The Greek State at War: Part 1 The Greek State at War, Part I [Reprint 2019 ed.] 9780520340961

Citation preview

THE GREEK STATE AT WAR Part I

The Greek State at War Part I

By W. K E N D R I C K P R I T C H E T T , F.B.A.

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY • L o s ANGELES • LONDON

University of California Press Berkeley and Los Angeles, California University of California Press, Ltd. London, England Library of Congress Catalog Card No.: 71-633960 I S B N : 0-520-02758-2 © 1971 by the Regents of the University of California Originally published as Volume 7, University of CaliforniaPublications: Classical Studies Ancient Greek Military Practices, Part I Reissued, 1974

Printed in the United States of America 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

CONTENTS I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII. VIII. IX. X. XI. XII.

Abbreviations Introduction Military Pay Provisioning Booty Legal Ownership of Booty The Dekate from Booty The Athenian Treasury after the Persian Wars The Marching Paian Sacrifice before Battle Phases of the Moon and Festivals Scouts Depth of Phalanx Width of the File in Phalanx Array Index of Ancient Authors Cited Index of Inscriptions Cited Index of Important Greek Words

vii 1 3 30 53 85 93 101 105 109 116 127 134 144 155 168 169

ABBREVIATIONS ATL

B. D. Meritt, H. T. Wade-Gery, and M. F. McGregor, The Athenian Tribute Lists 1-4 (Cambridge, Mass. and Princeton 1939-1953). CetS 11 Civilisations et Sociétés 11 (Paris 1968), "Problèmes de la guerre en Grèce ancienne," sous la direction de J.-P. Vernant. CSCA California Studies in Classical Antiquity (Berkeley). Dittenberger, W. Dittenberger, Sylloge Inscriptionum Graecarum3 (Leipzig Syll.3 1915-1923). Ducrey, Traitement P. Ducrey, Le traitement des prisonniers de guerre dans la Grèce antique (Paris 1968). Ferguson, W. S. Ferguson, The Treasurers of Athena (Cambridge, Mass. Treasurers 1932). FdeD Fouilles de Delphes. Frazer, Pausanias J . G. Frazer, Pausanias's Description of Greece (London 1897). GHI M. N. Tod, Greek Historical Inscriptions, 2 vols. (Oxford 1933-1948). Griffith, G. T. Griffith, The Mercenaries of the Hellenistic World Mercenaries (Cambridge 1935). Grote, History G. Grote, A History of Greece (12-vol. edition, New York 1899). HCT A. W. Gomme, A. Andrewes, and K . J . Dover, A Historical Commentary on Thucydides, vols. 1-4 (Oxford 1945-1970). Kahrstedt, U. Kahrstedt, Untersuchungen zur Magistratur in Athen Magistratur (Stuttgart 1936). Popp, Einwirkung H. Popp, Die Einwirkung von Vorzeichen, Opfern und Festen auf die Kriegführung der Griechen im 5. und 4. Jahrhundert v. Chr. (Erlangen 1957). RE Pauly-Wissowa, Realencyclopädie. The date of the volume is placed after the index word. SGHI R. Meiggs and D. Lewis, A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions (Oxford 1969). Tänzer, Kurt Tänzer, Das Verpflegungswesen der griechischen Heere bis Verpflegungswesen auf Alexander den Grossen (Jena 1912). Walbank, Polybius F. W. Walbank, A Historical Commentary on Polybius 1-2 (Oxford 1957-1967).

INTRODUCTION No COMPLETE study of ancient Greek warfare is possible at the present time because of the diversity of the archaeological evidence and the fragmentary nature of the literary information. One could draw a parallel to the field of Greek religion, of which M. P. Nilsson said, after a lifetime of research in the field, that we still can form no clear picture of what the average Greek of those times thought and felt concerning religious matters. 1 He charted the only prudent course as one of continuing with minute and patient research and of avoiding loose speculations. Nilsson's remarks apply with equal cogency to the study of Greek warfare. It is impossible to avoid all the pitfalls lying in the path of one who tries to recapture the nature of military life of a past age, reflected only in incomplete comments of those who lived in it. Moreover, a truly definitive history of Greek warfare would require a knowledge of many aspects of Greek life. The would-be investigator would have to be familiar with terrain in the case of any given battle, have an acquaintance with the archaeological artifacts of various types, close familiarity with the written sources, and, most important, an understanding of the general economic picture. He would also need some insight into ancient religion and acquaintance with military and naval procedures and strategy. Finally, since the polis in its demands and its tasks was the center of the life of the individual citizen, a thorough understanding of constitutional procedures is necessary. In the course of my topographical researches on ancient battlefields and routes, I have frequently come across isolated problems which have not up to now been sufficiently investigated. I decided to make a beginning, hoping that this volume might be a precursor to others. This book, which deals with the more mundane matters of the needs of an army in the field, is in a sense complementary to the recent study on tactics by my colleague Professor J . K. Anderson, Military Theory and Practice in the Age of Xenophon (Berkeley 1970). The first six chapters, relating to pay and sustenance, have a common economic theme; the other chapters are more discursive. My method is emphasis on the collecting of factual material: to assist other scholars in the discovery of passages which may have escaped my notice, I have often presented tables of testimonia. It would be presumptuous of me to believe that I am myself conversant with all of the ancient evidence. I hope this^pproach will lead other scholars to proceed further with the study. In many chapters, the method has been philological—that is, I have started with a study of vocabulary. Here incompleteness is axiomatic, because there are no adequate lexicons for several of the most voluminous Greek writers, including Diodoros, Pausanias, Xenophon, and Plutarch, as well as the tacticians, with the exception of Aineias. 1

Geschichte der griechischen Religion l 2 (Munich 1955) 844.

[ 1]

2 The spelling of Greek names presents a perpetual problem. The practice of transliterating personal and place names is becoming increasingly common in Greek historical studies, a practice which was observed, for example, by Gildersleeve in the early numbers of the American Journal of Philology, and is now followed in the RE and other works intended for an international audience. I prefer Makedonia, Arkadia, and Kerkyra, for example, to the anglicized forms; but this spelling admittedly results in such hybrid forms as Makedonians, Arkadians, and Kerkyraeans. O n the other hand, Makedonioi, Arkades, and Kerkyraioi look strange. Some familiar names I anglicize. I wish to acknowledge the assistance at various times of Messrs. J . Breslin, P. Harding (in chapter X), C. Weber (in chapter XI), and W. Jones, graduate students in my seminars at Berkeley. Mrs. T. Carp has checked the references in most of the chapters; Mr. U. Sanchez those in the remainder. The manuscript was carefully typed by Miss Marcia Toy. Some parts have been read by Professors R. Sealey, R. Stroud, and C. Greenewalt, and I have appreciated their criticisms. Professor Joseph Fontenrose has saved me from several infelicities of phrasing and word choice, and a reading of his review in AJP 91 (1970) has spared me others. Some financial assistance has come from the Committee on Research and the Work Studies Program of the University of California. My wife, as always, has rendered aid of various kinds. The manuscript was completed in July, 1970.

CHAPTER I

MILITARY PAY of military pay has never received full-scale treatment except for the Hellenistic period. The two following passages, quoted from standard works on Greek economy, give the opinio communis-. H. Michell, Economics of Ancient Greece (Cambridge 1940) 361: " W i t h regard to military expenses, it is to be noted that, certainly down to the outbreak of the Peloponnesian war, the armed forces of the state were composed of citizens who provided their own equipment and maintained themselves while on active service. . . . It was quite possible for the state to bear little or no expense." A. M. Andreades, History of Greek Public Finance 1 (Cambridge, Mass. 1933) 217: "At this time [before Perikles] military service gave no claim to pay, even in time of war; in addition to this, as Hans Delbrück observes, it constituted not only a personal obligation but was also a form of taxation, for the citizen was obliged to pay for his own equipment. This was, in part at any rate, responsible for the division of the citizens by Solon into the well-known different classes." On the other hand, some scholars believe they can be more precise about a terminus post quem for the introduction of military pay. For example, one recent writer states: " T h a t was just the time (i.e., peace in 445 B.C.) to start regular paid training. The exact date, however, does not matter—the system was certainly in operation by 445/4 B . C . " 1

T H E SUBJECT

VOCABULARY FOR PAYMENTS

The conventional view is that payment was made under two different terms: 2 pioOos, or wages for service, which, with the exception of expenses for weapons and clothing, the soldier could lay up; and atT-^peaiov which refers to rations or to their equivalent in money. 3 1

S. K . Eddy, GRBS 9 (1968) 145. I n Hellenistic times, opsonion [pay] became the usual word for misthos of classical times. Similarly, sitonion became more common t h a n siteresion or sitarchia for a cash allowance in lieu of rations. T h e word sitometria was used for rations in kind. Sitos sometimes m e a n t rations; b u t in the fifth century it was applied to ration-money. O f these words, sitarchia seems to have the loosest use; for example in Polybios 5.50.1, sitarchia a n d opsonion are used synonymously. See F. W . W a l b a n k , Commentary on Polybius 1 (Oxford 1957) 132-133. For a recent discussion of these words, see D u c r e y - v a n Effenterre, Kretika Chronika 21 (1969) 294-298. 3 In addition, there was a third item, the katastasis, which was paid only to cavalry. This was a provision for equipment, which to j u d g e from Lysias 16 In Defense of Mantitheos 7, seems to h a v e been restored when the liability for service was ended. T h e Athenian cavalry n u m b e r e d 1,000 citizens in addition to 200 m o u n t e d archers: see L a m m e r t , RE s.v. Hippeis (1913) 1698 with references (lines 27-29) and G o m m e , HCT 2, 40-41. In a scene in Aristophanes Pax 1210-1251, where artisans of various kinds were put out of business by the signing of a n armistice, high prices were placed u p o n breastplates and helmets, 1,000 d r a c h m a i for the former, 100 for the latter. But there seems to be comic exaggeration in presenting w a r profiteers on the stage. V . Ehrenberg (People of Aristophanes2 [Oxford 1951] 224) pointed out t h a t the price for the 2

[ 3]

4 Valuable articles on the two words were published by Schulthess in RE s.v. Misthos (1932) and s.v. Siteresion (1927). Much epigraphical evidence was collected by A. Wilhelm in his Attische Urkunden I. 4 T h e ablest studies of the subject are B. A. Van Groningen, Aristotle, Le second livre de l'économique (Leyden 1933) 152-153; G. T. Griffith, The Mercenaries of the Hellenistic World (Cambridge 1935) 264—316; and M . Launey, Recherches sur les armées hellénistiques 2 (Paris 1950) 725-780. The two words came to denote two entirely different things and will accordingly be studied in separate chapters. The vocabulary drawing a sharp distinction between pay and money for rations does not seem to have been developed until the rise of large mercenary armies in the fourth century. At least, this distinction was not observed by Thucydides, who is our most important source for information about the military economy of the fifth century. One important example of Thucydidean usage is found in a neglected passage in Book 8, where the words misthos and trophe are used synonymously. When the Peloponnesian fleet was assembled at Miletos, Tissaphernes (8.29) paid to them the wages of the crews at the rate of one Attic drachme per head per diem, as he had promised through his envoy at Sparta. The promise of money is narrated in 8.5.5, and the word used is trophe: virioxvtîTo Tporjv TrapéÇetv. In turn, when the payment is reported in 8.29.1, the word used is again trophe (KOL fi-qvos fièv Tporjv, wovep vviarrj iv r f j breastplate was disproportionately high. O n e text of IG I 2 , 1 as restored (B. D. M e r i t t , Hesperia 10 [1941] 307; cf. R . Meiggs a n d D. Lewis, SGHI no. 14) contains the provision t h a t eligible A t h e n i a n s on Salamis should a r m themselves a n d that the a r c h o n was to pass j u d g m e n t on t h e a r m s which they provided. E a c h A t h e n i a n was to furnish his own a r m s to t h e value of 30 d r a c h m a i . For m o r e recent a t t e m p t s to restore IG I 2 , 1, see SEG 23 (1968) 1. For literature o n the subject of katastasis, see Schulthess, RE s.v. Katastasis 1 (1919) 2486-2487; G. Busolt, Gr. Staatskunde 2 ( M u n i c h 1926) 1186; a n d M . Detienne in CetS 11 (1968) 137. N e a r the end of t h e t h i r d century B.C., one general was praised because he h a d provided money for clothing for his m e n (IG I I 2 , 1304, lines 34- 35: ev naoi rots ereaiv aurots irpoSi&ovs apyvpiov els €o8ijTa). W i t h regard to mercenaries, in at least one case it m a y be inferred that the S p a r t a n state p a i d for a r m o r : see G o m m e , HCT 3, 548. M . I. Finley (in CetS 11 [1968] 149) believes t h a t w h a t h e calls t h e " p u b l i c supply s y s t e m " obtained at S p a r t a for the citizen hoplite. T h i s view is supported by a passage in Nepos 17 Agesilaus 3.2, where we a r e told that the S p a r t a n king a t Ephesos in 395 took the responsibility for the m a n u f a c t u r e of a r m s for repair a n d replacement. At Athens (Aristotle, Ath. Pol. 42.4) each ephebe in the fourth century was provided with a shield a n d spear. Pasion the b a n k e r furnished a thousand shields f r o m his own w o r k s h o p : Demosthenes 45 Against Stephanos 85. According to the decree contained in Demosthenes 18 On the Crown 116, Chairedemos a n d Diotimos bestowed gratuitously eight h u n d r e d shields for t h e neaniskoi. K . J . Dover (Thucydides V I I [Oxford 1965] 12) states t h a t Athenian thetes, w h e n they served as hoplites, were a r m e d at the state's expense. At Athens in 403, the m e n of the Peiraieus m a d e their own shields of wood or wickerwork a n d painted t h e m : X e n o p h o n Hell. 2.4.25. F o r t h e e q u i p m e n t of the mercenaries of Kyros, see J . Roy, Historia 16 (1967) 310. F o r t h a t of t h e Makedonians, see G. T . Griffith, PCPhS 184 (1956-57) 9. T h e greatest mass production of a r m o r took place at Syrakuse. W e are told by Diodoros (14.43) that the shields fabricated by Dionysius were no fewer t h a n one h u n d r e d a n d forty thousand in n u m b e r , a n d the breastplates fourteen t h o u s a n d . Helmets, spears, a n d daggers were produced in corresponding amounts. *Sitz.

Akad. Wien 165 (1910-1911), A b h . 6.

Military Pay

5

AccKeSaifiovi. . . Sie'Souice). At the same time, Tissaphernes gave notice for the future that he could not continue so high a rate of pay unless he should receive express instructions from Susa; and that, until such instructions came, he should give only half a drachme per day. T h e Syrakusan Hermokrates remonstrated so strongly against the reduction that he obtained from Tissaphernes the assurance of a slight increase above the half drachme, though he could not succeed in getting the entire drachme continued. Thucydides informs us that the seamen were in good spirits not merely from having received the high pay, but from the plentiful bounty acquired at Iasos (8.36). In this passage, the word used in referring to the money for trophe is misthos: p.iados e'Si'Soro apKovvrws. Moreover, in the account in 8.29, we learn that the Spartan Therimenes, being only commander for the interim until the junction with Astyochos, was indifferent to the rate at which the men were paid. Here the word is misthos; and misthos, according to commentators, is the supplied subject of ¿SISOTO at the end of the paragraph. Finally, at the conclusion of the account of the incident, the two words are used in the same sentence with the same significance (8.45.6): r xa01 TOV re Ttooaepvrj ani^taive vvv fiiv, rot? ISlois XP il rroXt/xovvTa, ¿IKOTWS eiSofj.evov, T/v 8e irore rpoT) KARAFIFJ napa ftaoiXews, evTeXfj avTois dnoSciaeiv fiiodov. Indeed, the argument used by Alkibiades in this chapter (45) was that the king should allow only three obols since even Athens,which had had so long an experience in naval matters, likewise gave only three obols, not because of poverty, but in order that the seamen might not have a superfluity of money to spend on things which would enervate their bodies. 5 Again, in Thucydides 6.8, the Segestaian envoys produced sixty talents of uncoined silver as one month's pay for the men in sixty triremes. Since the crew of a trireme numbered about two hundred, the rate of pay envisaged was one drachme per sailor per day. The word used in this passage is misthos. In 6.47, when Nikias falls back to recommending the limited objective of the earlier Athenian decision given in 6.8.2, the word used is trophe \ rats e^Kovra vavoiv, ooanep f/rqaavTo, a£iovv StSovat avrovs Tporjv. In 6.93.4, when the Athenian generals in Sicily requested xptfiiara teal l-n-Treas, the demos voted to send Trjv re Tpo-qv . . . ical rovs Imreas. In 7.48.5, the discussion of trophe is in terms of money. Likewise, the treaty between Darios and the Spartans in 8.58 had to do with trophe in terms of xp-q^aTa (8.58.6). As W. Kolbe stated with regard to Thucydides: Verbum (iiados contra semper ita adhibebat, ut totum stipendium complecteretur. Similem in modum voce Tpotfr-q utebatur. . . . " 6 A soldier's entire monetary allowance, then, was called by Thucydides misthos. There is no evidence from the fifth century to support the later distinction between pay and rations. 6

6

TO

(ratfiara xe^Pw

C^UKM

Sairavwvrcs es rotavra afi wv

17

aadevcia ^vfißaivtt.

De Atheniensium re navali quaestiones selectae (Berlin diss. 1899) 47. Cf. U. Kahrstedt, Unter-

suchungen zur Magistratur in Athen (Stuttgart 1936) 183.

TOV

6 Just as the word misthos is used in Thucydides for the total stipend, and in turn called trophe, so sitos is found in the sense of payment for food. The quadruple alliance in 420 B.C. (5.47.6) contains the following sentence: 17 77-oAi? 17 fieTaTre/xipaixei'Tj Alytvalovs

SIFIORCO OITOV, TW ¡xkv 07RAIRIJ xal t/iiXw Kai TO^OTT) rpels

TTjs rj/xepas

eKaorqs,

tw

8' l-mrel hpa^fxi^v Alyivalav.

o^oXovs

The word sitos

here clearly means money. 7 Thus, we have the texts of two formal treaties preserved in Thucydides, those of 420 and 412 B.C., in which trophe and sitos refer to payments in money, these being the only monetary payments negotiated by the parties concerned. It seems reasonable to conclude that this usage reflects common fifth-century practice. Just as dikastic pay was for maintenance, 8 so the stratiotic pay made to citizens in the fifth century was for purchase of rations. G. T. Griffith believes that the distinction between pay and rations is observed by Xenophon, who uses the word siteresion in Anab. 6.2.4. 9 But in 7.1.7, Xenophon uses misthos where the reference is to provisions. At Byzantion Anaxibios refuses to give the soldiers misthos; he orders them to leave the city and they do so reluctantly since they have no money to buy food: Kai pnaOov ¡xkv OVK ¿SiSov 6 Ava£ifiios . . . evravda ol arpanwrai rj)(doi>TO, on OVK cfyov apyvpiov ¿TTianl^eadai els TTJV TTopeiav. Similarly, in his commentary on Hell. 6.2.19, C. E. Bennett (Xenophoii!s Hellenica V-VII [Boston 1892]) observes that epitedeia is used "in the sense of misthos." Nonetheless, Kyros' only actual payment to the Ten Thousand was made in Kilikia, where he gave four months' misthos, of which " more than three months'" was already due. 1 0 Since the army had subsisted in the meantime, and Kyros is reported to have been short of money at the beginning of the march, 1 1 the men must have been issued either rations in kind or ration money. In a period when adaeratio was in its infancy, a new word describing it was not in common use. By the time of the events described in [Aristotle's] Economics, some of which are dated in the second quarter of the fourth century, the distinction in terms had clearly been made, a distinction found also in Demosthenes. 1 2 Similarly, in the book of Aineias the Tactican, written before 346 B.C., the difference between misthos and trophe is sharply drawn (13.2). 7

Cf. Griffith, Mercenaries 267. Similarly, in the accounts of the treasurers of A t h e n a in 410/99 payments for the sustenance of the horses were termed sitos: 'mrois OITOS ¿Sod(. Cf. U l p i a n ap. Demosthenes 24 Against Timotheos 101: Kai yap 01 lirircXs fuodov ¿Aafifjavov ev etp^tnj virkp rov B.C.,

Tp€ S i j / x o j arpaTtvofitvw.

Ilvdohwpov

ev epaiv.

2. Theopompos Comicus 55, found in Pollux 9.64: KTUTOL

rls

OVK

av

el vGv huufioAov y

OIKOS

eS TTparrot

rerpcofioAi^wv

avqp epei rpe micas ¿{yyaycv. Public finance at Sparta is a subject about which we know little. W e are told that no coins were struck there until 280, when Areus established a mint from which he issued Alexandrian tetradrachms (H. Michell, Sparta [Cambridge 1952] 302; A. H . M . J o n e s , Sparta [Oxford 1967] 39; C. Seltman, GreekCoins3 [London 1955] 256; C. M . K r a a y and M . Hirmer, Greek Coins [New York 1966] 344). Xenophon (Rap. Lac. 7.6) says that private persons were forbidden to possess gold or silver. Perikles in his speech (Thucydides 1.141.3) to the Athenian assembly states that the Peloponnesians have no wealth either private or public: ovrt 181a ovr ¿V KOIVW XPR0LIAT" «"•if. Michell, pp. 308-314, has a section titled " P u b l i c Finances" which does not deal with the problem of how mercenaries were paid. After Aigospotamoi (Plutarch Lys. 17) there was such an influx of gold and silver that it was decided that the treasury, but not individuals, might hold such money, which was referred to as " i m p o r t e d curses" {>rijpts ¿nayuiyiiioi). " T h u c y d i d e s 1.143.1. 76 Diodorus 12.75.7. 70

Military Pay

21

military training at public expense apart from the other citizens. They took part in the battle of Mantineia in 418 B . C . 7 7 To turn to passages giving specific sums of misthos after the fifth century, we may note that in a very fragmentary Attic inscription, JG II 2 , 329, dated to 336/5 B.C., the rate of pay for Alexander's hypaspists is given as a drachme a day: VTraamoTrji hpaxf^v Kal rots eicaoTijs rrjs ij/iepa?. Griffith infers that the drachme was the hypaspist's misthos and that the ordinary soldier would have received three or four obols a day. 7 8 In an inscription from Epidauros, 79 dated 302 B.C., a clause stipulates the fines to be paid by a city failing to produce its levy of soldiers. It has been maintained that the fine represents ten times the pay of the soldiers in question. 80 If this is right, the pay of the citizen hoplite was two drachmai a day, the cavalryman five drachmai, the psilos and the sailor one (?) drachme. 8 1 In calculating the rate, however, we are left uncertain as to whether the amount was composite pay of misthos and rations, or of misthos alone. 82 One passage, construed as affording evidence for misthos, has sometimes been misinterpreted. An important section in Demosthenes 4 First Philippic 28, which mentions two obols a day, has been shown by Griffith to have reference to siteresion. 83 As J . E. Sandys had earlier remarked, " F o r misthos the soldiers are to trust to plunder." 8 4 And this was how mercenaries of the Greek cities must usually have lived in the fourth century, from hand to mouth. 8 6 The data about rates of pay in the third and second centuries B.C. are summarized in table 1. There remains for consideration the evidence from an oration of Lysias which has been generally overlooked. Thirty fragments of a papyrus, dated to 280-240 B.C.,86 seem to comprise part of the speech Against Theozotides. Lines 70ff. are concerned with a proposal, which had apparently been carried by Theozotides, to reduce the misthos of the cavalry from one drachme to four obols a day, while raising that of the hippotoxotai from two obols a day to 77 Thucydides 5.67, 73; Plutarch Alkib. 15; Pausanias 2.20; Aristotle Pol. 5.4.9. For the meaning of the phrase cV iroAAou in Thucydides 5.67, see G. Grote, History of Greece 7 (12-vol. ed.) 11, n. 2. 7 " Griffith, Mercenaries 297-298. 70 IG IV 2 , 1, no. 68, lines 95-99. 80 A. Wilhelm S. B. Ak. Wim 165 (1910-1911) Abh. 6, 34ff. 81 Fraenkel restores the figure for the sailor as calling for the pay rate of one-half a drachme; Hiller of one drachme. 82 See Griffith, Mercenaries 301. 83 Mercenaries 27Iff.

84

85

The First Philippic and the Olynthiacs of Demosthenes (London 1905) 99.

The subject of pay for Hellenistic mercenaries has been treated in full by Griffith, Mer-

cenaries, ch. X. See also K. Grote, Das griechische Soldnerwesen der hellenistischen %eit (Jena diss. 1913) 80-89. For pay of the Roman army, the most important passage is Polybios 6.39.12. The foot soldier received the equivalent of two obols, the infantryman four, and the cavalryman six. The quaestor, however, deducted from the opsonion the price fixed for a monthly allowance of wheat. 88 B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, The Hibeh Papyri: Part I (London 1906) 49-55, republished as Fragment 6 in the Budl text (L. Gemet and M. Bizos) of Lysias.

2o

XI

û 0 T3 CM T3 Csl -g-ë C II T3 II c o S — n o 'CM C -C « -o II o.. „ C jo Il g [i u c3 S J i "M > "H. a 0 o

•O O

•o o ie

e°

o . M Cu •a « c is

< »

I I

JS P-. « ' S 'S .. - s O G O « _e •fi ì ; «C C u BÄ M S < ..tu sV TJ _ _fr Ch C S e s in 2 m «
èÇeXàvres, 'IoOfiû

6eâ>, àn'

8e, air' ijs o rpLirovs

5ios TOV xctAicéov èirecrreà>s âyxl°Ta àn'

tfs

heKairqxvv

i f s eirTaTTT)xvs ^aA/ceoç

Iloatihéu)V

XOXKCOV

Ala

è^eyéveTO,

o

\pvaeos

T

°û fiojjjiov, Kal TÔ>

àvédrjKav, ravra

Kal

èÇeXovres

TOI

èv .

The prevailing view, shared by Macan, Stein, Godley, Shuckburgh, Abicht, and others, is that three tithes were set aside for the gods, one each to Delphian Apollo, Olympian Zeus, and Isthmian Poseidon. 10 The difficulty in interpreting the Greek is well expressed by P. Legrand in the Budé text : " Préleva-t-on une seule SCKOTTJ, que les trois dieux se partagèrent, ou trois Se/CCÉRAI? La répétition par trois fois de ÙTT' FJS et le pluriel récapitulatif ravra favorisent, il me semble, le seconde interprétation." Misgivings are expressed because one-tenth was the proportion in 8.27. Moreover, E. Powell regards the references to Zeus 4 The Romans developed a somewhat different vocabulary. A lengthy section of Aulus Gellius (13.25) is given over to the distinction between praeda and manubiae. The former is used of the actual objects making up the booty; the latter designates the money collected by the quaestor from the sale of the booty. Spolia were originally " arms stripped off the slain foe" (Buck). 6 II. 9.138, 280, 18.327; Od. 3.106, 5.40, 10.41, 13.262. Athena was the goddess of booty (It. 10.460), and sacrifices were offered to her in this capacity at Olympia (Pausanias 5.14.5). 6 Od. 14.86. 7 II. 11.677, Hymni Merc. 330. Since the form of property by which the ancients set most store in their early raids was cattle, it is not surprising that Acta continued to mean "flock" to a late period. For examples of this meaning in papyri and inscriptions, see W. F. Edgerton, AJP 46 (1925) 177-178. 8 H . A. Ormerod, Piracy in the Ancient World (Liverpool 1924) 73. 9 Hesiod, Op. 163. 10 Since Pausanias saw the golden tripod at Delphi (10.13.9) and the bronze Zeus at Olympia (5.23.1) and reported that they were trophies not of the Persian war in general, but of the battle of Plataiai in particular, and, moreover, that they were dedications made by the Greeks as a whole, rather than by any particular city-state, his account would tend to support the view that there were three tithes.

Booty

55

and Poseidon as later additions, citing 8.121, where the first fruits after Salamis were sent only to Delphi. Diodoros (11.33) knows only of a tenth to Delphi after Plataiai. The Spartan leader, Pausanias, was given •nâ.vra. SeVa, words which Stein takes to mean " a tenfold portion" (ten times as much as ordinary). E. Powell renders this as "ten of everything," whereas Legrand believes that the words constitute a proverb or hyperbole meaning an "abundance." The principle for distribution of the remainder of the spoils as prize money among the Greeks, Herodotos does not indicate. Diodoros (11.33) says that it was "according to the size of the contingents," and this phrase will be discussed at the end of the chapter. Individuals adjudged apioTtvaavres were apparently rewarded out of the share of their state. In Thucydides, there are six examples of cricvXa and seven of Aeia. Three of the examples of the former refer to dedications in temples: 2.13.4 (431 B.C.), public dedications from Persian spoils; 11 3.57.1 (427), spoils in Plataian temples taken by the Spartans; and 4.134.1 (423/2), dedications to Delphi after a battle between the Mantineians and the Tegeans. Two of the other references are to spoils taken after a battle: in 6.71.1 the Athenians took skula at the conclusion of the first battle at Syrakuse and in 7.86.1, the Syrakusans in their final pursuit took spoils from the Athenians. In the sixth passage, 3.114.1 (426/5), the Akarnanians are reported as giving to Athens one-third of the spoils from the campaign against the Amprakiotes after 300 panoplies had been set aside for Demosthenes, who subsequently dedicated them in Athenian temples. The remaining two-thirds were distributed among the Akarnanian townships. G. Grote believes, rightly, I think, that the spoils consisted entirely of the captured armor. 1 2 Thus, in all of these passages, the word seems to have its literal meaning "dépouille d'un ennemi tué," 1 3 "arms stripped off a slain enemy." 1 4 Both Hesychios and the Souda draw the distinction between AKo&ofi7)oav (Dobree, Classen, S m i t h : evtoK.) ol 'Adrjvaiot rijs Tij'uov woAttos TO TRPOS FJ-ntipov, where Wilamowitz (Hermes 43 [1908] 615) h a d earlier proposed t h e reading iir)&ov. Bean concludes that in the fifth century " S m y r n a was politically non-existent." Neighboring Klazomenai paid only a paltry one-and-ahalf talents before 427 B.C., and Cook elsewhere reports (AE 1953-54, 154) that there are slight traces of occupation on the island in the period between the Ionian revolt and the fourth century B.C. T h e solution may be that which Cook advocates for Syme, which he regards as part of a Knidian Chersonese (JHS 81 [1961] 57-60, 66). Cook (The Greeks in Ionia and the East 122-123) believes that the corporate bodies paid tribute to Athens, but the landowners to Persia, and thus peace was maintained. But even if Greeks and Persians lived so harmoniously together, there is still no evidence for the dismantlement of the fortifications of Ionia in the middle of the century, as is set forth in the Wade-Gery argument for the authenticity of the Peace of Kallias (HSCP, Suppl. vol. 1 [1940] 141). 77 M y colleague Crawford Greenewalt informs me that there are undated and/or unpublished fortification walls at " N e i o n Teichos"—Yannikou, Temnos, Erythrai, and Lebedos. T h e walls at three of these sites are mentioned by G. E. Bean, Aegean Turkey: An Archaelogical Guide (London 1966) 102-103, 151-152, 157-158. T h e site of fourth-century Erythrai was inhabited in the sixth

65

Booty

a theory of wholesale dismantlement of military walls in Asia M i n o r in the middle of the fifth century. T h e r e are four facts which m a y be tied together: (1) the fact that the assessment of Aristeides in 478 was higher than that deduced for a later period by those scholars who have studied the tribute quota lists, 78 although there may well have been a somewhat smaller n u m b e r of contributing cities in 478 t h a n in 454; (2) the economic eclipse of the Greeks in Ionia in the fifth century; (3) the insignificant archaeological remains from sites adjudged to be Persian settlements in western Asia Minor within the same period; 7 9 (4) the absence of military fortifications in Greek Ionia until the end of the century. T h e true picture may be that the early members of the league assessed themselves heavily in order to build u p the fleet and in anticipation of the rewards of warfare; that raids after Mykale must have driven most of the Persians from Asia Minor except for sparse settlements; 8 0 that the hinterland became despoiled and little new blood came from the East; a n d that the overland trade with the interior of Asia was cut off, while the maritime trade of the Aegean was increasingly attracted to the Peiraieus. I n any case, I would be loathe to believe that the raids of the Greeks against Persian possessions in Asia Minor in the 470's and 460's would have been on a smaller scale than, for example, that of Agesilaos in 395, when the tithe of the booty sold, after m a n y soldiers were paid, amounted to one h u n d r e d talents, or than that of Thrasyllos on Lydia in 409, when money, slaves a n d other booty in great quantity were seized. 81 BOOTY A F T E R THE PERSIAN W A R S

T h e magnitude of the task of rebuilding Ionia immediately after the victory at Mykale may be inferred from the Spartan proposal (Herodotos 9.106) of totally evacuating Ionia (Loeb translation): " I n this matter the Peloponnesians that were in authority were for removing the people from the marts of those Greek nations that had sided with the Persians, and giving their land to the Ionians to dwell i n . " Earlier in the paragraph, Herodotos writes of the deliberations at Samos: " i t seemed to them (the Greeks) impossible to stand on guard between the Ionians and their enemies for ever; yet if they should not so stand, they had no hope that the Persians would suffer the Ionians to go unpunished." century, not, according to Cook's hypothesis, refounded from another site. Turkish archaeologists have found rich votive objects on the summit of the citadel: see Mellink, AJA 69 (1965) 147. 78 Gomme HCTl, 274: " T h e r e would, however, be nothing as such surprising if the assessment was substantially lowered after the battle of the Eury medon, when the first object of the League, ¿fivveodai oiv iiradov Sijovvras TTJV /SamAf'oj^ \ujpav, had been achieved." 78 See Cook, BSA 53-54 (1958/9) 30. 80 If Persia had been a threat, all Ionian cities would presumably have built walls, following the example of Athens. For this, there is no archaeological evidence. 81 Xenophon Hell. 1.2.5.

66 The prevalent interpretation in our history books, that Aristeides and Themistokles in 478 B.C. put through a far-sighted master plan for immediate tyrannical economic control of the Aegean sea and its shores, finds little support in Herodotos and Thucydides. 82 Unfortunately, the events in Asia Minor in the years succeeding the battle of Plataiai are but very slightly known, 83 and scholars have been inclined to project the state of affairs in 454 B.C. back to 478. Herodotos ends his work with the capture of Sestos. The events of the full and momentous quarter century following have not been recorded except in bits and scraps. But there is a suggestion of large-scale activity against the Persians in Herodotos 8.3.2 :S yàp Sioxra/xtvoi ròv FlépcrrjV nepl r f j s éxelvov rjSrj ròv àywva tiroievvTO,. . . àneiXOVTO TT)V riy£(j.ovirji> TOVS AaKehaifioviovs• òAÀà ravra (lèv varepov èyeVero.84 [For when they had cast forth the Persian and were contending thenceforth for his land, the Athenians took away the command from the Lakedaimonians. These things came to pass later.] Herodotos knew of a period of conquests in Persian territory after Kypros and Byzantion (Thucydides 1.94), for the Lakedaimonians were not deprived of the naval hegemony until after Byzantion. Thucydides gives a very meager narrative for this quarter century; but since no word of his about the history of the Confederacy has been proved inaccurate, it seems unlikely that he is wrong in his definition of the avowed purpose of the league, especially since it accords with the climate of the times. We know that after Plataiai, the Greeks were quick to strike a blow at the Persian military machine. Landing on the headland of Mykale, north of Miletos, in 479, a united Greek force defeated the Persian third army under Tigranes. The defeat of a second major Persian land force, on Xerxes' own territory, must have been catastrophic ; but the blow must have been aimed deeper. The Persian hold on Ionia and the Hellespont was broken. Sir Percy Sykes in A History of Persia 1 (London 1951) 212-213 indicates that we know nothing about the history of Persia between 478 and 466 except a few stories about the amours of Xerxes, 82 T h e element which is stressed a t the end of t h e History of Herodotos is not a m a t t e r of economics b u t simple vengeance. At M y k a l e the Athenians decide, against the wishes of the Spartans, to continue the w a r . Artayktes, the Persian governor, is crucified in reprisal for his defilement of the sanctuary of Protesilaos (9.120.4). " T h e stress on vengeance a t the e n d of the work raises the question of possible A t h e n i a n transgression against the Persians in t h e f u t u r e " : H . R . I m m e r w a h r , Form and Thought in Herodotus (Cleveland 1966) 222. W e should never overlook the fact t h a t the Delian League was created on the initiative of the Ionians a t a time w h e n Athens a n d S p a r t a were still allies. 83 T h e r e is no reason to believe that t h e Greek cities of Ionia were attacked or in d a n g e r of attack u n d e r the organization of the Delian League. Cook believes t h a t there w e r e Persian settlements near the coast, as, for example, in the Herrn us valley; b u t they were small a n d u n d e f e n d e d . Persia did not collect her l a n d forces for a counterattack, a n d no archaeological evidence has been a d d u c e d to suggest that relations between Persia a n d Athens were a n y different before the middle of the century t h a n they were later. 84 This passage is discussed by H . D. Meyer, "Vorgeschichte u n d G r ü n d u n g des delischattischen S e e b u n d e s , " Historia 12 (1963) 405ff.

Booty

67

and the fact that the affairs of state were conducted by the tyrant's eunuchs. 8 5 Possibly our best insight into the troublous interval before Athens established control of the seas derives from an inscription of Teos, dated after Mykale and before 470. 86 In it, solemn imprecations are pronounced against magistrates practising piracy and brigandage or intentionally harboring robbers. T h e largest amount of booty taken in this period seems to have been at the battle of Eurymedon. If our varied, and sometimes contradictory, sources (Thucydides 1.100.1; Lykurgos Against Leokrates 72; Ephoros [FGrH 70 fr. 191, 11.74-76]; Diodoros 11.60.6, 62.1; Plutarch Kimon 12.4-6, 13.2) are correct, the Athenians and their allies under Kimon's command captured at least one hundred ships, twenty thousand captives, the Persian camp full of treasures, and ten talents from the town of Phaselis. A tenth of the booty was dedicated at Delphi in the form of a bronze tree crowned by a gilded statue of Athena: see P. Amandry, BCH 78 (1954) 295-308. W h e n we next pick u p the story of Persian relations with the Greek world, we are told how, about 460, an Athenian army embarked for Egypt, killed Achaimenes the Persian satrap and captured Memphis. As one historian has written, " H a d this expedition succeeded in establishing the independence of Egypt, Persia would have suffered her greatest blow, but it ended in disaster for Athens." 8 7 For the victory of the Athenians over the Phoenicians and Kilikians in Kypros ca. 450 B.C. (Thucydides 1.112.2—4; Plutarch Kimon 18; Diodoros 12.3), we have no figures except one statement in Diodoros that Kimon captured one hundred ships together with their crews. I n the early history of the Delian Confederacy, Kimon, and later Perikles, are said to have sent expeditions against Skyros, Eion and the Thrakian Chersonese, principal centers of piracy. 8 8 Thucydides reports that the inhabitants of Eion were sold into slavery (rjvhpcciróhtaav). The same treatment was given to the Dolopes, the inhabitants of the island of Skyros. 89 Once the Athenians had established their hegemony over the Aegean Sea, there is silence in our authorities as to the practice of piracy on any considerable scale. Cleruchies and colonies seemed to control the empire and to provide places where ships could stop. Athens also sought the cooperation of the Greek world. For those who accept the authority of Plutarch, 9 0 Perikles invited delegates from Greek city-states to discuss, among other matters, the safety of the seas; but Sparta opposed the 86 T h e references (Thucydides 1.138.5; Plutarch Them. 29.7) about the gifts of Myous and Lampsakos to Themistokles from Artaxerxes ca. 465 prove only that Persia had not relinquished nominal control. 86 Meiggs-Lewis, SGHI no. 30.

87

G. Daniel, The Medes and Persians (New York 1965) 156.

Thucydides 1.98; Plutarch Kimon 8.3 (XT/i^o/itvot rf/v BaXaaoav ¿k naXaiov); Perikles 19.2 (ytfiovoa XyoTpTjpluiv). 88 H . Bengtson (The Greeks and the Persians [London 1968] 71-72) dates Kimon's actions 88

against Skyros and Karystos as probably before 470. 90 Perikles 17. T h e editors of ATL 2 label their text of this chapter as D12.

68 idea of a Pax Atheniensis with the seas policed by the Athenian navy. 9 1 In any case, the Athenian control of the sea is evidenced by the goods available in Athens sometime in the latter half of the century. Pseudo-Xenophon, Ath. Pol. 2.7 and 11, states: 92 " T h e Athenians by virtue of their command over the sea have found forms of luxury by having trade with every country, any speciality in the area of luxury in Sicily, Italy, Cyprus, Egypt, Pon tus, the Peloponnesus or other places, all have been brought together in one place by virtue of the command of the sea. T h e wealth from the sea trade, the Athenians alone among Hellenes and barbaroi are capable of possessing. For if some town is rich in ship-timber, where it will not sell it, if it is not allowed to do so by the ruler of the sea. . . . " Thucydides provides evidence that the only parts of Greece where it was still customary to carry arms were the districts to the north of the Corinthian gulf; 93 and it was here that Athenian authority was weakest. A bronze tablet, dated about 440 B.C., containing a covenant between two small states on the Gulf of Krissa, expressly recognizes the right to plunder: 8 4 " T h e property of a foreigner may be seized on the sea without incurring penalty, except in the actual harbor of the city." 9 5 As to the booty taken in the Peloponnesian War, reference has been made above to the examples of leia in Thucydides. T h e rule of capture, in the language of the historian, was xpijodaL 5 n av PovXwvrai. In 430 B.C., the Poteidaians were compelled to surrender to the Athenians. T h e natives together with the foreign troops had to come out of the city, the men with one garment, the women with two; they were allowed money for travel. All that was left behind became Athenian booty. Afterwards, the Athenians sent colonists to the evacuated town. 96 In 424, the Athenians allowed the Nisaians to go free on condition of paying a ransom; but they were free to deal as they pleased with the Lakedaimonians who were in the town. 97 Much of the Peloponnesian War consisted of organized raids conducted by

91 However, Seager's arguments (Historia 18 [1969] 129-141) against the authenticity of the decree seem to me convincing, and the "Congress decree" should be added to the list of documents which Habicht (Hermes 89 [1961] 1-35) has shown to be fourth-century creations. 92 Cf. E. Ziebarth, Beiträge zur Geschichte des Seeraubs und Seehandels im alten Griechenland ( H a m b u r 1929) 10; R . J . Bonner, " T h e Commercial Policy of Imperial Athens," CP 18 (1923) 193-201. 93 1.5.3. 94 H . Bengtson, Die Staatsverträge des Altertums (Munich 1962) 2, no. 146. Cf. Polybios 2.8.8: "it was contrary to the custom of the Illyrian kings to hinder their subjects from winning booty from the sea." 95 tcl (fvixa t daAaaas haytv äavXov, TiXav e Ai¡itvos. Cf. H . A. Ormerod, Piracy in the Ancient World (London 1924) 77: "reprisals carried out against foreigners by citizens of either of the two contracting states had to be prevented in home waters, since, if exercised, e.g. by a Chaleian a t Oeantheia, they might violate an existing covenant between Oeantheia and a third p a r t y . " 99 Thucydides 2.70. So later Lysander forced the Samians to depart with only those clothes they h a d on their backs, and to deliver u p everything else: Xenophon Hell. 2.3.6.

97

Thucydides 4.69: xpV°^al 'Adr/vaiovs o rt ai> ßovXcovrai.

Booty

69

both sides on land a n d sea. Athens occupied islands such as Atalante, 9 8 M i n o a , " a n d Salamis (Boudoron) to intercept enemy craft which p u t out to ravage her territory. T h e Lakedaimonians for their p a r t executed all men, including neutrals, whom they captured at sea. 1 0 0 Thucydides mentions one specific sum in reporting the value of the slaves sold at Segesta by the Athenian a r m y under Nikias: the Athenians received one h u n d r e d a n d twenty talents after the capture of Hykkara. 1 0 1 Even in the strife which attended internal seditions, m e n sought to damage their opponents by plundering their property. 1 0 2 After the destruction of the Athenian navy at Syrakuse a n d the impoverishment of the Athenian treasury, a fresh impulse was given to raids a n d piracy. T h e principal combatants became increasingly careless of the rights of neutrals. I n the Dekeleian W a r , presumably in 412 or early 411 B.C., Timolaos with a squadron of five ships plundered several of the islands tributary to the Athenians. 1 0 3 In 410, Alkibiades raided the territory of Pharnabazos, penetrating into Bithynia; 1 0 4 in 408, he collected booty from Kos a n d R h o d e s ; 1 0 5 a n d in 407, he was in T h r a k e 1 0 6 and K a r i a . 1 0 7 For their part, the Spartans plundered M e t h y m n a on Lesbos and collected money from Miletos a n d Chios. 1 0 8 T h e Spartan Kallikratidas sold into slavery the Athenian soldiers of the garrison at M e t h y m n a , as well as those of the captives who were already slaves; but he freed the citizens of the town. BOOTY AFTER THE PELOPONNESIAN W A R

T h e conditions pertaining to booty in the a r m y of the T e n T h o u s a n d are summarized by Vollbrecht: "Alle Beute, die nicht unmittelbar zum Lebensunterhalt diente, namentliche die Gefangenen, waren Gemeingut (TO KOIVOV). V o n diesem Gemeingute w u r d e n während des Rückzugs allgemeine Ausgaben bestritten, so z.B. Bezahlung eines Wegweisers, der Schiffer, Ankauf von S c h l e u d e r n . " 1 0 9 References to the common stock of booty are found, for example, in 4.7.27 (jj-era ravra TOV ijye/iova ol "EWrjves arronifjLTrovai Swpa 8ovres ¿no KOIVOV), 5.1.12 {rpteiv ¿TTO KOIVOV OVS av Karayaywfiiv). T h e most detailed figures which we have about booty in the Army of T e n Thousand come

98 99

100

2.32. 3.51.

101 102

103 104 105 108 107

108

109

2.67 (rravras . . . oaovs Aapoiev cV rij daXaaarf cos woAc/iiovs SUij>0€tpov). 6.62.4. Thucydides 3.85, 4.2.

Ox. Hell. 2.22-24.

Plutarch Alk. 29.3. Diodoros 13.69.5. Nepos Ale. 7.4. Xenophon Hell. 1.4.8; Plutarch Alk. 35.4.

Hell. 1.6.12-14.

Xenophons Anabasis l 9 (Leipzig 1896) 38.

70 from Anabasis 7.3.48. The army, after it took service with Seuthes in Thrake, gathered together 1,000 prisoners, 2,000 cattle, and 10,000 sheep. Earlier, when the Ten Thousand reached the sea at Kerasous (5.3), they halted for ten days and divided the money from the sale of the captives; but we learn nothing explicit except with regard to the tithe (infra p. 93). After the close of the Peloponnesian War, the city-states failed to generate any sustained movement toward political union or federation. Warfare between states was common; but our sources, although they tell us of many raids and much destruction, give little information about booty as such. The object of Agesilaos' march with ten thousand foot soldiers and four hundred cavalry from Ephesos into Phrygia in 396 is given by Diodoros as plunder. 110 In 390, Agesilaos attacked and captured the Corinthian town of Oinoe. A large booty here fell into the hands of the Spartans, and this was further augmented by the speedy surrender of all in the Heraion without conditions. Agesilaos ordered that all those who had taken part in the massacre at Corinth should be handed over to the vengeance of the exiles; and that all the rest should be sold as slaves. 111 This sentence was pronounced by one regarded as on the whole more generous than most contemporary commanders. Isokrates, writing in the year 380, says that the seas were infested by katapontistai ; 112 and later in the century, Demosthenes asserted that Philip financed his wars by preying upon sea-borne commerce. 113 In the early part of the century, Sparta carried on a vigorous privateering war against Athens and in 384 occupied Aigina as a base for this purpose. 114 Repression, treachery, and brutality were, if anything, more prevalent in the fourth century than in the fifth, although the sad details of cities taken by storm are to a great degree the same in every age and nation. 115 Here Diodoros offers much information; for he was more interested in reporting booty, supplies, reprisals, than any other historian. He also tells us much about Sicily. 116 In 409, the Karthaginians mutilated the corpses of the sixteen thousand dead of Selinous, not counting the five thousand taken captive. 117 The victorious soldiers were seen with amputated hands strung together in a row and fastened 110

111

112

1 4 . 7 9 . 2 : Tjjs ap7rayfjs

X^Piv-

Xenophon Hell. 4.5.5-«.

4 Panegyrikos 115. First Philippic 3 4 (cïyaJl' KOL tptov roits irXeovras rrjy daXarrav). Xenophon Hell. 5.1.1-2 (Î^ÎTJOI XyÇcoBat TOVftouXofitvovèK rrjç

113 4 114 115

'ArTiiajs).

I have not reproduced here the numerous examples of privateering which have been assembled by H . A. Ormerod, Piracy in the Ancient World (London 1924) 114ff. lle T h e state of affairs in Sicily in the fifth century is illustrated by a remark in Alkibiades' speech in Thucydides 6.17.3. T h e Sicilian instead of spending his money on personal arms and the equipment of his farm "accumulates it in readiness" for emigration. T h e wholesale transplantations of populations in Sicily were numerous. O n e example will suffice : Gelon, tyrant of Syrakuse, in 483 destroyed Megara, making its upper class citizens of Syrakuse and selling its common people into slavery (Herodotos 7.156.2). 117 13.57.6.

Booty

71

around their girdles; while others brandished heads on the points of their spears. Bestial treatment was accorded the women and children before they were shipped off to slavery in Libya. 1 1 8 After the fall of Himera in the same year, three thousand male captives were tortured before they were put to death. 119 The temples were stripped of their ornaments and valuables and then burnt. At Akragas in 406, the Karthaginians entered the city and butchered everyone they found. 120 Temples and private dwellings were alike despoiled. Diodoros comments on the great wealth of booty, including a multitude of paintings and an extraordinary number of sculptures which were collected from a city of two hundred thousand inhabitants, which had gone unravaged since the date of its founding. 121 At Motye in 397, although Dionysios wished to sell the inhabitants into slavery, the soldiers could not be restrained and slew everyone they encountered, "sparing not a child, not a woman, not an elder." 1 2 2 The plunder yielded much silver and not a little gold, as well as an abundance of raiment. In 387, after the capture of Rhegion, Dionysios collected six thousand captives of whom he freed those who could pay as ransom one mina (100 drachmai) of silver on condition that they not return to their native soil; the remainder he sent to Syrakuse to be sold. 123 About this time, Dionysios plundered the temple of Hera in the domain of Kroton. Among the ornaments of the temple was one of preeminent beauty, a robe wrought with the greatest skill and decorated in the most costly fashion, which was described in Polemon's work entitled On the Robes at Karthage. Since the Karthaginians were at this time eager to propitiate Greek gods in hopes of alleviating a pestilence, Dionysios sold the robe at the prodigious price, as reported by Athenaios (12.541b), of one hundred and twenty talents. 124 Dionysios' far-reaching scheme in 385 to pillage the temples at Delphi was arrested by the intervention of Sparta, but only after fifteen thousand Molossians were slain. 125 The following year, Dionysios undertook a maritime expedition along the coast of Etruria and pillaged a rich temple, located at the seaport of Agylle, taking precious ornaments to the amount of one thousand talents. The Agyllaians came forth to defend the temple, but were worsted and so lost much in plunder and in prisoners. Dionysios, when he returned to Syrakuse, sold the laphyra for an additional profit of five hundred talents. 126 13.58.2. 13.62.4. 120 13.90.1. 121 13.90.3. 122 14.53.1. 123 14.111.4. The previous year, the inhabitants of Hipponion were likewise sent to Syrakuse when that city was razed: 14.107.2. 124 Cf. Justin 20.5; Aelian 12.61. 125 Diodoros 15.13.3. 128 Diodoros 15.14.3-4. 11B 119

72 I n Greece proper, cities were laid waste and the population deported. I n 373, the Thebans razed Plataiai completely and pillaged Thespiai. 1 2 7 T h e Plataians captured in the field were carried off; 1 2 8 the inhabitants were despoiled of their goods. 1 2 9 Similarly, in 364, the Thebans satiated their hatred against Orchomenos, the second city in the Boiotian confederacy, by destroying the town, killing the male adults, and selling the women and children into slavery. 1 3 0 It would seem that the neighboring town of Koroneia shared the same fate; at least, the two afterwards are spoken of together in such a m a n n e r as to make us suppose so. 131 In 368/7, the Spartans took Karyai by storm a n d put to the sword all who were captured, before proceeding to Parrhasia to lay waste this land. 1 3 2 In the so-called "tearless b a t t l e " which ensued, ten thousand Arkadians fell. 1 3 3 In 366, Timotheos supported his troops throughout a siege of ten months by looting the island of Samos. 1 3 4 T e n years later, Nypsios, a Neapolitan officer dispatched by Dionysios from Lokroi after the tyrant had given u p the idea of ruling at Syrakuse, vanquished the Syrakusans in an engagement in which the soldiers thought of little else except satisfying the desire for revenge of their leader. T h e private dwellings in the town were stripped, and the women, children, and servants taken off as slaves. 135 T h e streets were strewn with corpses, a n d Nypsios set fire to the city in several places with torches a n d fire-bearing arrows. While the soldiers of Nypsios were dispersed through the streets and houses, Dion advanced from Leontini a n d slew four thousand of them as they were occupied with carrying off the plunder. 1 3 6 In the Social W a r , the rebels ravaged the Athenian islands of Lemnos a n d Imbros in 356, then laid waste the countryside of Samos. 1 3 7 In 355-3, Philomelos laid hands on the sacred dedications and plundered the temple monies of Delphi to raise an a r m y of more than 10,000 men. 1 3 8 Onomarchos, the successor of Philomelos, employed the temple funds still more profusely. 1 3 9 At the head of a formidable a r m y ' h e marched forth from Delphi and subdued successively the Lokrians of Amphissa, the Epiknemidian Lokrians, and the territory of Doris. Cities were sacked a n d the inhabitants reduced to slavery. H e carried his conquests as far as the vicinity of Thermopylai, capturing Thronion. I n the 127

Diodoros 15.46.5-6. eni rijs x^pas KaTaX-rppdcvres . . . ovvTjp-ntzy~qaav. 129 Isokrates 14 Plataikos 55. 130 Diodoros 15.79.2-6. Eight years after the destruction of Orchomenos, Demosthenes (20 Against Leptines 109) expressed repugnance against this T h e b a n cruelty. 131 Demosthenes 5 On the Peace 21 ; 6 Second Philippic 13; 19 On False Legation 122, 162, 373. 132 Xenophon Hell. 7.1.28. 133 Diodoros 15.72.3-4; Xen. Hell. 7.1.32. 134 Isokrates 15 Antidosis 111; Polyainos 3.10.9. 135 Diodoros 16.19.4. 138 Diodoros 16.20.4; Plutarch Dion 45-46. 137 Diodoros 16.21.2. 138 Diodoros 16.25, 30.1; Isokrates 5 To Philip 54. 139 Diodoros 16.33. 128

Booty

73

same year the Athenian Chares captured Sestos on the Hellespont, putting to death the men of military age and selling the remainder as slaves. 140 Meanwhile, in 354, Philip pillaged Methone and then razed it to the ground. I n 352, he defeated the Phokians in battle, taking 3,000 prisoners, who, however, were not made captives, but in accordance with the precedent set by the belligerents of the Sacred W a r were put to death by hanging and drowning. 1 4 1 Later in the year, the Boiotians inflicted two minor defeats upon Phayllos and the Phokians near Koroneia, in which four hundred and one hundred thirty prisoners respectively, were taken alive. 142 T h e following year, the Phokians took by storm the Lokrian town of Naryx, then plundered and razed it. 1 4 3 In 352/1, the Lakedaimonians crossed the border and plundered the Arkadian town of Helisson. 144 In 348, Olynthos, after having seen the thirty Chalkidic cities conquered, underwent the same fate from the arms of Philip. Olynthos was razed to the ground. M a n y people of both sexes were sold into slavery. A few stories are preserved of the different forms of suffering which befell the victims of conquest. Atrestias, an Arkadian, received a grant of thirty slaves who accompanied him homeward. Many Olynthian women were bought for the purpose of having their persons turned to account by their new proprietors. Of these purchasers, one, an Athenian, who had employed his new acquisition at Athens, was tried and convicted. 1 4 5 In his chronicle of the year 347/6 B.C., Diodoros tells of the successive spoliations of the Delphian treasuries by the Phokians: O f the generals who had been in office previously, the first to hold the office, Philomelus, had kept his hands off the dedications, but the second, named Onomarchus, brother of Philomelus, squandered much of the god's money, while the third, Phayllus, the brother of Onomarchus, when he became general, struck into coin a large number of the dedications in order to pay the mercenaries. For he coined for currency one hundred twenty gold bricks which h a d been dedicated by Croesus, King of the Lydians, weighing two talents each, and three hundred sixty golden goblets weighing two minae each, and golden statues of a lion and of a woman, weighing in all thirty talents of gold, so that the sum total of gold that was coined into money, referred to the standard of silver, is found to be four thousand talents, while of the silver offerings, those dedicated by Croesus and all the others, all three generals h a d spent more than six thousand talents' worth, and if to these be added the gold dedications, the sum surpassed ten thousand talents. 1 4 6

In 344 the democratic exiles from Elis, employing mercenaries from the Sacred War, were defeated by the Eleans and their allies, the Arkadians. T h e victors divided u p the four thousand prisoners taken alive. T h e Arkadians sold as 140

Diodoros 16.34.3. Diodoros 16.35.3-6. Diodoros 16.37.5-6. 143 Diodoros 16.38.5. 144 Diodoros 16.39.5. 145 Diodoros 16.53.3; Deinarchos 1 Against Demosthenes 23; Demosthenes 19 de Falsa Legatione 305-309; 9 Third Philippic 66ff. 146 Diodoros 16.56.5-7 (translation of C. L. Sherman). 141 142

74 booty all who h a d been apportioned to them, while the Eleans executed their half because of the outrage committed against the oracle. 1 4 7 T h e benefits of booty were not limited to land warfare. In 340, a convoy of two hundred and thirty merchantmen assembled under naval protection at the entrance to the Bosporos when the Makedonian forces of Philip suddenly sailed in a n d seized all enemy vessels. T h e booty was enormous and the capture of the fleet a m a j o r factor in Athens' decision to abrogate the peace treaty. 1 4 8 I n order to compensate for his outlays during recent sieges, Philip during the spring of 339 undertook a n enterprise against the Scythian king, Atheas, whose country he invaded with success, bringing away as spoil hordes of captives— men, women, a n d children—cattle, and blood-mares. 1 4 9 I -may close this section on fourth-century booty by referring the reader to the interesting summary which H . Bengtson (The Greeks and the Persians [London 1968] 263-265) has m a d e of life in the fourth-century polis, as described by Aineias Taktikos. Aineias' treatise gives a whole series of concrete recommendations to be taken as soon as the danger of war appears. Complete evacuation from the countryside was necessary to protect movable property a n d slaves. T h e extent of pillage a n d robbery in the Hellenistic world has been documented in detail by M . Rostovtzeff, Social and Economic History of the Hellenistic World (Oxford 1941), especially chapter IV, pp. 195ff, with footnotes. 1 5 0 As we have noted, wages of citizen-soldiers a n d mercenaries alike were virtually dependent on plunder. Methods of warfare, so far from improving, became more barbarous as time went on. Because of the state of poverty in Greece, the only booty with which the belligerents could defray the expense of a war consisted of men, whether free or slaves, a n d cattle. M a n y who were free men one day became slaves the next. T h e prevalence of freebootery is possibly best attested by two examples, the first from a recently published inscription from the very end of the third century, which gives the provisions of a treaty between the Attalids a n d certain cities of Crete. 1 5 1 While the soldiers were in enemy territory, the daily ration of corn was dispensed with and the army foraged for 147

Diodoros 16.63.5; Demosthenes 19 de Falsa Legatione 260. FGrH 328 (Philochoros) fr. 162: alrov Kal fivpotov Kal xPr}H-c*TWV iroXXatv iyKpaT-rjs tycvcro. Diodoros 16.77. 149 Frontinus Strat. 2.4.20; 2.8.14. Justin 9.2-3. Aischines 3 Against Ktesiphon 128. While crossing Mount Triballi, Philip was attacked by Thrakians and lost many of his accompanying captives. 160 For the miles gloriosus of New Comedy, see W . S. Ferguson, Hellenistic Athens (London 1911) 74-75; H . W . Parke, Greek Mercenary Soldiers (Oxford 1933) 234; G. T . Griffith, Mercenaries (Cambridge 1935) 323. T o their testimonia, add Menander Aspis 82ff, where the b a t m a n tells of the splendid booty of captives and silver, far too great for the sister's dowry which the hero Kleostratos had won in Lykia. Similarly, in Menander's Sikyonios, Stratophanes, who had served as a mercenary in Karia, returns with a great deal of money. In line 393 (Kassel), there is mention of " b a r b a r i a n slaves," doubtless brought from Asia Minor. 151 Ducrey-van Effenterre, Kretika Chronika 21 (1969) 281-282. 148

Booty

itself:

75 Kara

auifia

\OIVIKA

ATT[IK]T]V,

eav fir) iv noXefilai

a>atv, ov

IARAI

OITOV

Xavfidveiv. 152 A s the editors of the inscription note, these w e r e conditions typical

f o r the Hellenistic epoch. T h e second e x a m p l e comes f r o m the p e r i o d of the R o m a n d o m i n a t i o n of Greece, a time w h i c h lies, h o w e v e r , outside the scope of this study. T h e S e n a t e o r d e r e d A e m i l l i u s Paullus to deliver Epiros to pillage as a p u n i s h m e n t for h a v i n g sided w i t h Perseus. By a clever device, A e m i l l i u s succeeded in placing d e t a c h ments of R o m a n soldiers in all t h e cities of Epiros. P l u t a r c h (Aem. Paullus 2 9 ) says: " W h e n the a p p o i n t e d d a y came, a t o n e a n d the same t i m e the R o m a n s all set out to o v e r r u n a n d pillage the cities, so t h a t in a single h o u r a h u n d r e d a n d fifty thousand persons w e r e m a d e slaves, a n d seventy cities w e r e sacked." SPECIFIC FIGURES FOR BOOTY

Possibly the best clue to the extent of f r e e b o o t e r y c a n b e otained f r o m the passing references to sums a c t u a l l y realized a n d to the n u m b e r of captives taken. T h e list below presents examples w h e r e a specific sum is given in o u r sources for the v a l u e of the booty. T h r e e of the figures a r e c o m p u t e d f r o m the a m o u n t s given as the w a r t i t h e . 1 5 3

SOURCE

VICTOR

Plut. Arist. 20.3 Simonides 106D Diod. 11.26.7

Plataiai Gelon Gelon

Thuc. ic. 6.62.4-1 6.62.4\ Diod. i . 13.6.1 J Thuc. 6.95

S U M S OF B O O T Y 1 " Date C A M P A I G N AGAINST 490 Persians (Marathon) 480 Karthage (Himera) 480 Karthage

Nikias

415

Hykkara

Argos

414

Thyreatis

SUM1"

80 talents 6,400 talents 156 Cost of temples to Demeter and Kore, plus golden tripod, 16 talents wt. 120 talents 100 talents 25 talents

1 6 2 Ducrey-van Effenterre : " par tête une chénice attique (de grain) sous réserve qu'ils ne soient pas en territoire ennemi d'où il sera possible de prélever des vivres." Isa The reference in Thucydides 2.13.5 to five hundred talents, which some take to represent the value of Persian skula at Athens in 431 B.c., has not been incorporated. The value of the skula was included in Perikles' sum, but in addition there was much bullion: see Gomme HCT2, p. 23. 1 5 1 In this list, as elsewhere in this chapter, my concern is chiefly with booty of Greek citystates. Examples from the Roman and eastern worlds are visually excluded. Alexander is said to have received from the plunder of Ekbatana (330 B.C.) alone, exclusive of what he received for himself and the army's pay, more than 21,000 talents (Diodoros 17.74.5). Moreover, he is said to have paid out a further 20,000 talents in freeing the army of its debts (Arrian 7.5. Iff; Diodoros 17.109.2; Plutarch Alex. 70). One reason for the relatively large sums for the booty from battles in Asia is that autocrats often kept most of their precious things with them : see Plutarch Eumenes 9.3; Agesilaos 11.3. For sums of booty taken by Alexander and his successors, see Diodoros 17.64.1-6 (3,000 talents), 17.66 (49,000), 17.71 (120,000), 18.52 (5,000), 19.48.8 (25,000), 19.56.5 (10,000), and 19.95.3 (500). l s s 100 drachmai - 1 mina; 60 minae = 1 talent. 1 6 6 Computed from the sum given as the tithe.

76 SOURCE

VICTOR

Date

CAMPAIGN AGAINST

SUM

Xen. Hell. 1.4.8 Diod. 13.106.8

Alkibiades Lysander

407 405

100 talents 1,500 talents

Lysias 20 For Polystratos 24 Xen. Hell. 3.4.24 Xen. Hell. 4.3.21 Diod. 15.14.4 Demosth. 20.77 Diod. 15.47.7 \ Xen. Hell. 6.2.36J Nepos Tim. 1 Diod. 17.14.4 Diod. 19.87.2 Diod. 20.101.1 Strabo 13.4.1 Poly. 2.62.12

Son of Polystratos Agesilaos Agesilaos Dionysios Chabrias

Karia From Samos after Aigospotamoi Katane

300 minae 166

395 394 384 376

Tissaphernes Asia Minor Agylle (Etruria) Lakedaimonians

70 talents 1,000 talents 166 1,500 talents 157 110 talents

Iphikrates

373

Sikilian triremes

60 talents

Timotheos Alexander Telesphoros Agathokles Lysimachos Antigonus Doson Kleomenes

365 335/4 312 304 282 ( ? ) 223

Kotys (Thrake) Thebans Olympia Liparaean Is. Asia Minor 158 Mantineia

1,200 talents 440 talents 500 talents 50 talents 9,000 talents 300 talents

223

Megalopolis

6,000 talents

Phylarchos ( = Poly. 2.62.1)

?

The Shm in the last item has generally been regarded as erroneous. 159 According to Phylarchos' version of Kleomenes' destruction of the city of Megalopolis in autumn 223, 1 6 0 the total value of the laphyra amounted to six thousand talents, of which two thousand were given to Kleomenes. 161 This figure was challenged by Polybios in a digression containing his criticism of Phylarchos. Polybios speculates that Megalopolis must have yielded only 300 talents, since Mantineia had yielded booty in the form of slaves and emirXa to that sum. Moreover, Wilhelm's calculations of eirmXa show that the total value of such movable property in the Peloponnese in 223 very probably did not amount to 6,000 talents. 162 Wilhelm believes that the greater part of the sum of 300 talents consisted of the proceeds from the sale of captives. But Polybios records that Kleomenes destroyed the lepa among other things. 163 Plutarch (Kleomenes 25.1) says that Kleomenes sent even the statues and paintings off to Sparta: rare Travrdnaai Tpa\vvOels Kal ayavaK-rqaas ra fxev xp-qfiara Siypiraoev, avSpiavras Be xai ypaas aireareiXev els Eirapnjv. M o r e o v e r , Polybios (2.55.7) testifies to the complete destruction of the city: yev6p.evos B' eyKpa.rr)s OVTWS AV-rqv mKpcos 1 5 7 Of this sum, a thousand talents came from plundering the temple; the remainder was from the sale of booty. 1 5 8 See G. E. Bean, Aegean Turkey (London 1966) 69. 1 8 9 See, in particular, T. W. Africa, "Phylarchos and the Spartan Revolution." Univ. of Calif. Publications in History 68 (1961) 33; cf. Le Roy, REG 75 (1962) 261; Walbank, CR 76 (1962) 316; and R. M. Errington, Philopoemon (Oxford 1969) 19. 1 6 0 Cf. Polybios 2.55.2-7; 5.93.2. 1 8 1 Polybios 2.62.1. 1 6 2 See the summary in F. W. Walbank, Polybius 1 (Oxford 1957) 268. 1 6 3 2.61.10.

Booty

77

8iedeipe KAI Suoyievco? ware ¿Xiriaat fir]8eva 8ton 8t>VCUT' av (ruvoiKiadrjvai meAiv. So one point at issue is not so much the epipla and the captives as the value of removable objects in the sacred shrines. Polybios is doubtless correct about the evaluation of epipla in the Peloponnese, but Kleomenes' booty included far more than movable furniture.164 Mantineia is not a parallel, since Antigonos Doson did not vent his rage on the sacred places nor carry off objects of art. 165 Six thousand talents is a not unlikely sum for the value of the sacred treasuries,166 statues, paintings, cattle, slaves, movable property, etc., of a city-state as large as Megalopolis. The real difficulty, however, with the sum of 6,000 talents is that in 222 B.C., Kleomenes brought together at Sellasia a force of some 20,000 men, but is reported to have experienced trouble in paying them, since Ptolemy III had withdrawn his subsidies.167 Polybios states that Phylarchos attributed Kleomenes' downfall to Ptolemy's suspension of aid. The Spartan king would hardly have been financially embarrassed if the two figures attributed to Phylarchos were correct. It would be difficult, therefore, to estimate the true sum of the spoils from Megalopolis. The fact that booty was sometimes sold on the spot must have resulted in much reduced prices. The av&pairo8oKi> Upwv tcuv evovrutv aTrt\fo6ai (Thucydides 4.97). Cf. Polybios 5.10; Pausanias 10.28.6; Xenophon Ages. 11.1 for similar sentiments. But exceptions are not uncommon: Herodotos 8.32.2-33 (Thessalians and Persians plunder Phokis, including Abai); Herodotos 9.116 (Artayktes stripped the sacred grove of Protesilaus); Xenophon Hell. 7.4.33ff and Diodoros 15.82.1 (Arkadians appropriated temple monies at Olympia in 363-362); Polybios 4.62.2 (Aitolians destroy sacred monuments at Dion); Polybios 4.67.3 (Aitolians demolish sacred buldings at Dodona); Polybios 5.9 (Philip ravages Thermon in 218); Polybios 31.9 (Antiochos attempts outrage on the temple of Artemis); Polybios 32.15.11 (Prusias despoils temples); Livy 31.30 (denunciation in 200 B.C. of the impieties of Philip). For the theory of the inv'^lability of temples, see C. Phillipson, The International Law and Custom of Ancient Greece and Rome 2 (London 1911) 246-250. In practice, however, the Greeks frequently transgressed. Herodotos (5.36) states that at the beginning of the Ionian revolt, Hekataios advised using the sacred treasuries in order that the Greeks might have the means to gain mastery of the sea and the Persians be prevented from plundering the sanctuary. Cf. L. Gdelstein, The Idea of Progress in Classical Antiquity (Baltimore 1967) 13. 167 Polybios 2.63.2; Plutarch, Kleomenes 27.2-5. 168 H . Lloyd-Jones (GRBS 7 [1966] 144) notes, "Slave-markets were held wherever a large number of people were assembled and therefore often at the sites of religious festivals."

78 satrap Pissuthnes, father of Amorges who was taken alive. The captives were given over to Tissaphernes. For each head, he paid a Daric stater, or twenty Attic drachmai. As noted infra, page 92, this is one-tenth of the average price of a slave as estimated by Andreades, or somewhat less than one-eighth of the figure allowed by A. Wilhelm. In this case, however, Tissaphernes must have received a special price because of his cooperation in the assault. In 335/4, Diodoros (17.14) reports that the thirty thousand Thebans captured by the Makedonians were sold for four hundred and forty talents, which would be at the rate of eighty-eight drachmai a head. For prices paid to ransom captives, 189 see P. Ducrey, Traitement (Paris 1968) 246-257. Herodotos (5.77; 6.79) indicates that two minae was a fixed sum amongst the Peloponnesians. Later, Aristotle (Nic. Eth. 5.7) gives the rule as to the ransom of a prisoner being one mina, but at the time he wrote mercenary armies were common. R. A. Gauthier and J . Y. Jolif (L'éthique à Nicomaque 2 [Paris 1959] 392) suggest that Aristotle's illustration is " u n exemple fictif." As a rule, however, we are given no information as to the value of the booty, although there are indications in many cases that plunder was considerable. Thus, in 399, Derkylidas sent a force of two hundred hoplites to guard a separate camp within which the booty had been accumulated. 170 The camp was richly stocked, especially with Bithynian captives, who, however, were later recovered. In the year 400, King Agis of Sparta marched upon Elis, capturing vast numbers of slaves (vnepnoXXa avSpanoSa) and cattle. On hearing the news, the Arkadians and Achaians joined the expedition and shared in the plunder. In the words of Xenophon, the campaign proved to be a harvest for the Peloponnesos (¿TTIOITIOHOS r f j IJeXoTTOvvqau)).171 FIGURES FOR CAPTIVES

Some specific figures are also preserved for the number of captives taken. These are listed below. The list does not include examples where prisoners of war were taken alive after a battle unless there is some indication that they were enslaved. NUMBER OF CAPTIVES SOURCE

Diod. Diod. Thuc. Thuc.

11.25.2-3 11.62.1 1.54-55 4.100.5

VICTOR

Gelon Athens (Kimon) Corinthians Boiotians

VANQUISHED

Karthaginians Persians Kerkyra Athenians

DATE

479 Eurymedon 433 424/3

N U M B E R OF CAPTIVES

Vast n u m b e r s 1 7 3 20,000 1,050 200

189 Getting ransom money for prominent captives must have been a c o m m o n practice. Plutarch (Alk. 29.3) thought it noteworthy that in 410 Alkibiades did not try to redeem some members of a b a r b a r i a n priesthood in the territory of P h a r n a b a z o s : " H e even captured some priests and priestesses, b u t let them go without r a n s o m . " 170 X e n o p h o n Hell. 3.2.2. 171 Hell. 3.2.26. 172 Diodoros states t h a t private citizens obtained as m a n y as 500 captives apiece.

79

Booty SOURCE

Thuc. Thuc.' Diod. Diod.

6.62.3-4 7.87.3 \ 13.19.2/ 13.57.6

VICTOR

VANQUISHED

DATE

NUMBER OF CAPTIVES

Athenians

Hykkara

415

7,500 (est.)173

Syrakusans

Athenians

413

7,000174

Athen. 12.535C

Karthaginians Alkibiades

Diod. 13.104.7

Lysander

Selinountians Peloponnesians in Hellespont Iasos (Karia)

Xen. Anab. 7.3.48

Greeks and Seuthes Dionysios Chabrias Arkadians Timoleon

Thrakians

400

Rhegians Lakedaimonians Spartans Hikatas

387 376 365 345/4

Timoleon

Karthaginians

341

Diod. 14.111.4 Demosth. 20.77 Xen. Hell. 7.4.27 Diod. 16.68.10 Diod. 16.80.5\ Plut. Tim. 29J Justin 9.1-2 Diod. 17.14.1 Plut. Alex. 11.6J Diod. 17.46.4*1 Arrian 2.24.5J Diod. 19.85.3 Poly. 2.54.11; 62.12 Plut. Kleom. 18.3 Poly. 4.69.7-8 Poly. 4.75.7 Poly. 5.94.5 Poly. 5.94.7 Poly. 5.95.10 173

409

5,000

408?

5,000

405

Slew 800 males; sold women and children 1,000

Philip II

Skythia

339

Alexander

Thebes

336/5

Alexander

Tyrians

332/1

Ptolemy Antigonos Aitolians Makedonians Philip Lykos Achaians Lykos

Demetrios Mantineians Lakonia Achaians Elis Eleans Molykria Eleans

312 (Gaza) 223 ? 219 219 217 217 217

6,000 3,000 100 600 /15,000 15,000 20,000 30,000 175 r 13,000 \30,000 8,000 9,000 (est.) 50,000 1,200 5,000 200 100 80

Estimate of M. I. Finley, Klio 40 (1962) 58. Kelley (CR 84 [1970] 130) believes that the Athenian prisoners were not left to die in the quarries or sold by the state, but were ransomed by family and friends. This theory may be true; but, as he notes, it runs counter to statements in Diodoros (13.33.1) and Plutarch (Nik. 29.1). Kelley's argument is an economic one, to the effect that the Syrakusans would not have neglected this source of revenue. The same theory could be applied to the captives of many battles. O n the other hand, slaves did yield a high return to their owners: see M. I. Finley, Slavery in Classical Antiquity (Cambridge 1960) 5-6. The only explicit evidence which we have for ransom after the Syrakusan campaign is the passage in Demosthenes 20 Against Leptines 41-42 about the honors voted to Epikerdes of Kyrene for his contribution of 100 minae, and the inscription (1G II 2 , 174, plus Hesperia 39 [1970] 111-114) which later recorded the benefaction in connection with new honors proclaimed to Epikerdes. J . E. Sandys (The Speech of Demosthenes against the Law of Leptines [Cambridge 1960] 44) comments on the Demosthenic passage: " H e [Epikerdes] was probably at Syracuse for purposes of trade. The very fact that he came from Cyrene, which was well affected to the Lacedaemonians, may have made it easier for him to give effective help to the unfortunate Athenians." Kyrene had assisted Gylippos (Thucydides 7.50.2), and earlier had been colonized from Thera (and thus ultimately by Sparta). Epikerdes' gift was so exceptional as to be recorded on stone. O n the whole, the attested number of cases of ransom, as collected in Ducrey (238-246), is not large, and many of these were the result of diplomatic negotiation: "Selon toute vraisemblance, les captifs furent plus souvent mis en vente qu'ils ne furent libérés" (240). After the battle of Himera, the Karthaginian captives were given the task of building 171

80 One unsolved problem in Athenian economic history is the source for the large influx of slaves into Athens in the fifth century. Westermann notes, " T h e account given by Thucydides, 1.90, of the rebuilding of the walls of Athens in 479 B.C. indicates that there was no large supply of slaves then available in Attica." 1 7 7 But later in the century, Perikles (Thucydides 1.139.2) charged the Megarians with harboring runaway slaves; and in 412 B.C., after the occupation of Dekeleia, more than 20,000 slaves of the Athenians deserted. 178 Westermann postulates that the source of the supply must be sought in legitimate slave trade by purchase from the peripheral non-Greek peoples. He regards the fact of Athenian anti-piratical policy as proof that peaceful economic exchange was the sole method. 1 7 9 That slaves came from the north and east can hardly be questioned. 180 Of the thirty-two slaves named in the Attic Stelai (413), nineteen came from Karia and Thrake. 1 8 1 Moreover, Ehrenberg concludes from the names of slaves found in comedy that Lydians and Phrygians were common in Athens. 182 S. Lauffer estimates that there were 25,000 slaves employed in the Laureion mines before Dekeleia. 183 From a study of tombstones from the district, he concludes that non-Greeks were in the majority, and that most Athenian slaves came from Asia Minor and other eastern regions. 184 Lauffer attributes the influx in part to the prisoners taken by Kimon in the Eurymedon campaign. 186 In spite of Westermann's opinion, I suspect that the most significant factor in .the procurement of slaves in the Greek world was the military. 186 Passages in public works throughout Sicily : ai 8è noXcts els ire&as KaTeamjaav roiis Siaipedevras aixtiaXarrovs, KAL r a Srjfioaia TWV fpryutv ôià TOVTWV eneotceva^ov, Diodoros 11.25.2. I n 409, Hannibal would not release captives when the Sicilians offered ransom (Diodoros 13.59.12); and in 400 Tissaphernes agreed to ransoms only because of the approach of winter and since he was unable to capture K y m e (Diodoros 14.35.7). 175 For a defense of the figure, see Ducrey, Traitement 252 ; J . R . Hamilton, Plutarch's Alexander (Oxford 1969) 31. 179 Estimate of A. Wilhelm, Jahreshefte d. oest. arch. Inst. 17 (1914) 107-112. 177 The Slave System of Greek and Roman Antiquity (Philadelphia 1955) 6. Westermann's book should be studied only in the light of the able review of de Ste. Croix in CR 71 (1957) 54-59. For the social position of slaves, see C. Mossé, La fin de la démocratie athénienne (Paris 1962) 179-215. 178 Thucydides 7.27.5. 178 M . I. Finley (Klio 40 [1962] 51-59), in a study of slave trade, notes the almost complete silence of Greek sources about what he regards nonetheless as a "basic w a y " for procurement. 180 For a fifth-century picture of a Thrakian slave, see P. E. Arias, M . Hirmer, B. B. Shefton, A History of Greek Vase Painting (London 1962) 349-350, pi. 166. 181 Pritchett, Hesperia 25 (1956) 278; 30 (1961) 23-29. W h e n these figures are quoted by recent scholars, it is frequently overlooked that twelve of the names suggest a Greek origin. H . Bolkestein (Economic Life in Greece's Golden Age [Leiden 1958] 75, n. 10) states that in the fourth century eranoi were formed to ransom captives, citing Demosthenes 53 Against Nikostratos 6 - 1 0 ; 57 Against Euboulides 18. 18a People of Aristophanes* (Oxford 1951) 171. ias Bergwerkssklaven von Laureion," Abhandlungen Akad. der Wissen. und der Lit. in Mainz 11 (1956) 926. 184 Ibid. 895-904. 185 Ibid. 929. 188 Cf. G. Glotz, Le travail dans la Grèce ancienne (Paris 1920) 230.

Booty

81

Xenophon Cyr. 7.5.73 and Polybios 2.58.9 vouch for the general rule that enslavement was the expected result of capture in war throughout Greece. This rule is presupposed by the passage in Plato Rep. 5.469b, where he deprecates the practice of Greek enslaving Greek. Cf. Xenophon Ages. 7.6, Hell. 1.6.14; and Isokrates 4 Panegyrikos. It is certain, therefore, that there was no legal bar for a citizen of one Greek state to become a slave of another. See A. R. W. Harrison, The Law of Athens (Oxford 1968) 165. G. Grote (History of Greece 8 [12-vol. ed.] 165) has an interesting paragraph on the unparalleled conduct of Kallikratidas in releasing Methymnaian and Athenian prisoners (i.e., citizens) in 406. All slaves, however, were consistently collected and sold. When Alkibiades, for example, sent to Athens five thousand captives from his campaign in the Hellespont, there would seem to have been only three possibilities for disposing of them alive: (1) by ransom; (2) by making them public slaves; 187 (3) by sale to merchants or to private individuals. Since the normal practice when a state was overrun was (1) the seizure of all women and children, (2) the seizure of all slaves, (3) the slaughter or seizure of all defeated military men, 1 8 8 there is the implicit possibility in any victory that all of the captives were enslaved, and the certainty that all former slaves were retained in slavery. 189 It is reasonable in view of the constant state of warfare to infer that the number of slaves changing hands must have been large. The army must have been a major slave-supplying instrument in the Greek world. One of the most revealing passages about the treatment of prisoners of war is in a context which eulogizes the Spartan king Agesilaos for his unusually humane conduct in forbidding cruelty. He warned his men " n o t to punish their prisoners as criminals, but to guard them as human beings." 1 9 0 The male children purchased by the slave merchants (av8paTro8oKaTnr)\oi), if they promised to be handsome, were often mutilated, and brought large prices as eunuchs to supply the demand for harems and the religious worship of Asiatic towns. 191 But whether in their haste to get out of the way of the plundering 187

For public slaves, see, for example, Thucydides 7.87. Exceptions to the third item are more apparent than real. Thus in 406, when the Spartans under Kallikratidas captured and plundered Methymna on the island of Lesbos, the allies demanded that, following ordinary custom, the Methymnaian and Athenian prisoners should be sold into slavery. But Kallikratidas peremptorily set the Methymnaians free because he thought that the town had been occupied against the will of part of the inhabitants. Only the Athenians and those of the captives who were slaves were sold (Xenophon Hell. 1.6.13). 189 Often we are not told what happened to the captured. Cf. M. I. Finley (Ktio 40 [1962] 51): "Among the innumerable references to war captives, the method of disposal and dispersal is customarily ignored." 100 Xenophon Ages. 1.21. 191 Herodotos (8.105) mentions the Chian merchant Panionios as having conducted on a large scale the trade of purchasing boys to supply the great demand for eunuchs in the East. They had to be young, as the operation was performed in youth—naiSfs exro/xiat (Herodotos 6.32; 3.48). The Babylonians had to furnish to the Persian court annually five hundred irai8«s e(croftiai (Herodotos 3.92). For remarks on the services of cwovxot, see Xenophon Cyr. 7.5.61-65; Dio Chry. 21.4ff. 188

82 army or because they had failed to find a buyer, the àv8pairo8oKânr)\oi had left by the wayside the children whom they had purchased. In this wretched condition they were found by Agesilaos on his march. His humane disposition prompted him to see them delivered over to the charge of those old natives whom age and feebleness had caused to be left behind by the Greeks as not worth carrying off. The above anecdote is told by Xenophon in connection with another one. 192 At Ephesos, Agesilaos gave special orders to put up the Asiatic prisoners to auction naked ; not at all by way of insult, but in order to exhibit to the eye of the Greek soldier how much he gained by his own bodily training and frequent exposure, and how inferior was the condition of men who rode in carriages, instead of walking or running. When one considers that the most valuable items of all the plunder realized in Greek warfare were the adult natives of both sexes, hunted down and brought in by the predatory victorious troops to be sold as slaves, 193 one may infer that the procurement of slaves was the main source of revenue for armies usually impoverished. It is reasonable, then, to deduce that the army was the major slave-supplying instrument in the Greek world. Since we can only guess about the ultimate source of supply for the slaves imported into Attika between 478 and 412, this period was probably not in any way exceptional. Possibly no better words can be found for concluding a section on Greek booty than those recently written by Madame de Romilly: " l a guerre est non seulement, dans la Grèce des cités, une fonction normale, mais un état normal. C'est la paix qui est un intervalle, une parenthèse." 1 9 4 DISTRIBUTION OF B O O T Y

Diodoros reports that after the victory of Gelon at Himera, the prisoners were distributed KARA TOP àpidfiov T£>V avarparevaavTuiv (11.25.1). The historian uses the same words, but in a different order, in describing the distribution of spoils at Plataiai (11.33.1). These are examples where the armies of several city-states took part. In the light of Diodoros' preoccupation with the subjects of booty and supplies, I would be inclined to accept his judgment. Herodotos (9.80-81) relates that after the battle of Plataiai, Pausanias proclaimed that no one should touch the booty; he then ordered the helots to collect the treasures, tithes being set aside for the gods. 195 Aristeia were given to those who particularly 192

Agesil. 1.28; Hell. 3.4.19. Cf. G. Grote, History of Greece 9 (12-vol. ed.) 263. 184 CetS 11 (1968) 207. Herakleitos calls war the mother of all things: mXt/ios ¿lanjp irâvrwv; and Plato writes at the beginning of the Laws (1.626a) : TXas [and if anyone brings booty, he is sent to the booty-dealers]. 32 2. Xenophon Hell. 4.1.26: tva Srj iroXXa awayayoi ra alyfiaXoira rois \avpoTTw\ais [in order that he might have a great quantity of booty to turn in to the booty-dealers]. 3. Xenophon Ages. 1.18: rouy 8e XavpoirvpoirXas KaraaT-qaavTes e i r w X o w [they accordingly took the property, appointed bootydealers, and proceeded to sell it]. 5. Dionysios Com. (Athenaios9.381e) 3.16: XavpoirtaXri iravraTraai fxerahihov [by all means give a share to the booty-dealer]. 34 6. Plutarch MOT. 209c: ¿net 8e KcXevoavros avrov TOVS aixpaXdirovs yvfivovs irwXelv eniirpacFKov ol XavpoirwXai [When, in obedience to Agesilaos' orders that the prisoners of war be sold naked, the booty-dealers so offered them]. 7. Plutarch Ages. 600d ( = 9.5): en el 8e KCXevaavros avrov TOVS cdxnaXwTovs airoSvovres eirlirpaaKov oi XavpontoXcu [When, by Agesilaos' orders, his prisoners of war were stripped of their clothing and offered for sale by the booty-dealers]. Although laphyropolai are not explicitly mentioned in connection with an Athenian army, there must have been followers who arranged for sales. This inference can be drawn from passages which distinguish between the dispatch of prisoners of war to Athens and the enslavement of the rest of the population of a captured town. For example, in 422, Kleon captured Torone in the 32 T h e list of Spartan magistrates given earlier in the paragraph (13.4) refers to orparov oKtvofopiKov apxovrts• For a list of magistrates who attended the army, see Monceaux in Daremberg and Saglio, Dictionnaire s.v. exercitus 2, 891b. 33 Cf. Anab. 6.6.38. 34 J . M . Edmonds (Fragments of Attic Comedy 2 [Leiden 1959] 539) notes that the line is " a saying."

Legal Ownership of Booty

91

Chalkidike. Pasitelidas, the commander, with the Peloponnesian garrison and the Toronaian male population, was sent as prisoner to Athens; while the Toronaian women and children were sold on the spot as slaves. 35 I n 424, in returning home from Kythera, Nikias carried by storm the settlement at Thyrea, the frontier strip between Lakonia and Argolis. We are told that he m a d e slaves of all the inhabitants; but that the commander of the garrison, Tantalos, the Spartan, with the Aiginetan prisoners was carried off to Athens by Nikias. 36 Presumably, those not dispatched to Athens were sold before Nikias' departure, and booty-sellers must have assumed the task. 37 Even so, the relatively frequent association of laphyropolai with Sparta is not difficult to explain. With the possible exception of Aigospotamoi (supra 86) there is no recorded example of booty being transported back to Sparta and sold there, whereas there are several cases for Athens. 3 8 A major item in the spoils was slaves. At Sparta, where the helot system prevailed, the demand for slaves must have been slight, and the prices lower than in a mercantile center such as Athens. Several passages indicate the use to which booty-sellers were put. In Xenophon Hell. 1.6.15, the members of the Athenian garrison captured at Methymna by Kallikratides in 406 were sold on the spot along with such of the captives (andrapoda) as were slaves (douloi). T h e Methymnaians were freed. In Hell. 4.1.26, a great quantity of booty was turned over to the laphyropolai by Herippidas the Spartan when the camp of Pharnabazos was taken at break of day. In Hell. 4.6.6, the raid of Agesilaos into Akarnania in 389 resulted in the capture of herds of cattle and droves of horses, besides other stock and great numbers of captives (andrapoda). A public sale of the booty was held on the spot. T h a t sale " o n the s p o t " was a common procedure may be inferred from a passage in Polybios (5.95.12), 39 where the historian thinks it worthy of note to 35 Thucydides 5.3 and Diodoros 12.73.3. Gomme conjectures that the women and children would have been bought by friends (neighbors?) and set free; but this is pure speculation. For the suggestion that other cities besides Torone and Galepsos were recovered by Kleon, see West and Meritt, AJA 29 (1925) 56-69. 36 Diodoros 12.65.9: vSpaTroSioaro Kai KaTtoKat/IE, TOVS 5* cv CEirrT^ KaroiKovvras Alyarqras Kai

TOV povapxov . . . iaryprjoas anrqyaycv (Is ray 'A0-qvas. Cf. Thucydides 4.47.

37 For references to \avpo-nui\ia, see Strabo 14.3.2 (Pamphylia), Polybios 4.6.3 (Klarion, a fort between Phigaleia and Megalopolis). Polybios states that Klarion was occupied by the Aitolians at the beginning of the Social War, as a place of deposit for their plunder, and adds that it was soon assaulted and taken by the Achaians. For the principal slave markets, see H .

Bolkestein, Economic Life in Greece's Golden Age (London 1958) 80.

38 There are a number of treaties and inscriptions which contain a clause to the effect that war booty might be transported duty free through the territory of a state: Dittenberger, OGI no. 748 (iro\CP.ri$cloris rrjs ^tupai, are\eiav TTJS Acta? Kai TO>V AOMWV V XVRPCJV TT)V SEKARRJV AVEDR/KAV (tithe of Athenian booty taken from Boiotia and Chalkis ca. 505 B.C. Cf. Meiggs-Lewis, SGHI no. 28). Herodotos 7.132.2: 6 TOVTOVS SeKarevaai ra> iv AeXotai 6ew (tithe to be dedicated to Apollo from the sale of all goods, persons, and lands of the Medizing cities). Herodotos 8.27.5: RJ 8e SSKOTT] eyeuero ru>v xprjfiarwv ¿K ravrrjs Trjs ^ X L (Phokian booty from Thessalians after 510, used to make statues at Delphi). Diodoros 11.62.3: (after Eurymedon). Lysias 20 For Polystratos 24: ware r f j Beat re ras SCKOTIJ? ¿gaipedTjvat irXtov 7} rpiaKovra ¡ivas (depradations of son of Polystratos from Katane). Xenophon Anab. 5.3.4, 13: rrjv SEKAR-qv, fjv rat AnoXXcovt cfeiAov KOti r f j 'Efaoia Aprtfi 181, SieXafiov (at Kerasous near Kolchis. The chapter gives an R

1

S

A History of Greek Public Finance 1 (Cambridge, Mass. 1933) 192. See W. H. D. Rouse, Greek Votive Offerings (Cambridge 1902) 55. 3 Cf. Busolt-Swoboda, Gr. Staatskunde 2 (Munich 1927) 1262-1263. 4 Herodotos 7.132; Diodoros 11.3; Polybios 9.39.5. Cf. Xenophon Hell. 6.3.20. 5 See E. Caillemer in Daremberg and Saglio, Dictionnaire 2, 53b. 8 For this passage, see infra, p. 54. Parke (Hermathena 72 [1948] 82-114) believes that dekateuein here refers to ritual purification and signifies in effect " t o destroy in toto." He is followed by A. il. li un, S 'sia tuui the Greeks (London 1962) 345. The use of the word to refer to a tithe, however, cannot be called into question. In addition to the examples cited in LSJ, see Plutarch Mor. 267e, Camillus 8.2. It may be noted in passing that Thucydides does not refer to the custom of the war tithe. 2

[ 93 ]

94 account of a tithe voted by the a r m y at Kerasous for the Ephesian Artemis a n d Apollo. T h e money was entrusted to X e n o p h o n who later dedicated the portion to Apollo in the T r e a s u r y of the Athenians at Delphi. At a n Olympic festival, Megabyzos, the superintendent of the temple of Artemis at Ephesos, came to Greece as a spectator, bringing with him the money which X e n o p h o n h a d entrusted to him. This money X e n o p h o n invested in the purchase of lands at Skillos, one of the villages of Triphylia, to be consecrated to the goddess. H a v i n g previously consulted her [by sacrifice] to ascertain her approval, X e n o p h o n constructed a chapel, altar, a n d wooden statues of the goddess, all exact copies on a reduced scale of those a t Ephesos). X e n o p h o n Hell. 3.3.1 : /4yiy aiKÓfíevos els AeXoi>s Kal rr¡v 8€K onroOvoas . . . (in 397 B.C. after the end of the war with Elis). Demosthenes

2 4 Against

Timokrates

1 2 9 : airoarepcov

ras

ano

TWV

¿[leréptov

iroXe¡ilwv Senaras (reference to robbing Athena of her tithe of the plunder). Pausanias 1.28.2: Silo Adr¡valois eld 8e/ccIrai noXefi-qaaaiv (tithes dedicated after the wars). H a r p o k r a t i o n s.v. dekateuein:

TO yap

eV TWV noXefiícuv

Xr¡d¿VTa ¿Sexárevov

rot?

dfots.7

A sampling of dedicatory inscriptions which record offerings m a d e from the spoils of w a r includes several published in the first volume of Dittenberger's Syll.3:8 nos. 29 (Athens 480 B . C . ) , 30 (Kroton 479), 160 (Arkadians 369), 14 (Lipara ca. 500), 21 (Taras 490), 32 (Hermione 479), 40 (Taras 470-460), 48 ( K a p h y a i 5th cent.), 49 (Kortyn 5th cent.), 61 (Taras after 440), 78 ( M a n t i n e i a 423), 80 (Messenians 426-5), 140 (Knidos 386), 202-203 (Phokis 356/50). W i t h the exception of the first three, all contain the word dekate. A n d all b u t one (no. 78) represent dedications m a d e at Delphi or Olympia. Although we know of m a n y offerings which were dedicated in Greek sanctuaries, it rarely happens t h a t we are explicitly informed that the dedication was m a d e from the dekate of the spoils. 9 W h e n the victory was won, the victorious 7 Cf. Herodotos 1.89. Passages in Plutarch which refer to dekate in the sense of a tithe a r e : Mor. 401c; Camillus 7.6-7, 8.1; Sulla 35.1; Crassus 2.2; Agesilaos 19.3. 8 Cf. K a h r s t e d t , RE s.v. L a p h y r o n (1924) 772. 8 P a r t of the difficulty lies in t h e words used for the dedication of the spoils, ¿KpoBíviov, anapxq, ÍíicÓti), etc. Herodotos (8.122) uses aKpodtvta a n d apwrqta in a single sentence in speaking of the same thing, b u t not necessarily in the same sense. M o d e r n studies all too often fail to observe the ancient distinction, noted at the beginning of chapter I I I , between axCXa [the arms stripped off a slain enemy] a n d Xávpa. See, for example, W . Greenwell, " V o t i v e Armours a n d A r m s , " JHS 2 (1881) 65-82. I n Herodotos 8.27, there is a clear distinction between the dedication of the shields a n d of the dekate. Possibly the most noteworthy example of the extent to which skyla were dedicated in sanctuaries is contained in Polybios' account (5.8) of the plundering of T h e r m o n b y Philip I I I in 218 B.C. T h e historian reports that at the time there were m o r e t h a n 15,000 o-rrXa in the stoas. A n o t h e r noteworthy example occurs in 340/39 B.C., as we learn f r o m Diodoros (16.80.6) that Timoleon after the battle of Krimisos collected f r o m the Carthaginians a thousand breastplates a n d ten thousand shields, which were dedicated in the temples throughout Sicily, distributed to the allies, a n d even set u p in the temple of Poseidon a t C o r i n t h ; cf. K e n t ,

The Dekate from Booty

95

host would show its gratitude by some offering to the gods, in the chief shrine of their own city, or in a national sanctuary like Delphi or Olympia. Of all places in Greece, Olympia—even more than Delphi and Dodona—offers rich evidence for the custom of making offerings in recognition of benefits bestowed in the temple where dwelt the mighty dispenser of victory, Zeus. Pausanias (5.10) gives an account of some of the many offerings which remained at Olympia in his day. Both the temple of Zeus and the god's statue were made ¿7TO Xavpwv. Among the most noteworthy offerings, he mentions the dedication made in 457 B.C., after the Lakedaimonians defeated the Athenians at Tanagra. Out of the spoils taken from the Argives, Athenians and Ionians, they made a golden shield and sent it to Olympia, where it hung on the gable of the temple of Zeus just below the statue of Nike. Parts of the inscription, quoted in Pausanias 5.10.4, 10 have been found on the fragments of the marble block which supported the shield. Golden shields, hung on the architrave of the Delphic temple, were inscribed as spoils of the Medes and Thebans. 1 1 Spiro in his selected index at the end of his Teubner edition of Pausanias lists five passages under the word dekate.12 One contains the reference to the golden shield at Olympia, just discussed. In 3.18.7, Pausanias reported tripods at Amyklai said to comprise a tithe of the Messenian war. The other two tithes were seen at Delphi: a group of footmen and horsemen, made by Kalynthos in bronze, which was sent to Delphi by the Tarentines, as victors over the barbarous Peuketians (473), 1 3 and statues of Athenian gods and heroes made out of the tithe of the spoils of Marathon. 1 4 But there are clearly other examples of war tithes mentioned by Pausanias, as in 1.28.2 where the Athena Promachos and the famous bronze chariot from the spoils of Boiotia and Chalkis are called dekatai. Although it was not specified as a tithe, Plutarch (Aristeides 20.3) tells us that a sanctuary of Athena at Plataiai, 1 5 built from the share of the booty taken at the battle of Marathon which the Athenians assigned to the Plataians, cost eighty talents. Dinsmoor has estimated the cost of the Athena Promachos statue at Athens, which Raubitschek associates with the spoils from the victory of Eurymedon, 1 6 as being eighty-three talents. 17 Hesperia 21 (1952) 9-18. Finally, the use to which the skyla might be put in cases of emergency is illustrated in the accounts (Xenophon Hell. 5.4.8; Plutarch Pelop. 12, MOT. 598D) of the ouster of the philo-Lakonian party from Thebes in 379. T h e Theban conspirators, including Pelopidas, furnished the liberated prisoners and the crowds that then formed with arms taken from the battlespoils hanging in the stoas. N o student of ancient architecture should disregard the fact of the cluttered nature of the stoas. 10 rav SeKarav vUas ctvcKa rat rnXefiw. For references to the epigraphical text, see L . H . Jeffery, Local Scripts of Archaic Greece (Oxford 1961) 132, no. 38. 1 1 Aeschines Against Ctesiphon 116. 1 2 Only four, however, have to do with dekatai of war. 1 3 10.13.10. 14 10.10.1. 1 5 Cf. Pausanias 9.4.1-2. 16 Dedications from the Athenian Akropolis (Cambridge, Mass. 1949) 200. 17 AJA 25 (1921) 126.

96 No compilation of war tithes in our epigraphical sources has been undertaken. For our purposes, it is perhaps enough to quote one sentence from W. H. D. Rouse, who may be consulted for the various references: " T h e r e are dedications of the war-tithe at Apollonia, Athens, Branchidai, Crete, Mantinea, Megara, Boeotia, and Sparta; at Delphi by Athenians, Caphyes, Cnidians, Liparians, Spartans, and Tarentines; at Olympia by Cleitorians, Eleans, Messenians, Spartans, Thurians." 1 8 The list, made in 1902, could be considerably extended today. 19 NATURE OF THE W A R TITHE

The tithe might be of various kinds, including slaves, land, or money. Slaves: Captives might be sent to Delphi as temple slaves, as happened in the case of the daughter of Teiresias: Diodoros 4.66.5. In Sophokles' Trachiniai, a train of maidens taken when Oichalia was destroyed are described by the herald: ravras eKtlvos Evpvrov vepoas TTOXIV / ¿£ei\e6' avrw Krrjfxa KAL deois Kpirov (244—245). In Euripides' play Ion, the leading character says (309): TOV deov KaXoSfiai SouAor . . . avadrjfia iroXecos. A tithe of men was dedicated to Apollo by Chalkis. 20 In Athens we find a tithe of slaves mentioned in IG I2, 310.222-223. Land: The tithe might take the form of land. In 427 B.C., after the conquest of Mytilene, the Athenians divided the island of Lesbos, exclusive of the territory of Methymna, into three thousand portions of which they dedicated a tithe of three hundred to the gods, presumably Athena and the Other Gods. Since the lands were let at their full value, the revenue of the sacred treasury was thus increased. Gomme believes that the same tithe was required at Brea. 21 An inscription, IG I 2 , 45 (Tod, GHI no. 44, lines 9-11), gives the information that sites there were reserved for the gods. 22 In IG II 2 , 30 (386/5), the words ra aoplofiaTa may refer to lands set aside by the Athenian cleruchy on Lemnos. Money: After the sale of the booty, the tithe might be given in the form of money. In 394 B.C. Agesilaos dedicated to Delphi a hundred talents of gold derived from the spoils of his campaign in Asia Minor. 2 3 Votive coins occur by the thousands in the treasure lists; but there are no clues to the occasions for the 18

Greek Votive Offerings (Cambridge 1902) 102. O n the other h a n d , silver shields, helmets, a n d weapons listed in the inventory of the tamiai of A t h e n a a n d the O t h e r Gods {IG I I 2 , 1487, 1489, etc.) m a y represent dedications m a d e by individuals. 20 Strabo 6.1.6. See also Pausanias 4.34.9. Cf. Plutarch Theseus 16 a n d Stengel, RE s.v. A p a r c h a i (1884) 2667. For the primitive custom of a community dedicating some of its y o u n g people to a god, see Parke, Hermathena 72 (1948) 86-87. For tithes of m e n not connected with war, see Plutarch, Mor. 298F a n d 402A. 21 See G o m m e , HCT 2, 327. 22 See A. J . G r a h a m , Colony and Mother City in Ancient Greece (Manchester 1964) 61-62. 23 X e n o p h o n Hell. 4.3.21; Plutarch Agesil. 19. 18

The Dekate from Booty

97

offerings.24 The Athenian inventories frequently mention golden Nikai. There were in Perikles' time no fewer than ten of these, each weighing two talents, of which the equivalent in silver money was twenty to twenty-four talents. Seven Nikai were melted down during 406/04 and must have produced metal worth one hundred and forty to one hundred and sixty-eight talents. 25 These Nikai have been judged to represent the goddess' share in the Athenian victories.26 As to the golden and silver phialai, 27 karchesia, lebetes, thymiateria, etc., cataloged in the inventories, the sources are not given. Some doubtless came from the confiscated properties of the Thirty, the Hermokopidai, and so forth. 28 In this context we may examine the meaning of the word dekate in IG I 2 , 91, a decree moved by Kallias. In lines 6-7, the debts of the Other Gods are to be repaid from moneys "now in the hands of the hellenotamiai and other moneys in the same fund, together with the proceeds of the dekate when it has been sold [ret re rrapa rots ¿XXevoTa/xiats ovra vvv Kal raXXa a ¿AN TOVTOV [TO]V XpefiaTov, Kal ra e/c rtr StKares ¿miSau irpadii]." The status of present research on the problem of the dekate has been summarized in the words of MeiggsLewis as follows: W e do not know the source or scope of the SeKartj. Antiphon used the word SeKarturai in his speech against the general Demosthenes (Harpokration s.v.) but that does not carry us further. Mattingly accepts identification with the ¿¡«rax») imposed in 410 by Alcibiades at Chrysopolis on merchantmen sailing out of the Euxine (Xen. Hell, i.1.22), but Polybius (iv.44.4) implies that Alcibiades was the first to impose the tax; we consider also that a 10 per cent tax, compared with the normal 2 or per cent import duty, is exceptionally high and would be barely explicable in peace-time. T o d alternatively suggests that it might be a charge of 10 per cent on the produce of state lands in the occupation of private citizens, but such a source would be a very odd companion to funds handled by the hellenotamiai. T h e problem remains unsolved. 2 9

As a matter of fact, the suggestion attributed to Tod may be traced back through the publications of A TL 3 (p. 326), Hicks-Hill (p. 85), RobertsGardner (p. 32), Dittenberger (Syll. 3 91) to A. Boeckh (Staatshaushaltung2, 2, p. 44). The interesting fact is that no documentation or parallels are provided to justify this oft-repeated conclusion. The comment of Hicks-Hill is typical: "the 24 See Rouse, Greek Votive Offerings (Cambridge 1902) 118. Pausanias (10.19.8) has Brennos, commander of the Gallic army, refer to " the wealth of Greece's public treasuries, a n d to the still greater wealth stored u p in her sanctuaries in the shape of offerings and of gold and silver coin." In 347/6 B.C., the booty seized by Iphikrates was turned into coin: Diodoros 16.57.3. 25 W . S. Ferguson, Treasurers of Athena (Cambridge, Mass. 1932) 91. 20 See D. B. Thompson, Hesperia 13 (1944) 176. Line 3 of IG I 2 , 92, refers to nikai; but, as Meiggs-Lewis (GHI 157) note, no convincing restorations have been offered for the passage in question. For the preserved letters of the line, see Pritchett, CSCA 4 (1971) (forthcoming). 27 For the weight of silver phialai stored in 430/29 in the treasury of Athena, see W . E. Thompson, Hesperia 34 (1965) 31. 28 Ferguson, op. cit. 113. 28 SGHI (Oxford 1969) 161. T h e most detailed discussion of the dekate of the Kallias decree as toll money appears in M . Romstedt, Die wirtschaftliche Organization des athenischen Reiches (Leipzig diss. 1914) 22-36. For the uncertainty about the date of the decree, see Pritchett, CSCA 4 (1971) (forthcoming).

98 tenth which was paid on public estates let out to private persons—a tax which was farmed out (Dittenberger)." Since the other moneys mentioned in lines 6 - 7 represent funds formally belonging to Athena, the dekate was some tithe to be paid to the goddess. Now, F. W. Sturz remarked as long ago as 1801 (Lexicon Xenophonteum 1 [Leipzig] 645) with regard to Xenophontic usage of the word: "Saepissime autem legitur SfKar-r), n p . ¡xepls v e l ¡xolpa, h . e . decima parspraedae,

quam diis consecrabant,

maxime

Apollini et D i a n a e " (italics supplied). An unspecified dekate, then, suggests the war tithe. At Athens, the general sometimes returned with his booty unsold. This appears from the events of 377/6 B.C., when Chabrias returned after his victory at Naxos: Xaßpias fiev ofiv eTTiavfj vav/ia\uxv viKtjcras KardnXevae ¡xtra noXXwv Aavpwv et? TOP Ileipaiea, xai fieyaArjs anoSoxys *TVXe vapa TOIS iroAt'rats.30 Chabrias sailed victorious with his fleet from Naxos, and the booty, said to be worth one hundred and ten talents, must have been disposed of at Athens. Similarly, the skyla from Demosthenes' Amphilochion campaign in 426/5 was apparently being sent back to Athens without escort when it was captured: Thucydides 3.114.1. Now, by Athenian custom a tithe was given to Athena. T h e first Kallias decree, then, may refer to a period when booty had been brought to Athens but was as yet unsold. T h e mover of the decree knew that the treasury of Athena was to receive a tenth part from the proceeds of the sale. Since the Kallias decree was passed early in an Athenian year, 3 1 those who date the decree to 422/1 B.C. might wish to associate the booty with Kleon's campaign in the Pangaean region. 3 2 DEDICATIONS FROM SPOILS OF WAR

In F. Ziemann's Königsberg dissertation, De anathematis Graecis (1885), 9-29, the author collected examples of public dedications made on the occasion of victories in war. I n the period 480-300, our sources attest to dedications in twenty-eight years, in m a n y of which more than one offering was made. Unfortunately, ancient authors do not usually tell us whether dedications were m a d e from war tithes or from war spoils in general. Following is a list of itemized dedications, m a d e at the one shrine of Delphi, which Pausanias attributes without further qualification to the spoils of war. These monuments were reported in his Book 10, chapters 9 through 19. T h e table gives the attributions of Pausanias, unless otherwise noted. Some identifications and dates are disputed. T h e dates of the treasury of the Athenians and of the Athenian stoa, for example, have been questioned. Cf. Meiggs-Lewis, SGHI nos. 19 and 25, which, however, must be studied in the light of the cogent criticism of J . Bousquet, R.A. (1970) 341. 30 31 32

Diodoros 15.35.2. Cf. Demosthenes 20 Against Leptines 77. Wade-Gery, JHS 51 (1931) 68. So the spoils of Eurymedon were presumably sold at Athens (Plutarch Kim. 13.6).

The Debate from Booty

99

DELPHIC DEDICATIONS F R O M BOOTY CHAPTER

POSSIBLE

REFERENCES IN

CONQUERING

SOURCE OF

DATE

PAUSANIAS 1 0

STATE

BOOTY

OF BATTLE

9.5

Tegea

Lakedaimonians

369

9.7-11

Lakedaimon

Athenians

405

9.12

Argos Athens

Lakedaimonians Persians

41433 490

34

Argos Taras

Thebes Messapians

ca. ca.

460

Lipari islands Thebes Athens Syrakuse Athens Phokis Greeks Taras Greeks Epidauros Megara Athens

Tyrrhenians Spartans Persians Athenians Spartans Thessalians Persians Peuketians Persians Persians Athenians Persians

Karystos Athens

Persians Persians

10.1

10.3 10.6 11.3 11.5 11.5 11.5 11.6 13.4 13.9 13.10 14.5 15.1 15.1 15.4 16.6 19.4

473

? 371 490 413 479, 429 ? 479 ? 479 479 445 4 6 8 (?) 479 490

T Y P E OF MONUMENT

Statues of Apollo, Nike, Tegean heroes Statues of Dioscuri, Zeus, Apollo, Artemis, Poseidon, Lysander, Agias, H e r m o n , plus various Spartans a n d allies Bronze horse Statues of gods, eponymous heroes, a n d generals Chariot, Seven Epigonoi Bronze horses a n d statues of women Statues Treasury Treasury Treasury Stoa a n d trophies Statues of three gods Serpent column Statues Apollo statue Apollo statue Apollo statue Bronze tree with gilt statue of Athena on it Bronze ox Golden shields

Some Delphian treasuries are not mentioned by Pausanias. 35 Moreover he reports only monuments he saw about A.D. 170 after the site was plundered by the Phokians, Sulla, and Nero, among others. Archaeologists have now found evidence of many ex-votos unattested in the literature. For example, opposite the Athenian stoa underneath a Byzantine pavement, were found fragments of three chryselephantine statues, probably of the mid-sixth century. Possibly the 33 Pausanias supposed that the date was 548 (so Frazer). For a recent discussion of the problem, see J . Pouilloux and G. Roux, Énigmes à Delphes (Paris 1963) 60-66. 34 Pausanias' date is questioned by Frazer. O n the vexed problem of the date, see G. Daux, Pausanias à Delphes (Paris 1936) 88; and Pouilloux-and Roux, Énigmes 30, 54. 35 Frazer (Pausanias 5 [London 1897] 296-297) lists seven treasuries known from other writers, but not mentioned by Pausanias. Dinsmoor (BCH 36 [1912] 440) notes that excavations have yielded the foundations of twenty-three treasuries, only eight of which are named by Pausanias.

100 most interesting example is the treasury of the Knidians. 36 The recovery of an inscription (FdeD 3,1,289) establishes that it was built from a war tithe (SeKcérfav àno rtù/x TroAe/it]a>v) ; see G. Daux, Pausanias à Delphes (Paris 1936) 109. The stoa of the Athenians has been dated to 477 B.C. by P. Amandry (La colonne des Naxiens et le portique des Athéniens : Fouilles de Delphes 2 [Paris 1953] 104-121) and assumed to have been erected to house the captured cables of the Persian bridge over the Hellespont. We are expressly told by Plutarch that there was a treasury of the Akanthians at Delphi which had an inscription Bpaaihas «rai HKIXVBIOI ÀN' Ad^vaioiv.37 Frazer suggests that the structure was "towards the east end of the temple of Apollo." 3 8 The spoils are presumed to have come from the time of Brasidas' campaign in 424, when he won the town in the Chalkidic peninsula away from its alliance with Athens (Thucydides 4.84—88). But we have no suggestion in Thucydides that any Athenian spoils fell into the hands of the Akanthians. Were Athenians living in the city taken captive along with their possessions, and then sold ? 3 9 Certainly the cost of a building worthy of its architectural setting must have been considerable. An impression of what it was like to visit Delphi is given in the words of one of the interlocutors in Plutarch's de Pythiae oraculis (Mor. 401 C-D) : "you see the god completely surrounded by choice offerings and tithes from murders, wars, and plunderings, and his temple crowded with spoils and booty from the Greeks, . . . upon the beautiful votive offerings you read the most disgraceful inscriptions: 'Brasidas and the Acanthians from the Athenians,' and ' T h e Athenians from the Corinthians,' and ' T h e Phocians from the Thessalians,' and ' T h e Orneatans from the Sicyonians,' and ' T h e Amphictyons from the Phocians"' (Loeb trans.). Without wars, few of the temples and other sacred buildings of Greece would have been built. The custom of giving to the gods a war tithe resulted in some of civilization's most treasured fruits. War not only demolishes states but also builds them. It was the good fortune of civilization that in Greece at least one-tenth was set aside for religious use and most of this money seems to have been used for architectural monuments and their adornments. 36 Pausanias (10.11.5) states that he did not know for what occasion the building was constructed. See Pouilloux a n d Roux, Énigmes 67-68. 37 Lys. 1 ; cf. MOT. 400F and 401D. 38 Pausanias 5, 296. 39 W e know from Thucydides 4.124.1 that Akanthians took part in Brasidas' campaign into Lynkestis in 423. O r possibly they obtained their spoils from the campaigns of the year 422.

CHAPTER

VI

THE ATHENIAN TREASURY AFTER THE PERSIAN WARS of the preceding studies on misthos and booty, the question arose as to the state of the Athenian treasury immediately after the Persian wars. We learn from Thucydides 2.13.3 that the Athenians had at the beginning of the Peloponnesian War minted silver amounting to 6,000 talents on the akropolis. The maximum had been 9,700 talents from which expenditures had been made for Poteidaia and for the Propylaia and other buildings. One of the main contentions of the editors of a series of volumes devoted to the Athenian quota lists is that the Athenian treasuries in 449 B.C. did not have more than 6,000 talents, and, accordingly, that the text of Thucydides 2.13.3 is in error. These scholars maintain that the treasury of Athena had accumulated only 750 talents by that time.1 The major hypothesis, so to speak, on which their theory is based, is found in one footnote, which reads as follows: "The treasure evidently was not taken to Salamis, for Herodotus (VIII, 51) relates that the treasurers of the Goddess remained on the Akropolis where they were slain by the Persians."2 In other words, the Athenian treasury is assumed to have been empty in 479 B.C. A diametrically opposed point of view has been taken by W. S. Ferguson, whose position has been put forth best in an article which is completely ignored by the ATL editors in their volume III. 3 I quote from two paragraphs of Ferguson's article: I N T H E COURSE

We are told by Thucydides that at a date determinable at ca. 450 B.C. Athens had accumulated a surplus 9700 talents. At the prevalent rate of interest (12 per cent.), this would have yielded every citizen of voting age more than he would have earned in indemnities for jury service had he sat on the courts every day of every year. It accordingly represented a colossal sum of money. Since all the tribute put together for the twenty-seven years which had then elapsed since the founding of the Delian League in 478/7 B.C. amounted to less than 11,000 talents, this surplus cannot have been accumulated from the contributions of the allies alone. Nor did it need to. From time immemorial, piety among the Greeks took the form of making votive offerings in the shrines of the gods; and, since the gods had the same sense of values as their worshippers, these offerings were most acceptable when they consisted of objects of silver and gold. The patron deity of Athens was, of course, Athena; and it was in her shrine on the Acropolis that the richest stock of ex-votos was assembled. At the outbreak of the Peloponnesian 1

ATL 3, 338. ATL 3, 337, n. 50. No recent study of Athenian finance has accounted for the source of the money which resulted in the buildings at Eleusis, Rhamnous, and Sounion, or of the temples of Ares and Hephaistos, as well as in military fortifications, including the long walls to the sea and installations at Sounion, Rhamnous, Phyle, Panakton, and various places in Attika. 3 No better example of the scholarly merit of this article can be cited than H. T. Wade-Gery's statement in JHS 53 (1933) 135 that Ferguson's study had led him to retract his lengthy plea for a 422 B.C. date for the Kallias decrees. 2

t 101 ]

102 W a r in 431 B.C., the treasures of the other gods had a value of ca. 700 talents. These minor deities were in a less advantageous position than Athena. Athena alone it was who benefited regularly from the spoils of war and from fines and confiscations of property decreed by the courts. Her portion of such moneys was a tithe; of the tribute it was a sixtieth. Moreover, she had had, from time immemorial, estates and other properties in Attica, and, from their founding, in all Athenian colonies. Of these she enjoyed the rentals. We know, for example, that in 428 B.C. she was given the tenth of all the lands of Mytilene, from which she derived an income o f t e n talents yearly. It was to Athena primarily that votive offerings of the state were made. We have no means of determining what part of the surplus of 9700 talents at hand in ca. 450 B.C. consisted of Athena's purely personal property; but it cannot have been small. For generations and generations the Athenians had been a pious folk; and there is no reason to believe that the Goddess had lost any considerable portion of her treasures at any time. 4

Ferguson writes in similar vein in his Treasurers of Athena (Cambridge 1932) 153: " I think t h a t . . . Beloch (Griech. Gesch., II, 2, pp. 324ff) and his school underestimate the resources of the Goddess: they depreciate unduly the increment due to gifts, fines, confiscations, booty, etc., during the long past history of the shrine." In the scholarship of the past thirty-five years, the issue has rarely been joined. 6 T h e decision about this important matter rests on our interpretation of Herodotos 8.51, which reads as follows: /cat alpiovai eprjfj.ov TO aarv Kal nva? ¿Xlyovs evploKovai t c o v HOrjvaiujv ev TW Iptu iovras, r a / x i a j re TOV Ipov Kal irevTjras avBpumovs, ot pa^afj.evol TT)V aKpiTTOXIV dvprjai re Kal £v\oioi

rjfivvovro

VTT' aodevetTjS filov OVK ¿K)(prfarcn>T€S ¿S 2JaXafiiva,

npos

TOVS ¿movras, 8c Kal avrol

afia

¡lev

SoKeovres

t o /xavrqiov TO TJ IJvdlrj oi exprjoe, TO £VALVOV rci^oy avccAourov eatudai. These words must be connected with 8.41, where Herodotos'tells us that the Athenians believed that even the goddess had left her temple. 6

¿{¡evprjKevai

There are scholars, such as Macan, who regard Herodotos' words as constituting " a n eminently apologetic and fictitious account of the defence and siege of the Akropolis, which was probably a far more serious and formidable undertaking than the story, devised in the light of events, expressly suggests." 7 E. Powell states: "Despite unanimous ancient tradition that Attika was totally abandoned, it is arguable that the attempt to hold the Acropolis was earnest and deliberate." 8 T h e defense of the akropolis has been discussed by W. F . J . Knight, JHS 51 (1931) 174—178, and by J . Labarbe, La loi navale de Themistocle (Paris 1957) 133, n. 3. There is no reference in the literary sources to the treasury, 9 and it is difficult to believe that the Athenians would not have 4

Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society 64 (1930-1932) 350-351. But see Gomme Historia 2 (1953) 19: " I do not.believe that, because the treasurers of Athena insisted on remaining behind to guard her sanctuary in 480, the treasure was left with them—at least not that part which consisted of coin and bullion and small objects; and after the successful careers of Peisistratos and Hippias, the accumulation may have been large." 6 Plutarch {Them. 10.7) tells the story that the Gorgon's head was lost from the image of the goddess when the Athenians were abandoning the city. 7 Herodotus Books VII-IX (London 1908) 1.2.437. 8 Herodotus VIII (Cambridge 1939) 101. 8 The so-called decree of Themistokles, replete with anachronisms, contains the following 6

103

Hie Athenian Treasury after the Persian Wars

evacuated the colossal sum which Ferguson believes must have constituted the money of the goddess. W e know that the ancient xoanon of Athena survived the war (Kleidemos, FGH II.B, 323, frg. 21), and it would be idle to argue that moveable silver and gold would not have been similarly safeguarded. 1 0 If we can trust Nepos, there is no doubt about the matter (Themistocles 2.8): omnia quae moveri poterant partim Salamina, partim Troezena deportant. We know that sacred cult objects and heavy works of sculpture were transported to Susa by the Persians. The statue of the Tyrranicides by An tenor in the Agora is mentioned with other booty which Xerxes carried off when he captured Athens after its evacuation by the Athenians. 1 1 Similarly, the Persian king removed the cult image of Artemis from Brauron. 1 2 The bronze Apollo of Branchidai and other sacred treasures were taken from Didyma. 1 3 However, our record is silent about the removal from the Akropolis of any cult object or treasure, which might have been under the jurisdiction of the tamiai of Athena. Since the Other Gods had 700 talents of coined money in 433 B.C., Athena by the middle of the century must have had many times that amount exclusive of the accumulation of surpluses from the tributes. In both cases votives of silver had probably been converted into money. 1 4 Eventually the reserve must have reached a height which would make further increase unnecessary. As Ferguson says, 9,700 talents was a colossal sum of money. Its magnitude may be realized if we recall that in 378/7 B.C. the total property, moveable and immoveable, of all the citizens and resident aliens of Athens amounted to only sentences (lines 9-12): T-

[ouff St TTpeofivTas nai T O ] ( M J F T O T A elf EaXafitva Karade[cr]#[cu- TOVS 5c T O / X I O ; Kal r]ay Upeas ev riji a/cpowoAc21 [i Btmv. What is to be regarded in this document as anachronistic and what is not, is a matter of opinion. When, for example, all scholars concede that there was only one goddess, called Athena Nike in 480, whereas the stone names two separate goddesses, Athena and Nike, proponents of the "authenticity" of the documents must grant, as they do, that some parts of the document are clearly "anachronistic." No single item can stand without supporting evidence. The words KTrjiiara «is EaXa^iva are on the stone, whereas the phrase [/ICVEIF ij>vXaTrovras TO], offered by some for the lacunae of line 12, is restoration and without probative value. It seems unlikely that a state would transport its possessions to Salamis without including the most valuable part, the silver and gold of the treasury. However, since Habicht (Hermes 89 [1961] 1-35) and B.Jordan (The Administration and Military Organization of the Athenian Navy in the Fifth and Fourth Centuries B.C. [Berkeley diss. 1968] 212ff) have argued forcefully that the document is "falsch," and a work of the fourth century, the restoration of line 12 is not of great importance to those who concur in their judgment. Cf. Pritchett, Phoenix 23 (1969) 160, n. 3. 10 The eight drachmai which were distributed to each Athenian by the Council of the Areiopagos (Aristotle Ath. Pol. 23.1) are thought to have come from the sacred treasury (see Sandys's note). 11 Pausanias 1.8.5. 12 Pausanias 3.16.8, 8.46.3. 13 Pausanias 8.46.3. See Frazer's note in his Pausanias 4, 429 and references there given. 14 So Ferguson, Treasurers 154.

104 5,750 talents. 15 " I f the Periclean reserve had been divided among the free population of Attica, the wealth of every man could have been doubled." 1 6 Ferguson's position would seem highly probable. In any case, it cannot be refuted and must be weighed as a possibility by those who speculate about Athenian finance in the period of the Pentekontaetia. 15 Polybios 2.62.6 (see F. W. Walbank on this passage in his Polybius); cf. Demosthenes 14 On the Symmetries 19. 18 Ferguson, Treasurers 166.

CHAPTER V I I

THE MARCHING PAIAN G R E E K HISTORY presents many mysteries and imponderables—facts which in spite of literary and other evidence are hard to interpret or understand. In the modern concept of warfare, for instance, the element of surprise plays a leading part and seems to us too obviously important to need comment. Yet the Greeks apparently did not always see things in this way. A study of the passages referring to the paian, sung by soldiers as they joined battle, 1 establishes the rather interesting fact that the Greeks raised their voices in song at a time when we are told that the enemy would have been taken unprepared if the phalanx had advanced in silence. Of the studies of the Greek paian, two devote sections to the paian sung before battle: A. Fairbanks, "A Study of the Greek Paean," Cornell Studies in Classical Philology 12 (1900) 19-24; and von Blumenthal, RE s.v. Paian (1943) 2347-2348.® References in the literature to a paian sung before joining battle are given in the following list. With one exception, either the noun ncaixv or the verb TTcuavi£w with its compounds is used. BATTLE

1. Salamis 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Sybota Solygeia Delion Mantineia Syrakuse Syrakuse Phyle

9. Kounaxa

10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

Kentrites River Kolchis Drilai Bithynia Nemea River Syrakuse (361 B.C.)

P A I A N SUNG BY

Greeks Greeks and Barbarians Corinthians and Kerkyraeans Corinthians Boiotians Lakedaimonians Argives, Kerkyraeans, Dorians Syrakusans Athenians (speech of Thrasyboulos) Greeks Greeks Greeks Greeks Greeks Greeks Greeks Confederates Mercenaries of Dionysios

REFERENCE

Aischylos Persai 393 [Lysias] Epitaphios 38 Thuc. 1.50.5 Thuc. 4.43.3 Thuc. 4.96.1 Thuc. 5.70 Thuc. 7.44.6 Thuc. 7.83.4 Xen. Hell. 2.4.17 Diod. 14.23.1 Xen. Anab. 1.8.17 Xen. Anab. 1.10.10 Xen. Anab. 4.3.19,29, and 31 Xen. Anab. 4.8.16 Xen. Anab. 5.2.14 Xen. Anab. 6.5.27 Xen. Hell. 4.2.19 Plato Ep. 7.348B

1 For the paian sung after battle, see von Blumenthal, RE s.v. Paian (1943) 2348. A paian was also sung at the start of a military expedition, as was the case with the departure of the Athenian fleet for Syrakuse (Thucydides 6.32 and 7.75.7); cf. also Aischylos Agam. 146, Xenophon Anab. 3.2.9, and Plato Critias 108C. 3 For general bibliography on the paian, see von Blumenthal, 2362.

[ 105 ]

106 I n addition: BATTLE

1. 2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

Seven against Thebes Seven against Thebes — Assyria Lydia Telamón Rhone (218 B.C.)

P A I A N SUNG BY

Thebans Argives and Thebans Iberians Persians Persians Celts Carthaginians

REFERENCE

Aischylos Septem 268 Euripides Phoen. 1102 Diod. 5.34.5 Xen. Cyr. 3.3.58 Xen. Cyr. 7.1.9 and 25 Polyb. 2.29.6 Polyb. 3.43.8

One interpretation of the purpose of the battle paian, frequently found in the literature both ancient and modern, is that it was a " h y m n to avert evils," or in the words of Athenaios (14.701 D) cVl rots Stivois a\i)£r)rrfpiov. See also the scholium on Euripides Ph. 1102; Eustathios 137.40; scholium on Homer II. 1.473; and Timaios, Lexicon Platonicum s.v. naiaviaai. This purpose of the battle hymn, as a form of worship to avert a present evil, Fairbanks calls " p r i m a r y . " 3 Strabo (9.3.12), on the authority of Ephoros, attributes the origin of the paian before the clash of battle (TOV Traiuiviafj.ov . . . rots /ieAAovai avfj.TrlirTfiv els iraparagiv) to the Parnassians' shout to Apollo. 4 But a passage in Thucydides (5.69-70) stresses the military purpose in the song. 5 " T h e Lacedaemonians, however, exhorted one another man by man, using also their war-songs—as brave men to remember what they had learned, knowing that long-continued actual practice meant more for their salvation than any brief admonition, however well spoken. After this the conflict commenced, the Argives and their allies advancing eagerly and impetuously, but the Lacedaemonians slowly and to the music of many flute-players placed among them according to custom, not with any religious motive, but in order that they might march up with an even step and keeping time without breaking their order, as large armies are apt to do in going into battle." 6 This same idea of the military aim of the paian is stressed in Plutarch's Life of Lykourgos (21-22), where the writer uses the term ¿fifiaT-qpios natav [a marching paian]: " If one studies the poetry of Sparta, of which some specimens were still extant in my time, and makes himself familiar with the marching songs which they used, to the accompaniment of the flute, when charging upon their foes, he will conclude that Terpander and Pindar were right in associating valour with music," and " t h e king himself led off" in a marching paean, and it was a sight equally grand and terrifying when they marched in step with the rhythm of the flute, without any gap in their line of battle, and with no confusion in their souls, but calmly 3 Op. cit. 18. One passage overlooked by Fairbanks is commented on by the Illinois Greek Club in their Loeb edition of Aineias (27.3). * In Homer (II. 3.1-9, 4.427-438), the Greeks advance to the attack in silence. There is no battle paian. s Thucydides here does not expressly use the word watav. 6 Translation of C. F. Smith (Loeb).

The Marching Paian

107

and cheerfully moving with the strains of their hymn into the deadly fight."7 Plutarch in a passage in the Instituta Laconica (Mor. 238B), although he does not refer to the paian, comments on marching songs: "Moreover the rhythmic movement of their marching songs was such as to excite courage and boldness, and contempt for death and these they used both in dancing, and also to the accompaniment of the flute when advancing upon the enemy. In fact, Lycurgus coupled fondness for music with military drill, so that the over-assertive warlike spirit, by being combined with melody, might have concord and h a r m o n y " (translation of F. C. Babbitt). Parenthetically, it is interesting that at the battle of Amphipolis (Thucydides 5.10.5), the rhythm-conscious Spartan, Brasidas, inferred from the gait of the Athenians that they would not await an attack. The association of the " m a r c h i n g p a i a n " with the Spartans may help to explain the fact that in Thucydides the paian in connection with attack is attributed only to Dorians, never to Athenians. 8 T h e passage in 7.44.6 is particularly interesting because we are told that it was the Dorians in the Athenian army—from Argos, Kerkyra, and other places—who raised a paian indistinguishable from that of the Syrakusans and struck terror into the Athenians. So far as our literary records are concerned, the first allusion to Athenian use of the paian of attack occurs in Thrasyboulos' words in Xenophon. T h e sequence of events seems to have been as follows. T h e commander-inchief, whether general or king, gave the command to advance by beginning the paian. 9 The trumpeter sounded the call. 10 The soldiers joined in the song whether the advance was at normal or a faster pace. 1 1 All the evidence is that the paian was a sort of hymn or chant, and the use of the word " p a i a n " in other connections favors this belief. 12 O n shipboard also, the paian was the signal for advance against the enemy. 1 3 T h e song was begun when the armies were three or four stades apart. 1 4 Once the battle was joined, the marching paian might be replaced by the war cry. 1 5 7 Translation of B. Perrin. For the light which these two passages of Thucydides and Plutarch shed on Spartan military discipline, see G. R. Morrow, Plato's Cretan City (Princeton 1960) 50. 8 Cf. K. J. Dover, Thucydides Book VII (Oxford 1965) 38. The Spartan custom of marching to the flute is frequently mentioned; see, in addition to the above, Cicero, Tusc. 2.16.37; Plutarch, Lyk. 22; De Musica 26 (1140 C). Cf. Herodotos 1.17.5, and see also Milton, Paradise Lost 1.549: "Anon they move in perfect phalanx to the Dorian mood of flutes and soft recorders." For the importance of flute players at Sparta, see Herodotos 6.60. 9 Xenophon, Cyr. 3.3.58, 7.1.9, 7.1.25; Hell. 2.4.17. 10 Thucydides 5.2.14, 6.5.27. 11 For the latter, see Thucydides 4.31 and 5.3. 12 See Fairbanks, 21. For what little we know of the battle-song, see C. M. Bowra, Greek Lyric Poetry2 (Oxford 1961) 400, referring to Dio Chrysostom 2.59. 13 Thucydides 1.50. 14 So Xenophon Anab. 1.8.17 and Diodoros 14.23.1. 16 Xenophon Anab. 1.8.18; 6.4.27; Cyr.' 7.1.9 and 25. The clause oVore irtuavioetav in Thucydides 7.44.6 shows that the paian might be raised repeatedly during the battle. Since

108 At the battle of the Nemea River in 394 B.C., the Lakedaimonians were made aware of the coming attack by hearing the paian of the advancing confederate army. They took the order of battle only after the sound of the marching chant of the enemy reached their ears: 16 tvel 8' ¿Traiavtcrav, rore 8^ eyviooav,

Kai tvdvs

avTirrapTjyyfiXav

anavras

StaoKtva^eoOai

cos els fxaxrlv-

No

effort was made by the Confederates to effect surprise. In the ancient battle, the factor of maintaining an unbroken phalanx in battle step 1 7 and the psychological effort to inspire the enemy with terror while encouraging those who joined in the paian 1 8 seem to have been predominant. Xenophon is careful to distinguish the paian from the war cry to Enyalios, I assume that the scholiast on Thucydides 4.43 is wrong in saying that the paian is addressed to Enyalios. 16 Xenophon Hell. 4.2.19. 17 Cf. Plutarch Lyk. 22 (quoted above); Diodorus 5.34.5: iv 8c TOU I T O A e / I O I I wpoy pud/iov ¿pfiaivovoi Kai naiavas a&ovaiv, orav eiruooi rot? airireray/zeVoi;. 18 Cf. Aischylos Septem. 270: Bapoos i\ms, Xvovaa •noXey.uov tfrofiov, Persai 389; Xenophon Cyrop. 3.3.58.

CHAPTER

VIII

SACRIFICE BEFORE BATTLE A. W. G O M M E terms the sacrifice one of the "indispensable preliminaries of a Greek b a t t l e . " 1 When we turn to the standard books on the Greek art of warfare, however, there is complete silence about this important subject. 2 Bibliography: There are many books on divination and sacrifices, but few treat of the matter in hand. A good selection of these can be found in Legrand's article s.v. Sacerdos in Daremberg and Saglio, and in Ziehen's article on adyia in RE (1929), and in H. Popp's valuable Erlangen dissertation (Die Einwirkung von Vorzeichen, Opfem undFesten [1957]). Amongst them all, five seem to be of particular significance : P. P. S. T. J.

Stengel, " Z ^ y i a , " Hermes 21 (1886) 307-312. Stengel, " Prophezeiung aus den £ayia," Hermes 31 (1896) 478-480. Eitrem, " M a n t i s und £ayia," Symbolae Osloenses 18 (1938) 9-30. Szymanski, Sacrijicia Graecorum in bellis militaria (Marburg diss. 1908). R u d h a r d t , Notions fondamentales de la pensée religieuse et actes constitutifs du culte dans la Grèce classique [Geneva 1958] 249-300.

Stengel's work is that mostly followed by Ziehen in his article in PaulyWissowa. Eitrem is chiefly interested in the origins of the custom of sacrificing and develops the thesis that a v 'Hyr/alarpaTOV

. . .

Here both sides were obviously employing divination (ipâ) and since they were still encamped, this is in accord with other examples in later historians. But in 9.41.4 we find people advising Mardonios, rcé rc a c> if$o\ois CWS^KCLS iroiovficvtov OVTOL yap fio~qdfiav alrovfievoi avtfiaWovro, TJJV atX^VT/V 7rpaai£o/ievot. Cf. A. Boeckh, Kleine Schriften 4 (Leipzig 1874) 91. 22 M . P. Nilsson, Geschichte der griechischen Religion l 2 (Munich 1955) 532. 23 Herodotos 7.183. See A. R . Burn, Persia and the Greeks (London 1962) 388. 24 Herodotos 7.232. 25 Herodotos 8.42.1. Cf. Burn, 381 a n d 385. W e cannot be entirely sure, however, as to just what ships rendezvoused at Pogon: C. Hignett, Xerxes' Invasion of Greece (Oxford 1963) 156. 26 Grote (History of Greece 7 [12-volume edition, 1899] 56) doubts that there was an Olympia festival, at least other than on a local scale, in 428 and 424 B.C. General war was raging at both times. T h e festival of 424 B.C. would have occurred at just about the time when Brasidas was at the Isthmus levying troops for his intended expedition to Thrace, and when he rescued Megara from the Athenian attack. T h e very first article both of the truce for one year (Thucydides 4.118)

Phases of the Moon and Festivals

121

sent a b o d y of troops as reinforcements to defend Lepreon, w h i c h the Eleians c l a i m e d as their d e p e n d e n c y . T h e Eleians regulated the details of the O l y m p i a d a n d formally proclaimed b y heralds the c o m m e n c e m e n t of the O l y m p i c truce {ekecheiria) during w h i c h all violation of Eleian territory by a n a r m e d force w a s a sin against Zeus. O n this occasion they affirmed that the L a k e d a i m o n i a n s h a d sent the o n e thousand hoplites after the proclamation o f the truce. But Z i e h e n has s h o w n that the O l y m p i a n ekecheiria, 2 7 frequently of a m o n t h ' s duration, was not always the same, a n d there is evidence of longer periods. A s i n d i c a t e d below, the ekecheiria for the Greater Eleusinia was for fifty-five days. T h e time-table of events in 4 2 0 B.C. does not allow us to determine just w h e n in a lunar m o n t h the thousand departed. As to other battles, I k n o w o f n o other test case w h e r e w e can b e sure at the same time of the phase of the m o o n a n d of the interval of days b e t w e e n departure a n d battle. FESTIVALS

Passages w h i c h shed light o n the effect of festivals o n the m o v e m e n t of armies are presented in table 3. Both the K a r n e i a at Sparta a n d the O l y m p i a are regarded b y some scholars as full-moon festivals, apparently celebrated w i t h o u t reference to the progression of days in the local calendars of Lakonia a n d Elis. 2 8 and of the Peace of Nikias (5.18.2) expressly provides for liberty to all to attend the common festivals and temples. The first truce relates to Delphi, the second is general. Grote argues that if the Athenians had visited Olympia in 428 or 424 B.C. without impediment, these stipulations would have had no purpose. 27 For a study of this word, see H. Popp, Einwirkung 130-132. The word literally means " a holding of hands," hence, a cessation of hostilities. For the use of the word as " trêve judiciaire," see L. Robert, Études anatoliennes (Paris 1937) 177-179. As a general word for "truce," see H. Bengtson, Die Staatsverträge des Altertums (Munich 1962) nos. 179, 185, and possibly 196. 28 The evidence, however, is not abundant. For the Karneia, see Euripides Ale. 445-451, and Unger, Philologus 33 (1874) 231. There are, however, differing interpretations of the much vexed Euripidean passage; see the commentary in the edition by A. M. Dale (Oxford 1954). For the Olympia festival, see the vetus scholiast on Pindar 01. 3.35 and on 01. 10.90. For modern scholarship on the subject, see, for example, L. Weniger, Klio 5 (1905) Iff; L. Ziehen, RE s.v. Olympia (1939) 3; G. Thompson, JHS 63 (1943) 60; W. K. Pritchett, CI. Phil. 42 (1947) 237, n. 9; R. Sealey, CR 74 (1960) 185-186; E. J . Bickerman, Chronology of the Ancient World (London 1968) 76; W. Fauth, Der Kleine Pauly 3 (1969) 126. So far as we can judge, most festivals, including all Athenian ones, were celebrated in terms not of a lunar calendar (kata theon), but of the local festival calendar (kat' archonta at Athens). Cf. A. Mommsen, Feste der Stadt Athen (Leipzig 1898) 206; "Die Athener feierten ihre Feste nach gezählten Kalendertagen." The two Athenian festivals which were the most international and hence would provide the best test are the Eleusinia in Boedromion (III) (Busolt-Swoboda, Gr. Staatskunde 2 2 [Munich 1926] 1263 limit the ekecheiria, at least for Hellenistic times, to the four pan-Hellenic festivals, the Asklepeia at Epidauros and the Eleusinian mysteries) and the Dionysia in Elaphebolion (IX). It is just in early Elaphebolion that we have considerable evidence for calendric tampering. Furthermore, many scholars believe that the purpose of the intercalation prescribed in IG I 2 , 76 (see M. N. Tod, Greek Historical Inscriptions I 2 [Oxford 1946] 184) was to postpone the regular appointed day for the Eleusinia. Ziehen (RE s.v. Olympia [1939] 5) states without documentation that the penteteric celebration of the Eleusinian mysteries was tied to the full moon. Mommsen (ibid.), our best authority on the calendar of Athenian festivals, is not in agreement. The mysteries began on the thirteenth day of Boedromion. According to IG I 2 , 6, the sacred truce for the Greater

o e o X

? •O £ ^«H U

§>

0 g o -5 •s s

« V a u o >• s "53 3 O s J 73 S M S 3

tt a a en « ° M

S I a «3

4! o m S

•S ç

«« g .s>

H G

t

SC

E « jl M O

M -> s

H

rt

•At

I ß o 3 V— l i h ni O > S ^ O 8« -S o H ü 'o •8 1

«&

e o U A

a

"S «

c c a o

-

ri

S s

a s s « rS •ç. ^ • « .. — ü •I 'S •2 S g -s (A - >2 -U e B |« J 4!> S +5o ^ 8. S e H il - T3 O u

Th

co

o

(M

rt rt « «

u ¿f

S S

2

[ 122]

CM

T». .2ft t/> C i l ¿TO co ai

CM

T)

C •S

£

rt a

vi

'C

o O

O. e(V9 11 g 3 •è e S i S e. s « 3 •5 "B 5 ftC/5 < -r V S •O be »eS^o« ï-g C O c g '§ teI I .0C s -o o ? S s S "3 .sM "3 C S JSg iS « 3 g _ "«O O -»*> 4S)~bo'4«" p. a S a 2UH" u (1 E -û «~ ^ -J ^ à» tA X h* II3W U íflU 4JW -H »c« 2ce Í^ Íc3'3 s» *S yU < 25 2 á S S I * s. G I-3 cio - cn < 1/5 a a

•s
•s !5 J.'s> h iv aop[n)9el€v

Axaiol. Here Polites knows where the Greek camp is; he is merely watching for a sign of action. For this purpose he has left the city for a high spot outside, presumably because he could not see the enemy from Troy. "Look-out" is the nearest translation. Similarly, in Thucydides, where skopos occurs twice, both in Book 8 (100.2 and 103.2), the skopoi are clearly look-outs, like Polites. But in Xenophon, in addition to the usual meaning of "look-outs," 8 there is a clear case of the meaning of scouts used for reconnaissance (Cyr. 6.3.2): " a n d before the cavalry he always caused SIEPEWRJTAS XAL OKOTTOVS to climb the points that were best for viewing that which lay ahead." Xenophon's account of tactics in the Cyropaedia are generally considered to be, not those of the barbarian king, but of the author himself, just as the battles are not those fought between hordes of orientals, but those of the heavy, solid phalanx of Sparta; so this passage may possibly be regarded as some evidence for contemporary Greek practice. 2. oKOTrq, oKorria, oKOTTirj. The words, found in Homer, Herodotos, and Xenophon, mean a watch or watchtower. Skopie is defined by Hesychios (s.v., 1096) as viprjXos TOTTOS, a' ov eoriv ISelv KAL TTEPIOK€. The first is found only in Homer, where it means the act of being a skopos.11 The second and third are not used with the idea of scouting until Xenophon. In Thucydides, for example, oKovea> has the meaning o f " considerare." The only occurrence oioKoirevw in Attic is Xenophon Hipp. 7.6, where it seems that Xenophon is talking about posting "look-outs." But Xenophon uses OKOTTCOJ, in addition to the meanings of " examine" 1 2 and "keep watch," 1 3 for active scouting of the terrain, surveying. In Cyr. 3.2.1 and B

8

Cyr. 3.2.1 and Hell. 7.2, 5. Cf. also OKOTTCXOs, found in Homer and the Attic dramatists, which is defined by Hesychios as vtfirjXos TOTTOS RJ TTCrpa, TJ ¿Kpwp€ia, atjt eoriv OKOTTtlv ra KVKXOJ. 10 Od. 4.524. 11 Cf. Od. 10.260: Bijpov 8c Ka&^fievos ¿OKOTTia^ov. 12 Cf. Hell. 1.4.18. and 2.4.31. 13 In Anab. 5.1.9, there is an implied difference from fivXarrw. oKOTttw here seems to indicate a more advanced form of look-out beyond the camp. 8

130 Anab. 6.3.14, there are clear examples of reconnaissance on the part of cavalry. 14 4. KardoKOTTos. T h e word is found once in Homer, twenty-two times in Herodotos, and six times in Thucydides. It also occurs in Xenophon, Aineias Taktikos, and Polybios. In Herodotos, kataskopos usually has the idea of a spy; cf. 1.100.2: " T h e spies and eavesdroppers." I n 3.19.1, Kambyses sends out kataskopoi for work in enemy territory, work of an undercover nature. 1 5 In 4.151.3, the kataskopoi are people sent out to " s u r v e y " a new colony. I n 7.208, Xerxes sends out a KaraoKoirov imrea to view the Spartans at Thermopylae This is a scout, but both armies are static and their whereabouts known. In his note on Thucydides 8.6.4, Goodhardt says, " I n Thuc. KardaKonos is always (except perhaps in 6.63.3) a m a n sent out to verify reports by personal observation." This is true for the occurrences of the word in 4.27.3, 8.6.4, and 8.41.1; but in 4.45 there can hardly be verification of a report, for the Athenians seem to be receiving information for the first time. Jowett translates as "spies." Perhaps " i n f o r m a n t s " is a better word. In Babbitt's Loeb translation of Plutarch's MOTalia (70c), kataskopos is rendered as " s p y . " 5. OTTTTJP, KOLTOTTTRJP, KCITOTTTT)S. Schmidt {Synonymik der griechischen Sprache 1 [Leipzig 1876] 250-251) says that words of this group do not in themselves mean scouting: "Dass für den Griechen nicht der Begriffes Kundschafters in onr-qp a n und f ü r sich lag, wie m a n freilich zu erklären pflegt, zeigt der als nötig erachtete Zusatz KARA OKO-mas. Auch K arevwripas e X o v t i ras Aayovas ¿pfep-qs [it resembles a rhombus-shaped thyreos with its sides drawn in]. Dioskorides, in referring to the sixth-century battle at Thyrai, calls the Dorian shield iriXr-i), although the battle was between Argive and Spartan hoplites,20 and the pelte was normally a small shield used by lightarmed soldiers.21 3. Evolution of a shield. For the period of Greek battles with which we have been concerned, there seem to be three stages in the development of the shield for the heavy-armed soldier. The first was the period of the otrXov, or aspis, which, unless Lammert is correct about the oblong shape of the Spartan shield, was generally circular and about 0.90 m. (3 feet) in diameter. 22 The exact size is thought to have been determined by the length of the bearer's forearm. This shield was used by the Greeks in the classical period and extending " AP 7.430. See Gow-Page, Hellenistic Epigrams 2, 262-263. Cf. Pollux 1.149 and Vergil Aeneid 3.637. Pliny (TV// 7.56.200) attributes the invention of the shield to the two Argolid brothers Proetus and Acrisius. See also the second-century chrestomathy published in B. P. Grenfell and A. S. Hunt, Oxy. Pap. 10 (London 1914) p. 106, line 30ff. Snodgrass {Arms and Armour 54) believes that the "Argive" shield was the regular Greek hoplite shield and that " t h e design was originally produced at Argos." 19 Lammert, RE, S.D. Schild,col. 424; Neumann, Der Kleine Patdy 1 (1964) 652. J . Kromayer and G. Veith, Heerwesen und Kriegführung der Griechen und Rimer (Munich 1928) 108, write: "Der makedonische Schild hatte nur etwas über einen halben Meter Durchmesser." Walbank, Polybius 2 (1967) 281: " T h e äam'sis a convex, circular, bronze shield about 20 inches in diameter." In his Philip Vof Macedon (Cambridge 1940) 289, Walbank gives the diameter as eighteen inches. Snodgrass (Arms and Armour 117) gives the diameter as "about two feet." 30 AP 7.430 ( = Gow and Page, Hellenistic Epigrams 2, 262-263). 11 Another Greek word for shield, irap/ni, seems to have been applied to the circular shield used by the Roman equites and velites: see Polybios 6.22.1; Livy 2.20.10, 31.35.6; and Philipp, RE s.v. Parma (1949) 1539. Varro (L.L. 5.115) gives the etymology as follows: Parma, quod a medio in omnis partis par. 12 The Boiotian variation was oval with notches on both sides, through which the spear could be extended. Snodgrass (Arms and Armour 55) states that the Boiotian shield is to be identified with the "Dipylon" form, and although it continued as a favorite device of Greek artists for centuries, he believes " I n actual fact it can never have existed, even if its immediate predecessor did." 18

149

Width of the File in Phalanx Array

down into the Hellenistic. Snodgrass notes that one example was found at Olynthos, and concludes: "the bronze hoplon is still virtually unchanged in form, and retains the multiple cable-pattern round the rim." 2 3 As to the second period, our information stems from Achaia and Boiotia. Polybios (11.9) indicates that the Makedonian shield replaced the heavier thyreos in 208. Now we know that the Achaians had been arrayed in phalanx formation at Kaphyai in 220 B.C., and one may infer that there had been no change of equipment in the short period between 220 and 208; so the Achaian phalangistai in 220 would presumably have used the thyreos. Similarly, M . Feyel has noted that in Boiotian catalogues before 245 B.C., the infantry was designated as otrXlrai or Ovptcuf>opoi, apparently without distinction. 24 The conversion of the Hellenistic Greeks to the thyreos has been generally regarded as an indirect result of the Gallic invasion of Greece in 279 B.C.; but Q,. F. Maule and H. R. W. Smith, Votive Religion at Caere (Berkeley 1959) 57, n. 203, have shown good grounds for believing that the vogue of the thyreos began somewhat earlier. Whatever the exact date may have been, it is clearly after Chaironeia. The thyreos, as its name implies, must have been in some fashion "door-like." As to shape Dionysios Hal. (2.70) says it was po/ij8oei8r/?; Q_. F. Maule-H. R. W. Smith, "regularly elliptical"; 2 5 F. W. Walbank, " o v a l " ; 2 6 M. Launey "ovale." 2 7 Polybios applies the word thyreos both to the Roman scutum which was four-cornered with a cyclindrical curve (6.23.2) and to the round buckler of the cavalryman (6.25.7). J . K. Anderson refers to terracotta model thyreoi found at Corinth, 28 which the editor described as "almond-shaped." 2 9 MauleSmith conclude that the one common denominator to all shields called thyreos was that they had spines and were in this sense doorlike. 30 As to the size of the Hellenistic thyreos, I have discovered no reports in the archaeological literature from Greece, although all scholars seem to be agreed that it was small in comparison with the Roman scutum. I assume that the breadth of the Gallic thyreos, 0.40 to 0.60 m (supra p. 146), would apply to the Greek as well. The third stage was characterized by the introduction of the Makedonian shield and falls in the second half of the third century. Plutarch writes that Philopoimen (9.2), upon being elected general of the League in 208/7 B.C., altered the equipment of the hoplite to heavier armor: etSos 8e rceietos nai A)cqfiaroi els anelpav OVK fy crvvrjdes, aXayyi 8c xptUfjLevoi /xrjre TrpofloXrjV ¿\ovcrr] p.TjTe avvaaTTiafiov