The Hispaniola Treasure [Reprint 2016 ed.] 9781512817218

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THE HISPANIOLA

PREASURE

The HISPANIOLA

Treasure

Philadelphia UNIVERSITY

OF

PENNSYLVANIA

1934

PRESS

Copyright 1934 UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA P R E S S Manufactured

in the United States of

London Humphrey Milford Oxford University Press

America

TO

HENRIETTA ADDITON With Sincere Admiration

Preface THE writer came upon the romantic subject of treasure I hunting neither through love of adventure nor prospect of sudden riches, but by way of a sober, academic interest in the prerogative revenues of the crown in the New World. These were casual forms of incomes that were inherent in the royal office, consisting of unclaimed goods, such as wreck, flotsam, jetsam, lagan, and goods derelict, treasuretrove, royal fish, ambergris, and strays and waifs, the forfeitures of felons, outlaws, suicides, deodands, etc. In their own environment all were found quaint and dramatically interesting, but treasure trove, ambergris, and wreck possessed exceptional appeal as "treasure," and to these we directed our attention. As their study proceeded, the venture into law and administration gradually developed into the fascinating story of treasure hunting. Unannounced, though very welcome, a picturesque and throbbing human drama of the seventeenth century passed in review. This study represents the results, in part, of research undertaken with the assistance of the Harrison Research Fellowship generously granted the writer by the University of Pennsylvania. I am much indebted to Professor Edward P. Cheyney, who aroused my interest in this subject in his Saturday Morning Seminar, and to Professor Herman V. Ames of the University of Pennsylvania for the assistance they gave in reading the entire manuscript. Professor Conyers Read of the University of Pennsylvania kindly aided vii

viii

PREFACE

in the reading of the pages devoted to the administration of the crown's revenue from the treasure. I am under obligation to Dr. Neva R. Deardorff, Director of the Research Bureau of the New York Welfare Council, and author of "English Trade in the Baltic During the Reign of Elizabeth," as of many sociological studies, for her constant encouragement and ready counsel throughout the preparation of this work. C. H. K. Bucknell University, December 22, 1933.

Contents Page PREFACE

vii

Chapter

1.

TREASURE-TROVE,

AMBERGRIS,

AND

WRECKS 2.

1

STANLEY'S SEARCH FOR T H E

HISPANIOLA

TREASURE 3.

THE

12

TREASURE WILLIAM

EXPEDITION PHIPS

TO

OF

THE

CAPTAIN BAHAMA

BANKS 4.

P H I P S DISCOVERS T H E HISPANIOLA TREASURE

5.

26

44

T H E EXPEDITION OF NARBROUGH TO AMBROSIA BANK

58

6.

ACCOUNTABILITY TO T I I E CROWN

69

7.

CORPORATE TREASURE PROJECTS

81

APPENDICES A Treasure Hunter's Contract with the L o r d Admiral

95

A Petition for License to Search for Treasure in New Y o r k e

96

A Commission to Visit Wrecks

97

Bond of a Treasure Hunter

98

Agreement of a Ship's Captain with his Diver

99

NOTES

103

BIBLIOGRAPHY

U7

Illustrations NORTHERN

H I S P A N I O L A , AMBROSIA B A N K , AND

T H E ABROXES

end-paper

maps

By Thomas Jefferys, 1775 M A P O F T H E BAHAMA B A N K S

facing page

39

Charles Salmon, 1683 ( ? ) M I E D A L S S T R U C K IN HONOR O F T H E P H I P S DISCOVERY

OF

THE

HISPANIOLA

TREASURE facing page

Medallic History of England EARLY

to the Revolution,

56

1790

DIVING T U B AND H A L L E Y ' s DIVING EN-

GINE

facing page

The Conquest of the Sea; a book about divers and diving, Henry Siebe, New York, 1873

82

1: Treasure-trove, Ambergris, and Wrecks is popularly conceived as any form of treasure that is recoverable on land or from the sea, but English law makes a distinction. As defined by Blackstone, treasure-trove consists of "any money or coin, gold, silver, plate, or bullion found hidden in the earth, or other private place, the owner thereof being unknown." 1 When discovered, the law gives the treasure to the king, or to his grantee, unless the owner appears to make good his claim. The legal procedure following upon the discovery of hidden treasure was prescribed by the statute de officio coronatoris of the year 1276. It was then enacted that the coroner, when notified by the king's bailiffs or other honest men, should inquire of treasure-trove, who were the finders, and who were suspected thereof, "and that may be well perceived where one liveth riotously haunting taverns and hath done so for a long time." By the advent of the seventeenth century the king had granted much of this revenue to favored subjects, so that frequently the coroner was obliged to adjudge the claim of the lord of a liberty by the examination of court rolls and other records produced as evidence.2 TREASURE-TROVE

From the point of view of the crown, treasure-trove continued to be valued throughout the seventeenth century as a form of income, and not considered, as it is today, principally a matter of antiquarian interest for deposit in a museum.3 The king's interests were protected by reservation of a share of the treasure, the supervision of the search by a l

2

THE HISPANIOLA

TREASURE

royal official, and the conveyance of the find under guard to the Exchequer. Those who concealed the king's treasure were punished by fine and imprisonment, though in Glanville's day the law had exacted the death penalty. 4 While search for buried treasure is viewed by our staid industrial society as an enterprise proper only for eccentrics and incurable adventurers, seventeenth-century England was hardly so incredulous. In point of fact, rich deposits of coin and plate that had been buried in England by the Romans and succeeding generations, and by pirates and wrecked Spaniards in Bermuda and the West Indies, were being discovered not infrequently. The reports of such finds invariably resulted in an epidemic of treasure hunting in the floors, walls, and courtyards of ancient seats and churches, in likely looking mounds and caves, and in treasure expeditions to the islands of the New World, where tradition and rumor located vast Spanish hoards. Throughout the seventeenth century men and women of all ranks of society petitioned the crown for grants of treasure-trove. Many petitioners were adventurers, like Prince Rupert, who requested of his cousin, the king, a grant of gold, silver, and other valuables he might discover in a hill called "Cocklom" in Staffordshire; 5 others were needy war veterans and old civil servants who saw in treasure-trove the possibility of the crown's reward for past loyal services. 6 But a grant of treasure-trove was not despised even by practical business men. Whoever was convinced he had obtained exact knowledge of hidden treasure sought a license of the crown to the sole right of search. The petitions were usually supported by sworn information attested by persons of consequence in the community. 7 The procedure in granting treasure-trove is well illustrated in the instance of Colonel Robert Broughton, who in

TREASURE-TROVE, AMBERGRIS, AND WRECKS

3

January 1 6 6 4 / 6 5 petitioned the king for license to search for treasure concealed in the counties of Middlesex, Hampshire, and Somerset. He asked for his entire find, including the king's interest, as a reward for his services and sufferings in the cause of Charles I. The petition was referred to the solicitor-general, who advised in the affirmative, though limiting the grant to one year and to one county, Middlesex. Broughton acceded to this limitation, and subsequently was granted all treasure discovered since June 24, 1660, not claimed by any proprietor, and all found within Middlesex within a year from the date of the grant, with permission to dig only in the king's lands. 8 Not in this instance, but as a rule the crown reserved in its grant a share of the treasure, ranging from a third to a half and even twothirds, the proportion depending upon its favor toward the petitioner. In the seventeenth century when a discovery occurred within the domains of a church or monastery, where search was quite common, a portion of the treasure was set aside for its upkeep and the care of the poor, and the larger share divided between the discoverer and the crown. Treasure hunters were forbidden by their licenses to dig in land under cultivation and in land where treasuretrove belonged by patent to the proprietor. During the search the crown's interest was protected by the presence of a neighboring justice of the peace, the sheriff of the county, or a special agent of the Treasury detailed to inspect the proceedings. The Treasury required of the licensee an inventory of the treasure stating its quality, quantity, and value, and a guarantee that all the treasure, not simply the crown's share, be forwarded to its charge. 9 Our most interesting and informative account of treasure-

4

THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

trove in the New World had for its setting a small island on the north side of Bermuda named "Ireland." The tradition of buried treasure on this island had grown in Bermuda to an ardent faith by the latter half of the seventeenth century, and had been carried to London and other ports of Europe. In 1692 Captain Richard Long, mariner of London and a famous treasure hunter of that decade, testified on oath before promoters of that city, for the benefit of prospective stockholders, that he had often heard these stories but had placed small credence in their truth until they were related to him by a Spaniard whom he had met while a captive in Algiers. Long declared that without any solicitation on his part the old fellow had told him over and over again the story of buried treasure in Ireland, exclaiming in his language that there was abundance! abundance! abundance! 10 The tradition which was the origin of these reports in the 1690's was as follows. About the year 1608 a treasureladen Spanish galleon, homeward bound, was wrecked upon the coast of Ireland. Though his ship was crushed by the rocks, the captain managed by great effort to salvage a large quantity of silver, which he rafted ashore and buried on the island. Over the top of his hoard he dragged the ship's hatches and, to insure the finding of the spot, piled up a pyramid of rocks and affixed a cross to a nearby tree. He then built himself a small boat out of the timbers of the wreck and sailed for Spain, planning to return to Ireland for the treasure at the first opportunity. Several years elapsed before the Spaniard returned, and meanwhile Sir George Somers and the English had settled Bermuda. As the treasure seeker sailed into the harbor, Governor More fired at him through the rocks, very nearly frightening the poor fellow out of his wits. Quite unaware

TREASURE-TROVE, AMBERGRIS, AND WRECKS

5

of the presence of anything but hogs and demons on the island, he believed it was the Devil who was spurting fire and shot at him, and hurriedly departed, never to return for his hoard. 11 We now return to London, where resided and operated Thomas Neale, gamester, promoter, and petty inventor, but officially known as Master and Worker of the Mint. As one of his many treasure projects, Neale secured in 1692 a grant of the Ireland treasure for nine years, reserving a fifth to the king. To finance his undertaking he organized a stock company, issuing 1000 shares of stock. One hundred shares he reserved for the governor of Bermuda, another hundred for the expense of locating and taking up the treasure, and a third for those employed on the island in the project. Of the remaining 700 shares, Neale sold 300 at one guinea a share, 100 he retained for himself, and the remaining 300 he offered to the public at two guineas a share, instead of one, because, so he enthusiastically declared to all, success in the venture had been growing more certain daily. Neale's advertising of his stock subsequently assumed the familiar guile of modern salesmanship when he announced that he had considerable stock for sale at two guineas, provided purchase were made during August 1692; after that month he feared greatly the necessity of raising the price. For some unknown reason we hear no more of Thomas Neale in this enterprise, his place as its promoter being assumed the following year by a person of similar name and inclinations—Samuel Weale. Weale entered into an agreement with a certain John Dudgeon of London, appointing the latter his agent in Bermuda to recover the treasure. He promised Dudgeon £50 upon his embarkation, fifty shares of stock in the undertaking, the payment of all

6

THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

his expenses, and, in addition, authority to present forty shares of stock to the proprietors and others of service in discovering the treasure. Dudgeon arrived at Bermuda, August 10, 1693, and immediately made a survey of Ireland. He then contracted with its thirteen proprietors for the right of search on their lands, with the understanding that he would leave the earth as he had found it and, in the event of a discovery, make a present of stock to the proprietors. With these necessary preliminaries attended to, Dudgeon examined on oath ten of the oldest and most reliable inhabitants concerning their knowledge of the treasure. These people swore to the most fantastic superstitions of that day concerning the treasure. They told of dragons breathing fire rising over the place where the treasure lay, 1 2 and of phantom ships that suddenly loomed up in the mists of the bay and as quickly vanished. Astrologers and other wise men had sought the treasure, it is true, but all their vast learning had availed no whit. One of these had come to Bermuda from New York in the year 1673 to offer his services to the governor in finding the treasure. Governor Heydon called together his council, who all agreed to make the search at once except Mr. Norwood, " a great mathematician." This prudent man declared that he himself could discover the treasure, but there would be either " a treasure and no Bermudas or a Bermudas & noe Treasure," for if they searched for the treasure there would result fearful storms, and the lives of many would be imperiled. So stunned were the other councillors by this dire prophecy that they speedily abandoned all plans for the treasure hunt. At another time a stranger, styling himself an astrologer, gathered a group of men at the chosen spot with hoes and pickaxes. As they prepared to dig, he remarked to them, casually enough,

TREASURE-TROVE,

AMBERGRIS, AND WRECKS

7

that for a short time they would be stricken blind, but not to be alarmed for the affliction would soon pass away. T h e men were terribly frightened; they dropped their tools as though already smitten and refused to dig, crying that ''they would not trust the Devill with their eyesight." The astrologer pleaded with them, and then stormed and raged, but all to no purpose; he could accomplish nothing, nor could he thereafter persuade any of the inhabitants of Bermuda to dig for him. Weale's project seems to have been well financed and managed, yet no treasure was discovered. For aught W e a l e and his friends knew to the contrary, the Devil still kept his own, though inasmuch as a few trinkets already had been unearthed at the traditional site by other treasure hunters, we may surmise that the hoard had been recovered by some old sea dog, scornful

of storms, blindness, and

other

machinations of the Unholy One. 1 3 When we turn to the other forms of treasure searched for in the New World, we are forcibly impressed by the dependence of the Bermuda Company during the early years of the Colony upon its revenues from ambergris. Extraordinarily valuable quantities of this grayish, waxen substance thrown off by the sperm whale, were found along the shores of the Bermudas. It was much prized at the time in London both for perfume and medicine, realizing in 1 6 1 3 as much as seventy-five shillings an ounce.

The

Company officials first began to appreciate the value of this precious commodity in the year 1 6 1 1 when two of S i r George Somers's men, searching among the crevices along the rocky shore of Bermuda, found a lump of ambergris weighing between 1 6 0 and 1 9 0 pounds. From this giant in size and in shape, as the story goes, much was embezzled by the finders, nevertheless the Company reaped the fine

8

THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

profit of £ 5 0 0 0 . 1 4 Such marvelous good fortune, all the more exhilarating because so unexpected, persuaded the Bermuda Company from this moment to turn to ambergris for its chief revenue from the islands. The governors of Bermuda were commanded by commissions, instructions, and laws to search everywhere for the precious substance. Governor More was commissioned in 1 6 1 2 to encourage the Adventurers at home by making a good return of some commodity and "especially of ambergris." To stimulate search along the coast he was authorized to allow the finder of ambergris thirteen shillings and fourpence for each ounce he presented, but, on the other hand, to confiscate the find of anyone discovered embezzling the Company's royalty. 1 5 With other valuable finds occurring at intervals during the immediate succeeding years, the Company instructed Governor Tucker in 1 6 1 6 to have the inside of every "trompe whale" searched carefully for ambergris, and to swear all finders to an honest return of the treasure. 1 6 It is certain that the successful launching of the Company and the Colony was due very largely to these chance discoveries of ambergris. 17 The Bermuda Company shared generously with the treasure hunters. By a law of 1 6 2 2 it laid claim to but a fifth of the ambergris found, and provided that the remainder be divided equally between the finder and the owner of the land, with allowance for the governor of three shillings and fourpence on each ounce. The penalty for concealment was made confiscation and other punishment at the discretion of the General Court. In its later instructions the Company applied the law of wrecks to ambergris when it required a reservation of one-half of the find and the division of the remainder equally between the finder

TREASURE-TROVE, AMBERGRIS, AND WRECKS

9

and the owner of the land where the lump was discovered. 18 Among the Bahamas the search for ambergris became pretty nearly as exciting as in the Bermudas. The proprietors in 1671 advised the governor and council that a third of the ambergris found on or near the islands belonged to them, but of this proportion they would bestow a third upon the governor. Later in the year they became more generous to the finders. Now was reserved only a fifth, and of this proportion a fifth was granted the governor. At the same time, for better protection of their rights, the proprietors forbade all persons searching for ambergris except those who had been so licensed by the governor. 19 Important as was ambergris in the early history of Bermuda and the Bahamas, with the passing of the century the recovery of wrecks proved far more extensive and profitable. During the seventeenth century scores of ships were wrecked upon the banks and reefs of Bermuda and the islands of the West Indies, a few of them Spanish galleons laden with vast cargoes of gold, silver, and precious stones. The ownership of these wrecks was determined by their location: were the cargo recovered within the limits prescribed by charter, or patent, and no owner appearing to make good his claim, it became a proprietary right, but if salvaged beyond such limits and the owner not appearing, it then belonged to the Admiralty and was made so accountable, with allowance to the salvors. 20 But the inhabitants were little interested in laws and rights. Wreck had been granted to the Company as an admiralty droit, but when a wreck occurred near one of the islands it was fiercely pounced upon by the ever watchful natives and usually stripped of everything of value and the goods dispersed before the governor or other officials of the Com-

10

T H E HISPAN10LA TREASURE

pany could arrive upon the scene. Then followed the pursuit of the thieves to recover. Proclamations were published 21 and prosecutions made, but the plundering of wrecks continued unabated to the end of the century. The lust for wreck was equally strong in the Bahamas. In 1682 Governor Lynch of Jamaica remonstrated with their governor for permitting such criminal looting. He warned him that it was well known in England that the inhabitants of his islands were more intent on pillaging wrecks than planting, and that all the violence of which he complained arose only from disputes about wrecks. The wrecks, he declared, belonged to the Spaniards by natural law; consequently, neither the English nor the French possessed any right to drive them from their own property.22 The plundering of a Spanish wreck by the Bermudians at one time threatened international complications. In the year 1621 the San Antonio, a ship of 300 tons, was wrecked off Bermuda and the wreck quickly seized by the governor. Gondomar, the Spanish ambassador, complained to the Company that the English had prevented the Spaniards from returning to the wreck and had seized for themselves its silver, gold, and merchandise to the value of 60,000 crowns. To this accusation the Company replied in an injured tone that, on the contrary, letters had been received from their governor stating that the wreck possessed a value no greater than £140, which he had used as payment for the upkeep of the crew, and that he had been very solicitous for the welfare of the poor fellows. Gondomar then suggested that he send some representatives to Bermuda to recover the shipwrecked goods; to this the Company answered that they would prefer to send some of their men and not inconvenience his lordship. Late in the year 1622 a commission of inquiry was sent to Bermuda;

TREASURE-TROVE, AMBERGRIS, AND WRECKS

11

but the dispute seems to have closed by the breaking out of the war with Spain. 23 We now turn to the larger story of wreck-recovery projects and expeditions, and to the law and administration of treasure recovered from the sea.

2: Stanley's Search for the Hispaniola Treasure ON the evening of April 13, 1683, the frigate Faulcon and the sloop Bonetto 1 weighed anchor from Portsmouth Harbor for the reefs off the northeast coast of Hispaniola. The commander of the Faulcon was Captain George Churchill, of the Bonetto, Captain Edward Stanley; they were officers of the royal navy and under commission of his Majesty Charles II to discover and salvage the Hispaniola treasure. Somewhere off the northeastern coast of Hispaniola in the area between Turks Islands and Cape Cabron lay a nation's ransom. In the year 1642, though there was then no agreement on the date, the vice-admiral and the richestladen ship of a Spanish treasure fleet struck on a reef in this area and went down with her entire cargo. Upon which of the several reefs? There was vast uncertainty even among the old sailors of the West Indies who knew of the wreck first-hand. Immediately to the southeast of Turks Islands, about eighteen leagues distant, lay Mouchoir Carré or los Abrojos called by the English "Handkerchief Shoal" and "the Abroxes." Was it here? To the southeast of the Abroxes, somewhat further, lay Ambroches, which the English called "Ambrosia Bank" and "North Riff." Perhaps the galleon had struck on this reef. Directly south of Ambrosia Bank about midway to Hispaniola lay an almost oval-shaped reef known as "South Riff," and this too was a possibility.2 12

STANLEY'S SEAKCH FOR THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

13

The Admiralty placed Captain Churchill in command of the expedition, but it is from the log kept by Captain Stanley that we have practically all our information of the treasure voyage. Stanley was endowed with a sense for the dramatic, to write a fascinating account in the journal of the Bonetta during the years 1 6 8 3 - 1 6 8 6 . He took command of the Bonetta in Portsmouth Harbor, April 4, 1 6 8 3 ; five days later he had two months' provisions aboard, quite sufficient for the voyage across the Atlantic under normal conditions, and on that day set sail with the Faulcon in convoy of a flotilla of merchantmen for the West Indies. The vessels touched at Madeira en route, and on June 12 saluted with twelve guns the Castle at Barbados. After a visit here of a week the little squadron sailed for the northeastern point of Hispaniola, standing off Cape Cabron to the west of the S a m a n a peninsula on J u n e 26. At this point Captain Churchill, believing they had now arrived in the neighborhood of the wreck and the treasure, ordered Stanley to sail ahead in search of keys which he supposed lay off the Cape. If successful in finding them, it was agreed that he should signal with a gun and stand by until Churchill came up. Stanley proceeded as directed but found no keys, whereupon Churchill directed Captain Harman, the guide of the expedition, to look for an anchoring place to the west. He had in mind Porto Plata, but Harman seems to have been a s ignorant of the locality as the two captains, for he searched vainly for Porto Plata for three days until at last a French ship directed them to the harbor. We shall hear much of H a r m a n ; he was a Dutchman, but we know nothing of his previous career, nor the source or character of his information of the treasure ship that inspired so much confidence in Churchill. Porto Plata henceforth became the port of departure of

14

THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

the Bonetta in its quest of the treasure, as it served the sloop for a refuge from the terrible "turnados" that swept over the reefs off Hispaniola. Remaining here only until he might take his bearings, Churchill ordered the boats for the Abroxes. 3 The fifth day of July, Stanley descried breakers ahead and at once fired two guns as a signal to Churchill to come up. Upon his arrival, Churchill ordered Harman aboard the Bonetta to direct the searching along the ledge. A l l day they busked up and down the reef, exploring its every detail, but found nothing. Then Harman calculated that they lay five leagues to windward of the wreck, and more uncertain maneuvers followed in this locality. The guide, sorely perplexed by his repeated failures, finally admitted he could not hope to find the wreck until he first made Porto Plata and steered due north from that point. Obedient to his wishes, though grown skeptical of his judgment, Stanley now sailed the Bonetta back to Porto Plata for a fresh start, and on July 8 the boats were again off the Abroxes. With Harman in one boat and Stanley and his brother in the other and keeping barely in sight of each other, they searched carefully along the western edge of the bank. Soon Stanley discovered " 3 great spotts," very likely looking, and signaled Harman to come up. They were then a league from the westernmost end of the Abroxes. Harman arrived greatly excited; he was sure they would find the wreck on these rocks, but eagerly and carefully as they searched, to their utter dismay no trace of the galleon could be discovered. But Harman was not one to be crushed by this new disappointment; he was now equally certain of finding the wreck four miles to the west of the rocks. Before proceeding in this direction for a fresh attempt they reported to Churchill their recent soundings and Harman's new plans. Churchill had grown discouraged

STANLEY'S SEARCH FOR T H E HISPANIOLA TREASURE

15

by their ill luck; he now refused absolutely to search any longer "haveing Lost a great many men wth the Griping of the Gutts." He ordered the boats to Jamaica, and the first expedition to the Abroxes in search of the Hispaniola treasure had ended in dismal failure. How hopeless the prospects of success unless the exact latitude of the wreck were somehow obtained! Following its return to Jamaica, the Bonetta rode idly in Port Royal Harbor until the latter part of August, awaiting further orders. Stanley was then ordered to St. Iago, on the south coast of Cuba, to demand of its governor a ketch he had seized. The governor complied without offering the least trouble. This was the first of many services performed by Stanley in the public interest of the colony of Jamaica during the intervals between his sallies upon the reefs in search of the wreck. The Admiralty had commissioned Stanley to the twofold duty of search for the treasure, and execution of the public orders of the governor of Jamaica. The next expedition to the Abroxes followed closely upon Stanley's return from St. Iago, once more under the guidance of Captain Harman and the command of Captain Churchill. 4 A Sir Richard White assisted in the search with the promise, it seems, of a share in the treasure when discovered. Hardly more than mentioned in the dispatches of Governor Molesworth of Jamaica to the authorities in London, he is a shadowy individual, the exact nature of whose connection with the Stanley expedition we have been unable to determine. At the Abroxes Harman steered the Bonetta now to this spot, now to that. He was ever scanning the sea for a lone rock rising high above the water. Stanley discovered a ledge whose distance from Porto Plata he computed at twenty-three leagues to the northeast,

16

TttE HlSPANlOLA TREASURE

but after sounding the spot, Harman calculated the wreck must lie to the west. Stanley then turned westward along the edge of the bank, but unfortunately gales now arose to end their search and force retirement to the protection of Porto Plata harbor. After a week of restless waiting here for the storms to subside, Churchill at length set sail for Jamaica on Harman's advice that it was not "a proper time of the yeare to look for the wrack." The Bonetta returned to Port Royal November 14, 1683, and at once was careened and provisioned for the next adventure, whether to be in search of the treasure or the service of the island. She was not to idle long in the Harbor, for within a week orders came from Governor Lynch to take twenty-five men out of the Ruby and the Guernsey, two other ships of the line placed at the service of the colony, and proceed to the Isle of Ash 5 to demand several sloops and prisoners held there by the Spaniards. Stanley accomplished his mission successfully; he also recovered, and without any fighting, prisoners in the harbor of St. Domingo who had been taken by the periagos 8 of that place. He then returned to Port Royal, arriving February 19, 1683/84, to rest there until March 26. On that date Stanley again sailed for the Abroxes, this time accompanied by the sloop William and Martha. The William and Martha had on board a map-maker for the purpose of charting the wreck. Captain Tennett of the Guernsey was now in command in place of Captain Churchill, who had been recalled to England. Tennett was confident he had obtained from an old Spaniard certain directions for finding the treasure. The mark of the wreck was said to be a single rock rising above the sea, but with its exact location still unknown the probability of discovery remained very slight. Unless the boats came very near, the rock would

STANLEY'S SEARCH FOR THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

17

not be discovered; besides, the rock might have disappeared altogether since it was last seen, as a result of the occasional heaving and falling of the West Indian ocean bed. Stanley thus described their search in his entry of May 25th: " I sent my boate to the reef to Search itt this place agrees wth the Spanish Directions in every thing except a Rock wch it says apeeres Like a boate keele up." He was then on the northeast side of the Abroxes in the latitude of 21° 2 0 ' north. For four weeks the boats searched, busking along the bank, with Harman in one boat, Stanley in the other, and the Guernsey's yawl between. Once more they were disappointed. This time Harman changed his mind so rapidly that Stanley returned to Porto Plata in disgust. He asked Captain Tennett to relieve him of his command, as he believed Harman had lost his wits completely. But Harman had not yet lost favor with Tennett; he persuaded the commander to one more trial, with this concession, however, that a subordinate command the Bonetta, under Harman's orders and beyond Stanley's interference unless the latter perceived the king's sloop in danger. The renewed search along the ledge proved equally unsuccessful. Bitterly disappointed, Captain Tennett now ordered the ships fitted for Jamaica, having "noe encuragement of sending any more to looke for the Wracke." Following the return of the expedition to Port Royal, July 5, 1684, Stanley devoted the next two weeks to calking and fitting out the Bonetta, while awaiting further orders. His next instructions came from Governor Hender Molesworth, who had succeeded Governor Lynch, to place himself under the orders of the commander of the Ruby and hunt for Bannister. Bannister was a privateer said to be in the French employ, though perhaps more correctly

18

THE

HISPANIOLA

TREASURE

termed a pirate, who in the Golden Fleece had been preying ferociously upon English trade and shipping. He had proved very elusive, leading the English a merry chase among the shoals, reefs, and islets of the West Indies. The Bonetta and the Ruby pursued and captured a vessel which they had mistaken for Bannister; but Bannister escaped, and after further fruitless search the expedition returned to Port Royal without its quarry. During the pursuit they hailed a vessel from New York carrying sixty men and six guns, who shouted back that they were "goeing to Look for a Wrack on ye Bohemia [Bahama] Shoolds." The next errand to be performed was a voyage to Trinidad on the south coast of Cuba for a sloop the Spaniards had captured. On the way Stanley engaged in a fierce fight with two Spanish boats. He had been forced by foul weather to put into a bay about twenty-five leagues short of Trinidad, where he sent a boat ashore for provisions. The Spaniards promptly seized the boat with its eight occupants. Almost immediately afterward a galley and periago came rushing out of an ambuscade at the Bonetta. A furious exchange of shots followed. Stanley finally beat off his enemies, whereupon they retreated into water too shallow for the Bonetta to follow, to waylay a less resolute foe. 7 After the fight Stanley was strong enough to rescue four sloops from a French privateer and to bring safely away nearly a dozen "turtlers" that had been driven from their grounds by the periagos and were drifting about aimlessly, but he was obliged to return without delivering the governor's letter at Trinidad. Following the fight the coast so swarmed with these wolves of the sea that a hasty retreat to Port Royal became imperative. 8 At this period of doubt and discouragement for Stanley,

STANLEY'S SEARCH FOR THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

19

following a year of repeated failures in search of the treasure, there came to hand startling new information concerning the location of the wreck. A sailor named Thomas Smith testified on oath before Governor Molesworth that he had actually seen the treasure. He related that about a year since, while passing off Cape Cabron on a cruise to New England, he came by accident upon a reef one of whose rocks rose up fifty feet high, while there were others that barely cleared the water. It was such a rock Stanley had sought under the directions of both Harman and the Spaniard. Looking down upon one of these rocks Smith had seen "sows" 9 and "pigs" of silver heaped high, and a bar of gold. Forty feet away he beheld the hull of a ship wedged in between two of the rocks. But strange to relate, instead of salvaging the treasure at once, the master and owners began to argue among themselves how best to raise it. While thus noisily occupied, a gale blew up unperceived and lashed them far to leeward. 10 Now they were afraid to anchor because their cable was weak, while the owners refused to risk a try for the reef for fear of losing the boat, their only possession. With the treasure actually in hand they allowed it to escape! Before departing from the site, all resolved to return for the treasure at the first opportunity, but Smith had not heard of them making the attempt. He declared that though he was no artist and had not charted the location of the rocks, nevertheless, he was sure he could find them again. He admitted they were not to be found on any of the well-known maps, but he had seen them on a private map. Molesworth was greatly impressed by the man's earnestness and consulted with Stanley. Stanley told him that he, too, had seen the reef located on a private map, and that his own pilot could discover it as easily as Smith. 11 Molesworth, how-

20

THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

ever, signed a contract with Smith to direct Stanley to the wreck. Its terms are amazing. Smith agreed to serve in a man-of-war for seven years without pay and submit his body to whatever punishment the governor wished to inflict, should he fail to bring Stanley to the wreck. Governor Molesworth, on his part, agreed to reward Smith with one-fifth of the treasure he might discover.12 Molesworth admonished Stanley to exercise the greatest of care in the undertaking, for this was the king's treasure. In accordance with Smith's deposition, he would sail the Bonetta toward a ledge of rocks east of the "handkercher Reefe," ever on the watch for a high flat rock. On discovery of the treasure he would load the sloop to capacity with only the best of the gold and silver, while keeping an exact account of the amount, and exercising the utmost caution to prevent the treasure being stolen and the crown defrauded of its own. Molesworth assured Stanley that King Charles would reward him generously for his enterprise and loyalty in this matter. To avert the catastrophe of a mutiny he urged Stanley to play fair with his crew; on his part he had already promised each of the crew £100 should the adventure succeed, in addition to the reward they might expect from the king.13 After loading the treasure Stanley was instructed to put on all sail for Port Royal and under no condition to touch at any capes, islets, or other places on his route, known to be frequented by privateers and pirates. Should he fail to discover the treasure, after a reasonable period of time expended in its search, he would return to Port Royal. Finally, Molesworth advised Stanley to test Smith's story by anchoring among the keys for a day or two in order to give him an opportunity for escape had he sworn falsely. By so doing he might find his search

STANLEY'S SEARCH FOR THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

21

unnecessary, for the sailor would hardly care to risk his neck.14 Stanley remained convinced that his pilot knew the reef described by Smith, and feeling no desire at all to share the treasure with the stranger, sailed without a word to the latter. Smith soon found out Stanley's trick and pursued him in a wherry. Molesworth, meanwhile, was writing his plans and hopes to William Blathwayt in London. He wrote to the Auditor-General of Plantation Revenues and not to the Lords of the Treasury, because, as he explained to Blathwayt, while the venture seemed worth while to him, he did not wish to trouble Lord Sunderland with something that might seem to him trivial, and incur his ridicule in the event Stanley failed. He assured Blathwayt that there was no possibility of the king losing by the expedition, for at the time Jamaica had no particular need of the Bonetta.15 Stanley's return to Port Royal was delayed until May 14. Only a small part of the time had he searched for the wreck, many days and weeks being required for careening, provisioning, fleeing for refuge from storms, and pursuing ships of doubtful design. An entry in the log of the Bonetta, dated May 2, describes him searching according to the Spaniard's directions, with no word of Smith. He probed the west end of the reef, according to the Spaniard's statement that the galleon was lost there; finding nothing, he then ran down along its south side but with no better luck. 16 The fifth day of May it began to blow, the provisions had grown scant, and acknowledging at last the futility of further search, "Except you can bee shure of your Lattitude," Stanley set sail for Jamaica. On the way he seized an interloper at Point

22

THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

Morant on the charge of loading negroes and not accounting to the governor, and delivered him over to the marshal of Jamaica. Of Thomas Smith Stanley says nothing in his account of this expedition, nor, indeed, anywhere in his journal of the Bonetta. It is certain that he sailed without Smith, refusing his guidance and even permission to search for the wreck in his company. Stanley had found that the directions of the Spaniard tallied exactly with those of Smith. He reasoned with himself that both were correct and the earlier expeditions to the Abroxes a mistake, for how could thel shipwrecked sailors have made Porto Plata from the distant Abroxes on a raft? All things considered, he believed that the Spaniards, finding the Abroxes the only reef located on their maps, had concluded that there they had been shipwrecked. Stanley calculated the shipwreck to have occurred about eighteen leagues to the east of the Abroxes. This location would agree with the directions of Smith and the Spaniard. Yet he had not found the treasure. We do not know whether Stanley searched this time on the South Riff or the North Riff, since he does not name the reef he explored or give its latitude, and the pair were almost equidistant from the Abroxes, but as matters developed he might have searched all about the treasure without a suggestion of its nearness, for when discovered neither the rock nor any part of the wreckage of the galleon was visible above the waves. This new disappointment by no means discouraged Stanley; he appeared to observers only the more confident of finding the treasure at the next attempt. He claimed now a more accurate description of the location of the wreck and his enthusiasm was unbounded. In the light of later events it was pathetic. He explained to Molesworth that

STANLEY'S SEARCH FOR THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

23

only bad weather and lack of provisions had prevented his success; weather permitting he vowed he would secure the treasure at the next trial or forfeit his wages to the amount of £300. Molesworth was equally sanguine of success, and doubly anxious for Stanley to hasten his departure for fear that Smith, or Stanley's pilot, who, according to Stanley, knew the directions, were now so hot on the scent that they would disclose their secret for money to others unless the expedition were soon away. Indeed, an immediate danger threatened, for two other vessels were then preparing at Port Royal to sail in search of the treasure; one of New England registry and the other a Port Royal boat. The latter actually carried on board one of the Spaniards who had been cast away on the wreck! 17 These two ships sailed for the reef but were beaten back by storms, and much relieved by this good news Molesworth thought it safe for the Bonetta to wait until September, which Stanley considered a more favorable season for the search. 1 8 However, it was October before Stanley again visited the reef. From the middle of May until September his time had been well occupied, first with a search of the north coast of Jamaica for Spaniards, on a secret warning that they were planning to plunder this part of the island. He searched carefully the many bays, creeks, and other inlets, finding at St. Ann's the inhabitants drawn up in arms along the shore prepared to meet the marauders, but no Spaniards could he find. His second mission was to the town of St. Domingo for prisoners. The third of October Stanley was again on the bank, accompanied by a sloop purchased by Molesworth out of his own money to assist in the work. Until the fourteenth of the month he was diligently and persistently scanning and probing the reef, but it was the old, old, disheartening experience—no signs

24

THE

HISPANIOLA

TREASURE

of the wreck. At last his confidence began to ebb, and apparently doubting the Spaniard's directions he turned to rumor for assistance. Word had come to him that the captain of the treasure galleon had come ashore at a port called Padra Pymi ( ? ) , and at this place lived a man who as a boy had escaped from the wreck. Stanley sailed to this place to investigate. What he learned, if anything, we do not know, as he gave no account in his journal of this side trip in pursuit of a clue. He was again among the breakers on October 20. This time he searched too recklessly, or perhaps his previous good fortune in escaping the rocks deserted him. At any rate, the sloop struck on a rock and Stanley almost ran the Bonetta on another in attempts to get her off. It was a frightful experience during which he often despaired of their lives, but at last he succeeded in rescuing his comrade and at the same time saving the king's ship from disaster. In so doing he broke all his anchors and retired to Porto Rico to refit for another attempt. When this was accomplished, Stanley suddently reversed his plans, and sailed for Jamaica. The cause for the sudden abandonment of the search we do not know; repeated failure and his recent terrifying experience may have discouraged Stanley from returning to the search, though it seems more probable that he had received orders, which he does not mention, from Molesworth to return to Port Royal. After Stanley had given Molesworth a full account of his failure to find the treasure, the governor questioned Smith as to his opinion now. He budged not an inch from his original story. 10 Smith had not been given a chance to guide Stanley to the treasure in either expedition. He seems to have been held in restraint by Molesworth at Port Royal for further questioning, and to prevent him selling

STANLEY'S SEARCH FOR THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

25

out to other treasure hunters, of whom there were a number then seeking the H i s p a n i o l a treasure. Whether S m i t h turned to the service of others we do not know, a s his career a f t e r November 1 6 8 5 , remains a blank. Stanley sailed no more f o r the banks off H i s p a n i o l a in service of the king. His few r e m a i n i n g months in the West Indies were occupied with the recovery of prisoners f r o m the S p a n i a r d s , the pursuit of privateers, a n d in search of the will-o'-the-wisp Faulcon

Bannister.

On

April

8,

1686,

arrived at Port R o y a l with orders f o r the

Bonetta

to return to E n g l a n d in c o m p a n y with the Ruby. Drake

arrived on A p r i l 14th to relieve the Bonetta,

the The

a n d it

w a s her commander, Captain S p r a g g e , who finally caught Bannister and hanged him to the y a r d a r m . T h e

Bonetta

sailed for England on the eighth of M a y with seventeen other ships, taking the course along the G u l f of F l o r i d a . T w o d a y s later she was off the west end of J a m a i c a , on M a y 14 at the east end of the I s l e of Pines, and on J u n e 4 off C a p e F l o r i d a . 2 0 The voyage to E n g l a n d w a s accomplished without incident, the Bonetta

anchoring at Dept-

f o r d J u l y 2 0 , after an absence of more than three y e a r s . In spite of his splendid s e a m a n s h i p , and

extraordinary

c o u r a g e and persistence, Stanley h a d f a i l e d a s a treasure hunter, though not in devotion to his king. T h e H i s p a n i o l a treasure w a s destined for a child of fortune f r o m New England.

3: The Treasure Expedition of Captain William Phips to the Bahama Banks OF all our colonial governors no character is quite so romantic and appealing as Sir William Phips—ambitious, courageous, vain, blustering, profane, and withal an intensely interesting sea captain of the late seventeenth century. 1 His life is the fascinating story of a poor, unlettered New England boy rising to wealth, fame, knighthood, and the governorship of Massachusetts through daring, ingenuity, remarkable pertinacity and extraordinary good fortune. Truly Phips was, as Cotton Mather wrote of him, a man of destiny. We are only now really beginning to understand Phips, after some two hundred and fifty years of obscurity. While our knowledge of his early life as a farmer boy in Maine, carpenter at Boston, and merchant-captain still remains shadowy, the succeeding mysterious years as treasure hunter leading to rank and power as provost marshalgeneral, military leader, and governor, are at last appearing in a clearer light. It is to the immediate background of Phips's meteoric rise to fame and fortune, his years as treasure hunter, that we direct our attention. During one of his trading voyages as master of a sloop, Phips heard of a Spanish wreck about New Providence Island in the Bahamas. In his search he met with just enough success to pay the expense of a voyage to England, to secure financial aid for another expedition to salvage another wreck on the Bahama Banks. At Whitehall 20

TREASURE EXPEDITION OF CAPTAIN WILLIAM P H I P S

27

Phips presented his plans so well that Charles II was persuaded to loan him one of his ships, the Rose of Argier, for the undertaking." In return for his loan the king demanded one-fourth of the treasure recovered, in addition to his royalty. 3 Phips and his crew agreed to a partnership enterprise. They signed articles of agreement whereby Phips agreed to purchase out of his own pocket the instruments necessary for salvaging, while, on their part, the ship's company agreed to contribute equally to the purchase of their food, and small arms with ammunition. The parties agreed to share the treasure according to their rank on the Rose, after first deducting the crown's share. Phips was to have a share for his person, another for his commission, and a third as a refund for the instruments he purchased; the mate was to have one-eighth of a share more than a foremast or common man, whose share would equal one of Phips's; the ship's doctor was promised the same as a common sailor instead of wages, with the addition of twopence monthly from each member of the crew toward the cost of his medicine chest; while each boy of the Rose was promised half a share. All were to share in the treasure except the poor cook, who was to content himself with wages contributed by the rest of the crew. He was the only hired hand on the ship, but if he felt any inferiority on this score he had some consolation in the knowledge that he alone was free of the expenses of the voyage. It was further agreed, on paper if not in spirit, that should any of the ship's company misbehave during the voyage it would be lawful for the commander, with consent of the greater number of votes of the ship's company, to cut his share as the crew determined and give this part to some deserving member. Finally, Captain Phips and each of his

28

THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

crew gave security of £100 for the faithful execution of the agreement, and the articles of agreement were signed and sealed by eight of their number July 13, 1683, in the presence of Sir Richard Haddock and Sir John Narbrough, Commissioners of the Navy. The agreement provided generously for the crew, to encourage their search and insure their loyalty when the treasure was found; on the other hand, a partnership between the ship's commander and its company seriously endangered discipline on the voyage. The Treasury sought to protect the interests of the crown in the undertaking by placing two of its trusted agents, John Knepp and Charles Salmon,4 aboard the Rose. They were given explicit instructions to defend the Rose from disaster, to prevent at all cost the embezzlement of the crown's share of the treasure, and to report, whenever opportunity offered, on the conduct of Phips and his crew. Knepp and Salmon were made responsible to Haddock and Narbrough, the Naval Commissioners. Knepp was appointed chief in charge of the crown's interests, and it is from his account of the voyage of the Rose to Boston and then to the Bahama Banks, written for the Commissioners, that we have our story of the expedition.5 The Rose sailed the fifth day of September from the Downs. Before her departure Knepp and Phips had experienced great difficulty in persuading the crew to sign the articles. Although the crown had loaned them their ship, they angrily refused its claim to any share in the treasure they might salvage. Finally they did sign, and just before sailing Knepp hurried the articles to the Commissioners. He then informed the still angry sailors of the Commissioners' instructions regarding the conduct of the Rose. They were never to make any ship strike or in any other way behave as a man-of-war, for though the Rose

TREASURE EXPEDITION OF CAPTAIN WILLIAM PHIPS

29

was his Majesty's ship it was now on his private enterprise and therefore not a man-of-war. The crew swore that the Rose was a man-of-war and they would do as they damned please. The first intimation of mismanagement of the expedition appeared when the Rose had been but a week at sea. It was discovered that only a month's provisions remained aboard. Usually ships took on at least two months' supplies for the voyage across the Atlantic. Phips then steered for Limerick on the west coast of Ireland to replenish his stock. Here, while Phips was ashore bargaining, the collector of customs came aboard with orders to the chief mate, Coan, to stop the crew selling hats on shore as this was prohibited by law, otherwise he would be forced to place a "waiter" on the Rose to check on their trade. Coan replied that if this were done he would throw the man overboard, and to begone himself or he would fling him over. The next incident was the complaint of a farmer to Phips that his crew had killed and stolen some of his sheep and poultry. Phips investigated and found that the carpenter of the Rose had shot a sheep and brought it on board, so Phips paid the man for his sheep and he went away grumbling that he had lost many more than this one. At last, fully provisioned, the Rose resumed her voyage to Boston. All went well until about three days out, when the powder room was discovered flooded from a leak in the ship's bow. How much of the powder was damaged Knepp could not learn, for Phips refused to open any of the barrels. Then there was more excitement when Knepp discovered a quantity of his private store of wine, brandy, and cheese missing. He informed Phips of his loss and the latter had the ship searched, but without catching the thief. At length a sailor named Richard Pickton was caught red-

30

THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

handed breaking open a cabin door. He was thrown into the bilboes and later brought to trial. Knepp had suspected Pickton of the theft of his stores; Pickton now confessed the theft and implicated seven others. However, Phips refused to punish them. To Knepp's heated protests he replied that he could not punish them for they were "some of the best men in the Ship and if I should punish them I am afraid that their consorts will mutiny." He confessed to Knepp the articles of agreement had tied his hands, for "men that paid for their own victualls and receive noe wages will not be corrected for every Small fault," but promised to reimburse him for his loss at the end of the voyage. Knepp felt he could place little reliance on this promise ever being fulfilled. The crew were already out of control. The beautiful autumn evening of October 6th was celebrated in a drunken debauch, "for swearing and cursing I bless god I never heard the like before in all the ships as ever I have sailed in." When Knepp unwisely expostulated with the sailors, they replied that they would swear and get drunk as often as they pleased, and that their captain had not dared say as much to them as Knepp. 6 At midnight the boatswain was caught with several others burning brandy and smoking in the powder room. When Knepp told Phips of this, he contented himself with admonishing the men not to be so careless again. For his own welfare Knepp was too conscientious in the service of the Admiralty. From the outset of the voyage the crew disliked him as a government agent put on board to seize their treasure; they now suspected him of spying on their conduct to report to the Naval Commissioners. The more he interfered, the greater their fear and hatred of this spy and telltale. At length one of their number proposed they cast him ashore on one of the

TREASURE

EXPEDITION

OF CAPTAIN WILLIAM

PHIPS

31

desolate Bahama Isles before they arrived at the wreck; otherwise, he declared to the others, none of them would be safe. A friend of Knepp disclosed the conspiracy to Phips, and Knepp demanded justice. To the latter's utter amazement and discomfiture Phips merely warned the fellow "to say no more of this thing." The Rose arrived in Boston Harbor October 27th. A distinguished passenger, Edward Randolph, disembarked. Randolph had come on the Rose to Boston to serve the famous quo warranto on the colony. Phips was instructed to take on divers and a diving tub at Boston and not to remain longer than three weeks. He did not sail until January. During these ten weeks his sailors caroused, swore, and fought in the taverns and streets of Boston without restraint of their commander. In fact, Phips joined heartily in their blustering and cursing. The first trouble arose when Phips discovered on his arrival that another ship, the Good Intent, Captain Warren commander, was preparing to sail for the Bahama Banks to search for the same treasure. Phips hurried to Governor Bradstreet with his orders demanding that he stop the Good Intent. The governor read the papers and answered that he could see nothing in them commanding him to stop Warren or anyone else from voyaging to the wreck. All he read was the customary warrant of the crown to all officials to assist Phips in his undertaking. Unless Phips could prove that Warren was hindering his work he could not legally act to stop his going. Phips repeatedly asked the governor to stop Warren and was as often refused; finally, he solved his problem by taking Warren into partnership. The next series of incidents in the career of Phips and his crew at Boston concerned a certain punctilio of the sea. Under orders of the Commissioners, Knepp had given

32

THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

Phips and his sailors definite instructions before the Rose sailed from England, as has been before stated, never to make a ship strike, or otherwise conduct himself as though his ship were a man-of-war, for the Rose was then engaged on a private enterprise of his Majesty and therefore could not be a man-of-war. While in the harbor Phips and Coan proceeded to carry on in contemptuous disregard of the Commissioners. They forced all passing ships to strike their colors to the Rose by shots across their bows, and then made the unfortunate master or owner pay the cost of each shot. In one instance Coan fired a gun at a tiny wood boat to force her to strike her topsail to the Rose. She complied, and the mate sent the Rose's pinnace to demand of the master six shillings and eightpence, the cost of the shot, as he said. The master declared that he did not have that much money to buy bread for his children and begged to be let off. Deaf to his entreaties, the crew carried him back to the Rose, where the chief mate stormed and swore at the old man for presuming to sail by the Rose without dropping his topsail. The old man replied that he was ignorant of the laws of the sea, and begged to be freed. Now in something of a quandary what to do, Coan sent to Phips, who was ashore, and the latter advised the old man to get the money from the owners of the boat. This he did and was released. But Phips continued his high-handed ways, forcing ships to strike to him. The masters were thoroughly angry, but so confused in mind as to his actual authority that no one ventured to protest to the governor until a certain Captain Jenner, master of the Samuel and Thomas, dared complain of Phips in court. However, before we describe this trial we shall observe Phips and his crew in a common street brawl. About two weeks after the Rose arrived in the har-

TREASURE EXPEDITION OF CAPTAIN WILLIAM PHIPS

33

bor there was great excitement in Boston Town. While the constables one Saturday night were going their rounds to clear out the taverns, according to the town ordinance, they met at the Bear some of the crew of the Rose, and ordered them to repair on board the Rose or to their lodgings. The sailors cursed the constables and a fight followed, resulting in a few broken heads, all to the credit of the constables. A bystander hurried to Phips with the news that his sailors were in trouble and he rushed to the spot. There he engaged in the altercation, roundly berating the constables for abusing his men. The constables swore that Phips's men had abused them and they would tell the governor all about it. Phips replied that "he did not care a t d for the goverr.our for he had more power than he had and had orders to call the governour and this country to an account and was sent to teach them better manners." 7 Phips and the constables then went to the governor charging each other with causing the riot. 8 The trial began before the magistrates the twelfth day of November. Phips declared to the court that the ship he commanded had as much power to make ships strike as any of the king's ships, besides "he had private orders from his majestie for soe doeing but those he would show to noe body." The governor then gently reminded Phips that they were met to hear and examine the cause of the riot and not the matter of striking. The depositions of both sides were heard, and after all had been presented, Governor Bradstreet turned to Phips and addressed him thus in open court: As far as I can perceive by the evidence you and your company has been much to blame in abusing the Government in this country . . . you have said that you have orders to call us to an account and are come to teach us better manners, but I think that we

34

THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

Should have but very little if either you or your company could teach us any, if you have any such orders from his Majesty I would desire you to let me and this court see them then we should know the better what to doe in this case, but if you have noe such orders (as I suppose you have not) you have done very ill in reporting soe and abusing of us as you have done and I must tell you if it was not but that you are commander of one of his Majesty's ships and upon his Majesty's private interest we should not put this affront up soe . . . but considering you are upon a designe for his Majesty we shall say noe more to you at this time.

The governor continued by reminding Phips that everyone in Boston knew very well his lowly origin, so there was no need for him to carry himself so loftily. When the governor concluded his acid remarks, Phips flew into a passion, shouting if he could not get justice there he would have it when he returned to England, and flung him his orders. The governor looked them over and calmly replied that he had read the document twice already, and that it empowered him only to go to the wreck and not to make ships strike. Regretting that the king's interest would not permit him to punish Phips and his crew he now closed the case by giving them their freedom. The next disturbance arose when Phips fired on the Samuel and Thomas. Her commander, Thomas Jenner, alone of all the masters who had suffered this indignity, as has been said, dared question Phips's authority before the governor in the Suffolk County Court. The governor asked Phips for his authority to treat Jenner as he had done. Phips answered that he did not have the orders with him then because his wife had gone abroad and locked them in her trunk, but he would bring them on the morrow. But while Phips repeatedly declared to the governor that he had the papers, he never could produce them. He presented his orders for the voyage under the privy seal,

TREASURE EXPEDITION OF CAPTAIN WILLIAM PHIPS

35

the conditions of the voyage, and indentures for provisions obtained in England, but no papers that satisfied the magistrates. The patience of Governor Bradstreet and the magistrates had already been severely tested by the drunken brawling of the crew of the Rose with the constables and the insolence of Phips at the trial following; they were now in no mood for further trouble from this source. They fined Phips ten pounds, five to pay the court and five to pay Jenner. Phips stormed and swore that if he could not have justice done him there he would let the Commissioners of the Navy know how he had been abused; the governor replied that it would be unnecessary for him to go to that trouble as the Commissioners would receive a true account of his actions long before he arrived heme. Phips then sought appeal to the Admiralty, but such action was denied him on the legal ground that appeal must be made before court adjourned. Phips protested that he could not pay the fine, consequently the court remitted its part until his return from the Bahamas, explaining that they did so only because the urgent private business of the king could not be delayed. The trial ended December 21st. Phips had remained at Boston long past the date of his sailing to the Bahamas; he had been delayed by negotiations to stop the Good Intent and the two trials that have been described. Failing to secure the governor's assistance in stopping Warren and not really desiring bloodshed, though he threatened it, Phips arranged a partnership, or consortship, with the owners of the boat. The terms of the agreement are worth giving in full as an illustration of the many such arrangements made by treasure hunters in that day. The "Articles of Consortship" were signed by the captains and six from each crew, November 26th. It was agreed that Captain

36

THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

Warren should work under his Majesty's commission and for so doing should provide divers, diving tub, and other necessary salvaging instruments for the expedition. Whatever treasure was gained in the time of their consortship was to be shared equally. That evening the two captains and their crews and the owners of the Good Intent met to decide about placing pledges on each ship. After long controversy it was agreed that Phips should place two of his men, Richard Terret and Robert Darrington, on board the Good Intent, and Warren, two of his men aboard the Rose. A dispute then arose as to whether the king should have any share of the treasure recovered by the Good Intent, for the crew of that ship had heard that Knepp was aboard the Rose to demand the king's share of the treasure. They demanded of Phips if this were true and he made the astonishing reply that he did not understand that the king was to have any share or royalty, but if any were demanded they must pay as well as himself. The owners of the Good Intent then grimly remarked that they could fix this all right by sharing the treasure before leaving the Bahama Shoals. Phips's pledges were sworn to keep a true account for him of all the proceedings on their ship during the voyage, with a record of all money, plate, bullion, gold, and ambergris taken up by the Good Intent. Phips gave Captain Warren permission to fly the king's jack and pennant at the Good Intent's fore-topmasthead, in fact all the authority of a man-of-war that he claimed for the Rose. When his right to delegate such authority was questioned by Knepp, he declared that the Commissioners had empowered him to take as many ships as he pleased into consortship, with the power of wearing the king's colors. It was a dangerous thing for Phips to transmit these assumed powers, not only because the Good Intent was

TREASURE EXPEDITION OF CAPTAIN WILLIAM PHIPS

37

thus invited by example of the Rose to provoke trouble by forcing ships to strike, but should Warren engage with the Spaniards the Admiralty would hold Phips responsible for the breach of peace with his life. Warren sailed for the Bahama Banks November 28th, while Phips lingered on at Boston to get into difficulties with Jenner. On New Year's eve, while walking from his lodging to a neighbor's house, Knepp was suddenly confronted by two strangers. One challenged "who comes there?" Knepp replied "a friend." "God damn you," the man cried, "you are the friend wee look for and now wee have met with you soe happily you shall never get from us alive to goe home to tell tales to the Commissioners." The speaker made a pass with his rapier, but Knepp caught it with his arm so that it ran in his left side only a quarter of an inch; the villain then made two other passes to draw blood, when some men ran up and he fled. Knepp was sure they were sailors of the Rose. It had been noised among the crew that Knepp had forwarded reports on their doings to the Commissioners, and they were right, for he had dispatched a packet to the Naval Commissioners by Edward Randolph, then returning to London. As later developments showed, in this and in other reports transmitted at intervals Knepp had informed them fully of the conduct of the crew and the progress of the expedition. He promptly complained of this attack to Phips and demanded justice. Phips answered that when he got to sea Knepp should have satisfaction, to which the latter replied that when unable to obtain justice on land he was certainly not likely to secure it at sea where every man did as he pleased. The pair then took up the old refrain, Phips replying that he could not be expected to carry a strict command where every man bought his own provisions and received no wages, to which

38

THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

K n e p p retorted that had he been strict at first the crew would never have got out of control. Following the assault Knepp was in great agony of mind a s to the course to pursue. It was an exceedingly difficult and momentous issue to decide. To accompany this bloodthirsty crew would be nothing less than suicide, while return to England contrary to instructions would incur punishment by the Commissioners. He chose another course that protected him from the malice of the crew, and at the same time enabled him to check on Phips and his men. He remained in Boston and from this vantage point kept informed of their conduct and the extent of their success by questioning the masters of each incoming vessel Phips had driven from " h i s grounds." This information he forwarded to the Commissioners by the first boat leaving Boston for England. But neither Phips nor his sailors wished to abandon K n e p p to his own devices. Their salvation, they believed, lay in carrying him with them, and there was much dark whispering of kidnaping him aboard the Rose. Knepp was warned that Phips himself had sworn to have him aboard dead or alive, and accused him of such design. Phips denied the charge, but admitted some of the crew advised it through fear that his reports to the Commissioners would cause them to recall the Rose before the treasure was recovered. The Rose sailed for the Bahamas, J a n u a r y 15, 1 6 8 3 / 8 4 , without K n e p p , dead, alive, or in spirit. The day following Knepp received word that the Rose had stopped at Pemberton Island and the crew had frisked about stealing sheep and hogs, destroying property, and ravishing the wife of a farmer. On March 12th and 22nd ships came in from the B a h a m a Banks with reports that Phips had arrived at Providence Island on February 9th, and that im-

TREASURE

EXPEDITION OF CAPTAIN

WILLIAM

PHIPS

39

mediately he and Warren had stirred up trouble by insisting that all ships strike to them. The governor, however, after reading Phips's orders, would brook no nonsense, and finally warned him to stop his meddling or he would send him in irons to England to answer to the Commissioners. More news of Phips arrived April 15th when the Resolution, commanded by William Welch, arrived in the Harbor. Welch reported to Knepp that the Rose and the Good Intent arrived at the wreck the sixteenth of March, five weeks after their arrival at Providence, with a sloop and a shallop they had brought from Providence to carry turtles and water. The Resolution had been out ten months and had got very little from the wreck, but Welch was hopeful of making expenses of the voyage when Phips came and put him off. He reported to Knepp that Phips anchored on the wreck and vowed that if Welch sent down a diver he would shoot the man. Knepp asked Welch whether he thought Captain Phips would "make a voyage." The reply was that he might find a little, but he was sure he could not "make any great voyage," for he believed that most of the silver was already salvaged; besides, Phips had not over three good divers on board and these were sick of the smallpox when he left the wreck." Later news of Phips came to Knepp on May 2nd when the masters of two boats from the Banks reported that one of their company had been taken into consortship by Phips for the use of his divers, he being promised in return eighteen shares of whatever was recovered. They reported smallpox to be very bad on the Rose and the Good Intent. When Knepp questioned them whether Phips had recovered anything, the masters replied that it was not their opinion that he had got much yet, but if there was any silver left he would get it, for there was no one there to hinder him.

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THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

Was there any treasure remaining? Phips knew before sailing from Boston that the wreck was being fished, for the master of a vessel come from the wreck reported that six of their sail had consorted together at the wreck, and that they had eighty good divers and six dredges, and had searched carefully, with the result that they shared seven and one-half pounds of plate each. He declared he would not give £5 for any man's share who henceforth visited the wreck. He had left six sail there with absolutely no prospects of success. The nationality of these ships is not mentioned, but it is clear that besides these a number of boats from New England preceded Phips to the Bahama Banks during the year 1683. 10 Phips and his crew secured comparatively little from the wreck, or wrecks—for he may have visited more than one on the Banks—and what might have been expected happened. The sailors had no stomach for the return to England empty handed, to receive the punishment they so richly deserved. They grew surly and threatening. Finally, they broke out into open mutiny, approaching Phips in a body and demanding that he turn pirate with them. Phips's answer was to rush on them with his bare fists and knock them down right and left. This mutiny he speedily quelled, but these were dangerous men and now only bided their time until opportunity offered for another attack. One day while the Rose was careening at one of the desolate Spanish Isles, all but eight or ten of the crew who were true to Phips plotted in the woods to seize and bind him and his followers and leave them there to perish, while they sought their fortune in the South Seas. Fortunately their plans went astray. Just before the conspiracy was to be executed the carpenter of the ship, who was friendly to Phips, betrayed the plot to him. The others, knowing the

TREASURE EXPEDITION OF CAPTAIN WILLIAM PHIPS

41

man's loyalty, had set a guard over him, but he suddenly feigned intense pain in the bowels and ran to the captain's cabin for a dram. In a moment he revealed all to Phips. Phips bade him return to the mutineers, acting as if nothing had happened, and all would be well. He then called his few followers together around him, tried their loyalty, and prepared to outwit his enemies. His cannon were ashore guarding the tent from a threatened attack of the Spaniards. Strangely enough, the rebels had not set a guard at the tent while they were plotting in the woods; Phips was thus enabled to slip the guns aboard and train them on the woods without their being aware of the circumvention. Out they came from the woods fully prepared for the attack, when to their consternation they beheld the guns on deck and their stratagem turned against them! They cried out "We are Betrayed"; Phips shouted back in fury "Stand off, ye Wretches at your Peril!" and prepared to fire. He shouted that he would abandon them as they planned to do to him, and prepared to sail. The wretches now dropped on their knees and begged for mercy, protesting that they never had anything against him except his refusal to accompany them to the South Seas, and implored his pardon for ever having requested it. Phips finally took them aboard, after first securing their guns; he then weighed anchor for Jamaica. On his arrival he turned them off for another crew. 11 Thus closed the earthly record of one of the foulest and most treacherous lot of blackguards that was ever assembled on a ship. One wonders how Phips came to employ such a crew and on terms of a partnership that seems absolutely to have prohibited his disciplining them for any breach less than mutiny. With his new crew Phips sailed for England; en route

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THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

he stopped at Porto Plata, a port of northeastern Hispaniola, which, we remember, was much used by Stanley in his quest of the Hispaniola treasure. At this place, according to Mather, Phips secured information that within a few years was to direct his course to position and power. He became acquainted with an old Spaniard who told him of the wreck, which Stanley was seeking, only a few leagues to the northeast. Little by little Phips wormed out of him the location of the treasure. Phips searched the place as advised by the old fellow, but failed to find the wreck. He thought it likely he would come upon the right spot by proceeding farther, but at length decided it would be the wiser policy to return to England for better equipment. Then, when he returned, he could be sure of the treasure. All his plans, henceforth, were motivated by visions of the recovery of this vast wealth. We must now turn to the action of the Admiralty and Treasury, the departments of government most interested in the voyage. A s suspected, Knepp undoubtedly dispatched many damning reports on Phips and his crew, but the crown was most concerned about saving its ship and its share of the treasure. The Treasury in February, 1 6 8 3 / 8 4 , instructed J o s e p h Dudley and William Stoughton, two of the magistrates in Boston, that should they hear of an attempt to seize the king's ship or any of his share of the undertaking they were to seize the Rose and those consorting with her with all their treasure. They were ordered to advise with John K n e p p and Charles Salmon, who were placed on board the Rose " b y Our Order to take Care of Our Concerns in this matter." 1 2 Dudley and Stoughton replied on the sixth of J u n e that Knepp had already resigned, though they knew not the reason, but promised to exert every effort to secure Phips's return to Boston and

TREASURE EXPEDITION OF CAPTAIN WILLIAM

PHIPS

43

the preservation of the crown's interest. 13 The Treasury continued to suspect the honesty of Phips until the summer of 1686. In March of that year he was summoned by the Admiralty to give the Treasury an account of the performance of his instructions on the voyage of the Rose to the Bahama Banks. 14 Later the Treasury requested the Secretary of the Admiralty, Samuel Pepys, to give them an account of the Phips expedition, 15 and Sir John Narbrough and Sir Richard Haddock, Commissioners of the Navy, were called upon to obtain from Phips his own account of the expedition to the Bahamas, which they were to scrutinize, and then report to the Lord Treasurer an account of that matter. 16 A survey of the ship conducted by the Navy Board disclosed costs of wear and tear, of stores and equipment at a figure beyond £700, and a return to the king of only £470, 19s. S ^ d . 1 7

4 : Phips Discovers the Hispaniola Treasure two months after the return of Stanley, September 12, 1686, to be exact, Phips sailed from the Downs in search of the Hispaniola treasure. Following his return to England from Porto Plata, off which he had searched unsuccessfully for the treasure, he immediately sought aid for this much more promising expedition. Could he secure the necessary ships and equipment Phips envisaged vast wealth and fame. In this new venture he was encouraged by Rogers and by the mysterious Sir Richard White who had hunted with Stanley. First, Phips approached James II for the loan of a man-of-war. The king refused the request, whether because of the failure of the expedition of the Rose, a need for all his ships, or belief that the new project of Phips was a chimera, is not quite clear. Then Phips sought assistance of Christopher Monck, second Duke of Albemarle. Albemarle grew much impressed by the plans Phips unfolded; more than this, he enlisted the support of other men of means and influence, although Lord Sunderland and Lord Portsmouth refused to have anything to do with so wild a project. He secured a warrant, dated July 18, 1686, which was confirmed by patent of March 4, 1686/87, 1 to "all flotsam, jetsam, lagan, bullion, plate, gold, silver, coin, bars or pigs of silver, ingots of gold, merchandises, and other goods shipwrecked and lost before July 16, 1689 on the north side of Hispaniola, about the Bahamas, or the Gulf of Florida," excepting a tenth SCARCELY

44

PHIPS DISCOVERS THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

45

part. So much was reserved by the crown, and Albemarle covenanted to account for and deliver this share upon oath to commissioners appointed by the crown or the Treasury. 2 Albemarle at once formed a company to finance the expedition. Its principal stockholders were the Duke of Albemarle, Lord Falkland, Sir James Hayes, Sir John Narbrough, Francis Nicholson, Isaac Foxcroft, and John Smith, a merchant. Albemarle, as chief promoter of the undertaking, subscribed one-fourth, the others each oneeighth, and they agreed to share the treasure in proportion to their subscriptions, while setting aside a tenth for the crown and a sixteenth for Phips. Two ships were purchased, the James and Mary of about 200 tons burden and twentytwo guns, and a small frigate named the Henry of London, of about fifty tons, and mounted with ten guns, under the command of Rogers, who had sailed with Phips as second mate on the Rose. The total cost of the two ships amounted to something over £3212, including the expense of divers and salvaging instruments, and £500 for a cargo to trade with the Spaniards and insure the Adventurers against a total loss should the treasure not be discovered.3 The James and Mary and the Henry came to anchor in Carlisle Bay, Barbados, November 10, where they remained for a week taking on fresh water and provisions. The 21st day of November they sailed in sight of Porto Rico, and the day following anchored in a bay on the south side of Mona, a small island lying midway between Porto Rico and Hispaniola. From Mona they sailed northwestward by Cape Cabron, the northeastern point of Hispaniola, and then Phips, losing sight of the Henry, turned back eastward to anchor November 28 in a small sandy bay at the east side of Samana Bay "within Musquett

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THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

Shott of the Shoar." The following day Phips sent his long boat along the shore to find a good place for careening; while searching about two miles up the bay the crew found a wreck in three fathoms of water, burned down to the gun-deck and marked by the broad arrow, which they judged to be the ship of the pirate Bannister. 4 Strong gales and heavy rain now forced the James and Mary to sail deeper into the smoother waters of the Bay of Samana. Here the fishing was good and fresh water was easily obtainable from the near countryside, so they remained nearly a week stocking the ships with "jerked" 5 hogs and other provisions bought from the French hunters. On December 9 the James and Mary weighed anchor for the wreck, but the weather grew worse off Cape Cabron, and afraid to search at the bank, while unable to return to Samana, Phips decided to continue their course westward. Within a week the refuge of Porto Plata was attained, and a few days afterward the long-lost Rogers sailed into the harbor. Phips at once fired three guns to notify the Spaniards of his presence, while he set his men to cutting firewood and hoisting casks of fresh water aboard. After some unaccountable delay the governor sent down messengers to learn the business of these strangers. Phips, who knew the Spaniards well, made much over them; he gave them a present for their master and a letter with a personal assurance that they were Englishmen and friends intent only on buying provisions and trading. Soon the Spaniards returned with the "Allferus," ensign bearer of the town, carrying meat and dry hides, the chief commodity of that country, for which Phips exchanged pretty baubles and serges. The trade was small, "not at all to answer o r Expectation," yet even so little he calculated to be well worth the trouble, should they not find the treasure. While con-

P H I P S DISCOVERS T H E HISPANIOLA TREASURE

47

tinuing trade with the Spaniards the sailors loaded more wood, water, and provisions, and scrubbed and dressed the ships. When the supply of salt ran low Phips sent Rogers in the Henry to Turks Islands for a quantity, but he soon returned empty handed to resume his anchorage under the mountain. Not until January 13 of the new year was search made for the wreck. On that day Francis Rogers and William Covell, second mate, with three divers, set sail with orders to search on the bank for the wreck, if they could "gett a slatch of faire weathV' Phips meanwhile remained in the harbor to continue his trade with the Spaniards, venturing out only once to chase a sail he thought to be the Henry, but found to be a French merchantman. He then returned to Porto Plata to buy more hides. When so near the goal of his life it is a great mystery that Phips should have devoted an entire month to this comparatively trifling business, even in his anxiety to make a voyage. As for Rogers and Covell, they steered from Porto Plata east by south to within eight leagues of Cape Cabron and then, on January 17, due north toward the bank. Here they arrived the following morning to anchor at the easternmost end in ten fathoms of water, and the next day began search of the sides of the reef. After an absence from Porto Plata of more than two weeks, the expedition returned to Phips on February 7 with discouraging news. Rogers reported that they had been on the bank during two or three days of fair weather and searched it as well as any man could; standing from the bank to the south they were all one evening "amongst a parcell of boylers 8 they knew not off where they were forced to Anchor all night & by Gods blessing it being very small breese of wind all night in ye morning they gott Cleare of them." So Rogers related in

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THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

great dejection, but he was deceiving Captain Phips. He had found the treasure! What actually happened was this: after carefully searching the north side of the bank the first day the boats ran down the south side and came to anchor with chain and grapnel about a mile and a half south of the bank, in the latitude of 20° 37' north. From this spot Rogers went out with the boat and one diver and Covell with the canoe and the other two divers to search among the "boylers" the former had mentioned in his story to Phips. They found no signs of the wreck and, evening coming on, were returning to the Henry, when one of them chancing to glance down into the crystalline blue beheld a sea feather of extraordinary color and beauty.7 Here was something that might interest the captain, particularly since they had nothing better to bring him, and a diver was sent down. The fellow quickly rose up with the astonishing news of great guns near the plant. Now they believed themselves to be at last on the right spot, and Rogers discovering a sow sent the diver down again, who "slung" it, together with a bar and a "champeen." These they carried on board the Henry. Quickly they returned with buoys to mark the spot, and then with night coming on returned to their ship, this time with two sows, fifty-one pieces of eight, and some broken plate. For three days they worked the wreck, taking up sows and dowboys 8 of silver and nearly 3000 pieces and half-pieces of eight. On the 22nd of the month the weather grew stormy and the sea so treacherous that they decided to stand to the southward for Porto Plata. Soon they had sailed in sight of the mountain and then of the James and Mary, but because of the heavy seas could not get into the harbor until February 8th. When Rogers reported to Phips, as has been recounted, he found his commander so discouraged that

PHIPS DISCOVERS THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

49

he was preparing the James and Mary to sail the next d a y for J a m a i c a . As Cotton Mather pictures the d r a m a , after Rogers had recited his story under tragic mask, ably supported by the other members of his cast, they so slipt the Sow of Silver on one side under the table where they were now sitting with the captain.—At last he saw i t ; seeing it he cried out with some agony " W h y ? What is t h i s ? Whence comes t h i s ? " And then with changed countenances they told him how and where they got it. " T h e n , " s a i d he, " T h a n k s be to G o d ! We are m a d e . " 8

It was Rogers and Covell who found the treasure, not Phips, but the world bestowed upon the latter the glory and honor of the discovery. According to his own journal and our other authentic account, 1 0 Phips remained at Porto Plata trading with the S p a n i a r d s all the while Rogers and Covell were searching for the treasure. What was the location of the treasure that for some fortyfive years had eluded the bravest and most persevering seamen? Almost due north of Cape Francis, on northeast Hispaniola, as has been said, lay the South Riff, or south reef, nearly oval in shape, and farther to the north the North Riff, or Ambrosia Bank, which was long and rectangular. From the north side of the North Riff to the south side of the South Riff was a distance of about seven leagues. The North Riff, lying northwest by southeast, was about seven leagues in length and a mile broad. Porto Plata bore away to the southwest nearly twenty-eight leagues. At the middle of the reef lay the Spanish Plate wreck in latitude 2 0 ° 3 8 ' north. 1 1 The treasure rested in six to eight fathoms of water between two rocks, as Smith described it, but was so overgrown with coral when found that the head

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THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

and stern of the ship were completely hidden from sight. Stanley may have searched on Ambrosia Bank after concluding that the wreck lay to the east of the Abroxes but, as we have observed, with no trace of the wreck visible above the waves, he might easily have searched all about the treasure without the least intimation that wealth and fame lay at his finger tips. How did Phips succeed where Stanley failed? Thomas Smith may have escaped the watch of Molesworth and given or sold him the exact location of the wreck, or our mysterious Sir Richard White, who is said to have encouraged the expedition, may have been so eager for it for the very good reason that he possessed secret information giving the exact location of the treasure. Or Phips on his return may have learned from the old Spaniard at Porto Plata more exact instructions for his second attempt on the bank. With all due consideration for these possibilities, and at the same time praise for the courage and ability of Phips in organizing this treasure expedition better than any hitherto known, the fact remains, nevertheless, that Phips became a child of the gods when in the hour of defeat he was brought to untold wealth through the instrumentality of a chance sea feather. As soon as Phips recovered from his astonishment he quickly ordered all hands to work. With the help of both crews the Henry was given a lift to wash and tallow her for better sailing. Meanwhile, the boats plied hurriedly between the ships and shore bringing on water and some sixtytwo hogs that were bought jerked from the Spanish hunters. On the night of February 16 the James and Mary and the Henry weighed anchor from Porto Plata for the wreck, where the former arrived four days later. She came up within four or five miles to a reef shaped like a half-moon, and here Covell advised that the pinnace be hoisted out

PHIPS DISCOVERS T H E HISPANIOLA TREASURE

51

and that he and John Strong, the other mate, and two of the divers go in her to the wreck. At dusk they returned with 1 8 4 dollars and fifty-one half dollars. The entry made that night ran, " T h i s night y* wind blew fresh but makeing a snugg ship by loaring down o r yards & Topmasts by Gods assistance wee rode very secure." On February 2 3 Rogers came up and anchored, on Phips's orders sent by the long boat, between the James and Mary and the reef, and a s close to the reef a s seemed safe. From this date the boats fished the wreck daily for six weeks, except during the few stormy days and on the Sabbath, when, curiously enough, Phips bade all hands rest, no matter how tempting the seas. Our picture is of two ships riding one to four miles from the reef in eleven to fourteen fathoms of water, the smaller one the closer, and in the foreground small boats crowded with sailors busily engaged in combing the water with great long rakes. Phips's four divers descend six to eight fathoms to the heart of the once stately galleon. Here, they glide among the timbers against ingots of silver, and bags and chests of silver and gold, which they raise up to eager hands. Pieces of eight, plate, jewels, silver bullion in the various shapes of dowboys, pigs, sows, and bars, and ingots of gold, all encrusted with coral after forty-five years under water, but still little d a m a g e d . Most precious is an occasional culverin weighing more than a ton, which with chain and grapnel they hoist up to the long boat. Phips possessed a diving tub but was unable to use it because the wreckage lay too unevenly. It was nothing more complicated than a deep tub that when inverted retained the air without filling with water, but even an invention as simple a s this would have enabled the divers to remain under water much longer than otherwise and recruit the strength so severely drained by constant diving

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THE HtSPANlOLA TREASURE

and lifting under water. As it was, Phips was decidedly handicapped by the sickness of the divers resulting from the long-continued strain under water. Illustrative of Phips's marvelous good fortune is his entry in the journal of the James and Mary, dated February 26. These 24 howers ye weathr Calm & faire yest about 2 a clock aft'noon o r Long boat Came on board w th a Brasse gun w ch they had taken out of y e wreck y e nature of y e Gunn was a 12 pound r . & about 4 a clock o r Pinnace came on board haveing take up out of y e Wreck Three Sows (1) Dowboy small Doll" 11009 halfe Doll" 1700 & a small quantity of broaken wrought Plate This Morning being faire weathr o r boats went to worke on y e Wrecke againe about noon o r long boat Came on board w th anothr brass gunn bigger then ye former.

Two days later a sloop and a shallop hove to under the stern of the James and Mary; the master of the sloop was William Davis of Bermuda, and of the shallop, Abram Atherley of Jamaica. These men had come in search of the wreck and reported that they had also fitted out a ship of ten guns at Barbados with this intention. They had assisted Phips and Rogers at the Bahama Banks, and Phips contracted with them to work the wreck at half shares of what they found in return for the use of the sloop and a diver. Now storms and sickness of the divers interrupted the fishing, and yet when the divers managed to work they brought up apparently never-failing quantities of silver bullion, pieces of eight, and ingots of gold. "A bad day's work," due to the sickness of the divers, returned 3931 dollars and 1500 half dollars. On March 29 the sloop sailed for Jamaica to obtain a rudder in place of one she had broken on a "boiler," taking with her some of Phips's hides to ship on to London; the other vessels worked steadily at the treasure room without incident. So the log reads,

PHIPS DISCOVERS THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

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page after page, "In ye James & Mary ryding on ye Ambrosia Bank." At last, on April 19, Phips ordered the yards and topmasts hoisted to sail for Turks Islands. He left behind his divers with the boatswain in Atherley's shallop with chains and grapnel, and instructions to wait for the sloop, in case she returned to the bank without stopping for salt, but after the interval of a week to join him at Turks Islands; in the meantime to salvage more of the treasure. Phips was worried about the sloop; she was already overdue after an absence of more than three weeks, and he well remembered the alarm of the Spaniards at Porto Plata over the report of a French privateer standing off the harbor. Unless the sloop were captured, he thought sure of meeting her at Turks Islands, where vessels on a voyage east stopped for salt, or on the bank. The James and Mary and the Henry steered westward in company, each with a sharp lookout at the topmasthead. They lost sight of each other during the first night out, with the James and Mary passing by the northeast point of the Handkerchiefs, where Stanley had searched for the wreck on one of his expeditions. Here the ship barely escaped foundering with all her treasure. Arriving safely at Cotton Key, one of the Turks Islands, on April 22, Phips could learn nothing of the sloop. After some hesitation he decided to wait only for Rogers and the shallop before sailing for England. Rogers soon appeared and the shallop came into the road on April 2 5 with Phips's divers and a present for him of more than a ton of silver. Phips set sail for England May 2. The voyage was uneventful with danger neither from storms nor pirates, and on June 6 the James and Mary was safely anchored in Gravesend road with her precious cargo of silver and gold. 12 The Henry lost touch with her sister ship on the third day of June and arrived

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THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

in the Downs on the twelfth. But why had Phips abandoned the treasure so suddenly? After his departure the shallop had salvaged three tons in about three days, and we know that the wreck yielded to salvagers who followed Phips very near the equivalent in value of the treasure transported by the James and Mary to England. Phips literally fled this vast wealth for three good reasons: bad weather; a shortage of provisions; and fear that the French privateer had taken the sloop and, learning thereby of the treasure, was preparing to surprise him. The safest course to pursue, he finally decided—and we can imagine with what agony of mind—was to abandon the wreck, hasten to England to save the treasure, and there fit out quickly another expedition that was better equipped. His sailors and divers were sworn to secrecy, but within a month after the arrival of the ships in England boats from the nearby islands were already at work on the wreck. The James and Mary arrived in the Thames with the treasure the first week in June, and was welcomed by Albemarle, Hayes, and the other adventurers who came down to the river. In his great joy Albemarle obliged every man and boy of the crew to drink his health. Messengers had already sped to the Admiralty with the news of Phips's marvelous success, and Sir Roger Strickland, commander of the Bristol, was ordered to place a strong guard on the ship, 13 permitting none but government officials to come aboard. On the ninth of June the Treasury ordered the Commissioners of the Customs to place their most trusted officials aboard the James and Mary to prevent embezzlement of the treasure, and to remain until the officials of the Mint came aboard to take possession. The warden, the master and worker, and the comptroller of the Mint were ordered to weigh the silver and gold on the James and

PHIPS DISCOVERS THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

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Mary and receive for King James, according to the contract with the Adventurers, a tenth in specie to be conveyed to the Mint in the Tower of London. 14 It was certified that the treasure consisted of 3 7 , 5 3 8 pounds (troy) of pieces of eight, of which the king's tenth was 3 7 5 3 lbs. 9 oz. 12 dwt.; 2 7 , 5 5 6 lbs., 4 oz. of bars and cakes, the king's tenth, 2 7 5 5 lbs. 7 oz. 12 dwt.; plate weighing 3 4 7 lbs., of which a tenth was 3 4 lbs. 8 oz. 8 dwt.; and 2 5 lbs. 7 oz. 19 dwt. of gold, of which the royal dues were 2 lbs. 6 oz. 15 dwt. and 21 grains. Elated over so rich a find, but more from concern over the safe delivery of the treasure in England, Phips had set aside a generous share for the crew, who had worked the wreck on wages. This part amounted to 3 0 7 0 lbs. 3 oz., of which the crown reserved 3 0 7 lbs. 8 oz. 14 dwt. According to instructions the tenths were conveyed to the Mint to be coined. 1 0 Later in the month the Treasury seized for tenths £ 1 2 0 of a sum which previously had been overlooked, and £ 7 5 0 of a quantity claimed by officers of the ship by virtue of a contract with the Bermuda sloop at the wreck.1® The total weight amounted to 6 5 , 4 6 6 lbs. 11 oz. and 19 dwt., and the king's tenth to 6 5 4 6 lbs. 8 oz. 7 dwt., and 2 1 grains. The silver was valued at 5s. per ounce and the gold at £ 4 per ounce. The total value was estimated in excess of £ 2 0 0 , 0 0 0 , exclusive of jewels and a miscellaneous collection of articles of comparatively little value. King James realized for his share more than £ 2 0 , 0 0 0 . Phips received more than £ 1 2 , 0 0 0 , while Albemarle, who had promoted the venture and whose subscription was the largest, boasted a return in excess of £ 5 0 , 0 0 0 . The other adventurers shared in proportion, the return to each being estimated at the remarkable profit of from £ 8 0 0 0 to £ 1 0 , 0 0 0 for each £ 1 0 0 invested. The Spanish ambassador immediately demanded the entire

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T H E HISPANIOLA TREASURE

treasure for his master the King of Spain. He would have been tremendously surprised had James complied. 17 Despite the vigilance of officers of the Navy, the officials of the Customs and the Mint, the Treasury still believed that 1000 pounds of silver had been secretly conveyed ashore from the James and Mary. The crown seems not to have prosecuted until September 1688, when the chief and second mates, the cooper, carpenter, and boatswain of the ship were arrested and examined by Customs and Mint officials. Nothing, however, could be proved against these suspects and they were soon discharged. 18 Phips became the hero of all England. He was invited to Windsor by James II and presented to his Majesty by the Duke of Albemarle. The King received Phips very graciously and on June 2 8 knighted him in consideration of his loyal service.19 Albemarle presented Phips with a golden cup worth £1000 for Lady Phips in acknowledgment of her husband's courage and honesty, and the King gave Phips a medal and a gold chain. From this time Phips's star steadily rose until he became governor of Massachusetts. Two medals were struck in honor of the event. One showed on the obverse the heads of the King and Queen, and on the reverse the James and Mary riding at anchor with sailors in small boats in the foreground fishing with rakes. The motto is from Ovid, Semper tibi pendeat Hamus (may thy hook always be hanging), and commends diligence. Beneath are the words Naufraga Reperta (shipwrecked wealth recovered). The other medal shows on the obverse the head of Albemarle in profile, and on the reverse Neptune in the foreground and two ships in the distance. At the bottom is the motto Ex Aqua Omnia (all things from water). 2 0

MEDALS STRUCK IN HONOR OF THE PHIPS DISCOVERY OF THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

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The success of Phips created a sensation in London. Treasure-trove so rich had not been known for a century since the capture of Spanish treasure ships. "Phips's treasure" was the topic of conversation wherever men gathered, and a subject of comment in letters, diaries, newspapers, and histories of the time. 2 1 The most interesting contemporary account of the arrival of the treasure ship is a quaint broadside written the same week, a copy of which is now in the possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 2 2 The influence of Phips's achievement was long felt. For generations the Phips tradition lured thousands to the West Indies, the South Seas, and the waters about the British Isles in search of wrecks, while maps of the West Indies foi more than a century located Ambrosia Bank as prominently as many of the large islands, under various titles memorializing Phips's discovery of the famous silver plate wreck. As we shall see, stock companies were formed to promote many of these undertakings on a large financial scale, and fortunes were sunk in the most preposterous treasure-recovery schemes. 23

5 : The Expedition of Narbrough to Ambrosia Bank over their success, flushed with popular acclaim, and anxious to return for the remainder of the treasure, the Adventurers applied immediately to the king for a second grant of the Hispaniola wreck. James readily complied with their request by letter patent under the great seal, dated August 12, 1687. Under the new grant the king agreed to lend the Assistance, a fourth-rate ship with a complement of 200 men, and well armed, with a proviso that the stockholders pay the wages and expense of the ship's company. In return for the loan of a ship of the line he demanded a fifth of all the treasure recovered to the value of £150,000, and a third of any amount in excess of that sum.1 The terms of this grant were formulated with more precision than those of the preceding grant, under which Phips had discovered the treasure, for both parties anticipated large returns. Every effort was made to insure success. The commanding personnel were experienced treasure hunters. Phips, who knew the location of the wreck, and was, for that day, a genius at devising instruments and artifices for raising treasure, commanded the Good Luck, a ship of 200 tons. He was the real leader of the expedition, though Sir John Narbrough was named its commander-in-chief. Francis Rogers, who had sailed as second mate of the Rose, and captain of the Henry, now commanded the Princes. Captain John Strong, who had been mate of the James and Mary, was now its master. 58 EXULTANT

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These three vessels were convoyed by the Foresight,2 under the personal command of Sir John Narbrough, a famous Algerian fighter. The lieutenant of the Foresight was Edward Stanley who, we remember, as captain of the Bonetta, had searched so persistently for the wreck during the years 1 6 8 3 - 1 6 8 6 under the orders of governors Lynch and Molesworth of Jamaica. The ships were well equipped for their work and carefully protected. Not only were they guarded by the Foresight but in time of danger at the wreck by two additional fourth-rate ships, the Faulcon, commanded by Lieutenant Thomas Smith, and the Assistance, under the command of Captain Laurence Wright. 3 The Narbrough expedition sailed for Hispaniola late in August 1687. The ships were all ready to sail the middle of July, when the illness of the Duke of Albemarle held them in port. Albemarle had been appointed governor of Jamaica in place of Molesworth, a position that would give him the excellent opportunities he craved for supervising the salvage of the treasure. Originally he had been assigned quarters aboard the Foresight, but on July 12 the Admiralty for some unknown reason changed its plans; Captain Wright was ordered to the Assistance to carry Albemarle to Jamaica, afterwards to be employed in the public service of that island, and Sir John Narbrough to the Foresight to convoy the merchant ships "to goe for ye w l Indias to look for a Wrack." 4 Narbrough came aboard the Foresight July 18, to present his commission to the officers of the ship, inspect their indentures and expense books, as well as the conditioning of the ship: all was ready when Albemarle took sick. Then the long wait for his recovery. Finally on August 20th the merchant ships received the Foresight's instructions to act as their convoy, Stanley departed for Gravesend to clear his ship, and on

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the last day of the month the Foresight weighed anchor for Hispaniola in charge of the Good Luck, the James and Mary, the Princes, and a fourth, the Henry. But a few days after their departure, the Good Luck and the James and Mary became separated from their companions; the James and Mary was found in Carlisle Roads, Barbados, when Narbrough entered November 16, but her commander, Captain Strong, could give no information as to the whereabouts of Phips and the Good Luck. While the flotilla lay quietly at anchor awaiting Phips, in sailed the Assistance with the Duke and Duchess of Albemarle on board, and the ships saluted them, passing in line by the Assistance with their guns booming in unison with those of the fort. 5 Soon the Foresight parted from the Assistance, the former to convoy the three merchant ships to the wreck, while the latter remained at the island until December 5 before sailing with her distinguished passengers for Jamaica. The day following the departure of the Foresight, the long-lost Good Luck came into port, greeting the Assistance with a salute of fifteen guns.6 As soon as Phips learned from Captain Wright that his comrades had sailed the previous day he hurried out of the bay in pursuit. At the time Narbrough was rounding the south point of St. Lucia bound for the east end of Hispaniola. The third of December the ships anchored at the Isle of Mona, between Porto Rico and Hispaniola, where they found a Dutch pink "intending for ye Wracke." Two days later they sailed into Samana Bay and there anchored, on the advice of Captain Strong. In the absence of Phips, Narbrough had chosen Strong to guide the expedition, since he had been Phips's lieutenant on the first expedition to Ambrosia Bank and possessed valuable knowledge of the coastline of northeastern Hispaniola. Ac-

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cording to our chronicler, Edward Stanley, the ships moved into Samana with "our best bower and streame anchor wee spread a Jack flagg in ye Mizen Shroweds and fired a gun—a signe formerly by S r Wm Phipps for ye Hunters to know him by." But Phips was, of course, nowhere to be found, and until he arrived Narbrough did not wish to proceed to the wreck. While awaiting his arrival the crews were employed in cutting wood, carrying casks of water, and in hunting manatee, for which the waters of Porto Plata were famous in the West Indies. 7 Soon two ships sailed into the bay. They bore news of the wreck, whence they had just come, that made Narbrough all the more impatient for Phips's arrival. Twentyfive sail were fishing on the wreck! At last Phips came in on December 7 and Narbrough set all hands to transferring much-needed provisions from the Good Luck to the other ships—then to sail for Ambrosia Bank. Before the work had been completed, two more boats arrived from the wreck. These were so well equipped with divers, with which Narbrough did not feel over supplied, that he decided to offer them a partnership. His terms seem very unequal: in return for the use of their divers Narbrough promised only a twentieth of the treasure. Phips then guided the expedition in the direction of the wreck. Narbrough had been forewarned by the four boats that came into Samana of the despoiling of his treasure, but he was hardly prepared for the spectacle that came into view as the Foresight approached the bank. There a veritable swarm of craft were busily engaged in "fishing." As they beheld his gradual approach from afar some of the boats bore away from the wreck hesitatingly, as if not knowing what to make of the invader, whether friend or foe; the majority, however, continued with their work,

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and Narbrough commanded Stanley to order them off. When Stanley arrived in their midst, he found a small shallop at work with a diving tub, together with twenty other boats and canoes full of divers. These he searched for treasure, with disappointingly small results. He then ordered them off and tried his own divers for the remainder of the day, with no success at all. Altogether, there were present at the wreck, in addition to the five ships commanded by Narbrough, eight ships and twenty-four brigantines, sloops, and shallops, all from the plantations. The results of the first full day of fishing were slight, amounting to five pieces of plank and four pieces of eight. It was but an augury of the bitter disappointments to follow. The succeeding days all hands labored anxiously to uncover the treasure, lifting with their nets and baskets many tons of ballast from the spot where Phips calculated the treasure must lie. The dredge could not be used until the wreckage of planks and timbers were first removed. Though ships' officers, sailors, and divers worked unremittingly, even desperately, through February and the spring months, the results of their labor were insignificant compared with those of the preceding voyage. Instead of the tons of plate Phips had envisaged, the wreck yielded only scattered pieces of eight, broken bits of plate, iron shot, gold buttons, dishes, and other such articles comparatively trifling in value. Stanley's record of a day's search—"our boates workt at ye Wrack took up a gold enameld case w th a Lump of ambergreas in it about ye bigness of a Pidgons e g g " — i s indicative of the meager gleanings. What a gall of bitterness to Phips and his old comrades Rogers and Strong! They recalled vividly the ecstasy of those glorious days just a year ago when they raised seemingly unlimited quantities of pieces of eight and casts of silver,

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then the sickening abandonment of the treasure, the months of joyful preparation in eager anticipation of salvaging the remainder, and at last arrival on the bank to find instead of a hoard of silver and gold only these baubles! Better luck rewarded their search for the galleon's great guns; Phips and the other commanders devoted much of their time to this work. They discovered and slung aboard the long boat four great copper culverins and demiculverins, all in good condition, and, as they well knew, much prized by the Ordnance Board. Never before had a treasure expedition gone out from England so well equipped as Narbrough's, with experienced commanders, crews, and divers, and all the paraphernalia for raising treasure—nets, baskets, dredges, diving tubs, grapnels, and chains. The weather held favorable for fishing on the bank most of the season, and until late in the spring the ships were comparatively free of the scourges of smallpox, dysentery, scurvy, and tropical fevers that ravaged so many crews long employed in the West Indies. The expedition was a failure, for the simple reason that virtually all the accessible part of the treasure had been taken up by the scores of boats that had visited the wreck since the James and Mary, laden to capacity, had sailed for England. Phips believed that if only a certain formation of coral could be removed, they would find beneath it the plate room of the galleon. Without knowledge of modern methods of blasting under water this would involve great difficulties, but Phips would stop at nothing. First, he fastened a crow, or iron bar, to the end of a forty-foot spar, fitted the spar to the long boat and rammed it against the rocks. They refused to give way. For an entire month Phips hammered at the rocks in one way and another to get at

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the plate room, with equally bad luck; he then devised what seemed to those present a most ingenious method of blasting aside the rocks. He first fixed in their midst a chest of powder at a spot he believed to be directly over the plate, then inserted a fuse into a long cane and connected the cane and fuse with the powder. He then lit the fuse and waited. It burned halfway down when the cane split, letting water into the powder and spoiling his experiment. Dismayed by the failure of their efforts to locate the treasure in large quantities, Narbrough now gave leave to the master of a Dutch boat to try the special instruments he had brought for raising the treasure. The Dutchman had no better luck. Once more Phips resorted to his fire-chest and again failed to fire it. As a last desperate resort he tried the rocks again by grapnel and chains, but these also failed and Phips now was forced to confess that the task of getting at the plate was beyond even his powers of ingenuity. Other boats that followed him on the wreck may have succeeded where he failed and salvaged the plate, though there is no record of such event, or Phips may have been mistaken either in the existence of the plate room or its location. At any rate, all that the Narbrough expedition found of the treasure were the easily accessible remnants that had escaped the gleanings of preceding ships. Was the expedition at any time endangered by privateers, pirates, or other enemies? It will be remembered that the Admiralty had dispatched the Foresight as a convoy for the merchant vessels, and that while the flotilla was at the bank the Faulcon and Assistance were hurried to their protection. The Admiralty took the latter precaution at a period of great anxiety and trepidation in England and Jamaica when Narbrough was believed in grave danger

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of an attack from the Dutch. Early in February 1 6 8 7 / 8 8 , after the ships had been about two months at Ambrosia Bank, Narbrough received an "express" from the patentees to the effect that Lord Morden (Mordaunt) was bound for the wreck in the Holland, a large ship with an armament of thirty-six guns, accompanied by four men-of-war. Though they knew not his intentions Narbrough was warned to prepare for any eventuality. About the same moment Albemarle received a dispatch from the Admiralty warning him that the Dutch intended an attack on the fleet at the wreck. The king asked Albemarle to take command of its defense, but his council at Jamaica refused to allow him to go; 8 however, Albemarle ordered the Assistance to Narbrough's aid. Swiftly Mordaunt approached. On the way he stopped a moment for water at Nevis, where he declared to the governor that he considered the wreck as free for him as for Narbrough or any other man. 0 These seemed threatening words to Governor Johnson. On February 22 Mordaunt came up to the wreck in the Holland, and saluted the English. His salute was returned and the ships went on with their "fishing" as though in no danger of an attack. There was no trouble. Mordaunt seems to have contented himself with the role of an interested observer of the operations, going out at one time with Stanley in his pinnace to see the wreck. He was disappointed, however, for the waves lashed so high that Stanley could not point it out to him. After remaining quietly a week at the wreck and displaying no signs of hostility, though all the time intently watching the English, Mordaunt sailed for Samana Bay. At the time of his sailing the Assistance was anchored in that place preparing for the final leg of her voyage to assist Narbrough at Ambrosia Bank. While occupied in taking on

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water and provisions two Dutch ships came in to the b a y and anchored near. Their officers informed Captain Wright that they belonged to Mordaunt's squadron and that their commander was at the wreck. Wright observed the Dutch narrowly, and ostentatiously prepared to fight, " i t being a l l w a y e s my Opinion to provide against the worst." no hostile move was made. And now, before the could fly to the aid of Narbrough, in sailed the

10

But

Assistance Holland

with Mordaunt. What was Captain Wright to expect? He felt no assurance, although certainly the two ships of Mordaunt's squadron had betrayed no signs of the animosity he awaited. Whatever fears he may have had were soon dissipated, for Mordaunt went out of his way to extend the English captain every traditional courtesy of the sea. 1 1 A f t e r a brief visit and demonstration of good will, Mordaunt took leave of Samana, and soon thereafter of the West Indies. 1 2 He had not molested the English though he had given them many anxious moments. Just what were Mordaunt's intentions remains a puzzle to this day. He may have honestly believed, as he stated to the governor of Nevis, that he had as much right to work the wreck as Narbrough, and so intended originally to salvage the wreck alongside the English; or, he may have planned an attack on the English to despoil them of their treasure, but finding the ships so well protected, and hearing of their poor luck, had refrained from risking a battle for so paltry a sum. 1 3 Mordaunt was the only threat to the expedition, if he were really such. There was, however, a greater menace than mankind. With the advent of May the atmosphere about Ambrosia Bank became surcharged with discouragement and disease. V e r y little of the treasure was being found, with scant hope of a discovery since Phips had failed to smash aside the rocks, and now fever raged through the

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ships. In the desperate hope of at least making a voyage, Narbrough sent Stanley to Crooked Island northwest of Turks, whither many passing ships were destined, in search of another Spanish wreck. Stanley soon returned without a single piece of eight. Now Narbrough began to order the ships for England. The Fawlcon sailed May 10 to be followed within two weeks by the Princes, the James and Mary, the Henry, and finally by the Foresight. Phips sailed from the wreck on the Good Luck the eighth of May, having completely given up hope of finding any more treasure. Before his departure he had done his best to persuade Narbrough to give up the project and return with him to England, but the latter remained adamant to all arguments; he was determined to continue his search of the wreck. It was a fatal error, for he too was stricken by the fever, and expired on the reef the twenty-seventh day of the month. When he realized the end to be near he made final arrangements for the re-possession of the wreck. He gave Albemarle's commissions to the commanders of two Jamaica sloops, and wrote a message urging Albemarle to send someone to inventory all the treasure that had been raised, and to place the masters of the Jamaica sloops under bond to carry their gains to Jamaica to share with him. In completion of his work, Narbrough forwarded to the governor a chart of the shoals where the wreck lay. 14 The day following the death of his commander, Stanley sailed for England with all the treasure that the expedition had recovered. This amounted to about 3300 pounds of silver, valued at £12,000, and four copper guns. Albemarle had predicted soon after the early disappointments of the search that he would be a loser by the voyage, and his prophecies were fulfilled, for £12,000 proved insufficient to pay the costs of the venture. 15 On August fourth the

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promoters of the expedition came aboard the Foresight, accompanied by officials of the Mint, and carried the treasure to London. Though their second expedition had proved a poor investment, the Adventurers did not give up hope of discovering the treasure ultimately. Very soon after the return of the Foresight they applied for and obtained a third patent to the Hispaniola treasure. There were now two new names among the patentees, the Earl of Bath in behalf of the Duke of Albemarle who was still in Jamaica, and John Hill in behalf of Elizabeth, widow of Sir John Narbrough. The other names, Sir James Hayes, Isaac Foxcroft, and Francis Nicholson, are familiar to us. The Company was again loaned the Foresight with a complement of two hundred men, the crown paying all its expenses. The shares demanded in return were the same as in the previous grant — a fifth of the treasure recovered up to £150,000 and a third of the overplus.10 The expedition seems to have failure. 17 There was little reason Plate Wreck had been exhausted Phips and Narbrough expeditions ing" of the plantation boats.18

turned out a complete for hope, as the Phips of its treasure by the and the constant "fish-

6: Accountability to the Crown UP to this point our description of treasure expeditions has not stressed particularly the accountability of treasure hunters to the crown, and the machinery and methods employed by the Admiralty, Treasury, and other governmental agencies for its enforcement. Before proceeding to a full-length discussion of the subject, let us reflect briefly upon the Stanley, Phips, and Narbrough expeditions from this viewpoint. As has been indicated, the Stanley expedition in search of the Hispaniola treasure was wholly a crown undertaking. Stanley's original instructions, his orders from governors Lynch and Molesworth, and the letters of Molesworth to Auditor-General Blathwayt describing his periodic sallies out of Port Royal to the reefs, admit no doubt of the fact. The expedition of the Rose to the Bahama Banks, on the other hand, was initiated as a private venture by Captain Phips. By agreement, the king loaned Phips one of his ships, and in return for the loan he reserved a large share of whatever treasure Phips might recover. Amid the graphic details of the voyage of the Rose stands out the accountability of the treasure hunters to the crown with the Treasury placing two agents aboard to protect the crown's interest in ship and treasure, and the principal agent, the ever-watchful Knepp, reporting at frequent intervals to the Naval Commissioners on the conduct of the expedition. 1 On the basis of these reports, the reports of the Boston magistrates, of the Commissioners, and of 69

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Phips's own account of the expedition, the Admiralty and Treasury later cooperated in an investigation of this undertaking. The Phips expedition to Ambrosia Bank was a corporate project. The vessels were owned by the Adventurers, and they sailed under patent of the crown, which granted the proprietors and other shareholders a monopoly of the Hispaniola wreck, together with other wrecks discovered within the Bahamas. The crown reserved but a tenth part of the treasure recovered. When the James and Mary arrived in the Thames with its cargo of silver and gold, officials of the Admiralty, the Treasury, and the Mint all cooperated vigorously in securing the royal tenth. In the case of the Narbrough expedition, the second grant to the Adventurers, as we have observed, proved not so generous as the first. James II, greatly pleased by the unexpected gift from Phips of £20,000, and anticipating equal success for the new expedition, demanded a larger share for the crown in right of Admiralty. Yet in the matter of protection the crown was never so generous with its ships. At least four men-of-war were dispatched to insure the safety of the boats at work on Ambrosia Bank. 2 Such was the interest of the crown in treasure expeditions to the West Indies under its patent; what of its relations with the many who sought the treasure without right of patent? 3 During the period between expeditions, June to December, 1687, and the year following the return of the Foresight in June, 1688, scores of vessels of all designs visited "Phipps Rack." The son of one of the Bermudians who assisted Phips at the wreck, was thought to have disclosed Phips's secret under compulsion. At any rate, sloops, shallops, pinks, barques, brigs, brigantines, hoys, and even or-

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dinary canoes swarmed to Ambrosia Bank with divers, rakes, and diving tubs, from England and western Europe, New England, New York, and other seaboard colonies, and from Bermuda, Jamaica, and the neighboring islands. Governor Robinson wrote from Bermuda to the president of the Lords of Trade, June 6, 1688, that there had not been seen so many vessels at Bermuda since the first settlement, 4 and on July 24 he met with his council to determine how many Bermudians might be permitted to visit the wreck "without Debilitating ye Country." 5 At times trade on the islands remained virtually suspended while merchants "were away on the Rack." Not only did business decline for the time, but with so many gone there was always grave danger of a Spanish attack. 0 Of these hundreds of ships that visited the wreck comparatively few "fished" under benefit of patent of the crown. The vast majority of treasure hunters were, consequently, subject to ordinances of the Admiialty that reserved a moiety, or one-half of the treasure salvaged from wrecks, for the lord admiral. 7 James II was lord admiral as well as king, and now, sorely pressed for funds, decided to prosecute vigorously his legal claim to one-half their treasure. He placed the chief responsibility for its collection upon the governors of the colonies, who, in most instances, were also vice-admirals. In the latter capacity they were commissioned to account to the Admiralty for the proceeds of wrecks arising or imported within their jurisdiction, of whatever nationality. 8 The governor was assisted by the chief judge of the island, the attorneygeneral, the marshal, and naval captains in port by chance, or ordered there for this purpose. The difficulties of collecting the royal moiety from treasure-mad adventurers, who "fished" without right of patent or of license and who

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shared their coin, bullion, and plate among themselves before returning, or returned to conceal it in secret places on the island, or absconded with it to continue on privateering or piratical expeditions, can hardly be exaggerated. When, in addition, a colonial official proved negligent of duty, or succumbed to the ever-present temptation of embezzling the treasure, collection of the royal dues became an almost superhuman task. On the other hand there were many traders, shipowners, and masters, and men from the plantations, of the better sort, who ventured to risk expeditions to " P h i p p s Plate R a c k . " Some played a lone hand at treasure hunting; others engaged in partnerships and consortships, or invested in corporate expeditions to the wreck. From these classes of more or less responsible people practically all the royal dues were collected. The legal methods employed to secure the crown's share from treasure hunters of this type were comparatively simple in form. In answer to a petition a license was granted to take up treasure at a specified wreck or wrecks; the licensee was then placed under bond to return with his boat to the port of departure within a year, and enter the weight of his treasure with the secretary of the colony or at the naval office. Those who were suspected of falsifying their accounts and concealing the royal dues were proceeded against by search warrants, arrests, and examinations. Shortly after the return of the James and Mary with her cargo of treasure from the first voyage to the wreck, early in J u n e 1687, a certain William Constable suggested to the king the probability that ships were already salvaging the treasure that Phips had been forced to abandon, and to which he and Narbrough were now preparing to return under a second patent. He requested authority to seize the

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royal share of all bullion, coin, and plate that had been or should be taken up before their arrival, receiving for his pains a tenth. Constable assumed the royal dues in this case to be a tenth but was advised by the judge of the Admiralty and the judge advocate that admiralty law required for the king, as lord admiral, a full moiety of the treasure recovered. While admitting that the king, on occasion, had granted to individuals more than a half of the proceeds from salvaged treasure, this he had done, they declared, purely out of his grace and favor. 9 This decision seems to have been acceptable to Constable, for he was appointed commissioner for the collection of the royal dues by warrant dated July 30, 1687, with power to collect a moiety of the treasure salvaged before the arrival of Narbrough, receiving a tenth for his commission. 10 As a corollary to the warrant, a circular letter was dispatched to all colonial governors, apprising them of his mission and commanding their utmost assistance. 11 After the issuance of the warrant to Constable almost three months passed, strangely enough, before James II took further action toward securing his legal dues. At length, on October 22, 1687, he addressed a circular letter to his colonial governors advising them that the law of the Admiralty required that the treasure hunters surrender to him, as lord admiral, not a tenth but one-half of the treasure they salvaged; this proportion they were bound to secure and account for from time to time to the Treasury. 12 But the advice and warning came too late. Had the king admonished each of his officials to vigorous personal action in his service at the time Constable received his warrant, the greater part of the royal dues might have been recovered but, as it happened, the letter of October 22 did

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not arrive in the colonies until December, and by that time the bulk of the treasure Phips abandoned had been taken up and illegally dispersed. The determination of the king to save his revenue had been aroused at last by reports from several governors indicating the return to their colonies of vast sums from the wreck, and the loss to the crown of a valuable income because of their ignorance of the law. For example, the Treasury had received on October 10 a letter from Sir Robert Robinson, governor of Bermuda, confessing his perplexity over the proportion of the incoming treasure he should exact for the king. He had taken the king's tenths from two small vessels to an amount between 500 and 600 pounds, and they had departed with about 16,000 pounds more. He had also taken security of five or six more vessels bound for the wreck, and appointed for his adviser in the matter a Mr. Green to be judge of the Admiralty, " a pretended lawyer" but the best he could find. 13 The governor of Jamaica, Hender Molesworth, was equally ignorant of the law. He had collected tenths and not a moiety. In his defense, Molesworth protested that he had received no orders while governor, 14 and his lawyers and law books giving him no better rule, he had relied, perforce, upon the advice of his council, and the precedent of the king who had taken a tenth from Phips. 1 5 Here, of course, was no precedent, for Phips sailed under patent of the crown. The circular letter of October 22, 1687, reissued in January, 1 6 8 7 / 8 8 , and supplemented by repeated instructions to the governors and judges of the colonies, at length aroused these officials to action. Let us now observe the machinery and methods employed for collecting the royal dues from Spanish treasure.

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In reply to Governor Robinson's report, the Treasury advised him of his error in securing only a tenth of the treasure of the two ships, and commanded him to recover from them, as from all other ships importing treasure into Bermuda, a full moiety for the royal dues. To assist him in this work the crown appointed Henry Horsdesnell chief judge of the Bermudas. Horsdesnell arrived in Bermuda aboard the frigate Sivan in January, 1 6 8 7 / 8 8 . His instructions were definite. Immediately upon taking office he was to summon the masters of the two ships who had paid only tenths, and persons of all other ships returned from wrecks, to give bond to pay the king's moiety. The treasure recovered was to be delivered to Captain Frederick Frowde, commander of the Swan, for transportation to England. Should he encounter opposition he could not master alone, Governor Robinson and Captain Frowde with his crew and soldiers would be at his service. 16 At the same time Captain Frederick Frowde received orders to transport Judge Horsdesnell and thirty soldiers aboard the Swan to Bermuda. He was directed to assist Horsdesnell and Robinson with all the power at his command to collect the royal dues at Bermuda, and to remain with them until dismissed. 17 The Swan arrived at Bermuda in January 1 6 8 7 / 8 8 , and at once Governor Robinson and Judge Horsdesnell set to work. They summoned all who had returned from the wreck to Bermuda to pay the royal dues, and issued warrants for searching the houses of those who refused to account or were suspected of embezzling the king's treasure. Frowde armed his soldiers with these warrants and ordered them out like bailiffs to search the houses of St. George's for treasure while he rode up and down the street shouting directions. He was thus occupied with Horsdesnell in fer-

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reting out hidden pieces of eight and plate throughout Bermuda until March 28, a period of nearly three months, when ordered to the wreck to assist Narbrough. Frowde thus recorded the measure of his success in Bermuda: "March 5, 1 6 8 7 / 8 8 this day I ffetched on Board 12 Brass Gunns from towne [St. George's] y1 came from ye Wreck," and on March 22, "this day ye Govern7 Caused his sonne, whome he has made Treasur to deliver me ye King's money being 1254 11 weight, for wch I gave my Receipt, & afterwards he had paid him back as Treasur 63 l weight, for wch he gave me Bond to Refund ye Money, in Case ye King should not allow it." 18 At the wreck Frowde found Narbrough and Phips struggling desperately to uncover enough treasure to "make a voyage." He remained with them from April 6 to 15, when ordered by Narbrough to England. Nearing England on June 2, Frowde forwarded by a hoy the twelve brass guns, weighing about 3000 pounds each, to Woolwich; on the 15th the officers of the Mint came aboard at Sheerness for the royal dues. The bags and chests of silver recovered at Bermuda weighed 1191 pounds and 4 ounces with a value of £6128. The chief clerk and the weigher and teller of the Mint transported the treasure to the Mint and forwarded their account to the Treasury. 10 About a week before the Swan sailed from Bermuda for the wreck, Horsdesnell estimated that he and Frowde had been able to collect not more than a fifth of the treasure owed the king. He declared his task hopeless but intimated that the royal dues could have been collected at one time had the same energy and care been expended to collect for the king as for the governor. 20 His correspondence with the Lords of Trade during the period of his judgeship at Bermuda, from January 1 6 8 7 / 8 8 , until May 1689, reveals

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on the island a condition of private theft and official embezzlement in their worst forms. In his first letter to the Lords of Trade, written January 19, 1 6 8 7 / 8 8 , Horsdesnell deplored the fact that the money and plate had been divided throughout the whole island and that the culprits refused to tell on each other. 21 A week later he reported that he had found it impossible to collect all the king's dues for the reason that Governor Robinson, mistakenly, had taken only a tenth, besides what he extracted for himself, and the masters, believing the king thus fully paid, had dispersed the remainder in various payments. Examinations he had held every day, but of all the treasure hunters he confronted only one he considered honest—a Quaker. This man, while refusing a single penny to Governor Robinson, had paid him £ 4 0 0 , a full half part of the treasure he had salvaged. Such unheard-of honesty with the king's treasure had made the Quaker the most hated man on the island. Horsdesnell further reported that William Constable had refused consistently to state the amount of royal dues he had received, nor would the ships' masters tell him anything. Altogether, he suspected a conspiracy on the part of governor and agent to defraud the king. 2 " Of like tenor was Horsdesnell's third report on the state of the royal dues, dated March 19, 1 6 8 7 / 8 8 . 2 3 However impossible the task may have appeared to Horsdesnell, he seems never to have relaxed his efforts nor overlooked any resource to secure the royal dues. His resourcefulness is well illustrated by the following example. A certain Samuel Smith, returning from the wreck, made an entry of only 12 pounds. Suspicious of an account so small, Horsdesnell had the treasure hunter searched, to find 2 7 pounds, of which 131/2 pounds were taken for the king. Convinced now that Smith had carried away and secreted a very large

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THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

sum, he examined him and his crew on oath. They confessed then that they had concealed 1000 pieces of eight in one of the Bahamas, but protested that it was all rusty and very little good. Mindful of the danger from pirates and the expense of cleaning the money, Horsdesnell compounded with them for 4 1 5 pieces of eight and thought it a bargain for the king "for I verily believe they may lose it." Finally, he placed Smith under £100 bond to pay the royal dues in the event he discovered more treasure. 24 In April 1688 the Bermuda grand jury met and presented the value of the treasure brought into Bermuda at £47,880. This sum, we observe, was approximately onefifth the treasure Phips had transported to England on the James and Mary from his first visit to the wreck. The jury called upon all who had imported treasure into Bermuda to pay the royal dues. 23 At Barbados only a few ships imported treasure from the Hispaniola wreck up to March 1 6 8 7 / 8 8 , but Governor Stede reported to the Treasury that all these had squirmed and intrigued to avoid paying the royal dues. The master of the Raven presented a certificate to the effect that he had paid Constable for a moiety of silver taken at the wreck. Stede reported that he had seized half of the remainder found in the ship and taken security for a number of pieces of eight, despite the owners' claim that these were paid them for food and merchandise at the wreck. 26 Another vessel had gone to the wreck in consortship with a pink, the Elizabeth, and divided its shares at sea. When he demanded a moiety, the owners replied that they had given security in London to answer the king's dues. Observant of his instructions, Stede then took their account on oath and forwarded it to London. 27 A third boat had been put off the wreck by

ACCOUNTABILITY TO T H E CROWN

79

Narbrough. Their gains, between £ 5 0 0 and £600, they had divided at sea among the owners, sailors, and divers, reserving only a tenth for the crown. Stede reported the master had refused a moiety except for his own share, consequently there was nothing for him to do but sue. 28 We have observed governors, a judge, and naval commanders busily occupied with the discovery and collection of the royal dues; in conclusion, what of the activities of William Constable, commissioner extraordinary of the crown? It will be recalled that Constable was granted a tenth of the royal dues he might collect from persons visiting the wreck before the arrival of Narbrough. It was in this period following the return of the James and Mary and preceding the arrival of Narbrough at the wreck that much of the treasure was salvaged by unauthorized ships. If very active, and unscrupulous, as Horsdesnell and Molesworth believed him to be, Constable might easily enrich himself for life. After receiving his warrant, though his movements are shadowy, he appears to have gone to the wreck and remained there for months, at intervals inspecting by himself or deputy importations into neighboring English colonies. 29 While at Ambrosia Bank, Constable is said to have collected for the king's moiety treasure valued at about £500. 3 0 On April 1, 1688, he arrived at Jamaica aboard Albemarle's yacht and remained there the entire month, seizing to his own credit all that Molesworth had collected for tenths, 31 besides other considerable sums. Constable arrived in England early in the summer of 1688 and surrendered his treasure to the Mint. 32 The weight of the treasure was near 2000 pounds, but we are not informed as to its value nor the value of his tenth, except

60

T H E HISPANIOLA. TREASURE

that on October 18 the Treasury issued its warrant to the officers of the Mint to deliver to William Constable £ 5 8 0 in part payment of the tenths of gold and silver he had brought from the wreck near Hispaniola. 33

7: Corporate Treasure Projects THE enrichment of the stockholders by the Hispaniola treasure aroused unparalleled enthusiasm in England for treasure hunting. Visions of repeating and even surpassing the astonishing discoveries of Albemarle and Phips seized upon the imaginations of all classes of men. It was an age of much surplus capital, together with a scarcity of safe forms of investments, and a period when business consorted with adventure; under such conditions ihe lure of treasure hunting proved wellnigh irresistible. Love of adventure and visions of vast hoards of quick-gotten wealth attracted princes, nobles, merchants, shipowners and masters, and planters, to invest heavily in diving apparatus and in wreck-recovery projects off the coasts of the British Isles, the Bermudas, and the West Indies. Two general types of companies were organized. One promoted the sale of diving engines for the salvaging of wrecks; the other, the wreck-recovery company, either leased a diving machine or operated one of its own. The diving machines were curious fabrications. Francis Smartfoot received a patent in 1689 to an odd contrivance to be fastened to the diver's back, resembling a pair of lungs, " f o r his breathing under water as he swims." He was granted the use of his invention for fourteen years in all seas of the king's dominions, except from the North Foreland west by the Scilly Islands. 1 Better known inventors of the 1690's were John Tyzack, who with Thomas Neale received in 1693 a grant of all wrecks they might discover 81

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THE

HISPANIOLA

TREASURE

within thirty leagues off the Isle of Sable, near Nova Scotia, during a period of seven years, 2 and Captain John Poyntz, whose name is sprinkled through the records from 1 6 9 0 to 1 7 0 2 as inventor of a diving engine for taking up wrecks. Poyntz signed an agreement in 1691 with three promoters, Neale being one, pledging them to secure a patent for his engine and to promote its sale. It was agreed that the net profits accruing be shared in the proportion of two-thirds to Poyntz and the remainder to the promoters; its managing and contracting out were to be determined by a majority vote, and, in the event the engine failed of its purpose in salvaging wrecks, or a patent were denied Poyntz, the inventor promised to compensate each of the promoters with a grant of 1 0 0 acres of land he owned in the island of Tobago. 3 Poyntz's engine was superseded at the close of the century by the diving engines of the scientist Edmund Halley and of Captain Jacob Rowe. Halley invented a diving bell that enabled the divers to work under water for hours by lowering to them kegs of fresh air. Rowe's engine is not described for us but must have been quite effective, as the inventor is said to have salvaged wrecks off the north coast of Scotland to the value of £ 2 3 , 0 0 0 . 4 The wreck-recovery project, which is our principal interest, originated, as we have seen, in a grant of wrecks within a prescribed marine area. Charles II, James II, William I I I , and Queen Anne made many such grants; in fact it would seem that not only the waters touching the British Isles but those of the entire Western Hemisphere were actually parceled out in this period among Englishmen turning to the excitement of treasure hunting. Among the host of petitioners were poverty-stricken soldiers and

CORPORATE TREASURE PROJECTS

83

sailors, who pleaded for this revenue as a compensation, or reward for past services to the crown. 5 The majority of the grants of wrecks of which we have record were made to adventurers and speculators. Of the latter type one could hardly find a more vivid example than Thomas Neale. We have observed Neale promoting a treasure expedition to Ireland of the Bermudas in search of treasure-trove; this was but one of his many fantastic schemes. At the time of the Ireland venture he also secured a grant of all the mines of America, consequent upon the failure of their operation by the Duke of Albemarle, and in addition a patent to a new kind of dice he had invented. His wreck-recovery projects were numerous and grandly conceived. They consisted of a grant of wreck in Broad Haven cff the west coast of Ireland in 1691, reserving a tenth to the crown and, the following year, a patent to all wrecks he might discover between Cartagena, Jamaica, and Havana, with reservation of a fifth to the crown. For the latter monopoly Neale paid the king £450. Neale formed companies to salvage these treasures, but both failed. He received other patents to wrecks along the south British coast, and to those he might discover within thirty miles of the Isle of Sable off Nova Scotia, for which he reserved a fifth to the crown and paid, in addition, £200.® This wild gambler also petitioned for the sole right to salvage certain ships of the Spanish Armada, which he, like many others before him and down to our generation, believed he had located off the west coast of Ireland; he even sought patent to a wreck on the basis of a report that one lay "somewhere" between Cape Henry, Virginia, and the coast of Spanish America! T None of Neale's projects turned out successfully, as far as can be ascertained, nor did that of the more illustrious pro-

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THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

moter, Meinhard Schömberg, Duke of Leinster, to which we now turn for one of the best examples of the fantastic wreck-recovery schemes of the period. The Duke of Leinster received patent in 1693 to all wrecks he might discover within twenty years in the immense expanse of sea between twelve degrees south and forty degrees north latitude in America, but outside the domains already granted to Neale and others. Forthwith, he appointed his managers and formed a stock company to finance the enterprise. Leinster divided his interest into 1 6 0 0 shares, of which he reserved 6 0 8 shares for himself, 3 2 0 shares he offered for sale to the public, and the remainder consisting of 6 7 2 shares he presented to various influential persons. A tenth of the gross proceeds accruing from the enterprise was reserved to the king, to which was added an interest of 100 shares held in trust for him by one Lowndes, clerk of the Treasury. The stock was placed on the market at £ 2 0 a share. Printed accounts of the wrecks were circulated widely in London advertising their value in silver and gold at the stupendous figure of £20,0 0 0 , 0 0 0 . Two ships were purchased, equipped for salvaging, and dispatched in search of the wrecks. Unfortunately, however, before they could arrive at their goal, they were attacked and captured by French men-of-war. This disaster proved a fatal blow to Leinster's project; it languished for years, the stock dropping from £ 2 0 to £ 5 a share, and then a revival was attempted. We have now arrived at the remarkable wreck-recovery project of our old friend Samuel Weale. The Leinster patent nearing expiration, Weale envisaged a glorious opportunity for some quick-witted and energetic person to amass a great fortune. He drew up a plan whereby he calculated that £ 2 0 , 0 0 0 might be obtained from the wrecks annually.

CORPORATE TREASURE PROJECTS

85

Declaring that any "great man of good interest at court" might have the grant for the asking at a charge of £60 or even less, he placed his treasure project most alluringly before the Earl of Clarendon. Weale planned for two ships, well manned, with supplies for twenty months, and carrying a suitable trading cargo and a letter of marque, to save the expedition by privateering should the treasure not be discovered. He estimated the cost of the undertaking at £30,030 apportioned thus: To fit out ye 2 ships sloop & 200 men w t h provisions 14,000 To boats chains grapnailes & diveing Engines 00,380 To purchase 9 divers at Madera 00,650 To brokeridge to get seamen & advance mony 00,700 To: incident charges to carry on ye designe 00,300 To a cargo of English Manufactories & c 04,000 To: wages for 200 men for 20 mos. at 2 £ 10" each man p m 10,000 £30,030

Thirty thousand pounds was a huge risk, but Weale regarded it lightly, for he estimated a return in silver, gold, and plate more than fifty times that sum. He argued ingeniously that new wrecks were bound to occur within an area over 3000 miles in extent, and promised to procure a list of these from the registry books of the Spanish government. Spain, so he averred, forbade its citizens from salvaging wrecks out of fear that they would be tempted to cause them. To the noble who had the vision to secure the patent Weale could promise the best divers in the world, and the certainty in time of peace, perhaps even in time of war, of the protection of a man-of-war to preserve the queen's interests. Admiralty protection, he calculated, would add greatly to the value of the grant. The stock had fallen from £20 to £5 a share during the war, but Weale was certain

86

T H E HISPANIOLA TREASURE

of a quick return to its former value and far beyond, as soon as peace was declared. But there must be no delay, the grant must be secured speedily, or otherwise interlopers would seize the treasure. Weale proposed something nobler than the average treasure-recovery project; his was to be a patriotic undertaking, one for the good of England, the increase of her trade and revenues, and her social and religious welfare. To use his own words, T o make my Projection about the Spanish wracks to bee more agreeable, and becoming the Solicitation of a Clergy man or Divine, and more acceptable to her most sacred Maj' y , and also more secure to our selves, which otherwise may be precarious, I will make a Distribution of the Product thereof to all those N o b l e Ends and purposes undermentioned without Lessening the Benefit or Interest of any of the Present parties concerned therein but that of my own interest.

Out of a total of 2000 shares, he announced that he would give 200 to the benefit of the poor widows and children of clergymen in England, 200 to the Royal Hospital at Greenwich, fifty shares to the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, fifty to the Society for the Reformation of Manners, and fifty more to the promotion of charity schools. Only 150 shares would he retain for himself! So much for Weale's wreck-recovery scheme; 8 it is hardly necessary to describe it in greater detail to picture the wreck-recovery promoter of that age. The Earl of Clarendon seems to have been persuaded to seek a patent, but the project undoubtedly failed of its purpose. Many such wreck-recovery companies were organized in the generation following the discovery of the Plate Wreck, particularly in the period of 1690-95, and they all made a great noise. Speculation in their stock was extremely active,

CORPORATE TREASURE

PROJECTS

87

with shares being presented to persons of distinction to encourage a greater sale, but very few attained any appreciable success. Many of these companies perished in the financial crisis of 1696-97.® The organization of the wreck-recovery company is well described in the story of the Fairfax Treasure Project. Thomas, Lord Fairfax, the fifth of that line, was proprietor of the "Northern Neck," Virginia. 10 Member of Parliament, military commander, and a gentleman of consequence in north England, Lord Fairfax by his extravagance had contracted huge debts. In an effort to mend his broken fortunes he gambled on a treasure expedition to the West Indies. He applied for and secured a patent from Queen Anne, dated January 25, 1703/04, to ail wrecks cast away before the twelfth of January, 1 7 0 6 / 0 7 , between six and thirty-six degrees north latitude in the West Indies. Specifically, the patent granted him a monopoly of "All Wrecks Jetsam Flotsam and Lagan and Goods Derelict Riches Bullion Plate Gold Silver Coine Merchandise and other Goods and Chatties whatsoever—Cast away Wreckt or lost in or upon any of the Rocks shelves shoals seas or Banks" of the West Indies, within these limits. On his part, Fairfax was obligated to undertake the expedition as speedily as possible, to pay all its costs, keep a true account of the treasure salvaged, transport it into the Port of London, and deliver an eighth part into the Treasury for the queen. The remaining seven parts, after the deduction of all expenses, were granted to him free of conditions. The patent further stipulated that either Lord Fairfax or the Treasury appoint agents to inspect the "fishing" of the treasure and assure the queen of her share. 11 Success or failure of the project depended largely upon the extent of its financial backing, and Fairfax, immedi-

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THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

ately upon receiving his grant, proceeded to the organization of a joint-stock company. As in the case of colonization projects, treasure expeditions had proved most successful as a corporate undertaking. His first act was the appointment of seven men, a lawyer, three landowners, and three merchants of London, to act as his managers or directors of the undertaking. Their names were Sir Edward Laurence, Mitford Crowe, William Russell of Lincoln's Inn, Robert Lowther, William Browne, John Denew, and James Dolliff; and Fairfax contracted with them to take over the entire charge of his project. Their duties included the sale of stock in the enterprise, supervision of the search for the treasure, its salvaging and transportation to the Port of London, and, finally, its sale and the distribution of the proceeds among the stockholders. As for the sharing of the treasure, it was agreed that after the deduction of the queen's share of an eighth, two parts of the net proceeds were to be reserved for Fairfax, and the remainder shared among the managers and others who participated in the undertaking. It was further agreed that £700 he allocated out of the first subscriptions to the payment of those who had gone to the trouble and expense of obtaining the patent, and £5 in every £100 of treasure salvaged as a reward to the discoverers of the treasure and the officers and sailors who were contracted on salaries and wages. Fairfax believed so generous a reward would prove a strong incentive to success. Fairfax estimated the cost of ships and equipment, the wages of the seamen, etc. at £25,000, and to meet this huge expense directed his managers to open an office in the central part of London for the sale of stock to the public. In the event £25,000, or a sum the managers considered absolutely essential, was not subscribed by August first,

CORPORATE TREASURE PROJECTS

89

the company was to be disbanded and the money returned to the stockholders. The managers were instructed to keep their account books open in the office for the free inspection of the stockholders, or adventurers, as they were then called, and to assure them that all would be paid in proportion to their subscriptions within three months after the return of the expedition and the balancing of the company's books. For their labor and trouble they were to receive £800 down payment, and four per cent commission on the returns of the expedition, in addition to the income from any stock in the enterprise they had purchased. The conditions of the sale of stock provided that no subscription be received for a sum less than £50; that payments were to be permitted in three installments, onethird paid down to the managers, and the second and remainder into the Bank of England to their account before August first and September first, respectively; and, finally, that in the event any subscriber defaulted on the second or third payments, his first payment was to be forfeited and applied to the general stock. But what protection was there for the investor should the treasure not be discovered? In the first place, provision was made against complete failure by a curious provision in the form of a postscript to the conditions of sale. Stripped of its legal verbiage, it provided that the stockholders share not only in the treasure recovered but also in various collateral and casual profits. Treasure was to be the first objective of the managers, and failing of its discovery, they were then to resort to trade, the carrying of freight, privateering, and apparently all other possible sources of revenue, to save the expedition. Like other treasure projects of its day that of Fairfax omitted from its objective no possible source of revenue, and undoubtedly privateering could become one of the

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T H E HISPANIOLA

TREASURE!

most important of its considerations. The entire proceeds of the expedition were to be sold by the managers at a public sale held for that purpose. In the event the ships returned empty, then they and their equipment were to be sold at public auction and the proceeds of the sale distributed among the shareholders. Beneath this statement of policy are listed the names of the principal subscribers with the amount subscribed, as of June 24th: I doe in the Queens Name, & by her Ma ty8 Comand" subscribe the sum of five hundred pounds for her Ma"' uses & advantage. Godolphin 12 500 £ I do subscribe the summe of five hundred pounds George 13 500£ I do subscribe the Sum of five hundred pounds Fairfax 500£

Then followed the subscriptions by Fairfax of £200 for Henry Ireton and £100 for Captain Charles Partiquerau, and those of the managers and others ranging from £ 5 0 to £700. 1 4 Although the sale of the stock seems to have satisfied the managers, the expedition did not sail for the wreck until midsummer of the year 1706, two years after the company was organized. The delay was due not to any difficulties in England but to the war with Spain. The ships dare not sail to the West Indies for fear of the Spaniard. Fairfax was bitterly disappointed. He had invested large sums of money in the enterprise and his patent was to expire on January 12, 1707. His agents reported to him that they still had hopes of success if only allowed sufficient time—six months was too brief a period. In his predicament Fairfax petitioned the queen for a new patent ex-

CORPORATE TREASURE

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91

tending the period of his grant. He was quite successful. The petition was referred, as a matter of form, to the attorney-general, who reported in favor of the grant, and a new patent was issued to Lord Fairfax under the great seal, dated April 3, 1707. It contained the same reservations and conditions of the first patent but extended the time limit to October 25, 1711, a period of four and a half years. 1 " The Fairfax expedition seems to have had no better success under its new grant. We have not seen an account of the activities of his agents in the West Indies in search of the wreck, but in December 1709 Fairfax was in London harassed by his creditors. 16 His will was witnessed December 30. In it he devised his shares of the West Indies wreck to members of his family. After his death the following year, Fairfax's creditors negotiated in vain for the proceeds of the wreck—apparently the expedition had been a complete failure. 1 7 Instead of recovering his fortunes from the West Indian wreck Fairfax had plunged himself more deeply into debt. His was the bitter disappointment of many a treasure hunter of that generation. 18

APPENDICES

1 : A Treasure Hunter's Contract with the Lord Admiral 1 A G R E E M E N T B E T W E E N H.R.H. T H E D U K E O F Y O R K AND EDMOND C U S T I S S E N r O F LONDON 8 MARCH

167^

IT is Covenanted, Contracted & Agreed by & betweene his R : Highness James Duke of Y o r k and Albany, Earl of Lister, Lord High Admirall of England & Ireland &c on the one parte, And Edmond Custis Sen r Merch' for himselfe and Partners on the other part as followeth (videlzt). That the said Edmond Custis and Partners, his or their heires or Assignes have full power & free Liberty & Authority to Search for, fish for and recover, at, upon or neare the Sea or Sea Coasts belonging to his Maiesty in the West Indies, or the Bermudas, all such Shipps Vessells, Treasure, Goods, Gunns, or Merchandizes whatsoever which have been or shall be dureing the continuance of this Contract, Sunck, lost or Cast awaie in all, or any of the said places, And which are of Right belonging to his R : Highness as Lord High Admirall of all his M a " " Dominions beyond the Seas. That the said power & liberty of fishing for, and recovering such Goods, Merchandizes &c, shall continue from the daie of the Date hereof for and dureing the Terme of fifteene yeares, if his Royall Highness shall soe long live. That the said Edmond Custis and Partners, his or their Heires or Assignes have free liberty & power to sell and dispose of to their best advantage, all such Shipps, Vessells, Treasure, Goods, Gunns & Merchandizes, which they shall recover as aforesaid, they delivering such parte thereof at such place or port as is hereafter mentioned for his Royall Highness. That his R : Highness shall not dureing the said Tearme, Grant any Comission, power or Authoritie unto any other person or persons, other then the said Edmond Custis & Partners, to attempt the 95

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THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

fishing for, or recovering of any Ships, Vessells, Treasure, Gunns, Goods or Merchandize in any of the places aforesaid. That the said Edmond Custis and Partners, his or their Assignes shall well & truly deliver or cause to be delivered, for the use of his R : Highness, One full and entire fourth part of all such Shipps, Vessells, Gunns, Treasure, Goods & Merchandizes which shall be by him or them or their Agents recovered as aforesaid at, upon or neere the Seas or Sea Coast of any of the Lands, Islands, Plantations or Territories belonging to his Maiestie as aforesaid; the said fourth part to be delivered free of all charges unto such person or persons as his R : Highness shall appoint to receive the same at som Port within the Kingdom of England, the dangers of the sea excepted. That his R : Highness may (if hee shall think fitt) send one or more persons aboard each ship which the said Custis or Partners, his or their Heires or Assignes, shall imploy as aforesaid uppon the service of Wreck fishing, to observe what Goods shall be recovered, Which said person or persons shall be Civilly Treated, and have liberty to inspect the worke, whereby he may be enabled to gaine a perfect account what shall be recovered. And shall be alsoe victualed on board of such Ship, on which he or they shall be, at the Cost & Charges of the said Custis & Partners. And that the said Custis and Partners their Heires or Assignes shall give notice to his R : Highness his Secretary Three weekes before every such vessell doe proceede upon the said worke of Wreck fishing, and that every such Vessel shall touch at some Port in England to receive on board such person or persons as shall be put on board in behalfe of his R : Highness for the Inspecting & takeing an Acco' of the said worke. In witness whereof his said R : Highness hath hereunto sett his hand & seale this 8 t h day of March 1670. (Signed) James

2 : A Petition for License to Search for Treasure In New Yorke 2 14 August 1688 Commander of the Brigantin Happy Return of New Yorke, humbly Desire His Excellency sir Edmund

TIMOTHEUS VANDERNEN

97

APPENDICES

Andros, Governor Generall Over New England, for Licence and Permissin, with one Equipage Consisting in twelve Mariners, twelve whale men and six Divers from this Port, upon a fishing design about the Bohames Islands, And Cap florida, for sperma Coeti whales and Racks; And so to return for this Port, wherefore he Desires his Excellencys Pasport or Commission.

3 : A Commission to Visit Wrecks

3

Sir Edmund Andros, Knt., &c., to all to whom this shall come. WHEREAS the Barque called the Rose, Nicholas Inglesby commander, is by several persons, his Majesty's subjects in this place, fitted and manned for a voyage, intended to be made to the wreck or wrecks lying to windward of Jamaica, or elsewhere in the North seas of America, and have desired my license and permission, that they may proceed on the said voyage. Accordingly these are, therefore, to certify and declare, that the said commander, owners and employers of the said Barque, having given sufficient security to the value of five thousand pounds, for the good deportment of the said company during the voyage, and that within twelve months after the date hereof, they shall and will return to the port of Boston, with all the gold plate, money or other things of value they shall get at the wreck or wrecks, and there well and truly pay the tenth part thereof, for the use of his Majesty. I have and do by these presents, license, permit, and suffer the said vessel and company, to proceed on the said intended voyage accordingly, and have likewise authorized and empowered the said Nicholas Inglesby, to be commander of the said Barque for and during the voyage aforesaid, it being for his Majesty's service and interest, as well as the benefit and advantage of his Majesty's subjects, the said employers. And desiring you and every of you, to permit and suffer the said Barque to go to, abide and work upon the said wreck or wrecks, and to have, get and enjoy all benefits and advantages there to return to this port again, with what they shall there get and acquire, without any let, hindrance, or molestation whatsoever. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and seal at Boston, the 24th of August, in the third year of his Majesty's reign, 1687.

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THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

4 : Bond of a Treasure Hunter 4 KNOW all men by these p r sents That Wee George Hooper Comander of the Barque the Exchange and Mehitobell Warren of Boston Widdow are holden and stand firmely bound unto Our sovraigne Lord King James the Second over England & In ffive Thousand pounds of good and Lawfull money of New England to be paid to Our said Soveraigne Lord the King his heires or Successor 8 for the w ch payment well & truly to be made Wee bind Ourselves and each of us for himselfe Our heires Exe r s and Administrator & evry & each of them for and in the whole firmely by these p r sents sealed with Our Seales Dated in Boston this ffoure and Twentieth day of October In the Third yeare of his M a , l e s Raigne Over England & Annoq Dni 1687. The Condicon of the above written Obligacon is such That Whereas the above bounden George Hooper Comander of the Barque Exchange is by the Lycense of his Excellency, S r Edmund Andros K n ( : Cap 1 & Governour in Cheife of his M a t l e s Territory & Dominion of New England & In the said Barque with Eighteen Englishmen and S i x Divers whose names are hereunto annexed bound & Designed for a Certaine Wreck or Wrecks lying & being windward of the Island of Jamaica or elsewhere, there to dive fish & Drudge for Gold, Silver Plate Money or other things of value Now if the sd George Hooper & his said Company shall not during the said Voyage Doe or cause to be done any Unlawfull voyelence Harme Hurt Spoile or Damage to any others his M a l l e s subjects Or to any other pson or psons the Subjects Of any other Prince State or Potentate In Amity with his Ma t y either att Sea or on Shoare But shall within the space of Twelve moneths after the date hereof in the said Barke Returne & Come to this Port of Boston aforesaid withall such gold silver Plate money or other things of Value as they shall gett or accquire att the Wreck or Wrecks aforesaid And there shall & Doe well & truly Satisfie & pay his M a t l e " Tenths out of the same before any share Division Or other Disposicon thereof is or shall be made (Except necessary Recruites & Supplies in the said Voyage to be accompted for) The Danger of the seas ffire & Enemyes onely accepted That then theis Obli-

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APPENDICES

gacon to be void & of none Effect Or else to remaine & Continue in full force & vertue Signed Sealed & Delived in the prce of us J ° Bonamy Harcourt Master

G e o : Hooper Mehetable Warren

B . Heyman [signatures of divers and

others

of

the

company follow]

5:

Agreement of a Ship's Captain with his Diver

5

IT is agreed (Sept. 22, 1 6 5 3 ) betweene Captain Lockyer and William Coxen the older, that the said William Coxen is to goe along in the vessel called the Discouery or the Rebecca to be a diver under the tuition of the said Capt Lockyer and the said W i l l i a m is to have for eu r y thousand peeces of eight that he doth recouer by diveing Ten peeces of eight, this they both have sett their hand vnto 22 Sept 1653.

NOTES

Notes CHAPTER 1 1

Blackstone, Commentaries, Bk. 1, ch. 8. Edward Umfreville, Lex Coronatoria (London, 1761), pp. 536-537. 3 G. F. Hill, "The Law and Practice of Treasure Trove," in The Antiquaries Journal, Vol. X, No. 3 (London, 1931), pp. 228-241. 4 Concealment of treasure-trove is still adjudged a misdemeanor in England, punishable by a fine. By the Coroner's Act of 1887 the coroner of the district is "given jurisdiction to enquire of treasure that is found, who were the finders and who is suspected thereof." 0 Calendar of Treasury Books, 1679-80, p. 776. 6 Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, 1658-59, p. 115. 7 State Papers Domestic, Charles II, 29: 40, No. 3i. 8 Cat. S. P. Dom., 1664-65, pp. 164, 169, 175-176, 182. 8 S . P. Charles II, 29:40, No. 31; 44:10, Nos. 5 - 6 ; Cal. Treas. Books, 1681-85, p. 417; 1689-92, p. 326; Rymer, Foedera, Vol. XVII (ed. of 1727), pp. 12, 101. 10 Long affirmed that he had obtained the promise of William Penn to a treasure expedition to "Ireland," but the outbreak of the Revolution of 1688 had thwarted the execution of his plans. 11 Inasmuch as Governor More possessed only one more shot, his mistaken identity proved exceedingly fortunate for the British settlement. 12 In Teutonic mythology these fearful monsters were guardians of treasuretrove. 13 Rawlinson MSS. A, 305, f. 10 et. seq. Brief mention of the treasure on Ireland is to be found in W. B. Hayward's Bermuda Past and Present (New York, 1926), pp. 137-138, and in Sir J. H. Lefroy's Memorials of the Bermudas (2 vols., London, 1877-79), I, 75, 78; H, 369n. 14 W. R. Scott, The Constitution and Finance of English, Scottish and Irish Joint-Stock Companies to 1720 (3 vols., Cambridge, England, 1910-12), II, 261. 16 Lefroy, op. cit., I, 60. 16 Ibid., 111. 17 Scott, op. cit., II, 261. Gondomar, the Spanish ambassador to England, informed his master, Philip III, in 1615, that the principal hope of profit from Bermuda was in ainber (ambergris), which had been found in abundance, and in pearls, which were so easily discovered in the shallow water.—Alexander Brown, Genesis of the United States (2 vols. New York, 1890), II, 683. 18 Lefroy, op. cit., I, 373. Merchant vessels sailing near the Bermudas and 103 2

104

T H E HISPANIOLA

TREASURE

the West Indies, as well as treasure hunters and privateers, were ever on the alert for ambergris, as illustrated by the orders of the owners of the William to her master embarking on a trading voyage in the year 1658: "When it shall please Cod to send you to arive in safety att the Bahama Islands your best endeavours must be used with your Company to make a voyadge by makeing of Seale Oyle, cutting of Brazilett wood, and what other meanes you shall there fine needfull in procuring of Ambergrease and in getting anything from Wrecks which shall be there found or anything else that may happen, wheron somthing of a voyadge may probably be mad." Ibid., II, 108. 19 Harcourt Malcolm, Historical Documents Relating to the Bahamas (3 vols., Nassau, 1910), i n , 5; Egerton MSS. 2395, fol. 558. »«Adm. 7:670, pp. 171-177. 21 "A Proclamation by the Gouernor "The remembrance of the horrid and unparalleled abuses offered by our Islanders in and about the Hopefull-Luck wreck, hath bin by the Honor b l e companie charged uppon mee— And understanding that manie Botes of our Islands have bin latelie aboard of Capt. John Whittles wrecked shipp and masters thereof haue bin charged by the Shirriffe and Marsiall to deliuer on ghore such goods—and haue notwithstanding carried them elsewhere, to the great disaduantage of the aforesaid Captaine as may bee by him and mee iustlie suspected. These are therefore strictlie to require and comand all such masters of Botes as haue bin aboard the aforesaid wreck that they doe with al speede repaire with such goods as they haue recouered to George Towne, and present the same to the view of vs or either of vs without ffraude or Collusion— 14 January 1658/9 William Sayle" Lefroy, op. cit., II, p. 124. 22 Calendar of State Papers, Colonial, America, and the )Vest Indies, 1681-85, No. 668(1). 23 Lefroy, op. cit., I, 240-247, 257-258, 266, 267.

CHAPTER 2 1

The Bonetta was sixty-one feet in length and thirteen feet broad at the beam, with a draught of only four feet six inches. Its burden was sixty-seven tons. Catalogue of the Pepysian Manuscripts, Vol. I, Navy Records Society, Vol. XXVI. 2 William H. Tillinghast, Notes on the Historical Hydrography of the Handkerchief Shoal (Harvard University Library Bibliographical Contributions, No. 14). The North Riff and the South Riff have since joined to form Silver Bank, so named in memory of the famous silver wreck recovered there by Phips. Porto Plata probably received its name from the fact survivors of the wreck came into this port. 3 Los Abrojos, called by the English "Abroxes," and also "Handkerchief

NOTES

105

Shoal," because of its shape. This bank lies to the southeast of Turks Islands among the eastern Bahamas. * Churchill describes in lines almost unintelligibly brief the search on the Abroxes until early in 1684 when he was recalled to England. Log of the Faulcon, Adm. 51: 345. 6 Also named "Vache" and "Vacca Isle" on the maps of the time, lying off the southwestern coast of Hispaniola. 6 Periagos, or piraguas, were boats dug out of tree trunks. 7 These galleys and periagos were manned by the rascals of all countries, but principally by Greeks. Lurking in the mouths of creeks, under cover of trees and undergrowth, they lay in wait for passing vessels without themselves being seen, and would steal upon them in the night so noiselessly that they were over tlie sides of their victims before being discovered. If found out in time and beaten off, they flew back to their coverts in water too shallow for the avenger to follow. The periagos and galleys were so vicious and numerous that at this time they had practically annihilated the important turtling trade of the Jamaicans. -Cal. S. P. Col., A. & W. /., 1681-85, No. 1938. 8 Ibid. " "Sows" are oblong masses of silver, larger than "pigs." 10 One reads so many stories of sunken or buried treasure where just as the hero is about to lay his hands on the wealth of a Midas some demoniacal interference, usually in the guise of a fearful storm, intervenes to snatch it from his grasp forever. 11 Cal. S. P. Col., A. & W. /., 1681-85, No. 2067. i - P. R. 0., Colonial Office, 1: 57, No. 9. 13 "A promise to sloopes Comp a in Case they find y e Wrack "Whereas you ar now bound out in ye Bonito Sloope in his M a j t l C 8 servic und r ye Comand of Cap" Edw d Stanley upon a design w c h if it takes effect wd be of vast advantage to his s d Ma 1 ? Wherefore I have thought fit (for ye better incouragem 1 & to oblige you to be y1' more careful & industryous in y® voyage I to declare & promise unto you that in Case y* design shall take effect according to expectacon, I wil see each of you payd one hundred pounds Sterling as a gratuity from his Ma 1 * for y* good Service, besydes what his M a t y shal think fit to order you further after y c expiracon of y e voyage. Given under my hand at St. Jago de la Vega this 31 Jan" 1684/5 "To ye officers & seamen on Board his M a t l e s sloop Bonito bound for ye Wreck." C 0 . 1: 57, No. 9. 14 Cal. S. P. Col., A. & W. I., 1681-85, No. 2067. 15 Ibid. 10 "This morning I sent my boate w t h Provissions a Compass and Leade and fitted w t h every thing for feare of looseing Company w , h orders to gett to y e n°ard of y e Reefe and Runn downe by itt to y e w' end and there anchor y e Spanish directions saying that y e Galloone was Lost at y e w ' end of the Reef, I rid still till y° boate was to y* n°ard as farr as I could see her then I gott to saile and Run down the south side of the reef."

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T H E HISPANIOLA TREASURE

» Molesworth to Blathwayt, May 15, 1685. C. 0 . 138: 5, pp. 62-66. 18 Molesworth to Blathwayt, July 6, 1685. C. 0 . 138: 5, p. 75. »» Molesworth to Blathwayt, Nov. 25, 1685. Cal. S. P. Col. A. & W. /., 1685-88, No. 475. 20 Journal of the Bonetta, Rawlinson MSS. A, 300.

CHAPTER 3 1

This chapter is reprinted, by the gracious permission of the editors, from the author's article, "The Treasure Expedition of Captain William Phips to the Bahama Banks," published in The New England Quarterly of October, 1932. 2 C . Mather, Lije of Sir William Phips (Stratford Press edition, 1929), p. 20. The Rose of Argier was a frigate, a Sallee prize of 1681, of about 160 tons burden, with a complement of ninety-five men, and armed with twenty guns. Public Record Office MSS. Admiralty 8: 1, Mass. Hist. Soc. Proc., XVIII, 254, and Knepp's Journal of the Rose, Egerton MSS. 2526. See transcript of this journal in the possession of the Massachusetts Historical Society. 3 If Charles demanded for a royalty his legal due of a moiety, then he reserved three-fourths of the treasure Phips might salvage—a very large share, indeed. 4 It was Charles Salmon who provided us with our quaint map of the Bahama Banks. 5 Knepp's Journal of the Rose, Egerton MSS. 2526. 6 Frequently referred to by the sailors as "Pinch." 7 Phips, apparently, was trading on the mission of his passenger, Edward Randolph. Barnes, "The Rise of William Phips," The New England Quarterly, 1,277. 8 The only reference in the records of Massachusetts to the visit of the Rose to Boston that has been found is the deposition of a certain Joseph Phillips before the General Court. Phillips testified that Charles Lawrence, a servant, had invited him to his master's shop. He led him upstairs over the shop where they found several of Phips's men "and other privateers" around a great bowl of punch on a bench. Some of them were dancing about the room, one was playing a viol, and against his will they forced him to stay and drink with them. Before he could escape from their midst, they cut his hat and coat and stole nearly forty shillings out of his pocket. Early Files, Suffolk County Court, No. 2274. Boston. 9 In the year 1691 Phips was sued in the Suffolk Court in Boston for £200 by Robert Bronsdon, a merchant. Bronsdon charged that Phips had promised him in return for the use of his servant John, equipped for the expedition at his own expense, a full share of the treasure he should gain on the voyage of the Golden Rose, but had broken his agreement by withholding the treasure. To make matters worse he had retained his servant. Early Court Files, Suffolk County Court, No. 4062.

NOTES

107

10

Early File», Suffolk, No. 2391; Maes. Archives, Council Records, II, 9. Mather, The Life of Sir William Phips, pp. 20-25. Mather gives us our only account of these mutinies, but wherever else he can be checked in his description of the treasure expeditions of Phips to the Bahama Banks and later to Ambrosia Bank his statements are found to be substantially truthful. We must, of course, bear in mind the fact that he habitually indulged in heroics for the good of the younger generation. As soon as Phips arrived at Jamaica, Governor Molesworth called him to account for the disturbances he had provoked. Like the Boston magistrates Molesworth considered Phips a vain, blustering fellow. Cal. S. P., Col. A. & JT. /., 1681-1685, No. 1949. " C . O. 389 : 4, p. 172. » C . 0 . 1:54, No. 120. 14 Calendar of Treasury Books, VIII, 679. "Ibid., 695. ™ Ibid., 745. 17 I am indebted to Professor Robert H. George of Brown University for these figures given in his article "The Treasure Trove of William Phips," in The New England Quarterly, June 1933 (p. 295). 11

CHAPTER 4 1

Robert H. George, "The Treasure Trove of William Phips," The New England Quarterly, June 1933 (p. 298). Reference to the warrant—Admiralty 2:1741, p. 263. 2 Patent Rolls, 3 James II, Part I, No. 6. 3 It is noticeable that the later well-organized expeditions were equipped for trade, and many commissioned as privateers. See Journal of Captain Strong, Harleian MSS, 5101, fol. 37. There is a statement, it seems almost incredible, that Phips actually paid £300 for a single diver for this expedition. See Mass. Archives, XXXVII, 159a161. 4 Rawlinson MSS. A, 171. fol. 205. A manuscript entitled "Some breif remarks upon a Voyage made by the James & Mary & Henry of London for the Bancks & Shoals of Bahama in America." 5 Droves of swine ran wild in the woods back of Samana Bay and Porto Plata foraging on fallen fruit. They were pursued by the French and Spanish hunters with dogs and when worn down were shot or speared. The carcasses were cut open, the bones taken out, the flesh gashed from the inside to the skin, then filled with salt and exposed to the sun. In this condition the meat was delivered to the English, who described its taste as very much like that of bacon. a "Boylers" were rocks that with the wash of the waves turned green and white like boiling water. 7 The sea feather is a coral plant of large vine-shaped leaves with veins of

108

THE

HISPANIOLA

TREASURE

pale red. The one that occasioned the discovery of the most famous treasure wreck in modern history was said to have been growing on one of the planks of the galleon. 8 Sows, dowboys, pigs, and champeens were casts of silver. 9 Mather, op. cit., pp. 28-29. While Mather's characterization of Phips as a virtuous, Cod-fearing soul was nothing less than the expression of his own bigotry, this story of a planned surprise on Phips seems true. In his journal of the James and Mary, Phips, sailor-like, records only the bare facts of the discovery very briefly, thus: "February 8th. This morning O r Cap' sent o r long boat on board M r Rog r " w c h in a shoart time returned w t h made o r ch hearts very Glad to see w was 4 sows 1 barr 1 champeene 2 dowboyes 2000 & odd Dollars by w c h wee und r stood that they had found the wreck." His entry of the preceding day is Rogers' story of utter failure, as related, and must have been trumped up by Rogers, for he would have found it physically impossible to have returned to the reef and been back again at Porto Plata with the treasure in the space of twenty-four hours. 10 Rawlinson MSS. A, 171, fols. 205-206. 11 Adm. 51:3987, the computation of Captain Frederick Frowde of the Swan, who visited the wreck in April 1688. An outline chart, dated 1690, (Additional MSS. 5415. G. 13), represents the wreck at the exact center of the reef. The distances measured on Hydrographic Office Chart No. 948 to Silver Bank, which since the seventeenth century was formed from the union of North Riff and South Riff, are as follows: (a) Porto Plata to the middle of Silver Bank = 68 miles (nautical). (b) Middle of Handkerchief Bank to middle of Silver Bank = 59 miles. (c) Cape Francis to the middle of the near side of Silver Bank = 35 miles. (d) Cape Francis to the middle of Silver Bank = 51.5 miles. (e) Cape Francis to the middle of far side of Silver Bank (about the location of the wreck) = 66 miles. 12 The above account of Phips's expedition to Ambrosia Bank is taken mainly from his Journal of the James and Mary (Sloane MSS. 50), supplemented by Rawlinson MSS. A, 171, ff„ 205-207. 13 Adm. 2:1727, p. 192. Mather, in his life of Phips, declares that enemies of Phips advised the king to seize the treasure on the ground that Phips had misrepresented the expedition to him, but James II indignantly rejected the proposal. Nevertheless, a warrant was actually issued out of the High Court of Admiralty to the marshal to seize the treasure, but was speedily countermanded.—Adm. 2 : 1741, p. 418. " Cal. Treas. Books, VIII, pp. 1399, 1407, 1408. " P. R. 0. Treasury, 52: 12, p. 345; Rawlinson MSS. A, 171, f. 207. 16 Cal. Treas. Books, VIII, 1431. 17 See Luttrell, Brief Historical Relations of State Affairs, I (London, 1857), pp. 407, 425, and Historical Manuscripts Commission Report XII (Beaufort MSS. London, 1891), Appendix, Part IX, p. 90. is Cal. Treas. Books, 1685-88, pp. 2062, 2064, 2065, 2068.

NOTES

109

» • F . E. Dyer, The Life of Admiral Sir John Narbrough (London, 1931), 217-218. 20 The Medallic History of England to the Revolution, (London, 1790). 21 Luttrell, op. cit., I, 407; Oldmixon, History, p. 726; Sloane 3328, f. 61; Hist. MSS. Com. Rep. XII, App. Part IX, p. 90; Evelyn, Diary, J u n e 6, 1687. 22 An Exact and Perfect Relation of the Arrival of the Ship the James and Mary Captain Phipps Commander, etc. The broadside begins "Many have seen the Attempts to discover the hidden treasure of the Ocean, which by some, is Judg'd to equalize that of the Earth, but few have succeeded in this design, till the industrious Captain William Phipps, a Native of New England, bent his Study and Resolution to bring that Art to so great a Perfection, as to anticipate Fame, and without such visible Demonstration, as he hath afforded us, to surmount belief itself, For certainly to tell Mankind of taking u p the Cargo of above 40 years Wreck in full Sea 17 Leagues from any Shoar in nine Fathom Water, would be thought to banter the Age, and turn the same to ridicule." 23 Sir Hans Sloane in A Voyage to Islands Madera, Barbados, etc. (Vol. L, lxxix-Ixxxi), ridicules the hysteria for treasure hunting prevailing twenty years after Phips's discovery.

CHAPTER 5 1 Treas. 52: 12, pp. 199-203. Adm. 2 : 1727, pp. 215-216. 3 Adm. 51: 345, and Adm. 51: 68, logs of the Faulcon and Assistance. 4 Adm. 2: 1741, pp. 432-433. The following account of the second treasure expedition of the Adventurers to Ambrosia Bank is derived principally from the log of the Foresight, kept by its lieutenant, Edward Stanley—Adm. 52: 35, No. 2. 8 A brief description of the reception at Barbados is given in the London Gazette of March 1-5, 1687/88. 6 Adm. 51: 68, log of the Assistance. 7 Manatee were prized for their meat which tasted like beef or veal, and for the stones found behind their ears, which, when burnt and powdered, were highly esteemed in the West Indies at this period both for liver complaints and stone in the kidney. 8 Cal. S. P. Col. A. & W. 1.1685-88, No. 1640. ®C. O. 153:2, p. 299. 10 Adm. 5 1 : 6 8 . 11 Albemarle to the Lords of Trade, April 16,1688. C. O. 138: 6, pp. 109-110. >2 Adm. 52 : 35, No. 2. 13 Charles Mordaunt was the third Earl of Peterborough, a leader of the opposition to James II. On the prorogation of the king's first parliament he left England to reside in Holland. Here for three years he intrigued against 2

110

THE

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TREASURE

James. According to his biographer, J. K. Laughton (D. N. B.), Mordaunt was quite unprepared for salvaging the wreck and probably came to the West Indies to sound out the loyalty of N'arbrough to the Prince of Orange. 14 Letter of Narbrough to Albemarle, May 26, 1688. Florence E. Dyer, op. cit., pp. 227-228. If only it could be found, this chart would prove exceedingly interesting. 15 Ibid., 231n. 10 Treas., 52: 13, pp. 83-86. 17 Dyer, op. cit., 228n. 18 See Account of Vessels Entered into Boston 25 March 1688-29 September 1688 (Essex Institute Abstracts of English Shipping Records Relating to Massachusetts Ports from Records in the Public Record Office).

CHAPTER 6 1

See Appendix I. Foresight, Assistance, Faulcon, and Swan. 3 The following pages on the accountability of treasure hunters to the crown are reprinted, by permission of the editors, from the author's article, "Spanish Treasure, Casual Revenue of the Crown," published in The Journal of Modern History of September, 1933. I C. O. 38: 2, pp. 171-173. 0 C. 0. 40: lb, pp. 23-24 (printed copy of C. 0 . 4 0 : 1 a ) . 0 See "Relation of great sufferings and strange adventures of Henry Pitman," Arber's English Garner (Constable ed. of 19031, VII, 464. 7 William III generously allowed treasure hunters all but a tenth. See Cal. Treas. Books, IX, 834, 1524. 8 Consult Helen G. Crump, Colonial Admiralty Jurisdiction in the Seventeenth Century (London, 1931). 9 Treas. 6 4 : 8 8 , Journal of William Blathwayt, I, 122-126. In 1692 Thomas Offley, agent of the crown, was authorized to demand a tenth of the treasure salvaged from the Spanish wrecks off Hispaniola, of which he was allowed a half (Cal. Treas. Books, IX, 1524). Cal. Treas. Books, VIII, 1467-68. II From the Treasury, dated August 4, 1687 (Treas. 64: 88, pp. 244-246). " Cal. S. P. Col., A. & W. I., 1685-88, No. 1470; Cal. Treas. Books, VIII, 1557; C. O. 5: 288, p. 132 ("Carolina 2d. book"). " Cal. S. P. Col., A. & W. /., 1685-88, No. 1340; C. O. 38: 2, pp. 127-128. 14 Albemarle supplanted Molesworth as governor of Jamaica in December, 1687. '» Cal. S. P. Col., A. & W. I., 1685-88, Nos. 1649,1903. 18 Commission dated October 12, 1687; instructions, October 23 (C. O. 3 8 : 2 , pp. 134-137). 17 Adm. 2: 1727, pp. 227-229, 230-231. 18 Adm. 51: 3987, log of the Swan. 2

111

NOTES

19 Cal. Treas. Boohs, VIII, 1942. Letter to the Lords of T r a d e , J u n e 1, 1688, Cal. S. P., Col., A. & W. /., 1685-88, No. 1772. 2 ° Cal. S. P., Col., A. & r . , /., 1685-88, No. 1666. 21 C. 0 . 1: 64, No. 6. 22 Cal. S. P., Col., A. & W. /., 1685-88, No. 1611; Treas. 64: 88. p. 306. 23 Letter to Lords of T r a d e fC. 0 . 38: 2, pp. 1 5 7 - 1 5 8 ) . 24 Ibid.. pp. 196-198. 25 Cal. S. P., Col., A. & W. /., 1685-88, No. 1704. A few of t h e m o r e descriptive extracts from an itemized list of the t r e a s u r e e n t e r e d at t h e secretary's office in St. George's follow:

Date

Master and Ship

\ alue

Weight in

Royal Dues S h a r e

Pounds O c t o b e r 6th . [1687]

Do. 2 5 t h . . . .

Deer. 3 1 s t . . .

By Edwd. Merritt Mastr of ye Sloope Johns Adventure about ye value of

By Thorn. Atwood C.omd r of the B a r k e J o h n and T h o m a s for himself & C o m p a and for J o s e p h Smith (consortship) By Thos. More M a s t r of ye Shollop Hopewell about ye value of

£01600

400

R e e d of J n o . Goodale & W m . Seym o u r seaventeene P o u n d & a quarter b e i n g in part of ye moiety of 400 p o u n d s P a i d t h e gov't in lieu of his M a j e s ties lOths 57 p a r t s of 92 of t h e 12 copper guns

ÜU35UO

893 R e e d ye F u l l Moyety ( B a g No. 15) c o n t a i n i n g 63 lb.

£00520

126

R i c h a r d H u n t , C o m d r of ye Sloop Hopewell Recouered att ye W r a c k 50 P9 8 / 8 whereof he P r o d u c e d Esqr Constables Receipt for 25 P s 8 8 t a k e n att ye W r a c k by said Constable (C. 0. 40: lb, pp. 52-55, a n d C. O. I : 63, No. 9 6 ) . 20 For an account of t r a d i n g at the wreck consult C. O. 1: 62, No. 9 ; C. 0 . 29: 3, p. 483; and Treas. 64: 88, pp. 298-299. 27 Soon a f t e r t h e return of the James and Mary and b e f o r e t h e second grant to A l b e m a r l e several ships left E n g l a n d for the H i s p a n i o l a w r e c k . T h e Elizabeth, in consortship with the Richard and Sarah, sailed July 9, and l a t e r their o w n e r s petitioned the crown t h a t these ships, t h o u g h they h a d w o r k e d t h e wreck illegally, be permitted to r e t u r n to E n g l a n d on p a y i n g a fifth. T h e peti-

112

THE

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tion was granted and instructions dispatched to the colonial governors and William Constable, the crown's agent, not to seize or delay these ships but, if met with, to forward a sworn account of their treasure to the Treasury (Treas. 64: 88, pp. 248-249; see also Treas. 52: 12, pp. 434-435). 2 8 Treas. 64: 88, pp. 298-299. For information on the importation of treasure into Port Royal, Jamaica, and the collection of the royal dues on the island, the reader is referred to the Cal. S. P., Col., I685-88, Nos. 1521, 1522, 1555, 1577, etc.; C. O. 1: 62, Nos. 86, 92, and C. O. 1: 64, No. 56; Jamaica Entry Book for the period, C. O. 138: 6, pp. 69-71; and Sloane MSS. 3984, fols. 175, 177. Our interest in Bermuda and the West Indies must not obscure the fact that many treasure expeditions went out from the northern colonies to the Hispaniola wreck, from the summer of 1687 until late in 1689. Governor Andros issued licenses to the masters of these boats from Boston, Salem, and New York, whereby they gave bond for £5000 to return within a year to the port of departure and pay the royal dues. Like other governors, he reserved a share of the treasure as his commission, amounting in one instance, at least, to two forty-sixths of the whole sum. A part of the treasure imported, valued at £200 Andros secured permission of the treasury to expend on the new fortifications at Boston. For details the reader is referred to Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., 3d ser., VII, 189; Cal. S. P., Col., 16S5-88, No. 1821; Massachusetts Archives, CXXVII, 77, 214-215; CXXVIII, 55, 230; CXXIX, 368; N. Y. Col. Doc., Ill, 491, 493; and Treas. 64: 88, p. 300. 2 9 C. O. 153:3, p. 297. 3 0 Treas. 27: 11, p. 4. There seems a discrepancy here, for by Constable's own account he received at the wreck about 250 pounds weight of silver whose value would be considerably beyond £500. See Treas. 27: 11, pp. 428-429. " C. O. 1: 64, No. 56. 3 2 Treas. 27: 11, pp. 419, 424, 441. 33 Cal. Treas. Books, VIII, 2099.

CHAPTER 7 Cal. Treas. Books, 1689-92, p. 1840. Ibid., 1693-94, p. 50. 3 Rawlinson MSS. D, 916, ff. 200-201. *Cal. Treas. Books and Papers, 1729-30, p. 25; Cal. Treas. Papers, CCXXXni, No. 32; CXXXIX, No. 41. «See Cal. S. P. Dom., 1658-59, p. 115, and 1694-95, p. 332. In 1691 the Linen Company of England petitioned the king for a grant of his share of the proceeds of wrecks salvaged along the south British coast. In return for such aid its governor promised the employment of thousands of the poor in the industry. Cal. S. P. Dom., 1690-96, p. 424. « Cal. Treas. Books, 1689-92, pp. 844, 1125, 1656,1665, 1840. 7 Cal. S. P. Dom., 1690-91, pp. 523, 535. 1 2

NOTES

113

8 The above account is taken from Rawlinson MSS. D, 808, fif. 1-2, 4-6, 13, 15, 251-253. 8 W. R. Scott, op. cit., II, 488-489. 10 Fairfax married in 1690 Catharine Culpeper, daughter of Thomas Culpeper, and heiress to the "Northern Neck." 11 Rawlinson MSS. C, 451, ff. 22-23. 12 Lord Treasurer. 13 Prince George of Denmark, consort of Queen Anne and Lord High Admiral of England. 14 The above account of the indenture and conditions of sale is taken from Rawlinson C. 451, ff. 24-33. 15 Treas. 1: 101, No. 16; Harleian MSS. 2263, f. 2. 16 Fairfax Harrison, Proprietors of the Northern Neck (Richmond, 1926), p. 122. 17 Ibid., 152. 18 "The Fairfax Treasure Project" is reprinted here, by the gracious permission of the editors, from the author's article in the William and Mary College Quarterly Historical Magazine, of January, 1933.

APPENDICES 1 2 3 4 5

Lefroy, Memorials of the Bermudas, II, 341. Mass. Archives CXXIX, 126a. Mass. Hist. Soc. Coll., Third Series, VII, 188-189. Mass. Archives CXXVII, 214-215. Lefroy, Memorials of the Bermudas, I, 716.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bibliography Entry to the study lay, principally, through the Calendars of Slate Papers, Colonial, America and the West Indies, and the Calendars of Treasury Books for the period. I.

G U I D E S AND S E C O N D A R Y

WORKS.

Barnes, Viola, "The Rise of Sir William Phips,'' The New England Quarterly. Vol. I. July, 1928. Crump, Helen J., Colonial Admiralty Jurisdiction in the Seventeenth Century. Royal Empire Society Imperial Studies, No. 5. London, 1931. Dyer, Florence E., The Life of Admiral Sir John Narbrough. London, 1931. George, Robert H., "The Treasure Trove of William Phips," The New England Quarterly. Vol. VI, June, 1933. Guide to the Materials for American History to 1783 in the Public Record Office of Great Britain. Volume I, The State Papers. Volume II, Departmental and Miscellaneous Papers. Charles M. Andrews. Washington, 1912-1914. Harrison, Fairfax, The Proprietors of the Northern Neck. Chapters of Culpeper Genealogy. Richmond, 1926. Hayward, Walter B., Bermuda Past and Present. Revised edition, New York, 1926. Higham, C. S. S., The Colonial Entry-Books. Society for the Promotion of Christian Knowledge, London, 1921. Hill, G. F., "The Law and Practice of Treasure Trove," The Antiquaries Journal, Vol. X, No. 3. London, 1931. The Medallic History of England to the Revolution. Anonymous. London, 1790. Percival, G., "Droits of the Crown and Admiralty and Other Casual Revenues," Fortnightly Review. London, 1901. Scott, W. R., The Constitution and Finance of English, Scottish, 117

118

THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

and Irish Joint-Stock Companies to 1720. 3 vols. Cambridge University Press, 1910-1912. Siebe, Henry, The Conquest of the Sea; a book about divers and diving. New York, 1873. Tillinghast, William H., Notes on the Historical Hydrography of the Handkerchief Shoal. Harvard University Bibliographical Contributions, No. 14. 1881. Ward, Estelle Frances, Christopher Monck Duke of Albemarle. London, 1914.

II.

DOCUMENTARY M A T E R I A L S .

Official and Unofficial Papers Preserved in British Repositories. The Public Record Office. The Admiralty, Ships' Logs. Adm. 51: 345. Logs of the Faulcon, April 16, 1682-March 31, 1684, and May 12, 1685-Nov. 1, 1688. Adm. 51: 68. Log of the Assistance, July 18,1687-June 19,1689. Adm. 51: 3987. Log of the Swan, August 12, 1686-August 26, 1688. Adm. 52: 35, No. 2. Log of the Foresight, March 8, 1687/88Aug. 31,1688. The Admiralty, Secretary's Department. Adm. 2: 1727 and Adm. 2:1741 contain out-letters, orders, instructions, and warrants for the period 1684—1688. Adm. 7: 670 relates to the perquisites of the Admiralty during the years 1673-1732. Adm. 8 : 1 . List book showing the disposition of ships, names of officers, etc. Colonial Office Papers. Calendars of State Papers, Colonial, America and the West Indies, vols. 1681-1685, 1685-1689. The calendars were found adequate in most instances, but for greater detail reference was made to the Colonial Office Papers, C. 0 . 1: 57, C. 0 . 1: 62, C. 0 . 1: 63, C. 0 . 1: 64, C. 0 . 1: 67, and to the Entry-Books of the colonies.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

119

Entry-Books. C. 0 . 1 3 8 : 5 and C. 0 . 1 3 8 : 6 are Jamaica Entry-Books for the period 1 6 8 4 - 1 6 9 0 . C. 0 . 153: 2 and C. 0 . 153: 3 are Entry-Books of the Leeward Isles, 1 6 7 5 - 1 6 8 9 . C. 0 . 3 8 : 2 and C. 0. 40:1b, Bermuda Entry-Books, 1 6 8 6 1691. The latter is a printed copy of C. 0 . 4 0 : l a . C. 0 . 5 : 288, "Carolina 2d. B o o k , " 1 6 8 2 - 1 6 9 8 . C. 0 . 3 8 9 : 4. Out-Letter Book of Secretaries Conway and Sunderland, 1 6 8 1 - 1 6 8 4 . C. 0 . 2 9 : 3 is the Entry-Book of Barbados for the period

1680-1688.

State Papers. Domestic. Calendar of State Papers, Domestic, vols. 1 6 2 3 - 1 6 2 5 , 1 6 5 8 1659. 1 6 6 4 - 1 6 6 5 , 1 6 9 4 - 1 6 9 5 . State Papers, Charles II, 4 4 : 10, and State Papers, Charles II, 2 9 : 4 0 were consulted for greater detail on the administration of treasure-trove. The Treasury. The Calendar of Treasury Books. 1689-1692, 1693-1694. The Calendar of Treasury Papers. CCLV. The Calendar

of Treasury

Vols. 1 6 6 9 - 1 6 7 2 , 1 6 8 5 - 1 6 8 9 , Vols. C C X X X I I I , C C X X X I X ,

Boohs and Papers.

Vol. 1 7 2 9 - 1 7 3 0 .

Treas. 2 7 : 10 and Treas. 2 7 : 11 contain out-letters general for the period 1 6 8 6 - 1 6 8 8 . Treas. 5 2 : 12 and Treas. 5 2 : 13 are king's warrants for the period 1 6 8 7 - 1 6 8 8 . Treas. 6 4 : 88 is the first volume of the Journal of William Blathwayt, Surveyor and Auditor-General of Plantation Revenues, covering the period 1 6 8 0 - 1 6 9 6 . This volume was of the greatest value to our study. The Division of Manuscripts, Library of Congress, possesses a transcript. Chancery. Patent Rolls, 3 James II, Part I, No. 6. [The patent to the Hispaniola wreck granted to the Duke of Albemarle, March 4, 1686/87.]

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THE HISPANIOLA TREASURE

The British Museum. Egerton MSS. 2526. A journall of our intended voyage, by Gods assistance, in his Ma , l e " shipp y" Rose, William Phips Commander, from the Downes to Boston in New England, on the maine continent of America, by John Knepp, etc. 3 Sept. 1683-2 May, 1684. Harleian MSS. 2263, f. 2. [Docquet of second patent of wrecks, lying between 6° and 36° N. in the West Indies, to Lord Fairfax. Dated January 12, 1706/07.] Harleian MSS. 5101, f. 37. [The Journal of Captain John Strong describing his treasure and privateering expedition in the South Seas.] Sloane MSS. 50, ff. 71b-99b. A Journal kept on board ye James and Mary Cap' Wm Phips Comdr in Company wth ye Henry Cap' ffrancis Rogers Comdr from Samana Bay bound for ye Wreck—and thence to England September 11, 1686-June 4, 1687. Sloane MSS. 3984, fols. 175, 177. [Documents listing the importations of treasure from the wreck into Port Royal, Jamaica.] The Bodleian Library at Oxford. Rawlinson MSS. A, 171, ff. 205-207. Some breif remarks upon a voyage made by the James & Mary & Henry of London for the Bancks & Shoales of Bahama in America. Mr. Smith's information to mee (at my desire) touching ye whole processe of C. Phipps's late expedition and Successe upon ye Spanish Wreck. [Endorsed by Pepys and apparently drawn from the log of the Henry.] Rawlinson MSS. A, 300. A Journall of the Voyage of his M a " Sloop the Boneta kept by Edward Stanley her Comander. Rawlinson MSS. A, 305, f. 10, et seq. [Weale's treasure project to Ireland, one of the Bermudas.] Rawlinson MSS. C, 451, ff. 22-23, 24-33. [Papers concerning the Fairfax treasure project.] Rawlinson MSS. D, 808, ff. 1-2, 4 - 6 , 13, 15, 251-253. Papers relating to the Schemes of Sam1 Weale, for a fund to enlarge the Charity for the relief of Widows & Orphans of Clergymen & Propagation of the Gospel. [A wreck-recovery project.]

121

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Rawlinson MSS. D, 916, ff. 200-201. [Papers describing the promotion of the Poyntz diving engine.] OFFICIAL

AND

UNOFFICIAL

PAPERS

PRESERVED

IN

AMERICAN

REPOSITORIES.

The Division of Maps, Library of Congress. Photostat copy of Sloane MSS. 45, f. 72—a map entitled "South Sea Coasts Pepys Island-Bahama Banks," and more specifically, "A; description; of; The Bahama Banck; originaly taken by M r Charles Salmon; under the Comand of C a p ' ; Phipps:—" Photostat copy of Additional MSS. S415, G, 13—An outline chart of part of the north coast of the Island of St. Domingo, between Cape Samina and Porto Plato, shewing the situation of some wrecks on the Silver Keys. Boston. The State House. Massachusetts Archives, Vols. II (Council Records), XXXVII, and CXXVII-CXXIX. [Various documents relating to the Phips treasure expeditions.] Massachusetts Historical Society. A broadside, entitled "An Exact and Perfect Relation of the Arrival of the Ship the James and Mary Captain Phipps Commander with 200000£. in Gold and Silver—as it was taken from the aforesaid Captain, now riding in Graves-end Road." [A brief though picturesque account of the voyage, purporting to have been given the writer, whose identity is unknown, by a "Gentleman who was on board the said Ship the whole voyage."] Suffolk Court-House. Early Files, Suffolk County Court, Nos. 2274, 2391, and 4062. [These are court records relating to the Phips treasure expeditions.] Essex Institute, Salem, Massachusetts. Abstracts of English Shipping Records Relating to Massachusetts Ports. From Records in the Public Record Office, Part I, Entrance and Clearance, 1686-1717. [These give a list of the ships sailing to and from Massachusetts to the Hispaniola wreck, 1687-1689.]

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HISPANIOLA

TREASURE

I I I . PRINTED COLLECTIONS OF PAPERS AND CONTEMPORARY W O R K S .

Blackstone, William, Commentaries on the Laics oj England. Book I. Brown, Alexander, The Genesis of the United Stales. 2 vols., New York, 1890. Catalogue of Pepysian Manuscripts, Vol. I. Naval Manuscripts in the Pepysian Library at Magdalene College, Cambridge. Navy Records Society Publications, Vol. X X V I . 1903. Diary of John Evelyn. Wheatley edition, London, 1906. Historical Manuscripts Commission, twelfth report (Beaufort MSS., London, 1891), Appendix, Part IX. Lefroy, Sir John H., Memorials of the Discovery and Early Settlement of Bermudas or Somers Islands 1515-1685. 2 vols. London, 1877-79. Luttrell, Narcissus, A Brief Historical Relation of State affairs from September, 1678, to April, 1714. Vol. I. Oxford Press, 1857. Malcolm, Harcourt G., Historical Documents Relating to the Bahama Islands, Vol. III. Nassau, 1910. Massachusetts Historical Society Collections. Third Series, Vol. VII. Boston, 1838. Proceedings, X V I I I . 1881. Mather, Cotton, The Life of Sir William Phips. Stratford Press edition, New York, 1929. A Relation of the Great Sufferings and Strang Adventures of Henry Pitman. Printed in London, 1689. Arber's English Garner (Constable ed. of 1903), VII. Rymer, Thomas, Foedera, etc. Vol. X V I I . Second edition, London, 1727. Sloane, Sir Hans, A Voyage to the Islands Madera, Barbados, Nevis, S. Christopher, and Jamaica, etc. 2 vols. London, 1707. Umfreville, Edward, Lex Coronatoria or the Office and Duty of Coroners. 3 parts. London, 1761.