting under the yoke, who would be the most likely to take a rash step and lead themselves and us into obvious danger. [100] Melians. Well then, if you risk so much to retain your empire, and your subjects to get rid of it, it were surely great baseness and

as

cowardice in us who are still free not to try everything that can be tried, before submitting to your yoke. [101] Athenians. Not if you are well advised, the contest not being an equal one, with

we do. Thus, as far as the gods we have no fear and no reason

honour

as the prize

and shame

as the penalty,

but a question of self-preservation and of not resisting those who are far stronger than you are.

[102] Melians. But we know that the fortune of war is sometimes more impartial than the disproportion of numbers might lead one to suppose; to submit is to give ourselves over to despair, while action still preserves for us a hope that we may stand erect. [103] Athenians. Hope, danger's comforter, may be indulged in by those who have abundant resources, if not without loss at all events without ruin; but its nature is to be extravagant, and those who go so far as to put their

upon the venture see it in its true colours only when they are ruined; but so long as the discovery would enable them to guard against it, it is never found wanting. Let not this be all

the case with you,

who are weak and hang on

a

single turn of the scale; nor be like the vulgar,

who, abandoning such security as human means may still afford, when visible hopes fail them in extremity, turn to invisible, to prophecies and oracles, and other such inventions that delude

men

with hopes to their destruc-

tion.

[104] Melians. You may be sure that we are aware as you of the difficulty of contending against your power and fortune, unless the terms be equal. But we trust that the gods may grant us fortune as good as yours, as well

since

we

are just

men

fighting against unjust,

and that what we want in power will be made up by the alliance of the Lacedaemonians, who are bound, if only for very shame, to come to the aid of their kindred.

Our

confidence, there-

not so utterly irrational. When you speak of the favour of the gods, we may as fairly hope for that as yourselves; neither our pretensions nor fore, after all

is

[105] Athenians.

what

among and of men

believe of the gods, or practise

Of the gods we

themselves.

believe,

that by a necessary law of their na-

ture they rule wherever they can.

And

we were the first to make this upon it when made: we found

if

act

Book v

before us,

and

shall leave

it

it is

not

law, or to it

existing

to exist for ever

we do is to make use of it, knowing that you and everybody else, having the same power as we have, would do the same as after us; all

are concerned, to fear that

we

But when we come to your notion about the Lacedaemonians, which leads you to believe that shame will shall be at a disadvantage.

help you, here we bless your simbut do not envy your folly. The Lace-

make them plicity

daemonians, when their own interests or their country's laws are in question, are the worthiest men alive; of their conduct towards others much might be said, but no clearer idea of it could be given than by shortly saying that of all the men we know they are most conspicuous in considering what is agreeable honourable, and what is expedient just. Such a way of thinking does not promise much for the safety which you now unreasonably count upon. [106] Melians. But it is for this very reason that

we now

trust to their respect for expedi-

ency to prevent them from betraying the Melians, their colonists, and thereby losing the confidence of their friends in Hellas and helping their enemies. [107] Athenians. Then you do not adopt the view that expediency goes with security, while justice and honour cannot be followed without danger; and danger the Lacedaemonians generally court as little as possible.

[108] Melians. But we believe that they would be more likely to face even danger for our sake, and with more confidence than for others, as our nearness to Peloponnese makes it easier for them to act, and our common blood ensures our fidelity. [109] Athenians. Yes, but what an intending ally trusts to is not the goodwill of those

who

ask his aid, but a decided superiority of for action; and the Lacedaemonians

power

look to this even more than others. At least, such is their distrust of their home resources that it is only with numerous allies that they attack a neighbour; now is it likely that while we are masters of the sea they will cross over to

an island?

THE PELOPONNESIAN WAR

99-«5l

[no] Melians. But they would have others to send. The Cretan Sea is a wide one, and it is more difficult for those who command it to

who wish to And should the

intercept others, than for those

elude them to do so safely. Lacedaemonians miscarry in fall

your

upon your allies

land,

whom

this,

they would

and upon those

left

of

Brasidas did not reach; and

which are not yours, you will own country and your

instead of places

have to fight for your

own confederacy. [in] Athenians. Some diversion of the kind you speak of you may one day experience, only to learn, as others have done, that the Athenians never once yet withdrew from a siege for fear of any. But we are struck by the

saying you would consult for

fact that, after

the safety of your country, in

all this

discussion

you have mentioned nothing which men might trust in and think to be saved by. Your strongest arguments depend upon hope and the future, and your actual resources are too scanty, as compared with those arrayed against you, for you to come out victorious. You will therefore show great blindness of judgment, unless, after allowing us to retire, you can find some counsel more prudent than this. You will surely not be caught by that idea of disgrace, which in dangers that are disgraceful, and at the same time too plain to be mistaken, proves so

mankind;

men

since

in too

many

fatal to

cases the very

that have their eyes perfectly

open

to

what

they are rushing into, let the thing called disgrace, by the mere influence of a seductive name, lead them on to a point at which they

become fall

so enslaved by the phrase as in fact to

and incur companion of

wilfully into hopeless disaster,

disgrace

more

disgraceful as the

when

it comes as the result of misyou are well advised, you will guard against; and you will not think it dishonourable to submit to the greatest city in Hellas, when it makes you the moderate offer of becoming its tributary ally, without ceasing to enjoy the country that belongs to you; nor when you have the choice given you between war and security, will you be so blinded as to

error,

than

fortune. This,

if

choose the worse. And it is certain that those who do not yield to their equals, who keep terms with their superiors, and are moderate towards their inferiors, on the whole succeed best. Think over the matter, therefore, after our withdrawal, and reflect once and again that it is for your country that you are consulting, that you have not more than one, and that upon this one deliberation depends its prosper-

ity

507

or ruin.

now withdrew from and the Melians, left to them-

[112] The Athenians the conference;

came to a decision corresponding with what they had maintained in the discussion, and answered: "Our resolution, Athenians, is the same as it was at first. We will not in a moment deprive of freedom a city that has been inhabited these seven hundred years; but we put our trust in the fortune by which the gods have preserved it until now, and in the help of men, that is, of the Lacedaemonians; and so we will try and save ourselves. Mean-

selves,

we invite you to allow us to be friends you and foes to neither party, and to retire from our country after making such a treaty as shall seem fit to us both." [113] Such was the answer of the Melians. The Athenians now departing from the conference said: "Well, you alone, as it seems to us, judging from these resolutions, regard what is future as more certain than what is before your eyes, and what is out of sight, in your eagerness, as already coming to pass; and as you have staked most on, and trusted most in, the Lacedaemonians, your fortune, and your hopes, so will you be most completely dewhile

to

ceived."

[114] The Athenian envoys now returned to and the Melians showing no signs of yielding, the generals at once betook themselves to hostilities, and drew a line of circumvallation round the Melians, dividing the work among the different states. Subsequently the Athenians returned with most of their army, leaving behind them a certain number of their own citizens and of the allies to keep guard by land and sea. The force thus left stayed on and besieged the place. [115] About the same time the Argives invaded the territory of Phlius and lost eighty men cut of? in an ambush by the Phliasians and Argive exiles. Meanwhile the Athenians at Pylos took so much plunder from the Lacedaemonians that the latter, although they still refrained from breaking of! the treaty and going to war with Athens, yet proclaimed that any of their people that chose might plunder the Athenians. The Corinthians also commenced hostilities with the Athenians for prithe army;

own; but the rest of the Peloponnesians stayed quiet. Meanwhile the Melians attacked by night and took the part of the Athenian lines over against the market, and killed some of the men, and brought in corn and all else that they could find useful to vate quarrels of their

THUCYDIDES

508

them, and so returned and kept quiet, while the Athenians took measures to keep better guard in future. Summer was now over. [116] The next winter the Lacedaemonians intended to invade the

Argive territory, but arriving at the frontier found the sacrifices for crossing unfavourable, and went back again. This intention of theirs gave the Argives suspicions of certain of their fellow citizens,

some of

whom

others, however, escaped them.

they arrested;

About the same

time the Melians again took another part of

which were but feebly garReinforcements afterwards arriving from Athens in consequence, under the command of Philocrates, son of Demeas, the the Athenian lines risoned.

siege

was now pressed vigorously; and some

taking place inside, the Melians surrendered at discretion to the Athenians, who put to death all the grown men whom treachery

women and children and subsequently sent out five hundred colonists and inhabited the place they took, and sold the

for

slaves,

themselves.

The

Book

Sixth

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