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English Pages [446] Year 1958
Relig ous Arc w France of che Thirceeyth Ceycury
EMILE MALE translated by Dora Nussey
HARPER TORCHBOOKS $ The Cathedral Library
SAB zor mes
THE GOTHIC IMAGE This translation is from the third French edition and is reprinted here by arrangement with E. P. Dutton & Company, which originally published it in 1913 under the title RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE OF THE THIRTEENTH
CENTURY, A Study in Mediaeval Iconography and its Sources of Inspiration.
First HARPER TORCHBOOK edition published 1958
Library of Congress catalog card number: LC §8-10152
Title page photo by Ewing Galloway
A
MONSIEUR GEORGES PERROT Ancien directeur de l’Ecole normale supérieure, Secrétaire perpétuel de |’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres
Hommage d affection et de respect.
TRANSLATOR’S NOTE I cannoT let this translation be published without a few words of thanks. I would express my indebtedness both to the friends who have so kindly allowed me to make use of their wide knowledge
of the Middle Ages, and to those who have been good enough to read and correct the manuscript and who have helped with valuable suggestions.
I should add that quotations from the Old Testament have been taken from the Douay version of the Vulgate (edition of 1796), quotations from the New Testament from the Reims version (edition of 1804), and that I have used Caxton’s translation of the Legenda aurea (edited by Mr. F. S. Ellis), Mr. Wicksteed’s translation of the Paradiso, and Mr. W. V. Cooper's translation of the De Consolatione of Boethius.
D. N.
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PREFACE "men theshould Middle Ages art was didactic. All that it was necessary that know—the history of the world from the creation, the dogmas of religion, the examples of the saints, the hierarchy of the virtues, the range of the sciences, arts and crafts—all these were taught them by the windows
of the church or by the statues in the porch. The pathetic name of Biblia pauperum given by the printers of the fifteenth century to one of their earliest
books, might well have been given to the church. There the simple, the ignorant, all who were named “‘sancta plebs Dei,” learned through their eyes almost all they knew of their faith. Its great figures, so spiritual in conception, seemed to bear speaking witness to the truth of the Church’s teaching. The countless statues, disposed in scholarly design, were a symbol of the marvellous order that through the genius of St. Thomas Aquinas reigned in the
world of thought. Through the medium of art the highest conceptions of theologian and scholar penetrated to some extent the minds of even the humblest of the people.
But the meaning of these profound works gradually became obscure. New generations, with a different conception of the world, no longer understood them, and from the second half of the sixteenth century medieval art became an enigma. Symbolism, the soul of Gothic art, was dead. The Church was ashamed of the once beloved legends, in which for so
many centuries Christianity had been nurtured. The council of Trent marks the end of the old artistic tradition, and we know from a book full of the spirit of the council, that the writer—Molanus the theologian—had lost the key to the art of the Middle Ages.’ In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries the Benedictines of SaintMaur, when writing of the ancient churches of France, displayed an ignorance
which was anything but creditable to their order’s reputation for learning. In his Monuments de la monarchte francaise Montfaucon reads into the cathedral
facades scenes from the history of France and portraits of her kings.
And what can one say of those who speak of Gothic bas-reliefs and statues as they might speak of the antiquities of India. Some have imagined * Molanus, De historia sanct. imag. et picturarum. The first edition was published in 1580. See the
Louvain edition of 1771, with Paquot’s notes. Vil
PREFACE that they read the secret of the philosopher's stone in the porch at Notre Dame at Paris.‘ At the end of the eighteenth century Dupuis found in the Zodiac at Notre Dame an argument in support of his famous theory of the solar origin of all religions, and his pupil Lenoir read the legend of Bacchus into a series of bas-reliefs relating to St. Denis.’
The true meaning of medieval art, which had grown more obscure than hieroglyphics, has had to be laboriously re-discovered in our time. To
those who come without preparation the portals of Amiens or the north porch at Chartres are a closed book. A guide is a necessity. Since 1830 many mysteries have been solved through the labours of archeologists like Didron or Cahier, but even their researches have left secrets still undisclosed, and their work needs to be co-ordinated and welded into an organic whole.
This book is an attempt to give systematic form to their researches, and wherever possible to complete them. It is hoped that it may prove of service to historians of art, for to study medieval art, as is sometimes done, without reference to the subject-matter and with attention wholly given to progress in technique, leads to misunderstanding and confusion of the aims of successive periods.* Gothic sculptors had a very different conception of art from that of a Benvenuto Cellini. They did not believe that choice of subject was a matter of indifference, and they did not think of a statue as merely intended to give momentary pleasure to the eye. In medieval art every form clothes a thought ;* one could say that thought works within the material and fashions it. The form can not be separated from the idea which creates and animates it. Work of the thirteenth century interests us even when inadequately executed for we feel there is some-
thing in it akin to a soul. Some understanding of the aims of the artists must precede the right to pass judgment on them. For this reason the natural introduction to the study of medieval art is a methodical review of the subject-matter in which that art delighted. It is a vast enterprise, for all that was best in thirteenth-century thought assumed plastic form. All that was laid down as essential by the theologian, the encyclopzdist, the interpreter of the Bible, was expressed in sculpture or in painted glass, We shall 1 Gobineau de Montluisant, alchemist of the seven- 3 This for instance is Liibke’s error in the chapters
teenth century. His treatise was published in the which he devotes to medieval art (Geschichte der Annales archéologiques, xxi. pp. 139-199. Plastik, i. and ii., Leipzig, 1880, 8vo). 2 Alexandre Lenoir, Description historique et chrono- ‘We do not refer to purely decorative art. In logique des monumens de sculpture réunts au musée des Book 1. we shall show that it has no symbolic monumens francais, An. X., sixth edition, p. 120. ; value. Vill
PREFACE attempt to show how the craftsman translated the thought of the doctor, and to draw a complete picture of the liberal education which a thirteenthcentury cathedral offered to all.
A synthetic work of this kind is open to the objection that it gives no sufficient indication of the slow growth that was going on during the centuries
preceding the thirteenth. The thirteenth century is the period when the thought of the Middle Ages was most fully expressed in art—hence our choice of it—but it was very far from originating all the modes of expression which it perfected. It had inherited a multitude of types, of dispositions, and of ideas from previous centuries. The long evolution of Christian art is one of the most interesting, as it is one of the most elusive subjects of research that can be undertaken by the scholar. Nothing could be more instructive than to follow the representation of a given person or scene, from the art of the catacombs to that of the cathedrals. Careful study of the same type, observing its development in chronological order from fifthcentury mosaics, through Byzantine miniatures, Carlovingian ivories and Romanesque capitals to the sculpture and glass of the thirteenth century, would reveal a long series of stages in the evolution of Christian thought. It would be seen, for example, that the art of the catacombs does not venture to
show to the faithful the image of the crucified Christ, that Romanesque art of the early period represents Him on a jewelled cross, crowned and
triumphant, with open eyes and lifted head, and that the art of the thirteenth century, less doctrinal and more human, shows the crucified figure with closed eyes and drooping form. The final appeal is to the heart rather than to the head. Close study of subtle changes of this kind would show how fluid and mobile, in a word how living a thing medieval Christianity was, but it would be the work of a lifetime. Didron attempted it, but he only reached a study of the three Persons of the Trinity. Another attempt was made by Count Grimouard de Saint-Laurent,? but his wish to include in his Guide de
art chrétien the whole development of art from its origin to his own day condemned him, in spite of his great learning, to superficiality of treatment. We propose to follow another method. We shall consider the art of the thirteenth century as a living whole, as a finished system, and we shall study
the way in which it reflects the thought of the Middle Ages. In this way 1 Didron, Iconographte chrétienne. Histotre de Dieu, 2 Grimouard de Saint-Laurent, Guide de Part Paris, 1844, 4to (series of unpublished documents re- chrétien, 6 vols. 8vo, Paris and Poitiers, 1872-73. lating to the historv of France). ix
PREFACE we shall gain some idea of the majesty of the whole, some notion of the
truly encyclopedic range of medizval art in its prime. The thirteenth century is the central point of our study, for it was then that art with admirable daring tried to express all things. The iconography of the richest Romanesque work is poor indeed beside the wealth of Gothic imagery, and the period we have chosen is precisely that in which the fagades of the great French churches were thought out and executed. Occasionally it has been necessary to go beyond the limits of the thirteenth century ; the old west porch of Chartres, for example, was carved about the year 1150, and the
exterior decoration of Notre Dame at Paris was not finished until the
beginning of the fourteenth century. It is evident that it would have been artificial to confine our research to the period between 1200 and 1300. It is not because we believe that the art of neighbouring nations obeys different rules that we have limited our study to that of French art. On the contrary the character of the art of the thirteenth century was as truly universal as was its Christian teaching. We have satisfied ourselves that the great subjects
in which it delighted were conceived of at Burgos, Toledo, Siena, Orvieto,
Bamberg, Friburg, just as they were at Paris or at Reims. But we are convinced that Christian thought was not expressed elsewhere so fully or
so richly as in France. In the whole of Europe there is no group of works of dogmatic art in the least comparable to that presented by the cathedral of Chartres. It was in France that the doctrine of the Middle Ages found its perfect artistic form. Thirteenth-century France was the fullest conscious expression of Christian thought. There is little to be learned from foreign cathedrals when one knows Chartres, Amiens, Paris, Reims, Laon, Bourges, Le Mans, Sens, Auxerre, Troves, Tours, Rouen, Lyons, Poitiers and Clermont, but we have occasionally taken examples from
Germany, Italy or England to give added force to a demonstration. French art is none the less the subject of our study. Hitherto there has been no book on this subject.1. A work of synthesis would have seemed premature to the archeologists who created the science
of Christian iconography, but after more than sixty years of detailed research such an attempt may appear to be less rash. Since 1830 several * The following should however be mentioned :— graphie, 2 vols., Friburg-im-Breisgau, 1894-96, 8vo). Iconographie chrétienne, by the Abbé Crosnier, Caen, Reference should also be made to the good summary
1848, 8vo; Institutions de Part chrétien, by the made by Krauss in the Geschichte der christl. Kunst, Abbé Pascal, Paris, 1858, 2 vols. 8vo; Tratté d’icono- ii. p. 263 59., Friburg, 1897. In all these books the graphte chrétienne, by Mer. Barbier de Montault, Paris, works of art are too seldom related to the theological, 1890, 2 vols. 8vo. Detzel’s study of iconography also liturgical, and legendary works of the Middle Ages. deserves mention (H. Detzel, Christliche IkonoX
PREFACE reviews, devoted entirely to medieval art, have brought a multitude of valuable facts to light, and in addition, the French cathedrals have almost all been the subjects of monographs which, though far from being complete, give a sufficient number of precise and well-observed facts to make it possible to formulate certain broad general principles. We have verified the accuracy of these works by careful study of the originals. In the first rank must be mentioned the Aanales archéologiques, a publication
which for more than twenty years was inspired by Didron. An enthusiastic
admirer of Victor Hugo, Didron belonged to the Romantic age and brought to the study of the past almost as much imagination as learning. But if he were guilty of error, he imparted something of his own enthusiasm toa whole generation of archeologists. The Bu//etin monumental founded by M. de Caumont and the Revue de Part chrétien founded by Canon Corblet are
mines of information.’ Father Cahier, with the help of assistants and especially with the help of Father Martin’s delicate drawing, published two learned collections entitled Mé/anges and Nouveaux mélanges d’archéologte.? In the nineteenth century no one was better acquainted with medizval art than Father Cahier. His Vitraux de Bourges* and his Caractéristigues des saints dans Part populaire,* though unhappily disfigured by a polemical tone and an unnatural style, are works of sound learning. Mention should also be made of reviews such as the Bib/iotheque de [Ecole des Chartes, the Revue archéologique or the Gazette archéologique, although in them medieval art
fills but a small space. Finally, the numerous provincial archeological societies formed since 1830 at the instigation of M. de Caumont, have published a large number of Bulletins and Mémoires of which a list is given
by M. de Lasteyrie and M. Lefevre-Pontalis.” One of the oldest French learned societies, the Societe des Antiquaires de France, deserves special mention, for its Mémoires, especially those published since 1840, are often of great interest.
These are the sources from which we have drawn much of our
material. But works of art have taught us more even than books, and we have seen and seen again all those of which we write. Moreover in 1 To these should be added the series of the ‘ Cahier, Les Caractéristiques des saints dans Part
Congrés archéologigues de France. populatre, Paris, 1866-68, 2 vols., 4to.
2 Cahier and Martin, Mélanges d@’archéologie, d’his- ° R. de Lasteyrie and Lefévre-Pontalis, Bibliototre ct de littérature, Paris, 1847-56, 4 vols., folio; graphite des travaux historiques et archéologiques publiés Cahier, Nouveaux mélanges d’archéologie et @histoire, par les sociétés savantes, Paris, 1888 etc., Imp.
Paris, 1874-77, 4 vols., folio. Nat., 4to. This contains the index both to the
3 Cahier and Martin, Vitranx peints de Saint- Bulletin monumental and to the Congrés archéologiques
Etienne de Bourges, Paris, 1842-44, folio. de France. Xi
Paris, where the cast museum at the Trocadero contains a large number of fragments, one can study at leisure things which m situ must be examined more rapidly than one could have wished. Three large collections of photographs and engravings have also been in constant requisition ; one is at the Bibliothéque du Trocadero (collection of architectural illustrations),’ another in the Bibliotheque de l’Ecole des Beaux-Arts, a third in the Cabinet des Estampes. The last named, which is known as the “Grande Topographie de la France,” is principally composed of engravings and drawings of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, but is of great value as giving illustrations of works of art which have disappeared, and in showing the condition of monuments before restoration.’ In this way we have been able to give constant and detailed study to the principal statues and bas-reliefs scattered throughout France. It was impos-
sible to study the glass with the same facility, as attempts at photographic
reproduction have so far been rare. Fortunately a real corpus of the principal windows of the thirteenth century, taken from Father Martin's drawings, is given by Father Cahier in his Vitraux de Bourges. Other windows have been reproduced by M. de Lasteyrie in his Histoire de /a peinture sur verre,’ and monographs such as Bourassé and Marchand’s Vitraux de Tours,* Hucher’s Vitraux du Mans,> MM. de Florival and Midoux’s Vitraux de Laon,* added a number of new plates to the unhappily far from complete collection.
Manuscripts containing miniatures could not be ignored. Once more we recognised the rules which monumental art obeyed, and at times it seemed almost as though the miniaturists were the true creators of the types adopted
later by sculptor and glass-painter. We are convinced that careful study of miniatures would result in numerous discoveries in this direction, but up to the
present the work has been difficult. The very summary catalogue of manuscripts in the Bibliotheque Nationale does not allow of really systematic
research. A catalogue of the miniatures in Latin manuscripts, begun by M. Bordier on the model of his catalogue of the miniatures in Greek manuscripts, remains unfinished.’ The work of collating the many illus1 Supplemented by the collection in the Rue de 8 Florival and Midoux, Les Vttraux de Laon, Paris, Valois (Commission des monuments historiques). 1882-91, 4to. 2 To these collections should be added that formed ? It has not been printed, but may be consulted by M. Martin-Sabon, so well known to all students under the head of Nouvelles acquisitions frangaises,
of the Middle Ages. 5813, 5814, 5815. The summary catalogue of illus3 F. de Lasteyrie, Histoire de la peinture sur verre, trated MSS. in the Bibliothéque Nationale, drawn up Paris, 1838-58, folio. by the Comte de Bastard, should be mentioned. It
* Marchand and Bourassé, Verriéres du cheur de also has not been published, Bibl. Nat., Nouvelles Péglise métropolitaine de Tours, Paris, 1849, folio. acquisitions frangaises, §811-5812. 5 Hucher, Vitraux petnts de la cathédrale du Mans, Ie Mans, 1868, folio. Xl
PREFACE trated manuscripts which still await investigation, of tracing their descent and classifying them into schools, will demand the labour of several generations of scholars... On the other hand the Bibliotheque de ]’Arsenal, the Bibliotheque Sainte-Genevieve and the Bibliotheque Mazarine now have excellent descriptive catalogues. But we have consulted the miniatures only so far as they throw light on the main subject of our study, the statues and glass of the thirteenth century.
The work we have attempted is beset with many difficulties. For more than two centuries a process of destruction or, what often amounts to the same thing, of restoration has been going on in nearly all the great churches. The facades of Notre Dame at Paris and of the cathedrals at Reims and Bourges bear the mark of such restorations; here a saint has received a new head, there a virtue has changed her attributes. The glass in almost all the churches has suffered from the unskilful restoration of the eighteenth century. The order of subjects has been reversed, or fragments of a scattered window have served to patch up neighbouring glass. At Auxerre, for instance, panels from the legend of St. Eustace and from the lives of St. Peter and St. Paul are found distributed haphazard in several windows of the choir and aisles. We have here a source of endless confusion and error.
From the point of view of the scholar the more intelligent restoration of our’ own day is almost as vexatious. Mutilated windows have been completed with an ability which makes it difficult at first sight to distinguish the older from the more recent work, and one runs the risk of searching
for the laws of medieval iconography among works of the nineteenth century. Local monographs do not always mention these restorations. Happily the works usually speak for themselves, and some less glowing colour, some less bold design, some unusual feature in the composition warn us that we are dealing with modern work. In order to separate the old from the new and to recover the proper sequence of ideas, a preliminary
critical study of thirteenth-century work is indispensable. We trust that we have met the requirements of criticism in this matter.
A second difficulty arises in assigning limits to the treatment of the subject. The length of several chapters might well have been doubled. That on the Golden Legend, for instance, might have been indefinitely 1 See M. Léopold Delisle’s study of illustrated See also G. Vitzthum, Die Pariser Miniaturmaleret, books, Hist. ltttér. de la France, xxxi. p. 13 5g. He Leipzig, 1907. attempts to classify the MSS. containing miniatures. _
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PREFACE lengthened had we enumerated all the works of art in which its saints figure. But as we do not claim to have written a complete treatise on iconography it has seemed best to omit all but essentials, and to give only those examples which should serve to illustrate most clearly the dominant ideas which inspired medieval art.
The study of the theological literature of the Middle Ages has been perhaps the most serious of all the difficulties which have confronted us. One is literally overwhelmed by the enormous volume of the work produced by the doctors of the Church in the course of ten centuries. But closer examination of the works of the commentators on Scripture,
the liturgiologists, and the encyclopedists has shown in a surprising way that they repeat each other indefinitely. Isidore of Seville summarises the Fathers, the Venerable Bede is inspired by Isidore, Rabanus Maurus by Bede,
Walafrid Strabo by Rabanus Maurus and so on. In days when communica-
tion was difficult, books rare, and ideas slow to spread, it was judged a worthy deed to abridge some celebrated book, to extract the substance of some famous treatise, or even to reproduce almost unaltered the work of some ancient doctor. Literary amour-propre—the pride of authorship— was unknown to the early Middle Ages. It was plain that a doctrine belonged not to him who expounded it but to the Church as a whole. To write a book and so to make known the truth to one’s neighbour, was in a sense to practise one of the works of mercy.
It follows that the apparently immense library of the Middle Ages consists after all of a very few works. ‘Ten well chosen books might almost
literally be said to take the place of all others. The commentators on the Old and New ‘Testaments are summarised in the G/lossa ordinaria of Walafrid Strabo, completed in the fourteenth century by Nicolas de Lyra. The whole of the symbolic liturgy is in the Rationale dininorum offictorum ot Gulielmus Durandus. The spirit and method of the old preachers live again
in the Speculum Ecclesiae of Honorius of Autun. Sacred history, as then understood, is found in the Historia Scolastica of Peter Comestor and in the Legenda aurea of Jacobus de Voragine, profane history in the Speculum Aistortale of Vincent of Beauvais. All] that was known of the physical world is summarised in the Speculum naturale, and all that was known of the moral world in the Summa Theologica of St. Thomas Aquinas, epitomised in the Speculum morale.
A reader familiar with these works will have penetrated the depths of the medieval mind. The age which adopted them saw in them its own X1V
PREFACE reflection, and the esteem in which they were held caused us to choose them as our guide. The study of these books, whose classical character at once arrested our attention, has provided a point of departure in the midst of this vast mass of
literature. In course of time others have gathered round them, but it is to these books that we refer by preference, for they are truly representative. The doctrines they expound, the legends they adopt, were generally accepted by the Church, and thanks to them we have been able to reduce materially the number of our quotations. Father Cahier in his Vitraux de Bourges filled
whole pages with quotations, not satisfed until he could trace a dogma step by step from Augustine to Aquinas. This is surely the affectation of learning, for in such a case one good testimony would suffice. After reading the G/ossa ordinaria, it is as a rule of little use to study other commentaries on the Bible. We have not, however, neglected other resources offered by patristic
study. It has sometimes been necessary to multiply instances to prove that a case which to-day seems extraordinary was not really an unusual one.
Then too, our guides at times have proved superficial, and it has been necessary to supplement them by other writers, But as a rule we have remained faithful to our method of referring to famous compilations which summarise the learning of the period.
Literature in the vernacular, as one might expect, has been of little service. The Leégendes des saints, the Images du monde, the rhymed Bestiaires are merely translations, and often lifeless ones. The finest and most profound books of the Middle Ages were not and could not be trans-
lated. The French of the thirteenth century, which tells a story with charm and force, and sings not without grace, was yet incapable of expressing abstract thought. Latin long remained the language of the thinker, and no adequate knowledge of the Middle Age could be gained through popular literature. We have therefore avoided the timid adaptations of French writers, and have gone straight to the original works.
XV
CONTENTS
PREFACE . . . , , . ; , . . . , , . . vil PAGE
ALPHABETICAL List OF ILLUSTRATIONS. , , , . , . . . Xx INTRODUCTION CHAP.
I. GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF MeEpI1AvAL ICONOGRAPHY . , . . . . I I.—Medizval Iconography is a script. II.—It is a calculus. The mystic numbers. I1].—It is a symbolic code. Art and the Liturgy.
II. MerHop vusep IN THIs Stupy oF MepravaL IcONOGRAPHY—THE MIUIrRRORS OF
VINCENT OF BEAUVAIs . . . . . . . . . . . . 23 BOOK I
THE Mirror oF Nature . , , . . . . , . . . 27 I.—To the medizval mind the universe a symbol. Sources of this conception. The “Key” of Melito. The Bestiaries. II.—Animals represented in the churches; their meaning not always symbolic. Symbols of the Evangelists. Window at Lyons. Frieze at Strasburg. Influence of Honorius of Autun ; the Bestiaries. I11.—Exaggerations of the symbolic school. Symbolism sometimes absent. Flora and fauna of the thirteenth century. Gargoyles, monsters.
BOOK II
THe Mrrror oF INsrRucTIon. . . . . , . . . . . 64 ].—Labour and learning ; their part in the work of redemption. Manual work. Repre-
sentations of the labours of the months; illustrated calendars. I!.—Instruction; the Trivium and Quadrivium. Martianus Capella and the Seven Arts. Influence of his book on medizval Literature and Art. III.—Representations of Philosophy. Influence of Boethius. IV.—Conclusion. The Fate of Man. The Wheel of Fortune.
BOOK. III
THE Mirror oF Morais. . . , , . . : , . . 98 1.—Representations of the Virtues and Vices in medizval Art. The Psychomachia of Prudentius and its influence. 1I].—The Virtues and Vices seen under new forms in the thirteenth century. The twelve Virtues and the twelve Vices at Notre Dame at Paris, Chartres and Amiens. II1.—The Active and the Contemplative Life. Statues at Chartres. XVil
CONTENTS
CHAP, PAGE BOOK IV
I. THe Mrrror or History. THE Otrp TEstaMENT . , ; . , . I31 I.—The Old Testament regarded as a figure of the New Testament. Sources of the symbolic interpretation of the Bible. The Alexandrian Fathers. St. Hilary. St. Ambrose. St. Augustine. Medizval Doctors. The Glossa Ordinaria. 11.—Old Testament types in medizeval Art. Types of Christ. Symbolic windows at Bourges, Chartres, Le Mans and
Tours. III.—Old Testament types of the Virgin. The porch at Laon. Influence of Honorius of Autun. IV.—The Patriarchs and the Kings. Their symbolic function. V.—The Prophets. Attempts in medizval Art to give plastic form to the Prophecies. VI.—The Tree of Jesse. The Kings of Judah on the facade of Notre Dame at Paris, at Amiens, and at Chartres. VII.—Summary. The symbolic medallions in Suger’s windows at St. Denis. The statues of the north porch at Chartres.
II. THe Gospers . , , . , , . , , , . , , . 176 I.—The life of Christ only partially represented in medizval art. Reason for this. Representation of the Church Calendar only. Influence of the Liturgy. The Christmas and Easter cycles. 1].—Symbolic interpretation of the New Testament. The Nativity. The Crucifixion. The first and the second Adam. The Resurrection. The Marriage at Cana. I11.—The Parables. Parables of the Wise and Foolish Virgins and of the Good Samaritan. Their symbolic significance. Parables of Dives and Lazarus and of the Prodigal Son.
III. ApocrypHaL STrorigEs; OLp AND NEw TESTAMENT. . , , . , - 202 I.—Legends relating to the Old Testament. The death of Cain. 1I1.—Legends relat-
ing to the New Testament. The Gospel of the Infancy. The Gospel of Nicodemus. I1I.—Apocryphal stories of the Infancy. The ox and the ass. The midwives. The Magi and their journey. Miracles of the Child in Egypt. IV.—Apocryphal features in the public life of Christ. The marriage at Cana. V.—Legends of the Passion and the Resurrection. Legends of the Cross. The descentinto Limbo. The Appearances. VI.—Some traditional features in works of art; their origin. Studio traditions. Probable “Guide to Painting ” in the thirteenth century. VII.—Legends of the Virgin. Cult of the Virgin in the thirteenth
century. Birth of the Virgin. SS. Anne and Joachim. Marriage of the Virgin. The Annunciation ; details of apocryphal origin. Death, burial and coronation of the Virgin.
VIII.—Miracles of the Virgin. Story of Theophilus. The De Gloria Martyrum of Gregory of Tours. Explanation of windows at Le Mans.
IV. THe Satnrs AND THE GOLDEN LEGEND . . ; ; ; , , ; . 267 I.—The Saints. Their place in the life of the Middle Ages. II.—The Golden Legend;
its character and its charm. III.—The artists’ interpretation of the Golden Legend. Endeavour to express holiness. 1IV.—Characteristics of the saints. Emblems and attributes. Reaction of art on legend. V.—Characteristics of saints and the craft guilds. Patron saints. VI.—The favourite saints of the Middle Ages. The apostles. Their apocryphal history; the pseudo-Abdias. Attributes of the apostles. VII.—Local saints. VIII.—Saints adopted by the whole of Christendom. 1IX.—Influence of relics on the choice
of saints, X.—Choice of saints by donors. The confraternities. XI.—Influence of pilgrimages on the choice of saints. St. James, St. Nicholas and St. Martin.
V. Antiguiry. SEcuLAR History . . . . ; . , , . - 332 I.—Antiquity. The great men of antiquity rarely represented in the cathedrals. Aristotle
and Campaspe. Virgil in the basket. The Sibyl as the symbol of antiquity. The sibyl Erythraea alone represented in the thirteenth century. Reasons for this. 1I.—Symbolic interpretation of classical myths. Ovid moralised. IIJ.—History of France. Kings of France. Their figures less frequent than often supposed. Montfaucon’s error. 1IV.—Great
scenes in the history of France. Baptism of Clovis. Story of Charlemagne (window at Chartres). The Crusades. Life of St. Louis. XViil
CHAP. PAGE VI. Tue Crosk or Hisrory—Tue ApocatypsE—THe Lasr JUDGMENT . , - 355 ].—The Apocalypse. The artists’ sources of inspiration. The Spanish and the AngloNorman apocalypse ; influence of the latter. I].—The Last Judgment ; its representation and sources. Importance of the EL/uctdarium of Honorius of Autun. Precursory signs.
The Second Coming of Christ. The Resurrection of the Dead. The Judgment. St. Michael and his scales. Hell; the jaws of Leviathan. The Elect. III.—Eternal Blessedness. The Beatitudes of the soul. The Beatitudes after St. Anselm, in the north porch at Chartres. The close of history.
CoNcLuUsION , , ; , ; . . ; , , ; , - 390 ].—FEach cathedral has its individual character. 11.—The ordering of subjects determined
by the Church. The artist the submissive interpreter. Error of Viollet-le-Duc ; the lay artists not rebels. 11I].—The cathedral a work of faith and love.
‘TRANSLATOR’S Nore , , , , , , , . , ; , , . 400
APPENDIX . , . . . . . . , , . . . , . 401
BIBLIOGRAPHY , ; , , ; ; ; ; ; , . , . 407 INpEX OF WorKs OF ART REFERRED TO . ; . ; . , , . . 4AIl
XIX
ALPHABETICAL
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE
Apper, THE DEAF (Amiens) . . . . , . . ; ; , . ; ; . ~ 45 ApoRATION OF THE Mac (choir enclosure, Notre Dame at Paris) . ; , , . , , . 214 .3 ” Tue Mac ASLEEP IN ONE BED (tympanum in the north porch at Chartres) 228, 229
im - (B. N., MS. Lat. 17326, second half of the thirteenth century) , , . 230 ANNUNCIATION, THE (window at Lyons). After L. Bégule . ©. «© © «© 2 ., . 243
- ,», (window at Laon), From MM. de Florival and Midoux . , , . , . 245
ApocaLypsE, THE (after a MS. in the B. N.) . . , , , , , . , . , . 361 ” ,, (window at Bourges). From Cahier and Martin , ; , , . 363 APOSTLE CARRYING CONSECRATION Cross (Sainte-Chapelle) . , , ; . , , , . 2i
Aposttes (Chartres) . - , , , Lg . . ; , . oo . 305 » TO THE RIGHT OF Curist (Amiens) . . , . , , , , . . 306, 307
APPEARANCES OF Curist To St. Peter (choir enclosure, Notre Dame at Paris) . . , , . 226
ArcH-oRDERS OF PortaiL St. Honoré aT AMIENS , , , . , , , . , . 154
ARISTOTLE AND CampasPe (Lyons) . . - , , - , . , , , - 334 Arts, GRAMMAR AND Dtarectic (porch at Auxerre)... , , , , , , . . 84
», GRAMMAR WITH Donatus or Priscian, AND Music with Pytuacoras (?) (Chartres) , . 87
»» Music (window at Laon). From MM. de Florival and Midoux . , , . , . . 86
» PHILOsoPHY (Laon). After Viollet-le-Duc. . . , , , ; , ; , . go
im m (Sens). After Viollet-le-Duc. , . . ; , , . ; , . 92
AssUMPTION OF THE VirGIN, Tue (Notre Dame at Paris) . ; ; . . ; , . 249 BALAAM SUPPORTED BY HIS ASS, THE QUEEN OF SHEBA BY A NEGRO (north porch, Chartres) , , 8
BASEMENT OF THE CATHEDRAL OF SENS (portion) . , , , , , , . , , . §8
Basttisk, THE (Amiens). . . . . . , re Lo . 45 Beast, APOCALYPTIC , , ; , . . . ; , , , ; . , , . 361 Beasts, THE Four (Chartres). . , , . , , , ; ; . oo ; , 7
BEATITUDES OF THE SOUL, THE (north porch, Chartres) . , , , , , , . . 386, 387
BuriaL oF THE Vircin (Notre Dame at Paris) . , ; , , , . ; ; ; . 247
Cuaraprivus, THe (Lyons). After a drawing by L. Bégule , ; . , . , , . 4! CHARLEMAGNE WINDOw (Chartres) . . , ; . , ; , , , . , . 349, 351
Curist, Heap oF (Amiens) . . . . . . ; , . . , , , , . 4
im Ficure oF (south porch, Chartres). . , , . . , , . , , . 17977
doorway) . , . . , , . . . , . . . . . 44
- THE LION, THE DRAGON, THE ADDER AND THE BASILISK BENEATH THE FEET OF (Amiens, central
CHRIST STANDING BETWEEN THE OLD AND THE New Law (medallion in a window at St. Denis) . . 170
CHURCH AND THE SYNAGOGUE, THE (window at Bourges). From Martinand Cahter ... , . 189
CoRONATION OF THE VircIN (Porte Rouge, Notre Dame at Paris) .. , , . , , . 254 XX1
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE
CoRONATION OF THE VIRGIN, Burial, Resurrection anpD (Abbey of Longpont) . , . . . 282
” - 5, (Senlis). Photograph belonging to M.E. Lefevre-Pontalis . . . . 2§0
- 3 - (Chartres) . , , , , . , . , , . . 251
i ys BuriaL, RESURRECTION AND (Amiens) . . , . . 253 .3 3 im Tue Deatu, Resurrection AND (Sens). Photograph belonging to M. EF.
Lefévre-Pontalts . ; , , , . , , , , . 255 i - - (lintel of the right door, Auxerre). , , . , , . 256 \. - i (French ivory, thirteenth century, inthe Louvre) . . . . . 257
Creation. THE CREATOR IN THE FIRST ORDER, THE WORK OF THF SEVEN DAYS IN THE SECOND (north
porch, Chartres) Lo, , , ; ; , - . , . , ; . 28
Crucirixion, SymMBotic (miniature in the Hortus delictarum) , , , ; . . ; . 192
Davip axp Gouiatu (rose-window of the facade, Reims) , . , , , , . , . 34! EAGLE AND EAGLETS (Lyons). After a drawing by L. Bégule . . . , ; , ; . . 42
Ficures, MARGINAL (B. N., MS. Latin 14284) , . . . , . , . , 62, 63, 123 Fiicut into Ecypt, Tue (choir enclosure, Notre Dame at Parts) , ; . , ; . . 219
Fiora, Stone (Notre Dame, Paris) , ; ; , ; ; ; , , . ; ; . §3
Furriers (from a window at Chartres) . . , , . , . , , , . ; . 66 Genesis, EARLY CHAPTERS OF (portion of base of doorway at Auxerre) . , . . . , . 133
Florival , , 2. , . , . , , , . , . , . 16
GIDEON AND THE FLEECE (window at Laon). From Florival and Midoux, bv permission of M. de
Girts OF THE Hoty Spirit, CHRIST WITH THE SEVEN (Le Mans). From Hucher . , ; , . 167 Goop SAMARITAN, PARABLE OF THE (window at Sens). From Cahier and Martin . ; ; . . 197
GROTESQUE ANIMALS (Notre Dame, Paris) , . . . . , , ; ; ; . 56 GROTESQUES ON THE PorTaiL pes Liprarres (Rouen). , . . , , . . . 59, 60, 61
IsAIAH BEARING ST. MATTHEW (window at Chartres) . ; ; , , . . ; . 10 IsaraH, JEREMIAH, St. JoHN THE Baptist, St. Perer (Chartres). , , , . , , . 174
Jupcment, Last (Laon) . , , , , , , , , , , , , , , . 367 - ,, (Notre Dame at Paris) . , , ; , ; , , , , . , . 369
-i” .,. (Saint (Amiens). . , , , . . , , , , , , . 374 Sulpice at Faviéres, Seine et Oise). , . , , , , . . 373 i ». (cathedral at Bordeaux) . , , , , , , , , , . 372 -» »,»»(Saint-Seurin (Chartres). . . , . . , ; , , , , . 368 at Bordeaux) . , , , , , . , , , ; . 371% -53,,5(Poitiers). , . . . . , ; , . . . ; . 370 LHE Losr (Bourges) . ; . ; , , . . ; ; ; . 381 3 », CHE Saved (Bourges) , , , , . . . . , . ; . 382
- », LHE Lost (Reims) , . . , , . . . . . . 379
Kinc oF JUDAH HOLDING A ROD OF THE TREE OF JeEssE (Amiens) . ; ; , oe . 168
Lapper oF virTuE, THe. After the Hortus deltciarum . , , , , , , . , . 106 LAMECH KILLING Cain (Bourges, Auxerre). , , , . , , . , , . 204, 205 LEVIATHAN CAUGHT BY THE HOOK (miniature in the Hortus delsciarum) . Lo Le . 380
Lion AND His cuss, THE (Lyons). .4fter a drawing by L. Bégule . ; , , , , ; - 40
Mac1, THE sTory oF THE (bas-reliefs at Amiens). . . . , , , , , , . 255 MAIDEN WITH THE UNICORN, THE (Lyons). After a drawing by L. Bégule . . , . . . 39
Marryrpom oF St. Nicasius AND oF St. Eutropia (Reims) , . , ; . . ; . 312 XXi1
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE
MELCHIZEDEK AND ABRAHAM (Reims) . , , ; , ; , , . , , . 155 - ABRAHAM, Moses, SamuEL, Davip (Chartres) . , , , , . . , . 173
Mipwives WASHING THE CHILD, THE (from a window at Le Mans) . . ; ; , . 213
Mrracwe oF THeopuitus (Notre Dame at Paris). oo , . . . . ; . 259, 260 Mrractes OF THE VirGIN (window at Le Mans). From Hucher . , , , to . 263, 265
Months, THe (Amiens) . ; ; , ; ; , , , ; , . , . 69, 70, 73, 75 ” »» (Notre Dame at Paris) . , , ; , ; ; ; Lo 72, 74, 76
- » (Rampillon) . . , , , , , , , . , , , 71,77
Nativity, Tue (B. N., MS. Lat. 17326, thirteenth century) , ; ; , ; , , . 186
” 1», (porch of Laon Cathedral). , , , , . . , . . 187
NimBus, THE CRUCIFEROUS, WITH THE AUREOLE, AND THE FOUR EMBLEMS OF THE EVANGELISTS (tym-
panum at Chartres). . . . ; , , , ; ; , . . . , 7 Parrots, Two (Album of Villard de Honnecourt) . , , ; , , , - , - $5
Personaces, Bisuicat (Chartres). , ; ; ; ; , ; , , . ; . 343, 344 Propuecy OF ZEPHANIAH, THE (Amiens) Coe Coe 163 PropHet Amos, THE (from a window at Le Mans). After Hucher. ; . . ; ; , - 159
Propuets (Amiens) . . , . . , , ; , ; , . , ; ; . 161 » (Reims) . ; ; ; , , , , , , , ; . , ; . 154, 160
PsycHomacuia (Aulnay, twelfth century) ; , . ; ; , ; . . . 103 QuapRIcA OF AMINADAB, THE syMBOLIC (medallion in a window at St. Denis) _. , , . . 171 RESURRECTION AND THE CORONATION OF THE VirGIN, THE (window, Notre Dame at Paris) . , . 248
‘9 ” ” (Abbey of Longpont) , , , . 252 ” oF THE Deap. ABRAHAM RECEIVING THE Souts (Rampillon) . . . . , . 376 ” ” Tue SAvED AND THE Lost (Portail des Libraires at Rouen) . . . 375
Riper oF THE ApocaLypse. Deatu (Notre Dame at Paris). , , . ; ; , , . 366 , a (Apocalypse of Saint-Sever) (B. N., MS. Latin 8878) . , . ; . 359 Ripers OF THE APOCALYPSE, HELL AND THE (porch of the Last Judgment, Amiens) , , . . 364
Sea, THe (Notre Dame, Paris) . . . , , , , , , , , , , . 57 SEPARATION OF THE SAVED AND THE Lost (Laon) . , , , . . . , , , . 377 SKY, WATER AND TREES, THE. From the legend of St. Eustace (window at Chartres). ; ; , 3
SOULS BORNE BY ANGELS TO ABRAHAM’s Bosom (Reims) . . , , , ; . . , . 384
SripyL ErytHRaAgA, Tue (Laon) Loo. , , , . . , , , , , , . 338 SIMEON, JOHN THE Baptist, Isaran, Moses, ABRAHAM (Reims). , , , , , , . 153
St. ANNE AND St. Joacutm (Le Mans). From Hucher . , ; , , , ; , , . 241 - CARRYING THE VIRGIN (window at Chartres) . ; . , ; ; , , . . 319 St. Eustace, LeGenp oF (window at Chartres) , ; ; ; ; , , . 275, 276, 277
St. Frrmin (Amiens) _. . . ; , ; , , ; ; , . ; ; , . 284 St. James, Lecenp or (from a window at Chartres) , , ; ; , ; , ; , . 304
¥9 (porch of the cathedral at Bayonne) . ; , ; , Lo , , , . 309
St. Joun, Deatu oF (window at Lyons). .dfter L. Bégule . , ; . , ; ; , . 301
im »5 (porch at Rouen) . . . . , , , ; . . , . «302 St. Marcet Baptizinc (arch of the Portail Rouge, Notre Dame at Paris) , . . , . . 313 St. Mopeste (Chartres) . , . , , , , , , ; , . , , , 5 St. Nicnotas AND St. Martin, TymMpANUM DEVOTED To (Chartres). , . . . . . 330
St. Perer AND St. JOHN AT THE Tomes (Notre Dame, Paris) . , , . . ; , . 226 XX111
LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE
ST. STEPHEN, Story oF (south porch, Notre Dame at Paris) . . , , ; ; , ; . 314
St. Tueopore (Chartres) , . . , . , , ; , , ; , , , . 283
St. Tuomas, Lecenp oF (porch at Semur) . . , , , , , . , , , . 303
Sts. Martin, Jerome, Grecory THE GreaT (Chartres)... . . , . , . . 286, 287 STUDENT LIFE, SO-CALLED sCENES OF (Notre Dame at Paris) . , . , , , , ; - 353
SumMMER (Notre Dame, Paris) . . ; . , , , , , ; , , . , . 67
SYMBOLIC WINDOW AT Bounces .. . . . , . . , . . , , . WI
» - Le Mans. From Hucher . , . , , , , , , . 145
- ” Lyons. From Cahter and Martin . . , , . . , , . 38
Tree oF Jesse (window at Chartres). From Lassus? monograph , , . . , , , . 166
VIRGIN WITH THE BURNING BUSH BENEATH HER FEET, THE (north porch, Chartres) . . , , 9 VIRGIN AND ONE OF THE MIDWIVES, THE (window at Laon). From MM. de Florival and Midoux . 2ui Vircin aT Cuartres, THE (“ Notre-Dame de la belle verriére”’). Beginning of the thirteenth century . 234
VIRGIN, SYMBOLIC BAS-RELIEFS RELATING TO THE (Amiens). . . . . . . . . IS!
Vircin, THe (“ La Vierge dorée” of Amiens) , , , . , . ; , . , . 237
Vircin, Tue (Notre Dame at Paris) . . , . . , . . . , . 232, 236 Vircin, THe (window at Laon). From MM. de Florival and Midoux . . , . . . . 235 Vircins, THe Foortso. THE TREE AND THE AXE (Longpont) . . . . . .«. . . 388 Virtues AND Vices (Amiens, Paris, Lyons, Chartres) 110, 111, 112, 113, 114, 115, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 124, 125, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130
Vision oF Ezexiei (Amiens) . . , , . , , , , . ; , , . 163 », ZECHARIAH (Amiens). . , . . . . , ; , , , ; . 164
9» ST. Joun (window at Lyons). After L. Bégule . ; Ce 8557
Visitation, THe (choir enclosure, Notre Dame at Paris) , , , , . . , . . 231
WHEEL OF FORTUNE (from a rose-window (south) at Amiens) , ; , ; , ; . - 95 WHEEL OF ForTUNE. After the Hortus delictarum, twelfth century . . , , , , . - 97
Winpow at St. Denis See . . . . . 170, 171
XXIV
Thad GOTHIC
IMAGE
Religi Art of th
Thi hc in F INTRODUCTION CHAPTER I
GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF MEDIAAVAL ICONOGRAPHY J.—Medizval Iconography is a script. I].—-It is a calculus. The mystic numbers. III.—It is a symbolic code. Art and the Liturgy.
Tue Middle Ages had a passion for order. They organised art as they had organised dogma, secular learning and society. The artistic representation of sacred subjects was a science governed by fixed laws which could not be broken at the dictates of individual imagination. It cannot be questioned that this theology of art,’ if one may so put it, was soon reduced to a body of doctrine, for from very early times the craftsmen are seen submitting to it from one end of Europe to the other. This science was transmitted by the Church to the lay sculptors and painters of the thirteenth century who religiously guarded the sacred traditions, so that, even in the centuries in which it was most vigorous, medieval art retained the hieratic grandeur of primitive art. These are the general principles which it concerns us to state at the outset as briefly as possible. J
The art of the Middle Ages is first and foremost a sacred writing of which every artist must learn the characters. He must know that the circular 1 Under this title Dr. Piper has written a bookin bearing of these books on art, which is really his which one can find everything but what one is led subject. The same criticism may be made of an to expect. (F. Piper, Einlettung in die monumental: otherwise interesting book, J. Sauer’s Symboltk des Theologie. Gotha, 1867, 8vo.) In it he ex- Kirchengebdudes und seiner Ausstatiung in der Auffasamines the theological writings of the Middle Ages sung des Mittelalters. Friburg, i. B., 1902, 8vo. and the Renaissance, but he does not show the
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE nimbus placed vertically behind the head serves to express sanctity, while
the nimbus impressed with a cross is the sign of divinity which he will always use in portraying any of the three Persons of the Trinity.” He will learn that the aureole (7c. light which emanates from the whole figure and surrounds the body as a nimbus) expresses eternal bliss, and belongs to
the three Persons of the Trinity, to the Virgin, and to the souls of the Blessed. He must know that representations of God the Father, God the Son, the angels and the apostles should have the feet bare, while there would be real impropriety in representing the Virgin and the saints with bare feet. In such matters a mistake would have ranked almost as heresy. Other accepted symbols enabled the medieval artist to express the invisible, to represent that which would otherwise be beyond the domain of art. A hand emerging from the clouds, making the gesture of benediction
with thumb and two fingers raised, and surrounded by a cruciform nimbus, was recognised as the sign of divine intervention, the emblem of providence. Little figures uf nude and sexless children, ranged side by side in the folds of Abraham’s mantle, signified the eternal rest of the life to come.
There are also accepted signs for objects of the visible world which the
artist must learn. Lines which are concentric and sinuous represent the sky, those which are horizontal and undulating represent water (Fig. 1). A tree, that is to say a stalk surmounted with two or three leaves, indicates that the scene takes place on the earth; a tower pierced by a doorway is a town, while if an angel watch on the battlements it is the heavenly Jerusalem.2. Thus we have a veritable hieroglyphic® in which art and writing blend, showing the same spirit of order and abstraction that there is in heraldic art with its alphabet, rules and symbolism.
The artist must be familiar with a multitude of precise details. He is not allowed to ignore the traditional type of the persons he has to represent. St. Peter, for example, must have curly hair, a short, thick beard and a tonsure, while St. Paul must have a bald head and a long beard. Certain details of costume are also unchangeable. Over her head 1 It is not our object, as we have said, to write 3 The word hieroglyphic does not seem too strong the history of the nimbus nor of the other attri- if one remembers that the evangelists were sometimes butes passed in review in this chapter. The greater represented in the form of men with the head of number date back to remote antiquity, and some (like the ox, the eagle and the lion (see capital in the the nimbus) to pagan times. The question has been cloister at Moissac). Here medieval art joins that fully treated by Didron, Hist. de Dieu, pp. 25-170. of ancient Egypt, and is perhaps even derived from ? All these symbols are constantly used in glass- it through the Christian art of Alexandria. painting. 2
the Virgin must wear a veil, symbol of virginity, and the Jews are known by their cone-shaped caps.’
All these figures with their unvarying costume and arrested type have
their place in traditional scenes. No matter how dramatic may be the scene in which they play a part, their every action has been previously
determined. No artist would be rash enough to dare to modify the arrangement of the great scenes from the Gospel. If his subject were the
Last Supper he would not be free to
group the hgures round the table accord- SZ ing to his individual fancy. He would Ni APL gt
G-\ side —— 4 i and PRAT have to show at the. one Jesus ay“3 iySR EEN . > tai = 4 _ ore the apostles, at the other Judas Iscariot.* /' a = } CA We If he would represent the Crucifixion iy f yu iret he must place the Virgin and the lance- aA) | A ples
;°Ni EDWy EBD rife ef .ATE os . . oon \ ime! 2 ee 3 . on I, me,
.a sacred . Sescript. ee|
bearer to the right of the Cross, St. John al JZ Ba Fe Ee
and the man with the sponge to the Ke iP t / These examples, which it would be SSF SSS
useless to multiply, will suffice to show ——— BZD
in what sense medieval art may be called
. Fic. 1.—THE SKY, WATER AND TREES
. . . (From the Legend of St. Eustace. Window at Chartres) At an earlier period than that with
which we are dealing these signs and conventions were of real service to the artist. By their help he could supplement the inadequacy of his technique.
It was obviously easier to draw a cruciform nimbus round the head of the Christ than to show in His face the stamp of divinity. In the thirteenth
century art could have done without such assistance. The artists at Amiens who clothed with so great majesty the Christ teaching at the door of their cathedral had no need of it (Fig. 2). The sculptors of Chartres knew how to express sanctity otherwise than by the use of the nimbus ; a virginal grace envelops St. Modeste (Fig. 3) and the great
soul of St. Martin shines in his face.* But faithful to the past the thirteenth century did not relinquish the old conventions, and deviated
little from tradition. By that time the canons of religious art had grown to have almost the weight of articles of faith, and we find 1 Probably the headdress of the Jews in the Middle 3 St. Modeste is in the north porch (exterior),
Ages. St. Martin in the south porch (right doorway). 2 On representations of the Last Supper, see Bullet.
monum., 1881, p. 312 59. 3
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE theologians consecrating the work of the craftsmen by their authority. In the Summa Aquinas devoted a chapter to the nimbus, and in it he explained why it is the usual symbol of holiness... Art was considered as one form of the liturgy, and Gulielmus Durandus, a liturgiologist of the thirteenth century, introduced several detailed expositions of sacred works
of art into his Rattonale dtvinorum
officiorum.
> ——- It was well for the art of the thir-
, LE. teenth century that it did so piously
f | os eee Sn preserve the rudiments of this ancient
Ba, SS symbolism, for by that means it at-
4 es. ogg tained the grandeur peculiar to works
bee = to which successive centuries had con-
en a ary 7 tributed. There was in art a something | me o£ 3 — impersonal and profound, and one might wey ct ee } say that such or such an attitude, such
yr such a symbolic grouping was not the rg a- at Olorcommon choice. Surely it was
* ¢ Po Lo y individual choice but the corporate , i! ; - Christian consciousness which lighted fee fof Fs éA/ scuug upon that sublime the Saviour sete when on thegesture Day ofof Judgment He Fic. 2—Curist, Heap of (Amiens) shows His wounds to mankind. The mind of the theologian, the instinct of the people and the keen sensibility of the artist all collaborated. Medieval art is like medizxval literature, its value lies less in conscious
talent than in diffused genius. The personality of the artist does not always appear, but countless generations of men speak through his mouth, and the individual, even when mediocre, is lifted by the genius of these
Christian centuries. At the Renaissance artists at considerable risk and peril freed themselves from tradition. The lesser men found it difficult to escape platitude and to attain significance in their religious work, while the great ones were no greater than the old masters who had submissively given naive expression to the thought of the Middle Ages. Following an accepted model it was possible for even a modest artist to produce a work which made a strong emotional appeal. One may well prefer the traditional 1 Sum. Thecl., Supplement to part HI. Quaest., 96. 2G. Durandus, Rat. div. offc., lib. I., cap. 3. See also Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. bistor., lib. I.,cap. 51.
4
the lost. oe Il ey
Christ of the Gothic cathedrals showing His wounds to mankind to the
vengeful Judge whom the genius of a Michel-
angelo, unhampered by tradition, conceived as cursing a Ane
The second characteristic of medizval icono- ae. ‘
graphy is obedience to the rules of a kind of sacred is) or eh
mathematics. Position, grouping, symmetry and i Sa
° . . - p q Zé a
number are of extraordinary importance. Naa A
To begin with, the whole church is oriented [iggy gf from the rising to the setting sun, a custom dating G wai
back to primitive Christian days for itis found even 7s "FF:
in the Apostolical Constitutions.! In the thirteenth | 4a if century Gulielmus Durandus cites this as a rule + at. % i“ without exception :—‘ The foundations must be dis- we lege. @& ee
posed in such a manner that the head of the church ay i. 4%
lies exactly to the east, that is to the part of the eee \ sky in which the sun rises at the equinox. And, * ete By
as a matter of fact, from the eleventh to the six- Bd Cae teenth century it is difficult to find a badly oriented . et Da
church. Like other traditions of medieval art the ea 42 aa
. . . a st ok < ae 3 : 4! iy
rule fell into neglect towards the time of the 4 a at |
violate ame HekD . .it. . oo. , Bein Pota‘Kt Each cardinal point has its significance Council of Trent, the Jesuits being the first to Wy Cy an ‘
churches oriented in this way. The north, region Sins .~ of cold and darkness, is usually consecrated to the rr
. . Fic. 3.—ST. MObDESTE
Old Testament, and the south, bathed in warm sun-
light, is devoted to the New, though there are (Chartres)
many exceptions to the rule The western facade —where the setting sun lights up the great scene of the evening of the 1 Kar’ avatoAas retpapsevos (otkos), Const. apost., the north is devoted to the Old Testament, that to
Il. 57. Migne, Patrol. gr., 1., col. 724 the south to the New. At Reims the rose-window 2 G. Durandus, Ration. Lyons, 1672, 8vo, lib. I., to the north (mutilated) again shows scenes from the
cap. I. Old Testament (the Creation, Adam, Cain, Abel, 3 It was scrupulously observed at Chartres. The &c.), that to the south (restored in the sixteenth heroes of the Old Covenant are sculptured in the century, but doubtless on the old model) is filled with north porch, those of the New in the south porch. figures of Christ and the apostles.
In Notre Dame at Paris the great rose-window to It is curious that the rule is still observed in the 5
world’s history—is almost invariably reserved for a representation of the Last Judgment.’ The medieval doctors, with their curiously bad etymology, connected occidens with the verb occidere, and the west became for them the region of death.’
After orientation it was relative position which most engrossed the
artist, here again at one with the theologian. In early times certain passages in the Bible led to the belief that the right hand was the place of honour. Is it not written, for example, in the Psalms: ‘“ Adstitit regina a dextris tuis in vestitu deaurato?”’’ In the Shepherd of Hermas which belongs to primitive Christian literature, the right is the place given to those who are marked out for honour. In the account of the third vision °
it is said that the Church caused Hermas to be seated on a bench at her side. When he would have seated himself to her right she signed to him to pass to the left, because the right is reserved for those who have suffered in the name of God. The medizval theologians in their turn laid great stress on the dignity of the right hand place,* and the artists did not fail to conform to so well established a doctrine. When, for example, the Saviour is represented in the midst of His apostles,
St. Peter—first in dignity—occupies a place to the right of the Master.5 In the same way in the scene of the Crucifixion or in that of the Last Judgment, the Virgin is to the right, St. John to the left.
Again, the higher place was considered more honourable than the lower, and from this some curious compositions resulted. Of these the most fifteenth century. At St. Quen at Rouen and at gr., ii.; Greek text in Tischendorf, Leipzig, 1856. St. Serge at Angers the windows to the north portray The Middle Age was acquainted with the Latin the prophets, those to the south the apostles. The version of the Shepherd of Hermas, and until the practice was also known to the East. In the monas- fifteenth century it is sometimes found at the end of tery of Salamis the Old Testament is to the left, the New Testament. that is to the north, and the New to the right, the 4 See especially Peter Damian, Opuscula, xxxv., south. See Didron and Durand, Jconographie Patrol. lat., cxlv., col. 589. chréitenne. Traduction du manuscrit blyzantin du 5 There are a few exceptions to prove the rule. In Mont Atkos. Paris, 1845, 8vo, p. xi. On the the great porch at Amiens, for example, St. Paul is
symbolism of the north and south see especially to the right of Christ and St. Peter to the left. G. Durand, Ration., lib. 1V., cap. xxiii, xxiv.; and This arrangement takes us back to primitive Christian Rabanus Maurus, De Universo, ix., Prol. “ austersancta art. In early times St. Paul was placed to the right
Ecclesia est fidei calore accensa.” and St. Peter to the left of Christ to mark the sub-
1 The west front of almost all the great cathedrals, stitution of the Gentile for the Jew. ‘This is the and a few rose-windows to the west (rose-window reason given even in the twelfth century by Peter at Chartres, at St. Radegonde at Poitiers, &c.). Damian in a treatise he wrote on representations of 2 The Hortus deliciarum of the abbess Herrade; the two chief apostles (Patrol., cxlv.). St. Paul, he see Bibl. de l’Ecole des Chartes, vol. 1. p.246. Inthe said, placed the hosts of the Gentiles on the right Carolingian epoch the Carmina Sangallensia place the hand of God. And he adds, St. Paul was of the Last Judgment to the west; see Julius von Schlosser tribe of Benjamin, and Benjamin means “son of in Quellenschriften fiir Kunstgeschichte, vol. iv. p. 328. the right hand.” The old doctrine is perpetuated
Vienna, 1892. in the papal bull, where St. Paul is seen to the right 3 Hermas, lib. I., vis. i11., Latin text in Migne, Patrol. and St. Peter to the left of the Cross. 6
striking is that of the figure of Christ in Majesty supported by the four beasts of the Apocalypse. The four beasts, symbols of the evangelists as we shall show later, were placed according to the excellence of their natures—
man, eagle, lion and ox. When it was a question of disposing them in a tympanum, the dignity conferred by the higher and that conferred by the right hand place had to be taken into consideration. The following arrangement was the one generally adopted. The winged man was placed
atts ¢ Dae ee re geo Ss 2 = i : 4 & : a : Z ao Fj ia a 2 F d aS AU oe Soee eSnn eearee. eeoe es Pe ee ee oe Were ree ee eo ae TS ag Ce Fe Sead — meee a ne OF ian ae eee 2
FIG. 4.—-THE CRUCIFEROUS NIMBUS, THE AUREOLE, AND THE FOUR EMBLEMS OF
THE EVANGELISTS (tympanum at Chartres)
at the top ot the composition and to the right ot Christ, the eagle at the top to the left, the lion at the bottom to the right, the ox at the bottom to the left’ (Fig. 4). Regard for the traditional order is especially evident when it is a question
of representing the blessed who compose the Church Triumphant. On the Portail du Jugement of Notre Dame at Paris the saints ranged in the orders of the arch form, as in Dante’s Divine Comedy, concentric bands round the figure of Christ. ‘The ranks of patriarchs, prophets, confessors, martyrs and virgins are seen in succession. Such a classification conforms to that adopted in the liturgy.2, At Chartres the artist went further, and in the right bay of the south porch—which is entirely devoted to confessors— 1 Old porch at Chartres. 2 At Notre Dame, however, the confessors are placed before the martyrs. 7
the saints round the arches are classified as laymen, monks, priests, bishops and archbishops. A saintly Pope and a saintly Emperor occupy the crown of the arch, and seem to be the two keystones of the
id a an structure,’
i. oy ¢ | Above the choirs of saints are the choirs of bg rq angels. These are frequently ranked by the artists
‘> PMS tet SQ in the order devised by St. Dionysius the Areopagite,
‘4 a a g who first described the invisible world with the pre-
i pat TY cision and grandeur found later in Dante.2 His i a’ , : a Ha i Celestial Hierarchy, translated into Latin in the ninth ae YE | 7 j a century by Scotus Eriugena, was often expounded by
" { at Rit .
i fi a | hye; m the doctors, notably by Hugh of St. Victor.s It Po oq) ge ii q inspired the artists who carved the nine choirs of , fi I JHA SB angels in the south porch at Chartres. They are - uN ine me there ranged in the following orders: Seraphim, ; vag u CaN | Cherubim, Thrones, Dominations, Virtues, Powers,
, Fad, eas Principalities, Archangels and Angels.* All these
it: we ey celestial beings, according to the doctrine of the wii ; ra Areopagite, form as it were great luminous circles _——, round the throne of God, their brilliance increasing
+ uucacccnaionsceaiaiiesiaes in measure as they approach the source of all light.s MIG. 5.—BALAAM SUPPORTED So at Chartres the Seraphim and Cherubim carry BY HIS ASS, THE QUEEN OF SHEBA BY A NEGRO (north flames and balls of fire because they dwell nearest porch, Chartres)
to the centre of heat and splendour.
In the art of the Middle Ages care for disposition of parts extended to the smallest detail and led to ingenious devices. For example, a little crouching figure is almost always found under the bracket which supports a large statue. The superficial observer sees in it a piece of pure decoration,
but careful study has shown that each of such small figures is in vital relation to the figure above it. Apostles tread under foot the kings who persecuted them, Moses stands on the golden calf, the angels tread on 1 See Bulteau, Afonographie de la cathédrale de ‘ The Abbé Bulteau (cp. cit., p. 313 5g.) adopts a Chartres, vol. ii. p. 358. Chartres, 1891, 8vo. This rather different sequence, but it is evident that he is fine monograph is in three volumes. The Abbé mistaken. The figure armed with a lance and shield, Bulteau had previously published a complete study of | treading the dragon under foot, obviously represents the cathedral of Chartres in one volume, Descripiicn the order of Archangels and not the Virtues.
de la cathédrale de Chartres. Chartres, 1850, 8vo. 5 Rabanus Maurus, De Universo, i. 5, Patrol., cxi., 2 Dante placed Dionysius the Areopagite in the col. 29. ‘et ideo quantum vicinius (angeli) coram
Paradiso (x., 115-117). Deo consistunt, tanto magis claritate divini luminis 3 Patrol., cxxii., col. 638, and clxxv., col. 923. inflammantur.”’ 8
INTRODUCTION the dragon of the abyss, and Christ tramples on the adder and the basilisk.
At times the emblem on the bracket does not connote
triumph, but relates to some feature in the life or char- We acter of the hero. At Chartres Balaam has his ass be- alg? neath his feet, the Queen of Sheba has a negro bearing fy * gifts from Ophir (Fig. 5), while beneath the figure of | KG pbr
the Virgin is the burning bush! (Fig. 6). The con- J LY, no
nection between the statue and the figure beneath the [RANMRH | J
bracket is so close that at Notre Dame at Paris it has Sar’ (Fy been possible by the help of the storied supports to re- 7 HW ff 1 construct almost to a certainty the large figures in the BBMg? | .](Uf\ wena is : rs
left doorway.’ | it ie
. tp a 3
But no disposition met with more favour than that [Mi q on
controlled by symmetry. Symmetry was regarded as the ih:
expression of a mysterious inner harmony. Craftsmen ui | opposed the twelve patriarchs and twelve prophets of the [RNM) /}/.
Ancient Law to the twelve apostles of the New, and [BR /f/; j
the four major prophets to the four evangelists. A RSG
window in the south transept at Chartres shows—with ee audacious symbolism—the four prophets Isaiah, Ezekiel, eg ,
Daniel and Jeremiah bearing on their shoulders the ] , eS four evangelists, St. Matthew, St. John, St. Mark, St. FiRBIRags/ am Luke‘ (Fig. 7). In this way the artist would tell us “ene
that although the evangelists rest upon the prophets, (==.
. WITH THE RBURN-
yet from their spiritual vantage-ground they have a ric, 6-Tue virciv
wider outlook. The four and twenty elders of the Win cee eH HER FEFT (north
Apocalypse frequently correspond to the twelve prophets porch, Chartres)
and the twelve apostles. In the same way parallelism was employed when treating of the Virtues and the Liberal Arts.° Schemes of this kind presuppose a reasoned belief in the virtue of 1 The Virgin of the Visitation in the north prophets, apostles and patriarchs are opposed (two
porch. patriarchs are missing). Some of these are repro* Facade, porch of the Coronation of the Virgin. duced in L. Bégule and C. Guigue’s Monographie de On the pedestals in this porch, see Cahier, Nouv. mél. la cathédrale de Lyon. Lyons, 1880, folio.
Marché: (iv.ires, miniatures, &c.), Pp. 237; and 4 The same subject was carved on the porch of
France, t. Xvi. influence. 3 On this concordance see the commentary on 6 Windows in the apse of the cathedral of Auxerre.
Duchalais, Mémotres de la Sociéié des antiquaires de the cathedral of Bamberg, probably under French
Genesis attributed to Eucherius (Patrol., 1. col. 923) The Arts are in one rose-window, the Virtues in and Isidore of Seville, Liber numr., Patrol., \xxxiii., another, in equal numbers. col. 192. In the windows in the cathedral of Lyons 9
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE numbers, and in fact the Middle Ages never doubted that numbers were endowed with some occult power. This doctrine
Hee Paw came from the Fathers of the Church, who inYe Zag ON herited it from those Neo-Platonic schools in [SR ESO which the genius of Pythagoras had lived again.
I geNNON It is evident that St. Augustine considered Hi Weil numbers as thoughts of God. In many passages SH AST gas VERT Wetr he lays it down that each number has its divine porn Wher } 7aA\\ Plt significance. ‘‘ The Divine Wisdom is reflected Wei esse BNUNG) Ret in the numbers impressed on all things.” + The
Rae AANA) bal construction of the physical and moral worlds ROUT ADV Vilas Sate TH alike is based on eternal numbers. We feel
iis tA. Ge cid that the charm of the dance lies in rhythm, Irs Vania He that is in number; but we must go further,
Heat | ZR es ais beauty is itself a cadence, harmonious number.’ PSHE UK reas HEL The science of numbers, then, is the science
LPN Th: of the universe, and from numbers we learn A AS eet its secret. ‘Therefore the numbers met with
Then NTRS AY pa in the Bible should be considered with reverent
iwi Mi attention, for they are sacred and full of
Pah SACAV tet mystery. He who can read them enters into lett i” \4 Al TT tt the divine plan. Ret 1 SSMU Hike The same ideas are found in the works of NL OF ae A a ett almost all the medieval doctors. Reference to Hc NRG Wail the Liber formularum of Eucherius for the fifth IMA tutu la YS century, to the Lider numerorum of Isidore of HSU eeeeest tel Seville for the seventh, to the De Universo of
= on w= |) Rabanus Maurus for the ninth, and to the Mzstate? SanTON. Yertitcd cellanea of Hugh of St. Victor for the twelfth
RAR UT AAS STH «will suffice to show how the same _teachMATHEW taindow ae cle rtres) ing couched in precisely the same terms
was transmitted through the centuries.‘ The symbolic meaning of each number is first dogmatically stated, to be sub1 St. Augustine, De libero arbitrio, lib. IL, cap. xvi. bus et zternis,” vi. Xii., Patrol., vol. xxxii., col.
Patrol., vol. xxxii., col. 1263. 1181.
2 JTd., ibid. 4 Eucherius, Patrol., vol. 1.; Isid. of Seville, Patrol.,
2 St. Augustine, Quzest.in Heptateuch.; Patrol., vol. vol. \xxxiil. ; Rabanus Maurus, Patrol., cxi.; Hugh Xxxvi.-xxxvii., col. 589; see also St. Augustine’s of St. Victor, Putrol., clxxvil. treatise De Afusica, chapter “De numeris spirituali10
INTRODUCTION sequently verified by the examination of passages of Scripture in which numbers appear. The interpretations do not vary, and one feels oneself in the presence of a body of doctrine. A few examples will give some idea of the method. From St. Augustine onwards all theologians interpreted the meaning of the number twelve after
the same fashion. ‘Twelve is the number of the universal Church, and it was for profound reasons that Jesus willed the number of His apostles should
be twelve. Now twelve is the product of three by four. Three, which is the number of the Trinity and by consequence of the soul made in the image of the Trinity, connotes all spiritual things. Four, the number of the elements, is the symbol of material things—the body and the world—which result from combinations of the four elements.' To multiply three by four is in the mystic sense to infuse matter with spirit, to proclaim the truths of the faith to the world, to establish the universal Church of which the apostles are the symbol.? Computations of this kind were often more than ingenious, and at times
reached real grandeur. The number seven, regarded by the Fathers as mysterious above all others, intoxicated the medieval mystic. It was observed first of all that seven—-composed of four, the number of the body,
and of three, the number of the soul—is pre-eminently the number of humanity, and expresses the union of man’s double nature. All that relates
to him is ordered in series of sevens. Human life is divided into seven ages with each of which is associated the practice of one of the seven virtues. The grace necessary for the practice of these se :n virtues is gained by addressing to God the seven petitions of the Paternoster. The seven sacraments sustain man in the exercise of the seven virtues, and guard
him from falling into the seven deadly sins.» The number seven thus expresses the harmony of man’s nature, but it also expresses the harmonious relation of man to the universe. The seven planets govern human destiny,
for each of the seven ages is under the influence of one of them. Thus seven invisible threads connect man with the scheme of the universe.“ Now 1 St. Augustine, In Psalm., vi.; Patrol., vol. xxxvi.— 8 On the number seven see Hugh of St. Victor, Xxxvil., col. 91. “Numerus ternarius ad animum = Exposit. in Abdicm, Patrol., vol. clxxv., col. 400 sq.
pertinet, quaternarius ad corpus,” and Hugh of St. 4 Subtle and learned Italy connected the planets
Victor, Patrol., vol. clxxv., col. 22. with the seven ages of man on the capitals of the
2 On the number twelve see Rabanus Maurus, De Ducal Palace at Venice, and in the frescoes in the Universo, xviii. 3; Patrol., vol. cxi., “Item duodecim Eremitani at Padua. Annales archéol., t. xvi. pp. 66, ad omnium sanctorum pertinent sacramentum, qui,ex 197,297. The frescoes, the work of Guarient', belong
quatuor mundi partibus per fidem Trinitatis electi, to the fourteenth century. After birth the child is unam ex se faciunt ecclesiam”; and Hugh of St. under the influence of the Moon, who governs him for Victor, De seripturis et script. sacris, Patrol., vol. four years. ‘Then Mercury adopts him, and influences
clxxv., col. 22. him for ten years. Venus takes him for seven years. II
the beautiful symphony made by man and the world, the music they offer to God, will last for seven periods of time, of which six have already passed.
By creating the world in seven days God gave man the key to these mysteries,’ and the Church celebrates the sublimity of the Creator’s plan when she sings His praises seven times a day.? Finally, when all is said and
done, what are the seven tones of the Gregorian mode but a sensible expression of the universal harmony.*
There is no doubt that the mystical schools in particular were led astray
by conceptions of this kind. A glance at the Arca Noe of Hugh of St. Victor gives some idea of the rapture with which such symbolic numbers were combined.
But apart from the mystics there was hardly a medieval theologian who did not seek in number the revelation of hidden truth. Some of their computations vividly recall those of the Cabbala. Honorius of Autun, when wishing to explain why the soul unites with the body fortysix days after conception, takes the name of Adam, and shows that the number forty-six is therein written. The transposition into numbers of the Greek letters composing the name gives: a=1, d=4, a=1, m=40, ie. 46, which represents the time at which the human being may be considered as formed. Among the doctors, the commentators on the Bible are the richest in mystical interpretations based on numbers. They tell us, for example,
that if Gideon went forth with three hundred companions it was not without some hidden reason, for that number hides a mystery. In Greek
three hundred is rendered by the letter tau (T); now T is the figure of the Cross, and so behind Gideon and his companions must be seen the vision of Christ and the Cross.®
Many examples of similar deductions might be given, but it is enough to The Sun then governs man for nineteen years, Mars ‘ Honorius of Autun, Sacramentarium, Patrol., vol.
for fifteen, Jupiter for twelve, and Saturn till his clxxii., col. 741. The four letters in the name of death. All these traditions go back to classical times. Adam also (according to Honorius) represent the 1 Qn the symbolism of the seven Days of Creation, four first letters of the four cardinal points—anatolé see Rabanus Maurus, De Universo, ix. Io. (east), dysis (west), arktos (north), mesembria (south).
2 On the symbolism of the seven hours of the it is hardly necessary to say that Honorius of
office, see G. Durand s, Ratton., v. 1. Autun was not the inventor of these combinations 3 The seven tones (with the octave) are carved of numbers and letters, which are very ancient. on capitals from the abbey of Cluny (to-day in the 5 Walafrid Strabo, Glossa ordin. Lib. Fudie., VIL, museum of that town). They were very probably v.6. The same doctrine is found in St. Augustine, connected, if one may judge by some other capitals, Quest. in Heptat., lib. vil. xxxvii.; and in Rabanus with the seven virtues and the seven ages of the Maurus, Comment. in Lib. Fudic., lii., Patrol. vol.
world. See Annales arciésl., t. xxvi. 380, and cviii., col. 1163. t. XXVIl. 32, 151, 287.
12
INTRODUCTION have indicated a peculiar characteristic of medieval thought. It might truly be said that there was something of this sacred arithmetic in all the great works of the Middle Ages. Dante’s ‘“‘ Divine Comedy” is the most
famous example, for it is built up on numbers. To the nine circles of Hell correspond the nine terraces of the mount of Purgatory and the nine
heavens of Paradise. In that inspired poem nothing was left solely to inspiration. Dante determined that each part of his trilogy should be divided into thirty-three cantos in honour of the thirty-three years of the life of Christ... In adopting the metrical form of the terzina he seems to have wished that the pre-eminently mystic number should enter into
the very texture of his poem. He disposed the universe according to the laws of a sublime geometry. He placed the earthly Paradise at the antipodes of Jerusalem so that the tree which caused man’s fall was exactly
opposite to the Cross through which he gained salvation. The same precision of detail is observed throughout. The most ardent imagination known in literature was also the most submissive. Dante accepted the law of numbers as a divine rhythm which the universe obeyed. But while
meditating on the mystery he was seized with a sacred awe from which sprang a marvellous poem. Beatrice herself became a number. She was in his eyes the number nine, which has its root in the holy Trinity.’
It was thus that “cum pondere et mensura,’’ Dante raised his invisible
cathedral. With St. Thomas he was the great architect of the thirteenth century, and might well be represented holding compass and rule such as may be seen on the tombstone of Maitre Hugues Libergier the builder of St. Nicaise at Reims. After all that has been said it would seem natural to look for traces of this
sacred arithmetic in the cathedrals, Though the science of numbers was often at the root of the artists’ compositions, yet we are far from seeing symbolic numbers everywhere. For example, nothing goes to prove, as certain adventurous archeologists would have it, that a mystical meaning is to be sought in the triple division of the Gothic window.? But neither would we join hands with the opposite school, and by systematically rejecting
all symbolism of the kind show misunderstanding of the real genius of the Middle Ages. 1 The Inferno has thirty-four cantos, but the first a nine; that is, a miracle whose root is the wondrous
must be considered as a prologue. Trinity alone.”
2 Vita Nuova. ‘This lady was accompanied by 3 See J. M. Neale and Benj. Webb, The sym-
the number nine, to give to understand that she was —bolism of churches and church crnaments. 1843. 13
There are cases in which symbolic intention can hardly be questioned, such is the close agreement between the work of writer and craftsman. The octagonal form of the baptismal font, adopted from the earliest times and persisting through the whole of the Middle Ages, is not due to mere caprice. It is dificult not to see in it an application of the teaching of the Fathers,
for the number eight was to them the number of the new life. It comes after seven which marks the limit assigned to the life of man and to the duration of the world. The number eight is like the octave in music with which all begins once more. It is the symbol of the new life, of the final resurrection and of that anticipated resurrection implied in baptism.’
We cannot believe that such a doctrine, taught by the early Fathers, persisted without effect. The font in the oldest baptisteries in Italy or Gaul was almost invariably octagonal in form,’ and in medieval times the baptismal fonts though frequently circular were still more frequently octagonal.’
We believe that it would be possible to find mystical numbers in other
parts of the cathedral, but such studies are still in their infancy and so far more imagination than method has been brought to bear on them.
III The third characteristic of medizval art lies in this, that it is a symbolic
code. From the days of the catacombs Christian art has spoken in figures, showing men one thing and inviting them to see in it the figure
of another. The artist, as the doctors might have put it, must imitate God who under the letter of Scripture hid profound meaning, and who willed that nature too should hold lessons for man.
In medizval art there are then intentions a knowledge of which is necessary to any real understanding of the subject. When for example in scenes of the Last Judgment we see the Wise and Foolish Virgins to 1 St. Ambrose says, “Quis autem dubitet majus of the Church. I have searched in vain in St. Augusesse octave Munus, quae totum renovavit hominem.” tine, St. Ambrose, and St. Gregory the Great. Sup-
Eptst. class., i. xliv., Patrol., vol. xvi., col. 1140. port from them would settle the question, but their Elsewhere he remarks that the number eight, which silence by no means condemns our hypothesis.
under the Old Law related to circumcision, now 8 On medizval fonts see the study made by M. relates to baptism and to the resurrection. Jn Psal. Saintenoy in the Annales de la Société archéolog. de
David, cxviii., Patrol., vol. xv., col. 1198. Bruxelles, 1891 and 1892. He studied and classified 2 For example, the baptisteries at Ravenna, a large number of baptismal fonts of the eleventh Novara, Cividale in Friuli, Trieste, Torcello, Aix to the sixteenth century in all parts of Europe. (Provence), Fréjus, &c. See Lenoir, Architecture Thirty-two are round, but sixty-seven are octagonal. monastique. Paris, 1852, 2 vols. 8vo. No passageon There are other shapes, but they are few in number. the form of the baptistery is to be found in the Fathers 14
INTRODUCTION the right and left hand of Christ, we should thereby understand that they symbolise the elect and the lost. Upon this all the commentators on the New Testament are agreed, and they explain it by stating that the five Foolish Virgins typify the desires of the five senses, and the five Wise Virgins
the five forms of the contemplative life." To take another example, it is not as rivers that the four rivers of Paradise—the Gihon, Phison, Tigris,
and Euphrates—are represented pouring water from their urns towards the four points of the compass, but as symbols of the evangelists who flooded the world with their teaching like four beneficent streams.
An Old Testament personage in the porch of a cathedral is but a type, an adumbration of Christ, the Virgin, or the future Church. At Chartres the form of Melchizedek, priest and king, bearing the bread and wine to Abraham, should remind men of another priest and king who
offered bread and wine to His disciples. At Laon Gideon calling down rain from heaven on to the fleece he had laid on the earth, reminds men that the Virgin Mother was this symbolic fleece on whom fell the dew from on high (Fig. 8).
A detail of apparent insignificance may hide symbolic meaning. In a window at Bourges the lion near to the tomb from which the risen Christ comes forth is a type of the Resurrection. It was generally believed in the Middle Ages that for three days after birth the cubs of the lioness gave no sign of life, but that on the third day the lion came and with his breath restored them to life. And so the apparent death of the lion represents
the sojourn of Jesus in the tomb, and its birth was an image of the Resurrection.
In the art of the Middle Ages, as we see, everything depicted is informed by a quickening spirit.
Such a conception of art implies a profoundly idealistic view of the scheme of the universe, and the conviction that both history and nature
must be regarded as vast symbols. We shall see later that this undoubtedly was the view of the medieval mind. Further, it should be remembered that such ideas were not the property of the great thirteenth century doctors alone, but were shared by the mass of the people to whom they had permeated through the teaching of the Church. The symbolism of the church services familiarised the faithful with the symbolism of art.
Christian liturgy like Christian art is endless symbolism, both are manifestations of the same genius. 1 We shall return to this subject later, and give references. 15
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE The commentaries of Gulielmus Durandus accompanying the account of any of the great Christian festivals—such for example as Easter Eve — show how each ceremony performed on that day is full of meaning.
The day begins with the extinction of all the lamps in the church to show how the Ancient Law which has hitherto given light to the world
RUN BERICHT (| saa RR he:
R's x | Ye, {OP 4 aN:\ ”Y/OT TSN
\ [ pA (ria We ages Peed wo oe |
| Ve i} IM i J.
ten Ler ae SA VGH Fic. 8..-GIDEON AND THE FLEECE (window at Laon) (From Florival and Midoux, by permission of M. de Florival)
is now discarded. The celebrant then blesses the new fire, type of the New Law. This fire must be struck from a flint in remembrance that Christ, as St. Paul says, is the world’s cornerstone. Then the bishop, the deacon and the people move towards the choir and stop in front of the paschal candle. This candle, Gulielmus Durandus teaches, is a threefold symbol. When extinguished it typifies at once the pillar of cloud which
led the Children of Israel by day, the Ancient Law, and the body of the Lord ; when lighted it signifies the pillar of fire which was Israel’s 1 Rationale div. offic., lib. VI., cap. Ixxx. 16
INTRODUCTION guide by night, the New Law, and the glorious body of the risen Christ. The deacon alludes to this threefold symbolism when singing the Exu/tet before the candle, but he insists in particular upon the likeness of the candle
to the body of the Saviour. He calls to mind that the pure wax was produced by the bee which, like the Virgin who gave birth to the Saviour, is at once chaste and fruitful.1. To give visible form to the similitude of the wax to the sacred body, he drives five grains of incense into the candle as a reminder both of the five wounds of Christ and of the spices brought
by the holy women for His burial. Finally he lights the candle with the new fire, and the lamps are re-lighted throughout the church in token of the illumination of the world by the New Law.
The first part of the ceremony ends here. The second is devoted to the baptism of the neophytes, which the Church ordained should take place on that day because, says Durandus, she saw mystic affinities between
the death of Jesus and the symbolic death of the new Christian who in baptism dies to the world to rise again with the Saviour. But before being led to the baptismal fonts the catechumens listen to twelve passages from the Bible dealing with the sacrament they are about to receive. These are, to give examples, the story of the Deluge whose water purified the world, the passage of the Red Sea by the Children of Israel (a figure of baptism), and the verse in Isaiah which speaks of those who thirst for the water of life. The reading ended, the bishop blesses the water. He first makes the sign of the cross above it, then dividing it into four he sprinkles it towards the four cardinal points in memory of the four rivers of the terrestrial Paradise. He next dips the paschal candle, type of Christ, into the water to remind them that Jesus was baptized in Jordan, and by His baptism sanctified all the waters of the world. He dips the candle into the font three times in remembrance of the three days passed by the Redeemer in the tomb. The baptism then begins, and the neophytes in their turn are dipped three times into the font that they may know that with Christ they die to the world, with Him are buried, and with Him rise to the life eternal. It is evident that in such a ceremony no detail is without symbolic value.
But it is not only on special occasions such as this that the Church makes use of symbols to instruct and move the people. Daily she celebrates
the sacrifice of the Mass, and in that solemn drama every detail has its 1 On the beautiful Eaultet of the primitive Church see Duchesne, Les Origines du culte chrétien. Paris, 1889, 8vo, p. 242.
17
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE significance. The chapters which Gulielmus Durandus gives to the expkanation of the Mass are among the most arresting in his Rationale.
Here, for example, is his interpretation of the first part of the divine sacrifice:1 The ceremony begins with the IJmtroit, that solemn chant which expresses the waiting of patriarchs and prophets. The choir of clergy is the very choir of the saints of the Ancient Law who sigh for the coming of the Messiah whom they will never see. The bishop then enters, appearing as the living type of Christ, and his arrival symbolises the coming of the Saviour awaited by the nations. Before him at great festivals are carried seven lights to recall the seven gifts of the Spirit which rested upon the head of the Son of God, according to the word of the prophet. He advances under a triumphal canopy whose four bearers may be compared to the four evangelists. ‘To right and left of him walk acolytes, typifying Moses and Elias, who were seen on Mount Tabor on either side of the transfigured Lord. They teach men that the authority of both the Law and the Prophets was embodied in Christ. The bishop seats himself on his throne and is silent, appearing to take no share in
the first part of the ceremony. His attitude contains a lesson, for by his silence he recalls that the first years of the life of Jesus were passed in obscurity and meditation. The sub-deacon, however, goes to the desk,
and turning to the right he reads the Epistle aloud. Here we catch a glimpse of the first act in the drama of Redemption, for the reading of the Epistle typifies the preaching of John the Baptist in the desert. He speaks before the Saviour has begun His mission, but he speaks to the Jews alone, and the sub-deacon—type of the Forerunner—turns to the north, the
side of the Old Law. The reading ended, he bows to the bishop as John the Baptist abased himself before his Master.
The Gradual, which follows the reading of the Epistle, also relates to the mission of the Baptist. It symbolises the exhortation to repentance which he addressed to the Jews on the eve of the new era. At this point the celebrant reads the Gospel. A solemn moment, for it is now that the active life of the Messiah begins, and His word is first
heard in the world. The reading of the Gospel is itself the figure of His preaching.
The Creed follows the Gospel, as faith follows the proclamation of the 1 We give a short résumé, omitting a number of other medieval liturgiologists. See Sicard, Mitrale, details, of chapter v. and the following chapters of III. 2; Patrol., ccxiii. the Rattonale, bk. iv. The same teaching is found in 18
truth. The twelve articles of the Creed relate to the mission of the apostles.’
The Creed finished, the bishop rises and speaks to the people. In choosing this moment to instruct the faithful the Church would remind them of the miracle of her foundation. She shows them how the truth first received by the apostles instantly began to spread throughout the world.
Such is the mystical meaning which Gulielmus Durandus attributes to the first part of the Mass. The foregoing has been in the nature of a pro-
logue to the drama which culminates in the divine sacrifice, but his comments now become so numerous and his symbolism so rich that it is impossible to give any adequate idea in a mere outline, and we would refer the reader to the original. We have said enough, however, to give some notion of the genius of the Middle Ages, and one can divine something of the teaching, the emotional appeal, and the inspiration which religious ceremonial held for the Christian of the thirteenth century. How powerfully would such poetry affect the sensitive soul of a St. Louis, and how readily does it furnish the explanation of his trances and tears. To those who would tear him from his meditation he was wont to say in a low voice, like one half-dreaming, ““ Where am I?” He had thought himself with St. John in the wilderness, or walking by the side of the Master. The works of the old liturgiologists, despised since the seventeenth century, should without doubt be counted among the most extraordinary books belonging to the Middle Ages.” Nowhere else is found such forceful radiance of soul, which transmuted things material into things of the spirit. The vestments worn by the priest at the altar and the objects used in the ritual of the church are so many symbols. The chasuble, worn over
the other vestments, is the charity which is above the precepts of the law, and is itself the supreme law.* The stole which the priest passes round Each article of the Creed was attributed to Sicard of Cremona, Afitrale (twelfth century), Patrol., an apostle. From the fourteenth century onwards ccxili.; Innocent III., De sacro altaris mysterto the apostles are often shown carrying scrolls on (thirteenth century), Patro/., ccxvii. At the end of which are written the articles attributed to each the thirteenth century G. Durandus compiled and
of them. added to the work of his predecessors in his Rattonale 2 Read Amalarius, De ecclestasticts offictis, and divinorum officiorum. It is curious that the earlier
Eclogae de officio missae (ninth century), Patrol., cv.; liturgiologists, such as Isidore of Seville (De ecclest-
Rupert of Tuy, De divints offictis (twelfth century), asticts offictts, Patrol., \xxxiii.), give no place to Patrol., clxx. ; Honorius of Autun, Gemma animae,and symbolism. The symbolic interpretation of ritual Sacramentarium (twelfth century), Patrol., clxxii.; belongs to the Middle Ages, and begins with Hugh of St. Victor, Speculum ecclesia, and De offictts Amalarius.
ecclestasticts (twelfth century; the attribution to 3 G. Durandus, Ratton., bk. iti. ch. 7. Hugh of St. Victor is doubtful), Patrol., clxxvii. ; 19
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE his neck is the light yoke of the Master, and as it is written that the Christian should cherish that yoke, the priest when putting it on or taking it off kisses
the stole." The bishop’s mitre with its two points symbolises the knowledge he should have of both the Old and the New Testaments, while the two ribbons attached to it are a reminder that the interpretation of Scripture should be according to both letter and spirit.2, The sanctus bell is the voice of the preachers. The frame to which it is suspended is a figure of the Cross, and the cord made of three twisted threads signifies the threefold interpretation of Scripture, in a historical, allegorical and moral sense. When the cord is taken in the hand in order to move the bell, it is a symbolic expression of the fundamental truth that the knowledge of the Scriptures should conduce to action.?
Such constant use of symbolism will astonish those unfamiliar with medizval writers. One should not however affect to see in it, as did the Benedictines of the eighteenth century, nothing but the mere play of individual fancy.4 Symbolic interpretations were doubtless never accepted
as dogma, but for all that it is noticeable that they seldom vary. For example, in the thirteenth century Gulielmus Durandus attributes the same
meaning to the stole as does Amalarius in the ninth. But the interest here lies less in the interpretation itself than in the attitude of mind which
it presupposes, What is significant is the scorn for things of sense, and the profound conviction that reaching out to the immaterial through the material man may have fleeting visions of God. And herein lies the true genius of the Middle Ages.
For the historian of art there are no books of greater value than the liturgical treatises, as through them he may learn to understand the spirit which moulded plastic art. The craftsmen were as skilful as the theologians in spiritualising material objects. To them were due devices which were
at times ingenious, at times touching, at others impressive. They gave, for example, the form of a fortified town protected by towers to the great chandelier at Aix-la-Chapelle. The inscription tells us that this town of light is the celestial Jerusalem. Between the battlements, near to the apostles and prophets who guard the holy city,® are personifications of the 1 Ration., bk. iii. ch. 5. Amalarius, De eccles. officits, col. 1097; Rupert, De 2 Ration., bk. iti. ch. 13. divin. offic., col. 22; Honorius of Autun, Gemma,
8 Ratton., bk. 1. ch. 4. col. 605 : Hugh of St. Victor, De offic. eccles., col. 405 ; 4 See the article on Honorius of Autun in the Hist. Sicard, Alttrale, col. 75; Innocent III., De sacro alt.
litt. de la France, vol. xii. myst., col. 788.
5 From Amalarius to G. Durandus all the litur- 6 Annales archéol., vol. xix. p. 70; and Cahier,
giologists consider the stole a symbol of obedience. Wélang. arch., vol. ili. p. I seq.
20
INTRODUCTION beatitudes of the soul promised to the elect, a marvellous realisation of
the vision of St. John. ~~ -w.
The unknown artist who surmounted a Pe. ym ee censer with figures of the three Children in Came OS
the fiery furnace was well able to give plastic . ee -
form to beautiful thought... The perfume oe | which rose from the brazier was as the very ———
prayer of the martyrs. Thus did the pious ro / _
inAnother hisandwork. q ie aN . more subtle artist gave to the \~= — ° ° workman of the time express his deepest feelings 4 : , ~~ #
crook of a bishop’s crozier the form of a serpent [itm e=aar > gh
pastor virtues to his ministry. odSa~ haa ae | | holdingofa the dovetwo in its teeth,proper as a reminder to the , f F “ Hide the simplicity of the dove under the is wir
prudence of the serpent,” says a Latin inscrip- \ ia f. 4 . tion engraved on the pastoral staff. Another . # i ; " . i 4 crozier shows a serpent threatening the Virgin ae ak x b ; 1
with his impotent jaws, while in the crook is “ ba] ' . ; an angel telling him that this is she whose Son CE: “ : :
will vanquish the serpent.° Nis le
Theof artists frequently gave literal trans-\ a4Eeecec lation the doctrine held byathe liturgioa | the
the Sainte-Chapelle the sculptors twelve ae xth | Ye logists. Against twelve pillars inplaced the choir of Be statues of apostles carrying consecration crosses. Ptah | ne The liturgical writers taught‘ that when the LA Sa
bishop consecrated a church he should mark ia 7 ee
twelve columns in the nave or choir with Fic. 9.—AN aposTLe WITH THE CON-
. SECRATION CROSS (Sainte-Chapelle)
twelve crosses in token that the twelve apostles
are the true pillars of the temple. This is the symbolism which has been so well expressed in the interior of the Sainte-Chapelle® (Fig. g).
Again, in the thirteenth century, all the church furniture showed the 1 Censer at Lille, Annales archéol., vol. iv. p. 293, 5 With the exception of four, the statues now seen
and xix. p. 112. there have been restored (F. de Guilhermy, Descrip-
2 Cahier, Nouv. mél. archéol., Ivoires, p. 28. tion de la Satnte-Chapelle. Paris, 1887, 12mo, p. 41).
3 In the Louvre, galerie d’Apollon. The twelve apostles were also placed against twelve * Sec Sicard, Mutrale, bk. i. ch. 9; Patrol, tom. columns in the church of St. Jacques-des-Pélerins,
ccexiil. col. 34. at Paris (Rev. de Dart chrétien, 1896, p. 399). 21
material fashioned by the spiritual. At the lectern the eagle of St. John spread his wings to support the Gospel.’ Beautiful angels in long robes bore
in procession the crystal reliquary in which reposed the bones of saints and martyrs. Ivory figures of the Virgin opened and where their hearts should be showed engraved the story of the Passion.” In the chevet of the cathedral a huge angel which dominated the whole town turned with the sun and gave a spiritual meaning to each hour.
From what has been said it is evident that medieval art was bcrore all things a symbolic art, in which form is used merely as the vehicle of spiritual meaning.‘
Such are the general characteristics of the iconography of the Middle
Ages. Art was at once a script, a calculus and a symbolic code. The result was a deep and perfect harmony. There is something musical in the grouping of the statues in the cathedral porches, and in truth all the elements of music are present. Are there not here conventional signs grouped according to the law of numbers, and is there not something of the indefinite quality of music in the infinite symbolism dimly discerned
behind the outward forms? The genius of the Middle Ages, so long misunderstood, was a harmonious genius. Dante’s Paradiso and the porches
at Chartres are symphonies. To thirteenth century art more truly perhaps than to any other might be given the title of “ frozen music.” 1 In the Chartreuse at Dijon the lectern was a does not commit himself, though recognising that column surmounted by a phoenix. The four beasts such an idea would be in harmony with all that we placed round it served as desk. If the gospel for the know of the genius of the Middle Ages (Dictionn. day came from St. Mark the book was placed on the ratsonné de Parchitect., article Axe). For my part I was lion, if from St. Luke on the ox, and so on (Moléon, long disposed to interpret the deviation of the axis
Voyage ltturgique, p. 156). in a mystical sense. The notable memoir that
2 A figure of the Virgin which opens formerly M. de Lasteyrie devoted to this question (Mém. de found in the collection of ivories at the Louvre, is Acad. des Inscript. et Belles-Lettres, vol. xxxvii., probably a forgery. However an authentic work 1905) has convinced me that this deviation could have exists (much mutilated); see Mbolinier, Jvoires, no symbolic meaning. When not due to the necesp- 177, in PHtstotre générale des arts appliqués a_ sities of the site, it resulted from an error in measurePindustrie. Paris, 1896, folio. Another has recently ment, and always corresponds to a break in the work been found; see La Vierge ouvrante de Boubon, by the of building. The precise examples given by M. de Abbé Leclerc and Baron de Verneilh. Limoges, 1898. Lasteyrie must surely remove all doubt. M. Anthyme 3 In the chevet of the cathedra] of Chartres before Saint-Paul, so long one of the champions of symbolic
the fire of 1836. Villard de Honnecourt in his interpretation, almost immediately on the publication Album (fol. 22 v.) explains the mechanism that put of the Mémoire signified his adhesion to M. Lasteyrie’s
the angel in motion. theory (Bullet. monum., 1906). This symbolism dis-
4 A question which has given rise to lengthy con- carded, what remains of the ingenious deductions of troversy in medieval archeology is that of the de- Mrre. Félicie d’Ayzac who had tried to show that the viation of the axis of churches, so frequently noticed small door in the side of Notre Dame at Paris, the in the choir. Is such an irregularity due to chance, porte rouge, was the figure of the wound made by the to necessities of a material order, or has it a symbolic lance in the right side of Jesus (Revue de Dart chrétien,
intention ? Was it not done in remembrance that 1860 and 1861)? Symbolism has too large a place in Christ, of whom the church is an image, inclined His medizval art to leave room for the fancies of modern head when He died on the Cross? Viollet-le-Duc interpreters. 22
CHAPTER II METHOD USED IN THE STUDY OF MEDIAZVAL ICONOGRAPHY THe Mrrrors or VINCENT OF BEAUVAIs
Tue thirteenth century was the century of encyclopedias. At no other period have so many works appeared bearing the titles of Summa, Speculum or
Imago Mundi. It was in this century that Thomas Aquinas co-ordinated the whole body of Christian doctrine, Jacobus de Voragine collected the most famous legends of the saints, Gulielmus Durandus epitomised all previous writers on the liturgy, and Vincent of Beauvais attempted to embrace universal knowledge. Christianity came to full consciousness of its own genius, and the conception of the universe which had _ been elaborated by previous centuries received complete expression. It was believed to be possible to raise the final edifice of human knowledge, and in the universities which had recently been founded throughout Europe— above all the young university of Paris—the work was carried on with enthusiasm.
While the doctors were constructing the intellectual edifice which was to shelter the whole of Christendom, the cathedral of stone was rising as
its visible counterpart. It too in its fashion was a Speculum, a Summa, an Imago Mundi into which the Middle Age put all its most cherished convictions. ‘These great churches are the most perfect known expression in art of the mind of an epoch. We shall attempt to show that in them a whole dogmatic scheme found expression in concrete form.
The difficulty les in grouping in logical sequence the innumerable works of art which the churches offer for our study. Surely we have hardly the right to dispose of the matter according to some arbitrary scheme which appears to us harmonious, It is necessary to discard modern
habits of mind. If we impose our categories on medieval thought we run every risk of error, and for that reason we borrow our method of exposition from the Middle Age itself. The four books of Vincent of Beauvais’s Mirror furnish us with the framework for the four divisions of our study of thirteenth century art.
If Aquinas was the most powerful thinker of the Middle Ages, 23
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE Vincent of Beauvais was certainly the most comprehensive. He might well be called an epitome of the knowledge of his day. A_ prodigious worker, he passed his life like the elder Pliny in reading and making extracts. He was called “librorum helluo,” the devourer of books. St. Louis threw open to him the fine library containing virtually all the books procurable in the thirteenth century, and at times came to visit him at the abbey of Royaumont, where he loved to hear him talk of the wonders of the universe. It was probably towards the middle of the century that Vincent of Beauvais published the great Mirror, the Speculum majus, which to his contemporaries seemed the supreme effort of human learning. Even to-day one cannot but admire so stupendous a work.!
His learning was immense, yet it did not overwhelm him. The order which he adopted was the most imposing which the Middle Age could conceive—the very plan of God as it appears in the Scriptures. Vincent of Beauvais’s work is divided into four parts—the Mirror of Nature,
the Mirror of Instruction, the Mirror of Morals and the Mirror of History.
In the Mirror of Nature are reflected all natural phenomena in the order in which they were created by God. The Days of Creation mark the different chapters of this great encyclopedia of nature. The four elements, the minerals, vegetables and animals are successively enumerated
and described. All the truth and the error which had been transmitted by antiquity to the Middle Ages are found there. But it is naturally on the work of the sixth day—the creation of man—that Vincent of Beauvais
dwells at greatest length, for man is the centre of the universe and for him all things were made. The Mirror of Instruction opens with the story of the Fall, the recital of the drama which explains the riddle of the universe. Man has fallen, and only through a Redeemer can he hope for salvation. Yet in his own strength he can begin to raise himself, and through knowledge to prepare for grace. There is in knowledge a quickening power, and to each of the seven Arts corresponds one of the seven Gifts of the Spirit. After expounding this large and humane doctrine Vincent of Beauvais 1 Speculum majus, Douai, 1624. 4 vols. folio. This dates from the beginning of the fourteenth century. is the reprint made by the Jesuits. We shall con- (See Histoire littér. de la France, vol. xvili. p. 449.)
stantly refer to this edition. But it is evident that the Speculum morale was part of
2 Vincent of Beauvais had not time to write the his original plan, and that is all that concerns us Mirror of Morals, and the work that bears that title here.
24
INTRODUCTION passes in review all the different branches of knowledge; even the mechanical arts are included, for by the labour of his hands man _ begins the work of his redemption.
The Mirror of Morals is closely connected with the Mirror of Instruction, for the end of life is not to know but to act, and knowledge is but a means to virtue. Out of this springs a learned classification of the virtues and vices, in which the method, divisions and often the very expressions of Aquinas are found—for the Specu/um morale is the Summa in abridged form.
The last division is the Mirror of History. We have studied human nature in the abstract, and we now turn to man himself, watching his progress under the eye of God. He invents arts and sciences, he struggles and suffers, choosing sometimes vice, sometimes virtue in the great battle of the soul which is the sum of the world’s history. It is hardly necessary to observe that for Vincent of Beauvais, as for Augustine, Orosius, Gregory
of Tours and all the historians of the Middle Ages, true history is the history of the Church, the City of God, which begins with Abel the first just man. There is a chosen people and their history is the pillar of fire which lightens the darkness. The history of the pagan world is deserving of study only with reference to the other; it has merely value as a synchronism. It is true that Vincent of Beauvais did not scorn to tell of the revolution of empires, and even delighted in speaking of pagan philosophers, scholars and poets, but such subjects are really incidental. The dominant thought of his book—the idea which gives it unity—is the unbroken line of saints of the Old and New Testaments. Through them and them alone the history of the world becomes coherent. Thus was conceived this Encyclopedia of the thirteenth century. In it the riddle of the universe finds solution. The plan is so comprehensive that the Middle Ages could conceive of nothing which it did not include, and until the Renaissance the following centuries found nothing to add to it. Such a book is the surest guide that we can choose for our study of the great leading ideas which lay behind the art of the thirteenth century. Striking analogies are noticeable, for example, between the general economy
of the Speculum Majus and the plan followed in the porches of the
cathedral of Chartres. As was first pointed out by Didron in the authoritative introduction to his Hustoire de Dieu, the innumerable figures
which decorate the porches may well be grouped under the four heads 25
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE of nature, instruction, morals and history. We do not know whether that great decorative scheme was directly inspired by Vincent of Beauvais’s
book with which it was almost contemporaneous, but it is obvious that the arrangement of the Speculum Majzus belonged not to him but to the Middle Ages as a whole. It was the form which the thirteenth century imposed on all ordered thought. ‘The same genius disposed the chapters of the Mirror and the sculpture of the cathedral. It is then legitimate to seek in the one the meaning of the other.
We shall therefore adopt the four great divisions of Vincent of Beauvais’s work, and shall try to read the tour books of the Mirror in the facades of the cathedrals. We shall find them all four represented, and shall decipher them in the order in which the encyclopedist presents them. Each detail will in this way find its place, and the harmony of the whole will appear.
26
BOOK I THE MIRROR OF NATURE I.—To the medieval mind the universe a symbol. Sources of this conception. The ‘“‘ Kev” of Melito. The Bestiaries. II—Animals represented in the churches ; their meaning not always symbolic. Symbols of the Evangelists. Window at Lyons. Frieze at Strasburg. Influence of Honorius of Autun ; the Bestiaries. III].—Exaggerations of the symbolic school. Symbolism sometimes absent. Flora and fauna of the thirteenth century. Gargoyles, monsters.
I
Tue Mirror of Nature of Vincent of Beauvais is conceived in a spirit of stately simplicity. It is, as has been said, a commentary on the seven Days of Creation in which all created things are studied in the order of their appearance. Vincent of Beauvais brought the learning of the ancients into the framework of the Bible story, and made Pliny, Atlan, Dioscorides, all unwittingly sing the glory of the God of Genesis.
He was not the originator of this plan. The Greek and Latin Fathers present their encyclopedic knowledge of the universe on the plan unfolded in the successive stages of creation, dividing their books into chapters according to the Seven Days. Of all these treatises on the work of God—the Hexaémeron, the most famous in the west was that of St. Ambrose, which became the model for all works of the kind.' Vincent de Beauvais invented nothing, for in this as throughout he remains the faithful interpreter of tradition. The Mirror of Nature is carved in brief on the facades of most of the French cathedrals. We find it at Chartres (Fig. 10), at Laon, at Auxerre,
Bourges and Lyons, treated in a restrained and conventional way. At Chartres a lion, a sheep, a goat and a heifer stand for the animal world, a fig-tree and three plants of indeterminate character represent the vegetable
kingdom ;*° there is an element of greatness in this summing up of the universe in some five or six bas-reliefs. Some naive details are full of charm. In the representation at Laon the Creator sits in deep reflection 1 St. Ambrose, Patrol., xiv. lated; Bourges, td. Several windows of the Creation 2 Chartres, north porch, central bay, arch orders; may also be cited: Auxerre, thirteenth century ; Laon, west fagade, mouldings of the large window to Soissons, window in the chevet. the right; Auxerre, west facade, basement of porch ; 3 The Creation at Chartres has been studied at some Lyons, bas-reliefs of west porch; Noyon, id. muti- length by Didron, Annales archéol., t. XI. p. 148. 27
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE before dividing the darkness from the light, and counts on His fingers the number ot days needed to finish His work. Later in the series, when His task is accomplished, He sits down to rest like a good workman at the end
| me er _ of a well-spent day, and leaning on re oe sip J x e gre ‘ , His staff he falls asleep.
: af . f Ros | ah we One might well feel that these o : XY ge he | few typical forms were inadequate . : LN es representations ot the wealth of a «7 », rm a the universe, and might accuse : ne t i Rea? a the thirteenth-century craftsmen
¢ Py ap yf aa ae ae of timidity and want of power, did . o if Se i te aan a) - the animal and vegetable worlds
- ey : % / stay oth Bgl! s s really occupy no further place in ney yg ve , ite uy - . e Mm the cathedral scheme, But a glance
3s ) Ath ” 7 igs St Pe upward shows us vines, raspberries
r : a gia, 2 . ee heavy with fruit and long trails of may / ee Te, ‘eee s a 2 the wild rose clinging to the archiys (FS Bey Sa volts, birds singing among the oak “ a sl wa PK oa eee leaves or perching on the pillars. ae BEEIIG? ing sah sel Beasts from far-off lands side by 4 7: ai. PS ES: = side with homely creatures of the pt : yee a 3 ata “ay m, countryside—lions, elephants and — x ee Len eae: Ad camels, squirrels, hens and rabbits
j < —Z ia ' : Poe SR SE: i oe —enliven the basement of the
NN Ade re . cas porch, while monsters securely 3 Siac oa ee! Sa Bok fastened by their heavy stone wingst
| ae SAN ges ae bark hercely at us from above. Fic. 10.—THE CREATION. THE CREATOR IN THE How little do these old masters IN THE SECOND Chartres) FIRST ORDER,(north THEporch, WORK OF THE
SEVEN Days with their unequalled, if naive ove
of nature deserve the reproach o
lack of power or invention. Their cathedrals are all life and move-
ment. The Church to them was the ark to which every creature was made welcome, and then—as if the works of God were not sufficient for them—they invented a whole world more of terrible beings, creatures so real that they surely must have lived in the childhood of the world. In this way the chapters of the Mirror of Nature are inscribed everywhere—on pinnacle and balustrade as on the smallest capital, What is the meaning of all the plants, animals, monsters? Are they due to caprice or 28
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY have they significance, and do they teach some great and mysterious truth ?
May one not suppose that they too are symbols, clothing some thought like the statues and bas-reliefs which we shall have occasion to study later ? In order to answer such questions some attempt must be made to under-
stand the medizval view of the world and of nature. What is the visible
world? What is the meaning of the myriad forms of life? What did the monk dreaming in his cell, or the doctor meditating in the cathedral cloister before the hour of his lecture think of it all? Is it merely appearance or is it reality? The Middle Ages were unanimous in their reply —the world is a symbol. As the idea of his work is in the mind of the artist, so the universe was in the thought of God from the beginning. God created, but He created through His Word, that is, through His Son. The thought of the Father was realised in the Son through whom it passed from potentiality to act, and thus the Son is the true creator." The artists of the Middle Ages, imbued with this doctrine, almost invariably represent the Creator in the likeness of Jesus Christ.” The absence in the churches of any likeness of God the Father filled Didron with needless amazement and Michelet with mistaken indignation.2 For, according to the theologians, God the Father created mm principio, which is to say im verbo, that is by His Son.‘ Jesus Christ is at once Creator and Redeemer.® The world therefore may be defined as ‘“‘a thought of God realised through
the Word.” If this be so then in each being is hidden a divine thought ; the world is a book written by the hand of God in which every creature 1s a word charged with meaning. The ignorant see the forms—the mysterious letters—understanding nothing of their meaning, but the wise pass from the
visible to the invisible, and in reading nature read the thoughts of God. True knowledge, then, consists not in the study of things in themselves— the outward forms—but in penetrating to the inner meaning intended by God for our instruction, for in the words of Honorius of Autun, “ every creature is a shadow of truth and life.’ All being holds in its depths the reflection of the sacrifice of Christ, the image of the Church and of the virtues and vices. The material and the spiritual worlds are one. 1 Gervase of Tilbury, Otia impertalia, J.: Filius For them “ principium” was the equivalent of ergo principium temporis, principium mundanae crea- ‘‘verbum.” Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. nat., bk. I.,
tionis. ch. ix. Honorius of Autun, Hexaemer., I1.; Patr., * Easily visible at Chartres, in the north porch, clxxii., col. 253. The idea goes back to Augustine.
scenes of the Creation. » “In Christo omnia creata et postmodo cuncta in * Didron in his Hist. de Dieu; Michelet in the eo reparata.” Honorius of Autun, Joc. cit.
preface to the Renatssance. 6 Hugh of St. Victor, Erudit didasc., bk. VII. ch. iv. ; 4 The theologians interpreted the words, “In Patrol., clxxvi., col. 814.
principio Deus creavit coelum et terram ” in this way.
29
How mystical were the thoughts which arose in the minds of the
medieval doctors in the presence of nature. We read how in the refectory of the monastery Adam of St. Victor, holding a nut in his hand,
reflects—“ What is a nut if not the image of Jesus Christ? The green and fleshy sheath is His flesh, His humanity. The wood of the shell is the wood of the Cross on which that flesh suffered. But the kernel of the nut from which men gain nourishment is His hidden divinity.” *
Peter of Mora, cardinal and bishop of Capua, contemplates the roses in his garden. Their natural beauty does not move him, for he is intent
on thoughts which are unfolding within. ‘The rose,” he says, “is the choir of martyrs, or yet again the choir of virgins. When red it is the blood of those who died for the faith, when white it is spotless purity. It opens among thorns as the martyr grows up in the midst of heretics and persecutors, or as the pure virgin blooms radiant in the midst of iniquity.” ° Hugh of St. Victor looking at a dove thinks of the Church. ‘“ The dove has two wings even as the Christian has two ways of life, the active and the contemplative. The blue feathers of the wings are thoughts of heaven ; the uncertain shades of the body, the changing colours that recall an unquiet sea,
symbolise the ocean of human passions in which the Church is sailing. Why are the dove’s eyes this beautiful golden colour? Because yellow, the colour of ripe fruit, is the colour too of experience and maturity, and the yellow eyes of the dove are the looks full of wisdom which the Church casts
on the future. The dove, moreover, has red feet, for the Church moves through the world with her feet in the blood of the martyrs.” 3 Marbodus, bishop of Rennes, ponders on precious stones and discovers a mystic consonance between their colours and things of the spirit. The beryl shines like sunlit water and warms the hand that holds it. Is this not an image of the Christian life warmed and illuminated to its depths by Christ the sun ? The red amethyst seems to send out fire. Here is an image of the martyrs, who as their blood is shed send up ardent prayers for their persecutors.‘ 1 Adam of St. Victor, Seguentia. Patrol., cxcvi., 2 Petrus of Mora, Rosa alphabetica, in the Spictlecol. 1433. gium Solesmense, III., 489. ‘*Contemplemur adhuc nucem .. . 3 Hugh of St. Victor, De Bestets et altts rebus, bk. 1.
** Nux est Christus ; cortex nucis ch. 1., ii., vil., ix., x., Patrol., clxxvii. The De Bestits,
‘* Circa carnem poena crucis ; though attributed to Hugh of St. Victor, may have
** Testa, corpus osseum, been written by Hugh of Fouilloi. See Hauréau., *‘ Carne tecta Deitas, CEuvres d Hugues de Saint-Victor, 1886, p. 169.
“Et Christi suavitas 4 Marbodus, Lapid. pretios. mystica applicat. *¢ Signatur per nucleum. Patrol., c\xxi., col. 1771.
The same idea had already been elaborated by Augustine.
30
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY The whole world is a symbol. The sun, the stars, the seasons, day and night, all speak in solemn accents. Of what were the Middle Ages thinking in the winter time when the days were shortening sadly and the darkness seemed to be triumphing for ever over the light? They thought of the long centuries of twilight that preceded the coming of Christ, and they understood that in the divine drama both light and darkness have their place. They gave the name of Advent (Adventus) to those weeks of December, when by means of the liturgy and lessons from Scripture they expressed the long waiting of the ancient world. It was at the winter solstice, at the time when light begins to reappear and the days to lengthen, that the Son of God
was born. Even the round of the year shadows forth man’s course upon earth, and recounts the drama of life and death. Spring, which gives new life to the world, is the symbol of baptism which renews the spirit of man at his entrance into life. Summer too is a type, for its burning heat and light are reminders of the light of another world and of the ardent love of the eternal life. Autumn, season of harvest and vintage, is the dread symbol of the last Judgment—that great Day on which men will reap as they
have sown. Winter is a shadow of that death which awaits mankind and the universe.2 Thus the thinker moved in a world of symbols, thronged by forms pregnant with spiritual meaning.
Are these the interpretations of individuals, mystical fancies born of the exaltation of cloistered life, or are we in the presence of an ordered system, an ancient tradition? The answer is found in the most cursory reading of the works of the Fathers and the medieval doctors. Never was doctrine more closely knit or more universally accepted. It dates back to the beginning of the Church, and is founded on the words of the Bible itself. In the Scriptures, indeed, as interpreted by the Fathers, the material world is a constant image of the spiritual world. In each word of God both the visible and the invisible are contained. The flowers whose scent overpowered the lover in the Song of Songs, the jewels which adorned the breastplate of the high priest, the beasts of the desert which passed before Job are at once realities and symbols. The juniper tree, the terebinth, and the snowy peaks of Lebanon are alike thoughts of God.
To interpret the Bible is to apprehend the harmony which God has 1 This is pointed out by St. Augustine, Serm.in nat. world H. von Eicken fully understood that nature was
Dom., III. See also Dom Guéranger, [Année regarded as a symbol, but he did not see that the whole
liturgique, P Avent. system was vitally connected with the Bible. See
2 Rabanus Maurus, De Universo, liv. X. ch. xi.3; | Geschichte und System der mittelalterlichen Weltan-
Patrol., cxi. schauung, Stuttgart, 1887, 8vo, III. ch. vi. 3 In his book on the medizval conception of the
31
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE established between the soul and the universe, and the key to the Scriptures is the key to the two worlds. This mystical interpretation of the Bible begun by the early Fathers was
adopted by the doctors and transmitted by one writer to another to the end of the Middle Ages. In the De formulis spiritalis intelligentiae of Eucherius, the De Universo and the ig. invaria t ide he Cay ay (Fig Inv oted Prop rit Be. EN Wwost d alm . devtoh der—ev bor nt t *©ant et,’ POON . iN is first a me edallions | Sune virgo (c a flower i] Zo sma minicormn ibed ho seco B/E: ©‘thoath cip “ fleece
ETT i 1ah wit irlae sea . IVItV is the d1 Gi as pet. ae | By Isaia girVi an ucl “so, ee, “a Crifixion ae Z ee oases | ed ont ae oung aty. h bus e the
F a : ig a . I2). e O p
Wee : oiePAS ee and y ). iThe ~ pe anied t.Py oe , if ye, oea ey Fig. dt rder. the ;Thccom
Nai Bo ated SF | ( ion. an of IS a erpen 1ect
[| ae. aevas ie— — ion,‘nN and s ubject, est c tou raz Sas -nda 3Pe: aan ic =edallion, m he On ancient sources of geographical and ethno* The Imago Mundi belongs to the twelfth graphical fables of medieval days see Berger de century, Patrol., clxxii., cols. 123, 124. Xivrev, Traditions tératologiques, Paris. Imp. Royale, 3 The Otia imperialia belong to the thirteenth 1836, 8vo. century. They were published in the Scriptores 6 The Catalan atlas was published in the Notices et rerum Brunsvicensium, Hanover, 1707, folio, vol. I., Extratts des manuscrits, xiv., part I1., 1843. part I., ch. 3.
57
Christ as He gives the Holy Spirit to the apostles. One is reminded by the curious figures of men with dogs’ heads or with ears like winnowing fans (vannosas aures)’ that He came to preach the Gospel to the whole human race, and that the Church must carry the message to the ends of the earth.’
It 1s evident that a strong desire to express every form of life was felt
aes ae MP Baa e; ¥. Be&Ss ae JTn ae : *Fa. aopt ; .. at a‘.rer, , 3 “a oo iae. ; s “3 ; ie ars id an_ .ieTz:
a a ee AAS BE OO Oi ae Bt Al bisa | Wea
feet A ole Ae. ee : al saad, ‘a ' mary 5 Uy .
Ot ae ; | 2S 8 ie oF, (tempeh Fy
oe * Lk " " & ve ef - # im es Nes On. - we arp mete a
.- #2 4 Pi g s. ~ . = egies BOs: oO a al 2 ae cal reese eee ae I ee FIG. 35.—FEBRUARY, MARCH, APRIL, May (Rampillon)
goes forth to his vineyard. At Chartres, Semur and Rampillon (Fig. 35) he dresses his vines. Elsewhere he digs them, as at Amiens (Fig. 34) which to-day is outside the vine-growing district, though one concludes from the names attached to certain estates that vines still grew there in the Middle
Ages. At Chartres, where the wind is cold and the sky changeable, the vine-dresser still wears his winter cloak and hood.’
April was the most beautiful month in the year to the man of the Middle Ages, who preferred it even to the month of May. A manuscript shows April in the form of a king seated on his throne, a twig in one hand
and a sceptre in the other. April is the month sung by the trouveres. The old poets seem to have felt nature’s charm in springtime only, just as in the seventeenth century the painters responded only to autumnal 1 Also in the zodiac in the west rose-window. of youth”? in April. See Dormay, Htst. de Sotssons,
2 Chartres, the zodiac in the north porch. vi. xxvi. The figure of April as conceived by the
3 Bibl. Nat., MS. Lat. 238, thirteenth century artists often seems to be this prince of youth. See psalter. At the end of the Middle Ages the young the month of April at Rampillon (Fig. 35). men of Soissons were in the habit of electing a ‘‘ prince 71
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE splendour. The first touch of spring, the bright Easter sunshine and the orchards in blossom under a threatening sky, brought more joy to the heart of the thirteenth century peasant
Be a Oe a ee than the brilliant days of summer. = Animiaiadna BE | April, with its indefinable charm and . fc aaa 7 capricious nature, was conceived as a
crowned with At *a ea“vee i ee ¥oo 4 : youth Bo ge Chartres, on the edgeflowers, of La Beauce,
. or x 3 a | $8 / : April carries ears of corn in rememP tee © SE Sa < brance that the ear is forming at this : . pi bell ad season, and the same emblem appears Oe 9 EN Se Loe on the porch of Notre Dame at Paris. . , te EE oo During these two months the peasant of : BS his Se * rang howe ae La Beauce and of the Ile-de-France was
- tf a asd 4m age apparently content to sit idle and to : eevine-dresser a ie watch the growing, no butleisure for the ¥jag’. a 4pee ee oe ofcorn Champagne . . Sa : 4 ie of ie was possible, for the vines must be dug Te See I Be ¢. in March and dressed in April. SaBee ae night brings dedicated a knightlytotrain, for it 4A #] ie :a| au 5 isMay the month the nobleq : | Bee 2 i a tir man and his sport, and the carved and i: eeioe painted going . i ae Be Lacie ‘J ree ‘i=. ge : , forthcalendars sometimes show on foot,him sometimes 4 ae ~ ali , puttee” on horseback.” At times he carries a ars ae ee reo a lance as at Chartres, more often he i OREN cis 88 0 bears something less warlike—a branch,
| a flower, or his falcon on his wrist?
Fic. (Notre 36.—THEDame, MONTH OF May (Fig. 36). Meanwhile the villein too Paris) . : : is enjoying the season and the last hours of leisure before the summer’s heavy toil, and at Amiens he is represented as taking his rest in the shade (Fig. 37).
In June the meadows are mown. At Chartres‘ the work has not yet
1 Reims, in the porch. 3 In two porches at Chartres; in the porch at
2 Miniatures invariably show a rider. The baron Notre Dame at Paris (the figure in the rose-window on horseback is seen in the old porch and a window there is restored) ; in the porch at Senlis.
at Chartres; in porches at Semur and Rampillon 4 North porch. (Fig. 35); at Senlis, where he holds his horse by the bridle.
72
begun, but it is clearly the feast of St. Barnabas—the traditional date— for the haymaker is shown going forth to the fields, a round hat on his head, his scythe over his shoulder and a whetstone at his side. At Amiens the mower is in the thick of his work, and is cutting the longest grass
(Fig. 37). At Amiens the hay is already dry, and bending under the weight the peasant carries it to the barn. Various manuscripts show slight
variations. The Italian manuscript already mentioned, no doubt illuminated by an artist from... .
the scorching Campagna, ee —n iat ee
shows the harvest as be- yeti a , ginning in June. In the [Res Same Cosas ef i, ee ee
thirteenth century the ¢ Re t eS 7
motif of sheep-shearing, ("QM Miao sr Mile Ge”: Ba Micon ga ae
so frequent in the fifteenth . AES . eh, on — Be ad i: and sixteenth centuries, [": mel fae ee ae — FTE, a first appeared in illus- Bag’, gs cies Meee 1, Boe ee Ne
Sg aM a a al + res a
trated books.’ ah... Se A! A) ~— July brings the harvest. aS a call ‘eg fe. ee af ay mat ae “ by yy the j a ) ~ a er ‘il Po: ae Poi a
follows the general cus- DP ee a ee ig = oe Mees rom ang cuts, the “corn
with the sickle, but on the . 5 , WuLy, A (Amiens) porch of Notre Dame at IG, 37.—JUNE, JULY, AUGUST mens
Paris the harvester sharpens a large scythe with lifelike gesture before
beginning his work.® (Fig. 38.) As at Paris and Reims, the north porch at Chartres shows that in August the harvest is not yet over. Elsewhere—at Senlis, Semur, Amiens (Fig. 37)—
the stir of threshing has begun, and with no comrade to maintain the rhythmical motion of his flail the peasant works alone, nude to the waist.‘ The peasant has hardly time to take breath before September, the month
of vintage, is upon him. The France of those days was apparently hotter than ours,’ and the grapes were gathered at the end of September, when 1 Bibl. Nat., MS. Lat. 320. 5 Does examination of the “‘ Zodiacs” point to a
2 Bibl. Sainte-Geneviéve, MS. 2200 (Imatge del change in the time of sowing or harvest? The
monde, thirteenth century). question was put to the Congrés des Sociétés 3 At Notre Dame at Paris the signof Leohas been savantes at Paris by M. de Caumont in 1857 (Bull. placed in July by mistake. monum., xxiii. p. 269 sq.). The vintage seems to 4 See the rose-window in Notre Dame at Paris, have been rather earlier.
also MSS, At Amiens he is clothed.
73
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE the vine-treader trod gaily in the vats. Champagne furnishes the solitary exception, for on the cathe-
Cee dral at Reims September i isis SE cy, Sete sees the threshing of the
7 ' ae Core Fo ee Oy (. TS Saad corn, and not until October
: heer 0 a i. = he do the press and the casks
a ; as | . E appear. Amiens, instead of Nes. . fA ‘4 ‘wm ne ¢ the vintage, shows men eee}Boe | gathering fruit (Fig. 39). f aa .3ae? In the districts famous
for their wines October sees okog=a| seAarre #2€6f 2 the jend of the vine-dresser’s
ee Se, . af “a labours, and in Burgundy
Te om (Semur) and Champagne
oF. } Vy ea eae a an (Reims) the wine fermenting ae ee ee aul - om J | . ff in the vats is transferred to
- Po Wey ; the casks. Elsewhere, as at Ee, RRC |} Paris and Chartres, is the ee a.) time for sowing. Onceit more oea BS 4 ike 7. .peasant in his seems wintertocloak,!? the he /i an walk slowly Ge: | ars ; under the chill October sky,
, | ae & : | scattering with a sweep of es i pe £ - . 4 the arm the seed he holds
ne yee fe .f 3 s in his apron. The beauty of Ce aS Hse i ae this rhythmical action Is ad-
whee te eg ‘ ig - a . g mirably realised in thirteenth a. re é i a oe century art.” | he ‘tiie wide ‘ “ | \ ea J a Pe “ In November prepara-
- “A aye ee 2 -re 7 t ance } tions must be made for the eee hi inter. At a 2 Ger a approaching winter. A . a — Om a os Mee a a Reims the peasant gets in
Sa ue Be meng his. supply of wood. At
ae f a nes ar ae Paris and Chartres, under ST BRET gy oie Big “ft the oaks fringing the great
-Fic., 38.—THE 1 In MONTH the rose-window, Notre Dame at OF JULY (Notre Dame, Paris) Paris. * In the porch at Notre Dame at Paris, for example. The bas-relief is unhappily mutilated (Fig. 40).
74
Druidical forests still dense in the thirteenth century, the swineherd watches his pigs fattening themselves for the December feasts on the acorns blown
down by the autumn winds. In more than one place, at Semur and even at Chartres,' the pigs were killed and salted in November, and at Paris, Reims and Senlis in the following month. At Amiens, where the calendar is a little behindhand, the peasant is sowing his seed (Fig. 39).
The end of December, like the end of January, is a time of rejoicing and rest. It would seem as though there were no occupation but that of
preparing for the gay Christmas ~-.--—-. . 0 |
feasts. The killing of pigs and cereus mann geese EET
cattle“ and the cakes® are See ee Mn eee . .baking LiF 3°ofsar MOO. UeohUG, the employments given in the bas- * gama R iy. gate” os a, eae
reliefs and manuscripts. December {3% a coe Wa a a ae like January is sometimes shown as jms 3.008) dara Go geoy A: en" Mm . . i,glass 2 ee PG Rae Ae ial E 3 a gay reveller who, in hand, 1seg eyeee ee Be pr ee
seated with The 2: g@™¥a Mee ° ° ee, ne oe ee PsP, ES Si ae, ihe an: oa so close to humanity. ih Moe tiea.ae ; ; i.g of Bethesah , 1 heThere -insipid so isFei eS. im a nothin somewhat i atae mee me|en ys sf
? MTS = Fa ee ee ee a
grace of antique frescoes, no cupid ~~~. | _
, vee (Amiens)
masquerading as grape-gatherer, no FiG. 39.—SEPTEMBER, OCTOBER, NOVEMBER
winged genii in the role of harvester.
Neither are there Botticelli’s charming goddesses dancing at the festival of the Primavera. It is man alone in his conflict with nature, and though five centuries have passed, the work is so full of life and vigour that it has lost none of its power to move and to attract. II From manual labour man rises to instruction which by dissipating error
enables him in some measure to raise himself after the Fall. The Seven Arts (the Trivium and the Quadrivium) open out seven paths of human 1 See the window and old porch; also MSS., Bibl. * ‘The Middle Ages summarised the occupations of
Nat., MSS. Lat. 1077, 238, 1320, 1394. each month in four well-known Latin lines :
2 Bibl. Nat., MS. Lat. 1077. ‘* Poto, ligna cremo, de vite superflua demo ; 3 Bibl. Nat., MS. Lat. 1394. Do gramen gratum, mihi flos servit, mihi pratum ;
4 At Chartres, old porch and window. Bibl. de Foenum declino, messes meto, vina propino:
I Arsenal, breviary of St. Louis; Bibl. Nat., MS. Lat. Semen humi jacto, mihi pasco suem, immolo porcos.”’ 320, 238.
75
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE activity. On the one side are grammar, rhetoric, dialectic, on the other arithmetic, geometry, astronomy and music. Above the Liberal Arts stands
Philosophy, the mother of them all. Philosophy and the Arts contain all the knowledge possible for man to acquire apart from revelation.’
The artists of the thirteenth century, intent upon embracing the whole domain of human activity, did not fail to include on the facades of their
— , — w=, cathedrals the eight Muses of the : ne : Os 4 Middle Ages. These queenly figures
4 | paca: ya —youthful and serious—were never {Beg psc gl enthroned above it like the Ideas of ; Be 7 a ae 3 which Goethe speaks. In their hands
ii Be tama they hold various attributes, intelli: Py - Pe Ve, . pe gible enough no doubt to men of that (a Ss 4 a yar °-@ = day but whose meaning is obscured to
| : - = 4 at a +@ ous. Their interpretation is thus im-
t : Vr “|g portant, and may easily be traced by
i". Bee E i om 4 going back to the origin of these 2 “ aN La gi 3 Peis be . @personifications of the Arts. a os xe Fr * = ‘ay i F: When the barbarians threatened _: gee e 2 a «tO destroy the last remnants of classical asedeepee ee7 EP civilisation, a few cultivated minds set
ie, geen a tae weg themselves if possible to save the Arts | Shae ; Cay Ra pre by presenting them under a concise
ieee memupee and ordered form. It was without Fic. 40.—THE MONTH OF OCTOBER doubt Augustine who first thought of
(Notre Dame, Paris) compiling a manual of the Seven Arts (whose division into the Trivium and Quadrivium was first due to the ancients), but his Encyclopedia—of which only a fragment survives—was
never finished.? Boethius wrote a few chapters of the Quadrivium. His De institutione arithmetica in two books, the De musica in five books, and the drs geometrica,’ transmitted some meagre fragments of Greek learning to the Middle Ages. About the same time Cassiodorus, with whom the classical tradition comes to an end, produced in his De artibus ac disciplinis 1 Augustine, treatise, De ordine, ii. 12. Patrol., Arithmetic and Philosophy. See Retractationum libri
xxxil., col. IOIT. duo,i.6. Patrol., xxxil., col. §85 sg.
2 Augustine says that while at Milan he wrote six 3 The attribution of the .475 geometrica to Boethius books on Music and one on Grammar, and adds that _ has been questioned.
he later composed treatises on Rhetoric, Geometry, 6 7
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY liberalium litterarum a complete manual of the Liberal Arts.!. His book was destined for the monks of Vivarium to whom he tried to demonstrate that the Liberal Arts were indispensable to the understanding of the Scriptures. For, as he says, Moses possessed a complete knowledge of the Liberal Arts, the heathen did but steal a few tatters of his learning.
logies.” ? | It is evident that the frame- Bp Ue ee a
On the threshold of the Middle Ages Isidore of Seville definitely
adopted the arrangement of the Trivium and Quadrivium in his “ Etymo-
work of medieval thought was ee, Po a a
made at the close of the classical ‘ @y al "4 SS ey 2 age. The books quoted above , de A a Yi wy ee ai
were classics in the twelfth and § a —* — ~~ > et ee oy
thirteenth centuries, but in the q a wae yA — a ete » eg eae one schools there was one specially a ieee a — (ge 3 a.
celebrated—the famous treatise “# Re gam % F will ee Rom et
on the arts by Martianus Capella P Cee a4 _ me os "Ee
with the misleading title The (gM? ee ee te ey else Marriage of Philology and Mer- we oF yf 4 eR cury. Martianus Capella, an Ee a eae ge AO lee ee raat African grammarian of the fifth Fic. 41.—OCTOBER, NOVEMBER (Rampillon)
century, attempted to lighten the severity of learning by the graces of the Imagination, and his manual opens with a romance. He imagines that Mercury has at last decided to take a wife, and that he asks for the hand of Philology. The young husband presents himself on the wedding-day with a retinue of the Seven
Arts. Each paranymph comes forward in turn, and in the presence of the god gives a long discourse which is a complete treatise on the art she represents. Personifications of the arts are here met with for
the first time. The bizarre figures born of the African imagination engraved themselves more deeply on the memory of the Middle Ages than did the purer creations of great masters, and until the Renaissance definite traces of their influence are seen in art.2. And so an obscure thetorician accomplished what few men of genius have succeeded in doing,
for he created types. The medieval artist it is true had a difficult task in the simplification of these figures, for they were as overloaded with ' Patrol., \xx., col. 1149 59. ° See the frescoes of the Liberal Arts painted by
* Etymol., i.; Patrol., \xxxii. Botticelli for the Villa Lemmi, now in the Louvre. 77
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE ornament as were the Carthaginian women of Martianus Capella’s day.
Grammar, the first figure whom he presents, comes forward dressed in
the penula. She holds an ivory case like a doctor’s case of instruments, for grammar is a true therapeutic which cures all defects of speech. In her case are seen—among other things—ink, pens, candlesticks, tablets and
a file in eight sections marked by gold lines—symbols of the eight parts
of speech. There is also a sort of scalpel (scalprum) with which she makes operations on the tongue and teeth to facilitate utterance.’
Dialectic follows. She is a thin woman draped in a black mantle, with bright eyes shining in a pale face and hair dressed in elaborate rolls. In the left hand she holds a serpent half hidden under her robe, in the right a wax tablet and a fish-hook.?, Remigius of Auxerre, who in the tenth century wrote a commentary on Martianus Capella, found no difficulty in explaining the attributes of Dialectic. The subtility of classical rhetoricians did not
perplex the medieval mind. According to him the rolled hair denotes the syllogism, the serpent the wiles of sophistry, and the hook stands for insidious argument.’
Rhetoric, an armed maiden, comes forward to the sound of trumpets. She is beautiful, tall and graceful, a helmet covers her hair, and she brandishes formidable weapons. On her breast glitter precious stones and she wears a cloak embroidered with countless figures.‘ Geometry wears a marvellous robe on which are embroidered the move-
ments of the stars, the shadow that the earth casts on the sky, and the signs of the gnomon. In her right hand she holds a pair of compasses (‘radius’), in her left a globe, while before her is a table thick with greenish dust in which she draws her figures.®
Arithmetic has the stately beauty of a primitive goddess, and she seems
to have come into being with the world itself. From her forehead issues a ray which dividing becomes double, then triple, then quadruple, and after multiplying itself to infinity again becomes one. Her agile fingers move with unthinkable rapidity. Their movements recall those of worms, (“ vermiculati”) and symbolise, says Remigius of Auxerre, the rapidity of her calculations.*® 1 Martianus Capella, iii. 223. Edit. Teubner, 1866. 4 Martianus Capella, v. 426.
2 Tbid., iv. 328. * Tbid., vi. §80 and 587.
3 Remigius of Auxerre’s commentary on Martianus 6 [btd., vii. 729. Capella has been published by Corpet in the Annales archéol., xvii. p. 89 59.
78
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY Astronomy bursts suddenly forth from an aureole of flame, a crown of stars on her glittering hair. She spreads a pair of great golden wings with crystal feathers, and carries a bent and gleaming instrument (“ cubitalem fulgentemque mesuram’’) for observing the stars. She has also a book composed of various metals which, according to Remigius of Auxerre, represent the various zones or climata which she studies.’ Finally Music, the beautiful Harmonia comes forward with a train of goddesses, poets and musicians. Around her Orpheus, Arion, Amphion, Pleasure and the Graces sing sweetly while she draws ineffable strains from a large shield of gold strung with resounding strings. She is pure harmony, and at each of her movements the little golden discs on her dress tinkle melodiously.’
Such are the attributes and appearance of the seven followers of Philology so far as the obscure Latin of Martianus Capella can be understood.
The Middle Age was dazzled by these great figures of radiant women,
superhuman as Byzantine mosaics. From the time of Gregory of Tours some knowledge of Martianus Capella’s book was thought indispensable to
every clerk.” In the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth centuries it had a place in the libraries of most monasteries and cathedrals, as may be seen
by the old catalogues edited by M. Leopold Delisle.“ From that time onwards the poets were not fancy free when they set out to personify the
Liberal Arts, for they could not forget the descriptions of the African rhetorician. Proof of this is easily given. Theodulphus, bishop of Orleans in the time of Charlemagne, left a little Latin poem on the Liberal Arts ® in which he pretends to be inspired by a picture which is before him, and he describes Grammar in these words :— “. . . leva tenet flagrum, seu dextra machzram.”’
‘Her left hand holds a whip, her right a knife” (or better a scalpel)— two of the attributes given her by Martianus Capella. Dialectic, he says, has 1 Martianus Capella, vin. 811. found in the catalogue of books belonging to the
2 Ibid., 1x. 90g. chapter of Bayeux (Bullet. archéol. du Comité, 1896,
3 Gregory of Tours, Hist. Franc., last chapter. p- 422), and it is given three times as in the library 4 L. Delisle, Le Cabinet des manuscrits, il. pp. 429, of the popes at Avignon. (Maurice Faucon, La 445, 447, 530, 536 (St. Armand, Cluny, Corbie, Saint- Librairie des papes d’Avignon. Paris, 1886, 8vo, Pons de Tomieres, &c.), 111. p. 9, catal. of the old i. p. 185, and il. pp. 42, 941.) Bibl. de la Sorbonne. Martianus Capella is found in » Theodulphus, “De Septem liberalibus artibus the chapter library at Rouen in the twelfth century in quadam pictura depictis.” Patrol., cv., col. 333. (Revue de Part chrétien, 1886, p. 455); it is twice 79
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE a serpent which hides under her mantle—“. .. corpus tamen occulit anguis.””
Geometry carries in her right hand the compasses, in her left a globe— “ Dextra manus radium leva vehit rotulam.”’
The imitation is evident. Four centuries later Alanus de Insulis, the greatest medieval Latin poet, in his turn describes the Liberal Arts. He makes additions and improvements, but he too preserves many of the traits inherited from Martianus Capella. In his attempt to embrace in a symbolic
poem all the learning of his day Alanus de Insulis! fore-shadowed the work of Dante, and made the first sketch of the magnificent edifice which
Dante raised. His book, the Anticlaudianus, is the noblest effort of monastic art. His verse is melodious, his thought elevated and pure, but his poem lacks freshness and vitality. He imagines that human wisdom— Philosophy (Prudentia)—would, like Dante, mount in quest of God.' She needs a chariot such as no man has seen in which to rise to the infinite. At her request the Liberal Arts come to fashion the marvellous car, which we see is a symbol of knowledge. Grammar comes first, a majestic matron whose swelling breasts are founts of knowledge. But to the tenderness of a mother she adds when necessary the severity of a father. In one hand she holds a whip (“scutica’”), in the other a scalpel with which to remove the decay from the teeth and so give freedom to the tongue— “. . . linguasque ligitas Solvit.”’ ®
She makes the pole of the chariot, carving on it the portraits of Donatus and Aristarchus, the two great grammarians.
Dialectic then advances, She is worn with vigils, but her eyes have lost none of their brilliancy. No comb holds her hair. In her left hand she carries not a serpent but a menacing scorpion.‘ She makes the axletree of the chariot. Rhetoric has a kindling face and an ever-changing expression. Her robe
shines with a thousand colours, and she carries a trumpet. She decorates the car with a veneer of gold and silver, and carves flowers on the pole.’ 1 Alanus de Insulis, born about 1128, died at Citeaux 3° Anticlaudianus, ii. ch. vii.; Patrol., ccx.
in 1202. See Hauréau, Mém. del Acad. des Inscript. 4 In Alanus de Insulls the serpent is replaced for et Belles-Lettres, xxxii., 1886, p. 1 5g. See also Hist. the first time by the scorpion. Other examples will
littér. de la France, xvi. p. 396 5q. be found in art.
2 With Dante all is living, less abstract. Virgil is 5 Anticlaudianus, \il. ch. il.
human Knowledge and Beatrice is Theology.
80
Arithmetic comes forward in a blaze of beauty. She carries the table of Pythagoras, and points to the “ battle of numbers.” She makes the first wheel of the chariot.} Music who is playing the cither makes the second wheel.’ Geometry holds a rod with which she measures the world :— “ Virgam virgo gerit, qua totum circuit orbem,’’3
She makes the third wheel.
Astronomy, the last comer, lifts her head towards the heavens. She is dressed in a tunic sparkling with diamonds, and in her hand she carries a globe. She makes the fourth wheel. The car completed, Philosophy harnesses to it five spirited steeds, the five Senses, and loosening the reins springs upwards towards the heavens.
It is hardly necessary to point out the debt of Alanus de Insulis to Martianus Capella. The imitation is obvious, though it is discriminating and it omits much superfluous ornament.‘
Need we multiply examples. One remembers that in the thirteenth century Henri d’Andeli wrote in the vernacular a “battle of the Seven Arts,” and Jean le Teinturier a ‘marriage of the Seven Arts,” in which the usual personifications appear.
We must remember also that the rather pedantic figures of the Arts had a place even in poems of chivalry, and that in Chrestien of Troyes’s romance Erec et Enide we find the fairies embroidering a garment with figures of the muses of the Quadrivium.’ These examples surely establish the contention that the types created by Martianus Capella were generally accepted by thirteenth century writers. The
artists were equally docile. The earliest representations of the Liberal Arts are found on the facades of Chartres * and Laon.’ This is not surprising, for
2 bid. iii. ch. v. 143.
L Anticlaudtanus, \11. ch. iv. > Erec et Enide, Bibl. Nat., MS. frang. 1376, fol. 3 Jbid.,iii. ch. vi. Alanus de Insulis translated the 6 Qld porch, right doorway. word ‘‘ radius” (used by Capella) not as ‘‘ compass ” 7 Laon, facade, round the arches of the left window but as ‘“‘rule.”” The same interpretation is found (second order). It would be difficult to study these in Remigius of Auxerre, who explains “radium” as figures if they had not been reproduced by Viollet-
‘“‘ virgam geometricalem.” le-Duc (Dict. ratsonné de Varchit., under ‘ Arts
4 We would also cite the Latin poem of Baudri, libéraux’’). A window (rose-window to the north) abbot of Bourgueil (composed before 1107), published 1s also devoted to the Liberal Arts. It has been reby M. L. Delisle. The poet when describing the stored. Reproduced by Cahier and Martin, AMélanges room of the Countess Adela, daughter of William the darch.,iv. See also Les Vitraux de Laon, by MM. de Conqueror, supposes that her bed is decorated with Florival and Midoux. Paris, 1882-91. figures of the Arts. He takes a number of features from Capella.
81
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE in the Middle Ages few Schools were as famous as those of Chartres and Laon. The School of the cathedral of Chartres, whose history has lately
been written, had a brilliant reputation from the end of the tenth century... Fulbert, “the venerable Socrates” as he was called by his pupils, taught the humanities, and already pupils were beginning to gather there from distant provinces of France and even from England. Later the great bishop Ivo, Gilbertus Porretanus and John of Salisbury in turn directed this famous School. These masters, counted amongst the greatest of the Middle Ages, were distinguished by their encyclopedic knowledge, their respect for the ancients, and their scorn for those new methods of teaching which
pretended to make the acquisition of knowledge quicker and easier. Throughout their lives Gilbertus Porretanus and John of Salisbury fought against those dangerous innovators the Cornificiani, who would have proscribed classical learning and wished to shorten the period of study. During the twelfth century the Schools of Chartres were the refuge of tradition and the stronghold of classical learning. No pagan of the Renaissance, intoxicated with the classics spoke in more glowing terms of the ancients than did Bernard, teacher at Chartres in the twelfth century. ‘If we see further than they,” he says, “‘it is not in virtue of our stronger sight, but because
we are lifted up by them and carried to a great height. We are dwarfs carried on the shoulders of giants.” ?
It is thus not surprising to find a series of the seven Liberal Arts carved on a porch at Chartres, for nowhere were the seven maidens of Martianus Capella held in greater honour. The School at Laon was almost as celebrated as that at Chartres. Under two masters, Raoul and more particularly under Anselm,” it was the leading School of Christendom for nearly half a century. Anselm of Laon, “ the light of France and of the world ” as he is called by Guibert of Nogent,* was the master of William of Champeaux and of Abelard. Students from Italy and Germany came to study at Laon, and doctors of renown left their chairs in order to sit once more on the benches and listen to Anselm’s lectures.® Nothing discouraged the pupils, neither distance nor tragic events happening under their very eyes—the burning of the cathedral for instance, the murder of the bishop, or the banishment of the citizens.° 1 See the complete work on the subject by the 4 De vita sua, iil.,iv.; Patrol., clvi. Abbé Clerval, Les Ecoles de Chartres au moyen dge. 5 On Anselm of Laon, see Hist. litter. de la France,
Paris, 1895, 8vo. vil. 89 seq. 2 Quoted by John of Salisbury in the Metalogicus, 6 These events occurred in 1112; Anselm died in
ill. 4; Patrol., cxcix., col. goo. 1117, 3 End of the eleventh century.
82
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY When nearly a century later the Liberal Arts were carved on the facade of the new cathedral and painted on one of the rose-windows’ one might well believe that it was done in memory of Anselm, “ doctor of doctors.”
At Auxerre too the Liberal Arts are twice represented.' The fame of the cathedral School in the twelfth century is illustrated by the fact that on returning from Bologna, Thomas, afterwards archbishop of Canterbury, thought fit to conclude his studies at Auxerre.” One may take it as a general rule that wherever one finds the Trivium and Quadrivium represented
in the church there a flourishing School existed. The presence of figures of the Liberal Arts at Sens, Rouen and Clermont may be accounted for in this way.*
At Paris, the town called by Gregory IX ‘parens scientiarum” or ‘“Cariath Sepher,”’—the town of books,”* it is surprising to find no representation of the Liberal Arts on Notre Dame under whose shadow the young university was growing up. They might, however, have been seen in the central doorway before the sacrilegious mutilations of the end of the eighteenth
century. The trumeau which supported the statue of Christ was decorated with the figures of the Arts.° But we will now consider the individual representations of the Liberal Arts as found in the cathedrals, and see to what extent the text of Martianus Capella inspired the craftsmen. Valuable details may be gathered from illustrated manuscripts, and occasionally from buildings in countries other than France. Grammar 1s still the venerable woman in a long mantle, but the medieval artist wisely retained only one of the attributes given her by Martianus Capella, namely the whip. It is obvious that the case of instruments—the scalpel and the file in eight sections—convey no definite idea to the mind. More austere than the poets, the sculptors and painters stripped from the Arts of Martianus Capella their superfluous ornament and discarded all but essentials. ‘Thus the elementary character of the teaching given by Grammar 1 Sculptured on the west facade, right doorway (rose-window in the gable) ; Soissons, window in the (much mutilated), and painted in the rose of a window chevet.
in the choir. The window is given by Cahier and * Papal bull of 1231. See Hist. littér., xvi. p. 48.
Martin, Vitraux de Bourges, pl. XVII. > Viollet-le-Duc, Dict. ratsonné de Parch., under * Hist. littér. de la France, ix. p. 43. “Arts Jibéraux.”” Many representations of the
3 At Sens on the west fagade, central doorway Liberal Arts have disappeared. They were to be seen (reproduced in Dtct. ratson. de Parchit., Viollet-le- on the pavements in St. Remi at Reims, in the church Duc, under “ Arts hbéraux”’); Rouen, Portail des of St. Irénée at Lyons, in the cathedral at St. Omer. Libraires, on the trumeau—the series is mutilated and See .4an. archéol., xi. p. 71.
incomplete; at Clermont, north facade, upper ay
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE is shown by the two children at her knees with heads bent over their books.’
Dialetic has the serpent, the attribute which distinguishes her at the
first glance® (Fig. 42). Exceptions to this are rare, but it should be mentioned that in the old west porch at Chartres she carries a scorpion. For some reason Alanus de Insulis also substitutes the scorpion for the
serpent. In the fifteenth
a a . m™ century the unknown artist eee! §8 who painted the Liberal Arts
La Be, & in the Salle Capitulaire at Le
BL oe wk. g Sowers §=Puy gave the scorpion to Diaa 7" .i iG peesay a. -ea ;|a % SS a . =Botticelli’s » a5 lectic, andfresco we findfrom it again in Bs the
S dete F i ES bie: . ~ ' “; Villa Lemmi in the Louvre. ES f 1m Z 5 Wess: is iy ty Both traditions persist in art.
a 3 = ¢ _ COM R an ae ie ae s : . i conceived. Excerpt in a solix . le Wi ich im ’ =. a “a BLE «3p tary thirteenth century manu-
wat oe fi! an 4 fj Pa script® she never appears with
7cad WAT Nw li the helmet, lance, or shield. § 5 Pe ‘feet’ ~The Rhetoric at Laon, whose FIG. 42.—GRAMMAR AND DIALECTIC (porch at Auxerre) right arm 1s broken, may have
carried a spear, but it 1s more
likely that she is making some eloquent gesture. It is in this attitude she most often appears except when she writes on her tablets, as in the rosewindow at Laon.
It was obviously impossible to represent Arithmetic with the pencil of luminous rays streaming from her forehead and multiplying to infinity. Another feature in the description caught the artists’ attention. Among the qualities distinguishing her was the surprising agility of her fingers, and in the rose-window at Auxerre and on the doorway of the cathedral of Friburg Arithmetic is shown with extended arms, open hands and fingers
that seem to’move.* This gesture must have seemed meaningless to the 1 Sheis thus represented in theold porchat Chartres. at Auxerre Dialectic, unmistakable by the serpent It is the earliest carved figure of Grammar which has_ which encircles her, has been called by accident come down to us (Fig. 44). The tradition is still ‘‘ Alimetica,” arithmetic. respected in the fifteenth century (see the fresco at 3 Bibl. Sainte-Geneviéve, MS. No. 1041-2, fo. 1, vo.
Le Puy). In the porch at Auxerre (Fig. 42) the (thirteenth century).
figures of the children are mutilated. 4 She is called ‘‘[diJalectica” at Auxerre by mis-
2 The serpent at Laon and at Auxerre is wound like take. As we have seen Dialectic was called “ alimea girdle round the waist of Dialectic. In the window tica,” the inscriptions have been transposed.
84
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY 1
artist at Laon for he has placed the balls of the abacus between her fingers, a clear indication of the complex calculations that she makes. Arithmetic is twice represented in this way at Laon—on the west doorway and in the rose-window in the north transept. Few artists brought so much ingenuity to bear upon their text as the sculptor and glass-painter at Laon. Elsewhere the representation is of a figure seated before a rod with sliding balls* or before a table covered with figures.’ The Geometry of Martianus Capella has very definite attributes, a tablet on which she traces geometrical figures, a compass or graduated rule (accord-
ing to the meaning given to the word “ radius”), and a globe. These attributes, with the exception of the globe which might confuse Geometry
with Astronomy, are found in almost all the cathedrals. At Sens and at Chartres the compasses have been broken and there remains only the tablet
on which Geometry draws her diagrams, but on the facade at Laon the figure is intact. The word ‘ radius” was everywhere taken to mean compasses, but as if to reconcile the two meanings Geometry at times has the compasses in one hand and the rule in the other. Examples are found
in a window at Auxerre, the porch at Friburg and also in a few manuscripts.°
Astronomy no longer has the splendour in which Martianus Capella clothed her, she has no aureole of light and no wings of gold and diamonds. She holds only that bent instrument, ‘“‘ cubitalem mensuram,” which serves her in measuring the altitude of the stars, and perhaps the book of various
metals which is the symbol of the climata. At Sens,* Laon, Rouen and Friburg she holds up an astrolabe, and in a window at Auxerre she carries her book.’
Of the personifications only Music has lost all the features which distinguished her in the original. The pagan Harmonia who playing an unknown instrument advances at
the head of a train of poets and of gods, has been replaced by the figure 1 Manuscript of the Hortus delictarum, tracings 4 Base of the porch, first row, third figure. in the Cabinet des Estampes, in the collection Bastard ° In the old porch at Chartres and in the window
de lEstang. The original at Strasburg was burned at Laon, as in the MS. of the Hortus delictarum.,
during the siege. Astronomy is shown with eyes raised to heaven and 2 Cathedral at Clermont. Window in the chapel a bushel (which at Chartres can no longer be seen) Saint-Piat in Notre Dame at Chartres. MSS. Bibl. in her hand. Does this mean as Viollet-le-Duc Nat., MS. franc. 574, fo. 28. (Image du monde, guessed that the stars should be studied by reflection fourteenth century, Bibl. Sainte-Genevieve, No. 2200, (article ‘‘ Arts libéraux”’) or is it as Abbé Bulteau
fo. 58, vo. Image du monde, thirteenth century.) believed a reminder that Astronomy fixes the time
Window at Soissons. of seed-sowing ? (Afonogr. de Chartres, ii. p. 77.) It
3 Hortus deliciarum, and Bibl. Sainte-Geneviéve, is difficult to say in the absence of any literary re-
2200, fo. 58, vo. ference which we have been able to discover. 85
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE of a seated woman who strikes with a hammer on three or four bells’ (Fig. 43). In the Middle Ages Music rarely had other attributes. In the thirteenth century psalters, to recall that King David was the greatest of musicians and so to speak the incarnation of music, the miniaturists represent him with two hammers hitting bells which are suspended above
him.? We have here traces of a popular medieval tradition as to the origin of music, for following
— descendant Cain, invented
|“ MY IO ‘ music by striking resonant bodies with different [}LW Sr . => \ ‘*hammersof The Greeks,” he adds,weights. “ errone[ { pd VLTIND i ously attributed this invention to
TrZ Pythagoras.”’* There is no doubt
SS he hands of Music by medizval IS Ja)= that the hammers placed in her the \S artists were intended:-to recall
a iv, origin.
SSzens YEO realises whatcontained possibilities forOne plastic art are in the text of Martianus Capella’s FIG. 43.—Music (window Laon) poemand since the demands of two (From MM. de atFlorival Midous) or even three centuries did not
exhaust them. The Middle Ages could not conceive the Liberal Arts other than in the guise of seven majestic maidens. The exceptions to this rule are negligible." In the old west porch at Chartres the artist, conforming still more closely
to the text of Martianus Capella, has borrowed a new motif. In his book the Arts are almost always accompanied by a retinue of great men who
in their cultivation became famous. At Chartres beneath each of the
1 In the porch at Auxerre and on the famous bronze Reims (left porch, chambranle), which Didron took candelabrum in the cathedral at Milan (thirteenth for the Liberal Arts (Ann. archéol., xiv. p. 25 5¢q.) century) Music is represented playing the cither; are very obscure. It seems to me very unlikely that
these are exceptions. these numerous figures, which though they certainly 2 There are innumerable examples, ¢.g. Bibl. seem to be engaged in meditation yet have no definite Sainte-Geneviéve, No. 2689, fo. 124, and 2690, fo. 99 attributes, symbolise the Arts. Canon Cerf (Hist. de
(thirteenth century). Ja cathédrale de Reims, Reims, 1861, 8vo, ii. p. 102) 3 Spec. doctrin., xvi., Cap. XXv. expresses legitimate doubt. 4 The bas-reliefs on the facade of the cathedral at86
Arts is seen the seated figure of a man engaged in writing or in meditation.
It is not easy to name these figures, since Martianus Capella admits not one but many into the train of every Art. Yet with the help of books widely known in the Middle Ages, and by comparison with analogous though later works, we may attempt to identify them.
The figure seated under Grammar can be none other than Donatus or Priscian (Fig. 44). The Middle Age gave the preference sometimes to
. . : . ’ ae: ae | ne
one, sometimes to the other, but as a rule did not — es
separate them. Isidore of Seville, who mentions by oll oe.) 4: name the inventor of each Art in his “ Etymologies,” (ities ae . =
assigns Grammar to Donatus,’ But at Chartres itself [R- - Pare Piece
in the twelfth century Thierry, the doctor whose aie Ww
Heptateuchon or Manual of the Seven Liberal Arts has EY a 2 ey been preserved, placed Donatus and Priscian in the NS a x ae a
‘ . ; Boos: So Pee 7
same rank, using books by both when _ teaching IN st mee
grammar.” According to Vasari, the grammarian [iL } —™ wis one of the porches \e ae _ 5 of the cathedral at & en )‘NTS > 2 ‘ 4eee ¥ : re aj Le, artist Th aes. aon.
‘e . ) ~ i amie! Tas |
an ae % he »ONY Se te: ae oe 3b ae Toa F BS. “ae d po tate a ae , a, , — i “he - ; % a . . ss i Ce i. . toy 7 iJ # te a :
Ҥ a, 4 ie _- iio SHIR? Ss Me RS OS Fs ae enr ee io ae
as a new figure of the sacrifice 3 i 2 2 ; pe ne
of Christ. The ram’s horns by @& ro fx > ge > 2.2 Se | which it was held fast in the BA i), (SeGE Dae +] j 3 ae | 4
bushes became a symbol of the NG t aa | 4 ea oe
two arms of the cross, and the it he. “Sf y ce: f i 4 by thorns in which its head was (mAs CRM Re io ieee. 2 tS Bee Buggti Me -HR? - : on ee; crs : entangled anallusiontothetg? crown Sage The patriarch Joseph typifies FR" ier i er ,. ae Christ not in an isolated act but a ord ic law mele ener by his whole life. Isidore of FIG. 83.—MELCHIZEDEK AND ABRAHAM (Reims)
Seville contents himself with the general observation that like Christ he was betrayed by his friends, and like
Him was received by strangers. This would fully explain the presence of Joseph in the porch at Chartres,* but not content with the somewhat vague comparison made by Isidore of Seville, the thirteenth century pushed it much further. A window at Bourges, for example, represents a few typical scenes from the life of Joseph. It would be admissible to see here nothing beyond
the simple story did not the seven stars which dominate the composition 1 I do not think it can be doubted that the priest knight. The Psalter of St. Louis (Bibl. Nat., MS. who communicates the warrior (statues in the interior Lat. 10525) shows him thus attired.
of the cathedral of Reims, central doorway, at the 2 His knife is often broken. base) is Melchizedek. One must not be surprised to 3 Glossa ordinaria, lib. Genes., XXII., g-11. see Abraham in the armour of a thirteenth-century 4 Isidore, Allegor., col. 107.
15
5 North porch, statue in the right bay.
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE and are as it were the blazon of Christ, warn us that to the artist the life of Joseph is merely a figure of the life of the Saviour.’ Little doubt remains
as to the intention of the author of the window at Bourges after one has read the chapters devoted to Joseph in the Glossa ordinarta.” From it one may legitimately conclude that in accordance with the exegesis of the time Joseph’s dream, the first subject in this window, is an allusion to the reign of Christ, and that Joseph dreamt that the sun and moon worshipped him because it was said of the Saviour, ‘‘ The sun, the moon and all the stars will adore
thee”. His brothers were provoked against him when he told them his dream, even as the Jews among whom Jesus was born and whom He called His brothers, were provoked against their Saviour. In other compartments of the window Joseph is seen deprived of his cloak, thrown into the pit, and sold for thirty pence to the Ishmaelite merchants, a type successively of the betrayal, passion and death of Christ. The coat that was taken away from
him is the humanity which clothed the Saviour, and of which He was deprived in dying on the Cross. The pit into which Joseph was thrown
after his garment had been taken from him is Hades, where Christ descended after His death, and lastly the thirty pence paid by the Ishmaelite
merchants as the price of Joseph recall the thirty pence of the betrayal. The story of Joseph ai 1 Potiphar’s wife, seen in the subsequent medallions,
is a further allusion tu the Passion. Potiphar’s wife is the Synagogue, accustomed to commit adultery with strange gods. She endeavours to tempt Christ who rejecting her teaching finally leaves in her hands his cloak, that is the body of which He divests Himself on the Cross. The triumph of Joseph which crowns the window typifies Christ’s victory over death and His kingdom which shall have no end.
Such is the hidden meaning of the window at Bourges. What to the people was merely a moving story to the theologian was a symbol. After Joseph, Moses is one of the most marked types of Christ.2 He gave
the first law to the Jews as Jesus gave the second, and at Chartres, Reims
and Amiens he is seen with the tables of the Law in his hands. According to the Fathers many features in his history foreshadow Christ,*
but in general only the lifting up of the brazen serpent is retained 1 Vitraux de Bourges, pl. X. Father Cahier saw MS. Lat. 9561, f. 22 sg. (twelfth and thirteenth clearly that the window at Bourges was in the main centuries).
symbolic. 3 Isidore, Allegor., col. 109. 2 Glossa ordinaria, lib. Genes., cap. xxvii. sg. The ‘In his Allegorie in vet. Testam. (in Exod., miniaturists for their part expressly relate the life Levitic.) Isidore compares the lives of Moses and of
of Joseph with that of Christ. See Bibl. Nat., ennst at some length. 15
by the sculptors, who all place in his hand a pillar surmounted by a winged dragon.’
David and Solomon were also popular types of Christ. The reasons for this are as usual numerous, but a few of them seemed conclusive to the thirteenth-century artist. At Chartres and Amiens his aim was to remind men that Samuel’s consecration of David was a figure of a more august occasion,—the anointing of Him who was called “the Lord’s anointed.” At Amiens Samuel is seen pouring the oil on to the head of David,’ at Chartres the statues of Samuel and David are simply placed together.
It is not without reason that at Chartres, Amiens and Reims® the
statue of Solomon is placed near that of the queen of Sheba. In accordance with ecclesiastical doctrine this signifies that Solomon is a type of Christ and the queen of Sheba a type of the Church who came from the ends of the earth to hear the word of God.‘ These are some of the more famous types of Christ in art. They are
those to which the Middle Ages attached the most importance and represented with the greatest dignity, but it would not be difficult to cite many others. There is every reason to suppose, for example, that the scenes from the lives of Job, Tobias, Samson and Gideon which fill the arches and tympanum in the right bay of the north porch at Chartres
were portrayed with intent to do honour to Christ, of whom these biblical personages are types. Job by his sufferings and triumph is a type of the Passion and victory of Christ,’ as also is Gideon though for more mystical reasons. The victory Gideon gained with his three hundred companions prefigures the victory which the Saviour was to gain in dying on the Cross, for the number three hundred (T) is as we have seen the hieroglyph for the Cross.°
Tobias restoring his old father’s sight is Christ giving light to the people of God who had become blind.’ Samson, as we have already 1 At Chartres, Reims, Amiens (Portail Saint- Adoration of the Magi. The queen of Sheba, who Honoré) and Senlis where the serpent has dis- came from the east, symbolises the Magi, and king
appeared. Solomon seated on his throne symbolises the eternal 2 Portail Saint-Honoré. Wisdom seated on the knees of Mary. (Ludolph of
8 At Amiens the statues of Solomon and the queen Saxony, tta Christi, cap. xi.) This is why the facade
of Sheba are not in the Portail Saint-Honoré, but at Strasburg (central porch, gable) shows Solomon in the right bay of the west doorway. At Chartres on his throne guarded by twelve lions and above him the two statues are in the right bay of the north the Virgin with the Child on her knee. porch. At Reims they are found as counterparts on 5 Isidore, Allegor., col. 108.
the west facade, central bay, buttresses. 6 Jbtd., col. 111.
4 The visit of the queen of Sheba to Solomon was 7 Ibid., col. 116. also considered in medizval times as a type of the 1$7
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE observed, was generally considered the type of Christ as victor over death.
These examples serve to show that the mind of the medieval Christians
perpetually dwelt upon the figure of Christ. It was He they sought, it was He they found everywhere. They read His name on every page of the Old Testament. Symbolism of this kind is the key to many works of the Middle Ages both literary and artistic which without it remain unintelli-
gible. The medieval use of symbolism, for instance, can alone explain the economy of a work as desultory in appearance as the Mustere du Viel Testament... Why did not the unknown poets of the fifteenth century who composed this great sacred drama believe they should give equal importance
to all parts of the Old Testament story? Why choose out one person rather than another, or dilate upon Adam, Noah, Abraham, Joseph, Moses, Samson, David, Solomon, Job, Tobias, Judith, Susanna and Esther
except that these biblical heroes and heroines were the most popular types of Christ and the Virgin Mary. The authors, moreover, would not let men ignore their intention, and at the beginning of the story of Joseph
they make God the Father Himself say that all the misfortunes of the patriarchs were but figures of the sufferings reserved for His Son.” The whole Mystery is ordered like a cathedral porch. The characters in the drama are the very same that for analogous reasons were represented at Chartres and Amiens.*
In the Middle Ages, as we see, all the arts united in giving the people the same religious teaching. V
After the patriarchs and kirigs who typified Christ in their lives, the Middle Ages represented the prophets who proclaimed Him in their words. Of all Old Testament figures these are the most strange. The inspired men whom God caught away from their flocks and their sycamores,
who wrestled with the spirit, who felt themselves seized by the hair, who cried, “ Ah, Lord God, I cannot speak for I am a child,” who moved by 1 Mistére du Viel Testament, published by the L’envye que les Juifs auront Société des anciens textes francais, 6 vols., 1878-91. _ Sus mon fils. . . .”
2 “«.. . Crest seulement (Dialogue between God and Mercy, in vol. ii.,v. 16936 59.) Pour figurer les Escriptures 3 It should not be forgotten that at Chartres as in Et monstrer par grosses figures the Mistere du Viel Testament, the stories of Judith
and Esther (north porch, right doorway) are seen by 15
3° side of those of Samson, Tobias and Gideon.
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY an unknown force stood at the gates of cities and announced unparalleled calamities, who prophesied from the bottom of dungeons,
who shaved off their hair and eyebrows, rent their
garments and walked barefoot in the desert,—these Pa more than human seers were subjects well fitted to - ae inspire the great thirteenth-century artists. It must, 3 —
however, be confessed that it needed the power of a em ay Michelangelo to draw an adequately impressive portrait fo iC r of them. That truly biblical genius -— Vay yy a could alone express the hopes and fears — ARE, E
of the ancient world, the infinite sadness » be of Jeremiah who lets his head fall sadly a ; & on his hands or the enthusiasm of the 7 es: . : a
Ages.’ IA .
young Daniel who feels his hair raised 7 /6a/ fe
by the breath of the spirit. No such ” incl] 2 a
attempt was made by the Middle #m [ey -P . Be The purpose of the serious artists of (ii Utd ae
the whenagain representing | S) {| 8a the thirteenth prophetscentury was once dogmatic.
They were wholly engrossed in ex- at os pressing the theological truth that the x | ani prophets were the apostles of the Old 4 a Law who announced the same facts in ya scarcely different form. Taking that i me as their point of departure, they opposed the four NV R os
major and the twelve minor prophets to the four an evangelists and the twelve apostles, as for example ae J in the windows of the apse at Bourges.” They gave Se them the same garment, the same book, the same a nimbus as the apostles, distinguishing them only by the Jewish cone-shaped cap placed on the heads of Fie. oo (hom a EROPHET
some of the prophets.” It seems as if they would Le Mans)
ask men to draw the parallel for themselves. Lacking (After Hacker) in individuality as they are, these figures make none the less a profound impression. 1 The fine figures of prophets on the “ Puits de 3 In the glass at Chartres they have gone so far as Moise ”’ at Dijon should not be forgotten. to represent them with bare feet like the apostles. 2 See Vitraux de Bourges, pls. XX., XXI., XXII.
159
IN at IO A USRT utlines,
.. samen hets feet ess Of ap in the , their tel an itnesses. Na um, oO RELIG and rude and clwindows ; atumsyBourges f appearance in the
With their d imposing, the prop Under their h m that height 3 jenn assemblage of w ritten — Amos, Joel, remote appear like a so Names are 4 ming down from so dd PY dgaieieacunte oa time the hich surrounds a ETd es TePe; haniah, themselves emo Megs , whe names the see great ee ieumamarnseas Fok Mog toZep the mystery
Vote re “et eG function of the oa Pea ee Ins W : ir individua Pate nat Sins little1witere ly the shadow Shoe PS lePetbePropaed itself Paulso ed
Bey A oe fy # whee ee figu ress tion of the fu cononeye wefo a“gsa ae i This concep hy Nie the Middle heal ee ophets explains ia h theirAge indivi
eee cern Bs USS were merely were Ih EORIEOE Ne, aeThey EL; characteristics. he men ofday that day
aae atf a‘es ostles. The | poetry of the L Ute Sas the ap by the wonderful p “es of ea apo wf #eo iedae ee less im pressed y Soe hy by the commentarie ae ee wr « le ; O ae rophetic books , bo, orthan Rupert be ll_bee Bae ; PFOP Walafrid Strabo, iah or the ey ne St. Jerome, f Jeremia aa : works, pie 2oeon eg ae ey entations , ee the lamotedious a me ee a ee e woe Beneath the s inged women AeESeee dallion shows another mere we a, oeibe Mba ee Pe ds ag ‘so medatnich whic
ce % oe , . r i : * . ie ae lifting q vessel I This f. orms a
- Ae ae aoe womanisd seated. symmetrical co . Ae al ;oepi4 rere: Mposi-
[a i' err ae i(Fig. St ert .ba adss . Qsacred ) but W Ls oe 4aetion f§the texta e: stuititeccs< an89), SS O
Bee Ps me, eee nge eae oo Ee ees ae ae . > a is
bse Af 7 ah Me gh of the strangene ] went for th that eae 1 etd Ss Tae aos ae And the ang nd he said to me Bee pl Beis “PaaS spake in me ; nd see what is eee oan ee ¥ riggs * an foe a... 3 P h cyes, a id : Bae aan 5eaeN:, ed5at?? thaaa forth. Rep agtore Rie ~ beaae ifthis tt atharn . hhet said: oe‘This :TI eo - Odeo is wwe And Sed = thy C/ oy She se What is it? forth.” And he , pe’ ‘ae r., Ny pe soe afta 1S ‘This is their ey f lead
ties vee 2F a | going forth. the
a 5 ey nes ee d beho an i “rte a. Car ae ue ea te in the midst of t Oe — ae 4 whe EL. a AEG rs we as Carr ied, an f the vessel. And
ee)oeaoToo. ee eget itting 1ne the ickedness. ... EEeeaee Lafeded vou enes SRE Sl WICKE ee Amie ° , 1S
OO like Sal . in the ee ev
F; pea Tur VISION OF ZECHARIAH ( 4 behold there Came ings of a kite ;
FiG.. my 89.— an .hike theAnd winI id eyesTHE and helooked: had WINS aven. And I lifted up heir wings, and t ‘h arth and the h essel ?’? And el between t heseofcarry t r 7? and wind . the was vessinhither do t land Senaa
.. ten .
and they upspa ke in me:ispels ‘ Whi in the la tery of the to the anglifted : that ‘That a house afor su itthe ngel may be butoniltdden mystery
aid; rtodefini me: ulpture dispe riental The d with this prophetic vi t rarely attempted * Zechariah Gothic a, . sion.
to con lah v. 3 5g.
1 Zephaniah ii. 13 59. 164
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY poetry. It is doubtful whether the sculptors of Amiens had read the original prophecies and taken their subjects direct from the text. They were possibly acquainted with the prophets only through such little treatises as the De ortu et obitu Patrum of Isidore of Seville, where side by side with their lives the salient features of their prophecies were briefly summarised.’ This would explain both the choice and the inadequate treatment of the small scenes represented at Amiens. VI
Of all the prophecies one alone inspired art in any lasting fashion:
“And there shall come forth a rod out of the root of Jesse, and a flower shall rise up out of his root. And the Spirit of the Lord shall rest upon him: the spirit of wisdom, and of understanding, the spirit of counsel,
and of fortitude, the spirit of knowledge, and of godliness. And he shall
be filled with the spirit of the fear of the Lord. . .. In that day shall be the root of Jesse, who standeth for an ensign of the people. . . .”? It is sufficient to consult any commentator on Isaiah to find a symbolic
interpretation of this passage which has not varied since the time of St. Jerome. ‘The patriarch Jesse,’ wrote the monk Herveus in the twelfth century, “belonged to the royal family, that 1s why the root of Jesse signifies the lineage of kings. As to the rod, it symbolises Mary as the flower symbolises Jesus Christ.” °
The medizval artist was not daunted by so abstract a subject.* He gave a naive yet magnificent rendering to the words of Isaiah when, with
the candour of a child, he interpreted the prophecy literally. On the facade of the cathedral he raised a genealogical tree similar—but how much more imposing—to the tree over the fireplace in a feudal castle.
Combining the verses of Isaiah with the genealogy given in St. Matthew’s gospel and recited on Christmas-day and on the feast of the Epiphany,° he represented a great tree growing from the side of the sleeping
Jesse.6 In the branches he put figures of the kings of Judah, and at times 1 Isidore of Seville, Patrol., Ixxxili., Append. XX. 6 Why is Jesse represented asleep? The Abbé See also a summary of the prophecies in the same Corblet (Revue de Part chrétien, 1860) gives a very
volume, col. 166 sg. ingenious reason. On page 54 he says, “ Would it 2 Tsaiah xi. I, 2, 10 not be by analogy with Adam who slept when God 3 Herveus, Patrol., clxxxi., col. 140. drew Eve from his side. A new Eve, repairer of the
4 The tree of Jesse first appeared in art at the end faults of the first, must come from the root of Jesse.”
of the eleventh century. See Rohault de Fleury, It is true that he quotes nothing in support of this La sainte Vierge, vol. i. p.17. From one passage it interpretation, but it harmonises with the mystical might be inferred that the motif was invented in the ideas of the Middle Ages. I have no doubt that
east. support could be found, although so far I have been 5 See Durandus, Ration., lib. VI., cap. xiii. and ™ P oc in my search.
their descendants to the twenty-eighth generation. On the topmost branch he placed the Virgin, and above her
ttt. Christ with an aureole of seven doves,
Se eeSi ~ in remembrance that on Him rested A Sainte gS . es fey “ees sey It is in fact th logical hich Sits eeey KS MR the seven gifts of the Holy Spirit.
ESE Sa ORD OS Bh. Ne {1s in fact AE the genealogical treeb whic LS Ob IES ; ABSEN ie Kyck fo RRS shows His noble descent. And _ in
Se Ba) ee meee $3 PER order to h giveiti further significance to Ie aca ares he thi h sie rr Pea egos| 2: ey pes the composition thirteent pee MIG: SE ge EttheBa Wile.century oe
1 te a ae ae Bae ea = placed the ancestors after the spirit side
OL ep Po” BES aS .
A re Pxmaet@ee A Pawns § Poss by side with the ancestors after the tg flesh. age kta safer} Ae OW Ere SS a en SNM OR beat ,-Close to the kings of Judah in Se RK nal Rag =the windows at Chartres (Fig. go) and De feMN | MovesTe are awwieag 2 the Sainte-Chapelle are .seen the oo oo PN Geet Yop oo . ° os 4 | Me Fah 4 re tat by we =prophets, with uplifted finger heralding
Sr sy a : hes i! Fi oo the Messiah who should come. Here
ECSiersi (el ania art §=6the equals iftext. not surpasses the poetry of Le I es eerie are fh 3 UENCAL t)FaePa ur ae .
ser f ey SR TI C2 le AS There is on the facade of almost all LOE Ra oO degaa MIDS: hi h cathedrals hedral fe NG Pan PASwade 2 dg"s Me tema §=othe great thirteenth~century
Selif kes PONTees, SERN as SE a Reed, am ;SEN eS .
ES a Eg ;
Si N =! 4 oe t AS NSO a gallery on which colossal statues are
teh| | Nel “pra- Brwte em ranged, ij-nei) Sy 2 Bas - ee SG
called the gallery of the kings.
RE me coaaed > Se ON ESE AS These kings are not as was long eS ve &Mere we &aedaethought oe 1) kings 7; S alg Roy °;?9they are Pe Saves of France
Ph teeUsos: Otromesnew, Fi Hs =thirteenth-century ie f hi hroy Sy a rae for a_
SSE MY bP EK ay on hi Wy tens: the kings of Judah. The error is far
ear OM MS onictaenii Peet fabliau tells of a villein pointing out 0) FSR Wie aneiacmees rd SAN ray o as4 7epinasand: Charlemagne , ooh - Son. the e efacade °
Dime eee” of Notre Dame, while behind him a
From Lassus's Monograph . °
FIG. 90.—TREE OF JESSE (window at Chartres) Cutpurse steals his wallet.2 The author
(Brom Lassuss Monograph) of the fabliau was no doubt better in* The Trees of Jesse are numerous in the thirteenth this mistake. He pointed out that as we learn from century. They are to be seen on the arches of a MS. in the Bibl. Nat. (MS. Lat. 5921, f. 47, v.), the several doorways (Laon, Chartres and Amiens), and names of the kings of France were inscribed on the in several windows (St. Denis, Chartres, Le Mans, door of Notre Dame at Paris in the thirteenth century. Sainte-Chapelle). We refer the reader to the list drawn According to him these names corresponded to the up by the Abbé Corblet (Rev. de Part chrétien, 1860). great statues of the facade. His argument is des-
Pp © Calyx ; y-eignt § ,
Towards the close of the Middle Ages the Virgin troyed by a single fact. On the facade of Notre appeared in the calyx of a flower at the summit of Dame there are twenty-eight statues of kin s, and on the tree, carrying the infant Jesus in her arms. the door there were thirty-nine names from Clovis to 2 Guérard, in the Introduction to the Cartul. de St. Louis. Notre-Dame de Paris (Docum. inédit. de Phist. de 3 Les XXII manicres duvilain. See also Viollet-leFrance), vol. I. p. clxix, gave an appearance of truth to Duc, Dict. de Parchit., vol. ii. p. 389.
166
formed than the villein at whose crass stupidity he scoffed. The gallery of the kings is another form of the tree of Jesse. Close study of the statues of the kings which crnament the south facade of the cathedral of Chartres leaves no doubt on the subject. The patriarch Jesse and the shoots of the
( > ote ‘ q\ \: par C}]
ESPs aS , : > ao ~~ Se eo ony ‘Se ee | ‘= a Wise crane
ty eee ONE
FIG. 91.—CHRIST WITH THE SEVEN GIFTS OF THE HOLY SPIRIT (Le Mans) (From Hucher)
symbolic tree are found below a statue that is evidently David, so that it is impossible not to see in the eighteen kings of Chartres the eighteen kings of Judah. Neither is there any difficulty in showing that the twentyeight figures on the facade of Notre Dame at Paris correspond exactly to the twenty-eight ancestors of Jesus as enumerated by St. Matthew from Jesse to 1 See Bulteau, vol. ii. p. 401. Itis astonishing that not mention this decisive point. It is impossible to this did not enlighten the Abbé Bulteau on the meaning deny that the eighteen kings of Chartres are the kings
of the gallery of the kings on the west front. (See of Judah. These kings at Chartres are like those at vol. ii. p. 26.) M. G. Durand, who has lately taken up Amiens and like them wear gloves,—-a detail that con-
the old theory of the kings of France (Cathédrale vinced M. Durand that the kings at Amiens could a’ Amtens) and who has examined our arguments, does__ not be biblical personages.
167
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE Joseph. All have the crown and sceptre, for if not kings they were all of royal lineage.* The number twenty-eight is not always scrupulously observed. On the fagade at Amiens, for example, there are only twentytwo kings.” At Reims there are as many as fifty-six, showing that the
? s bd ;
oo artist adopted St. Luke’s genealogy which, starting
yoy —— Ui from Adam and including Jesse himself, gives exactly
im | awe | fifty-six names from Abraham to Jesus.° The lion _ Po Way. seen under the feet of one of the kings is not as has a ay |. € been said the lion of Pepin the Short,® but is the lion
'4:
. Tr : . .
1 yy © hes F €——sdf: thee tribe of Judah.
ee as a It is also interesting to find that galleries of the
kings are found on theSai facades of those cathedrals 4oe( ‘[as te“eg=ra ~ ge ‘ pts ete . e =—s which are dedicated to Our Lady, that°is, on the
_ facades of the cathedrals of Paris, Reims, Amiens
| Ao ¢ ! and Chartres. One may well believe that these royal
, i ft ancestors are there at least as much to honour the | ms cide Virgin as to do honour to her Son. The Middle : i po Ages accepted the genealogy given by St. Matthew
¥ sy ) © 4) . .
i +? as that of both Joseph and Mary for, as Gulielmus ! ! .. be Durandus tells us, the men of David’s line might Be: f not marry outside the royal family, so that husband , ;. ag and wife had the same ancestors.’ It was evidently
.| _Faher.ef. £ i . .
PRP. Fae in virtue of being ancestors of the Virgin that the TE Pe aE kings of Judah formed part of the decoration of | Fw NS the facade of cathedrals which were dedicated to
we ee Lo, . TREE OF JESSE (Amiens) .
Fic. 92.—Kinc oF JupaH Such was the fine rendering given to the prophecy HOLDING A ROD OF THE of Isaiah in thirteenth-century art. The kings of
Judah on the fagades of the cathedrals mark as it were periods in the history of the world, and symbolise the waiting of successive generations of men.
One sees how important a place the prophets and their prophecies held 1 The statues at Notre Dame at Paris, mutilated carries a shoot of the tree of Jesse. It can hardly
at the Revolution, have been restored. be a conventionalised royal sceptre. ; 2 St. Matthew mentions fifteen kings only, but the * See Cerf, Notre-Dame de Reims, vol. 11. p. 169.
artists gave the royal costume to a far larger number 5 St. Luke in. 23 5¢.
of persons. For example, the tree of Jesse on the 8 Cerf, Etudes sur quelques statues de Reims, 1886.
porch at Amiens (central bay, arch, seventh order) 8vo. . ;
has twenty-four kings. ? Ration., lib. VL, cap. xvii. 3 One of these kings, whom we reproduce (Fig. 92),
168
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY in the imagination of the men of the Middle Ages. The seers of Israel were to them the most solemn of witnesses, and the artists loved to place them in ordered ranks on facade or porch, and to put in their hand scrolls bearing their testimony to the divine mission of Christ. Even the illiterate would have been at no loss to tell what were the words displayed on those scrolls. Every year at Christmas time or at the feast of the Epiphany, they saw the prophets file past in the form of old men with white beards, dressed in long
robes. The procession went into the church, and in answer to his name each prophet came forward in turn to testify to the truth.’ Isaiah spoke of the rod that should come forth from the root of Jesse, Habakkuk proclaimed
that the child should be recognised between the two animals, David prophesied the universal reign of the Messiah, and the ancient Simeon thanked God that before he died he had seen the Saviour.2 Even the Gentiles were called to bear witness. Virgil recited a verse of his mysterious
eclogue,’ while in her acrostic lines the Sibyl sang of the end of time. Nebuchadnezzar proclaimed that he had seen the Son of God in the midst of the flames of the furnace,‘ and Balaam came forward on his ass to announce
that a star would arise out of Jacob. The ass herself had a réle, fot by her presence she testified that the spirit of God speaks at times through the humblest of mouths, and that the angel invisible to the eye of man may be seen by the eye of the beast.
The faithful recognised in the porch the prophets whom they had seen file past in the church. This procession from which religious drama arose— itself already drama—was doubtless not without its influence on art. The
artists took part in it, mingled in the crowd and admired like the rest. It would have been difficult for them to imagine the prophets other than they had there seen them. It may well be that the fine statues at Reims or Amiens reproduce something of the costume and appearance of the actors in
the sacred drama. References in contemporary manuscripts are unhappily
too slight to be of use.° Information as to the dress and attributes of personages in the Mysteries does not become detailed until a much later date
than that with which we are concerned. I do not doubt, for instance, that the magnificent costumes of the prophets at Auch® or Albi’—marvellous cloaks powdered with large flowers, oriental turbans, gorgeous hats from 1 See Marius Sepet, Les prophétes du Christ. 3 “Tam nova progenies ccelo demittitur alto.” 2 One saw and heard much of the other prophetic 4 A furnace was lighted in the church. personages—Moses, Aaron, Jeremiah, Daniel, Hosea, 5 See, however, Marius Sepet, op. ctt., p. 43. Joel, Obadiah, Jonah, Micah, Nahum, Zephaniah, 6 We refer to the famous glass at Auch (beginning
Haggai, Zechariah, Simeon, Elizabeth, John the of the sixteenth century).
Baptist. 169 7 Statues of the choir ambulatory, fifteenth century.
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE which hang pendants of diamonds and chains of pearls—are an echo of the representation of some Mystery play.' One sees how liturgy, drama and art teach the same lesson, make manifest the same thought. They reveal the perfect unity of the Middle Ages.
VII
ad - . . .
It follows from what has been said that the Middle Age was less responsive to the narrative and picturesque qualities of the Bible than to
its dogmatic significance. The thir-
ee en tae teenth-century attitude was far too
(tig Ei cs oem b SAN Christian for men to seek in the stories
YS ws Wifaeer'g . 8
mal ) =) aN of Genesis merely interesting subjects for
/ in ig | @-@-6/, t fe illustration. The heroic episodes in the fl 4 rake x ar CN inal fy books of the Judges or the Maccabees—
oN O) Ye | prom so calculated to delight the crusaders \. |i ae \ V ihe 4 Ve J — were not even represented. The aes oN /; Ty i} serious-minded artist of that time would
WE 2) eee? eo eer ee . . * SENSA REVELAL. . SSRY at Pisa, where Noah gathers grapes‘ in
\N if fen As aaa have been amazed with Benozzo Gozzoli’s ae BR GOON GE a8 4 delightful frescoes in the Campo Santo
Sa beautiful Italian vineyards and the tower
of Babel rises among cypresses and jorange FIG. 93.—CHRIST STANDING BETWEEN THE jj
window at St. Denis) . . . .
OLD AND THE New Law (medallion ina trees in the Florentine countryside,
making a Bible pleasing as a fairy tale.
In dealing with such a subject the earlier artist's aim was not to please but to instruct. The work, though often clumsy, is always strong and significant and permeated with the spirit of the Fathers of the Church. Some medallions in a window at St. Denis, for which the Abbe Suger
furnished both the subjects and the inscriptions, summarise in striking fashion the theological teaching of the Middle Ages with respect to the Old Testament. These medallions are not all extant, but those that are missing are known by the description left by Suger himself? Three of them in particular seem to contain the idea which dominates the whole. 1, On the magnificence of the costumes of this and the Mysteries in L’Art religieux de la fin du period see Giradot, Le Mystere des Apéotres de Bourges moyen dge.
(sixteenth century), Ann. archéol., vol. xiii. We have 2 The description of the windows is found in the
written at length on the connection between art De Rebus im administratione sua gestis (Suger, Cuvres, Ed. Lecoy de la Marche, Paris, 1876).
170
In the first medallion (Fig. 93) Christ is seen bearing on His breast a kind of aureole formed by seven doves, which symbolise the seven gifts
of the Spirit. With the right hand He crowns the Church, and with the left removes the veil that covers the face of the Synagogue. What can this allegory mean but that in coming into the world and proclaiming the New Law He revealed all the mystery of the Old Law which had been hidden as it were behind a veil? A verse, mutilated in the window but given in its integrity in Suger’s text, ex-
lains the meaning of the composition +a ¢
with great precision : / pes ¥ iW MP. eget SSW
““Quod Moyses velat Christi doctrina revelat.” IA fi) SM Cz : \\
What Moses covered with a veil aoa e Slo is unveiled by the teaching of Christ. 1 ned G3: ne 2) pee The second medallion represents the \\e ee Se ] ark of the Covenant borne on four wheels co) Sarton eT NN ON A eg
and resembling a triumphal chariot (Fig. Ne @Q":. @ ee) /
94).tables Inside of arethe seen Aaron’s rod and ONSSee re 7 y the Law, but dominating
both there rises from the depths of the — o
ark a great crucifix upheld by God the FiG. 94. — THE SYMBOLIC QUADRIGA OF
Father Himself. Near the wheels are Deny (medallion in a window at St the four emblems of the evangelists, which are so to speak the team of the symbolic car. This is a yet more
subtle presentation of the same idea. The ark, the tables of the Law and Aaron’s rod, which mark God’s first Covenant with man, are merely
the symbols of another and more lasting Covenant. The ark is seen to be the pedestal of the Cross. ‘The ark surmounted by the Cross is indeed, as the inscription says, the quadriga of Aminadab, the triumphal chariot of the Song of Songs which the evangelists must draw to the ends of the earth.! The third medallion, known to us only by Suger’s description, once more expressed the same idea but in a less theological and more popular ' The words ‘Quadrige Aminadab” are seen by the Crucifixion, and that the four horses of the
the side of the following lines :-— quadriga are the four evangelists (Honorius of Autun,
‘* Foederis ex arca Christi cruce sistitur ara In Cantic. Cantic., Patrol., clxxii., col. 462). A Foedere majori vult ibi vita mori.” Limoges enamel, now in the Cluny museum, also
The commentators on the Song of Songs, notably represents the triumphal car of Christ, whose wheels Honorius of Autun (a contemporary of Suger), ex- are the evangelists. Catalogue, 4401. plain that Aminadab standing in the car represents 171
form. In it the prophets were shown pouring grain into a mill, while St. Paul turned the grindstone and received the flour. It is a way of saying that the Old Testament if interpreted after the manner of St. Paul would wholly resolve itself into the New. And in the process it would be purified for, as Suger’s Latin lines say, the chaff will have disappeared and the flour alone will remain : “ Tollis agendo molam de furfure, Paule, farinam, Mosaicz legis intima nota facis ; Fit de granis verus sine furfure panis Perpetuusque cibus noster et angelicus.” ?
Nothing better expresses the mind of the medizval doctors than these medallions. It is evident that to them the commentaries on the Bible are of as much value as the Bible itself. Although the entire Old Testament
had been translated by the university of Paris at the beginning of the thirteenth century, one can understand that the Church had never specially commended the reading of it to the faithful. At that time the Bible was not held to be an edifying work that the father of a family might explain to his
children of an evening. More deference was shown to a book so full of enigmas, which could be understood only with the help of all the Fathers of the Church. The clergy were satisfied with conveying either by direct teaching or through the medium of art, all that it was essential for the people to know. Inspired by the theologians, the artists too were biblical commentators after
their fashion. The same method of interpretation obtains from bas-reliefs and windows to illustrated manuscripts. At a later date the early printers when publishing the famous Bié/ia Pauperum tried to make the mysteries
of the Old Testament intelligible to the most ignorant.?. Their wood engravings are conceived after the manner of the medallions in the old glass. 1 On the facade of St. Trophime at Arles St. Paul teresting example of the concordance of the two holds a scro}] on which is written: “‘ Lex Moisi celat Testaments. Opposite the Descent into Limbo and que sermo Pauli revelat. Nam data grana Sinai per the Resurrection are seen Jonah thrown up by the eum sunt facta farina,” an inscription that presents whale; opposite the Last Judgment, the judgment of singular analogies with Suger’s lines. At the Renais- Solomon, &c. (Bibl. Nat., Nouv. acq. frang. 4509). sance the motif of the mill is replaced by that of the 8 See, for example, Bibl. Nat., MS. franc. 188, and winepress. Patriarchs and prophets put the grapes especially Nouv. acq. Jat. 2129. The last MS., ornainto the vat, the pope and the cardinals receive the mented with very crude figures, is of German origin wine (window in Ste. Etienne-du-Mont and a window (1471). Two scenes from the Old Testament, and two —now disappeared—in St. Hilaire at Chartres, 1520). figures of plants or animals considered as symbols, are See Lindet, Les Représent. allégor. du moulin et du opposed toeach of a series of New Testament subjects. pressoir (Revue archéol., 1900), and E. Male, L’A4rt The method of Honorius of Autun is here seen once
religieux de la fin du moyen age, p. 113 59. more. 2 The famous Credo of Joinville offers an in172
To each important event in the New Testament correspond two symbols taken from the Old. The Nativity, for example, is accompanied by the burning bush and Aaron’s rod, and the descent into Limbo by David's
victory over Goliath. The incredulity of St. Thomas is ingeniously commented on by Jacob wrestling with the Angel and by Gideon’s reluctance
to recognise the messenger of God. If it were not outside our subject we % cae, S p 3 3. -., 4 gee 2 “ et
iiatciinicieee. § S Ber + oo
eneee ean rT & Fe +4 ~ ee A a a 2 '¥ 3o.) A248 {| (i ro oY jo ‘: VG,
o .wy ; q ™2i < ” *oa Aa“a f ¢°> e . 2: 2. js
ae re athe 2 Bit ica > Ld
Oe i oo? ae i a FIG. 95.—MELCHIZEDEK, ABRAHAM, MOSES, SAMUEL, LDAviD (Chartres)
could cite many works of the period inspired by the same spirit—Kerver’s
Horae, the Speculum humane Salvatinis, the tapestries which illustrate
the story of the Virgin in the cathedral at Reims. Until its close the Middle Age remained faithful to the old method of exegesis.’
Briefly to sum up. In interpreting the Bible the Middle Age attached itself to symbol rather than to fact.
Historical scenes, as we have shown, are much rarer than symbolic representations. There are, however, cases in which both symbol and history meet, and of these works of twofold meaning the most profound is certainly seen in the central bay of the north porch at Chartres (Figs. 95 + On this subject see L’ Art religieux de la fin du moyen age, E. Male, p. 244 59. 17 3
and 96). Twelve statues of patriarchs and prophets ranged in chronological
order there stand as types or heralds of Christ, while they at the same time recount the history of the world. Melchizedek, Abraham and Isaac represent an era in history ; they recall the time in which, to speak like the
doctors, men lived under the law of circumcision. Moses, Samuel and David represent the generations which lived under the written law and
» Fa ee Te: wer hth f se
a | a i oe matey) 5 ' ve 7. Ys Ay Se . wee “iF % hcl 3
. 7 = te oe . oa i) te‘a -Se peneeen” oie) ay ail BK f +") r ‘ ioe rs ] 7 3 "i 7 _—
yy TRS fine ie Hae .) gl HIN 2 l ae Ve
ae m : wx ‘s
ime a6 2 : Fic. 96.—ISAIAH, JEREMIAH, ST. JOHN THE BAPTIST, ST. PETER (Chartres)
worshipped God in the Temple. Isaiah, Jeremiah, Simeon and John the Baptist express the days of prophecy which were prolonged until the coming
of Christ. Lastly St. Peter, wearing the dalmatic and the papal tiara and carrying the cross and the chalice, proclaims that Christ has abolished the law and the prophets, and in founding the Church has established the reign of the Gospel for ever. At the same time each of these great figures at Chartres bears a symbol which heralds Christ or is the Christ Himself. Melchizedek holds the chalice, Abraham places his hand on the head of Isaac,
Moses holds the brazen serpent and Samuel the sacrificial lamb. David has ! These divisions of the world’s history are often MHonorius of Autun, Jn Cantic. Cantic., Patrol., indicated in medieval times. See, for example, clxxii., col. 460. 174
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY the crown of thorns,’ Isaiah the rod of Jesse,’ Jeremiah the cross. Simeon holds the divine Child, the Baptist holds the lamb, and finally St. Peter has the chalice. ‘The mysterious chalice which at the beginning of history appears in the hands of Melchizedek is found once more in the hands of St. Peter* with whom the cycle ends. Like a guild of christophers these holy men transmit the mystic symbol of Christ from age to age. We have here the great divisions of a universal history in which everything speaks of the Christ, and which form the very chapters of Vincent of Beauvais’s Specu/um histortale. The Bible here presents itself to us as it did to the men of the Middle Ages, a succession of types of Christ whose meaning grew ever clearer. ‘The patriarchs who symbolise the Messiah and the prophets who proclaim Him form an unbroken chain from the first to the second Adam. 1 Broken. 2 Mutilated. 3 Only the foot of St. Peter's chalice remains.
175
CHAPTER II
THE GOSPELS I.—The life of Christ only partially represented in medizval art. Reason for this. Representation of the Church Calendar only. Influence of the Liturgy. The Christmas and Easter cycles. I].—Symbolic interpretation of the New Testament. The Nativity. The Crucifixion. The first and the second Adam. The Resurrection. The Marriage at Cana. III.—The Parables. Parables of the Wise and Foolish Virgins and of the Good Samaritan, Their symbolic significance. Parables of Dives and Lazarus and of the Prodigal Son.
J
Tue age of symbols is followed by the age of the realities hitherto only foreshadowed. We have reached the central point in history, for all leads up to Christ as all begins anew in Him. Nowhere has this philosophy of history found clearer expression than
in the porch at Amiens where the Christ is literally the central figure of the immense facade. Clothed in divine beauty, treading the lion and the dragon under foot, He raises the right hand in blessing and in the left
holds the book of the Gospels (Fig. 16). Round Him are ranged prophets and apostles representing the Old and New ‘Testaments, while martyrs, confessors and doctors stand for the history of Christianity—a magnificent realisation of Bossuet’s Descours sur histoire universelle. The same lesson is taught in the south porch at Chartres (Fig. 97), and again in the windows of the nave at Bourges.
The whole New Testament is so forcibly summed up in the figure of the teaching Christ on the trumeaux of the French cathedrals that to the Middle Ages it did not seem necessary to depict the Gospel scenes at any length.
So far it has occurred to no one to point out that in thirteenth-century churches the life of Christ fills a smaller place and is told with far less complacence than are the lives of the saints. Yet this is a striking fact. One or two windows and pieces of sculpture, representing a very few incidents from the Gospels, are all that is offered us by such cathedrals as Chartres, Bourges and Amiens. It is even more astonishing when on comparing sculpture and glass, it is found that the scenes taken from the Gospel are invariably 176
the same, and that many seem to have been deliberately neglected. The miracles which fill so large a place in the art of the catacombs—the healing of the paralytic, of the woman with the issue of blood and of the man born blind, the raising of the widow’s son and of the daughter of the centurion, rarely or never appear in thirteenth-century art.’ Neither do
we meet with famous scenes calculated to ee _ _ inspire great works—scenes, for instance, (Zaiiam eA, a i
. . oa ‘y & . . ° ) a4 all , # . . ae * ta MEO oR
such as the preaching of Jesus, His popular §&% ' bo Pa > '—_—
teaching in the Temple and by the lake, (ij. aun on fos
the meeting with the apostles or the meal gama Ay
with the Pharisee. All the human, tender a, | _ or simply picturesque side of the Gospels ~~ al, ®
does not seem to have touched the medieval : Or ‘S 4
artist. He evidently did not see in the es 7
New Testament the things which appealed , a (7 to a Veronese or a Rembrandt. Here as bad yy: fide rey. . elsewhere he was the docile interpreter of y fgg if gf
. BS he Pe as A me iE the theologian. a pun ll Qe If the life of Christ be divided into | a 1 ee yey
three parts—the childhood, the public life, oe ee es
and the passion—it becomes evident that jm y ee a i
the first and last alone have been repre- a 2 sf 1 sented with any wealth of detail. The 3 ba ee yy
. ° artres
public life is dismissed in four scenes, | PTET] —— the Baptism, the Marriage at Cana, the eee OE A 8
Temptation and the Transfiguration, which _ Fic. 97-—F 1GURE OF CHRIST (south porch,
moreover it is rare to find all together.*
There is scarcely any exception to this rule, for should one come across such episodes in the public life as the calling of the apostles or the raising of Lazarus, they will be found to have been introduced incidentally into a window dedicated to St. Peter or to Mary Magdalen.’ 1 Among the very rare exceptions should be noted works devoted to the life of Christ in French art the bas-reliefs at Reims (interior, left doorway on of the thirteenth century. entering) which show Jesus healing Peter’s mother- §% The window in the apsidal chapel at Chartres
in-law, and side by side with it Jesus and the seems to be an exception. It represents John the
Samaritan woman. This sculpture is unique in other Baptist and his disciples, the calling of the apostles, respects, ¢.g. the Christ has no beard. I am inclined Jesus and Philip, Jesus and Nathaniel, the miraculous to believe that they were copied from a sarcophagus draught, Jesus talking with the apostles, the Last
of primitive Christian times. Supper, the washing of the disciples’ feet, Jesus in 2 In the appendix we enumerate the principal the Garden of Gethsemane (the apostles asleep), Jesus
arrested by the soldiers (in the background the apostles
177
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE This general rule is followed even in illuminated manuscripts. It may seem that the artist who illustrated a book might well have had more freedom than the sculptor who carved a bas-relief, but this was not the case. I have examined a sufficiently large number of illuminated manuv-
scripts of the twelfth to the fifteenth centuries to affirm that detailed illustration of all parts of the Gospel is rare.’ The miniatures in the famous Evangeliarium of the Sainte-Chapelle offer perhaps the only example
of a complete series of the Gospel stories? The artist for the most part contented himself with showing the scenes of the childhood and the Passion, sometimes adding to them the few scenes of the public life which it was then customary to represent. I should like to give a characteristic example. ‘The French manuscript
No. 1765 in the Bibliotheque Nationale contains a collection of the gospels for all the Sundays of the year, and numerous miniatures accompany
the text. The book opens with the gospels for Christmas-time, which relate the stories surrounding the childhood of Jesus. Faithful to his text the artist illustrates in turn the Flight into Egypt, the Circumcision and the Adoration of the Magi. The gospels which refer to the public life follow, and here the artist shows the Baptism, the Marriage at Cana, the Temptation and the Transfiguration. Then suddenly he stops, and half
the book is left without illustrations, until the work is begun again in Holy Week with the Passion, the Resurrection and the Appearances of Christ as subjects for the pictures. It is evident that the artist has used pounced tracings of older drawings whose number was strictly determined.
Where tradition offered him no model it did not occur to him to invent, he did but what others before him had done and no more. In the greater number of illustrated psalters, breviaries, missals and evangeliaria the scenes of Christ’s public life disappear altogether, the cycle of the childhood and of the Passion alone being treated with the customary detail.*. In manuscripts
which are not lavishly illustrated, it even happens at times that the whole of the life of Christ is summarised in two scenes—the Nativity standing for the cycle of the childhood, the Resurrection for the cycle of the Passion. lamenting), the appearance to the apostles after the Bulteau, Descript. de la cath. de Chartres (ed. of 1850), Resurrection, and the Ascension. It is evident that p. 173. such a window ts not devoted to the life of Christ 1 In the appendix references are given to a number but to the apostles, one or more of whom are found of manuscripts. in every scene represented. It should also be noted 2 Bibl. Nat., MS. Lat. 17326, thirteenth century. that the chapel containing this window (now called the 3 MS. 1765 (frang.) belongs to the fourteenth
Chapel of the Communion) was in the thirteenth century.
century called the Chapel of the Apostles. See - 4 See the appendix.
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY As one might well expect in the Middle Ages this strict rule came from the Church. It was, as we shall see, the liturgy which determined the choice of certain scenes to the exclusion of all others. The Church would not offer the Christian the whole of the life of Christ any more than she would place the four Gospels in his hands, but she chose out a few events of profound significance as suggestions for the meditation
of the faithful. These events are precisely those which the Church celebrates each year in the cycle of her festivals. Sculptors, glass-painters and miniaturists simply illustrate the liturgical calendar. The books of the
liturgiologists of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries will be found to support our statement.
The cycles of the childhood, the public life, and the Passion as presented in both sculpture and glass consist of the following scenes :—the Nativity, the Announcement to the shepherds, the Massacre of the Innocents, the Flight into Egypt, the Presentation in the Temple, the Adoration of the
Magi, the Baptism, the Marriage at Cana, the Temptation, the Transfigu-
ration, the Entry into Jerusalem, the Last Supper, the Washing of the disciples’ feet, the different scenes of the Passion, the Crucifixion, the Entombment, the Resurrection, the Appearances after death, and last of all the Ascension. We shall find in Rupert, Honorius of Autun, or Gulielmus Durandus that these are just those mysteries celebrated by the Church at Christmas, the Epiphany, and during Lent, Holy Week and the weeks that follow. Even to-day the painters of Mount Athos, who have retained some of the more characteristic medieval traditions, paint on the walls of their convents in unvarying order “the fifteen great festivals of the Church.” ?!
To examine them in detail. The representations of the Nativity and the bringing of the good tidings to the shepherds correspond so exactly to the most solemn hours of the Christmas festival, the midnight mass and the mass at dawn, that further comment is unnecessary. The massacre of the Innocents, which at first sight seems a secondary incident, is yet closely related to the Christmas festival, In the three days following the feast of the Nativity, the Church celebrates the Massacre of
the Innocents and the festivals of St. Stephen and St. John. She wishes, say the liturgiologists, to gather round the cradle of Jesus the sinlesss children and the spotless proto-martyr deacon who were the first to shed their blood 1 See Didron, Iconogr. chrét. (Guide dela peinture du the Byzantine painting of the Church festivals in the
Mont-Athos), 1845, p. 159, and Rohault de Fleury, Vatican). The festivals adopted by the west differ La sainte Vierge, vol. 1. p. 86 (with reference to slightly from those adopted by the east. 179
for the faith. She includes St. John because he was the well-loved disciple who alone among men laid his head on the Saviour’s breast." This poetical association inspired numerous works of art whose motif has hitherto escaped
notice. Thirteenth-century glass in the apses of the cathedrals of Lyons and Troyes shows the history of St. Stephen and St. John together with the Christmas scenes and the Massacre of the Innocents.2. The windows at Lyons and Troyes shine out like an old Christmas festival, for in them is celebrated the whole of the Christmas week. The people who feasted so gaily during the last days of December, and who loved to see the deacons playing ball in the cathedral® on St. Stephen’s day, had no difficulty in understanding works of art which to us are unintelligible. Other works inspired by the same idea might no doubt be discovered.‘
The Circumcision and the Presentation in the Temple, two scenes which the artists sometimes confused, again correspond to two solemn days.
These festivals, one celebrated on the first of January and the other at the beginning of February under the popular name of Candlemas, fill as large a place in art as in the liturgy. They were both intended to remind men
that the Son of God who came to bring the New Law first submitted Himself to the Old Law.’
The Adoration of the Magi, the Baptism and the Marriage at Cana correspond to three very different times in the life of Christ, and yet the Middle Age with its poetic feeling for mystic analogies has linked them by a common thought. All three were celebrated on the same day, and the festival bore the name of the Theophany until that of the Epiphany prevailed. They were in fact the three first manifestations of God to man. The Magi when they worshipped Jesus were the 1G. Durandus, Ration., lib. VII., cap. xlii. Hono- not only the prophets who foretold the birth of rius of Autun, Gemma anima, lib. III., cap. xi., xii., Christ, but the Massacre of the Innocents, the story
xiii, Patrol., clxxii., col. 646. of St. Stephen, St. John and the Apocalypse, and 2 At Lyons the story of John the Baptist is added finally the life of John the Baptist. At Chartres (south because the Middle Age rarely separated them, porch, left doorway, in the tympanum and round the frequently representing both stories in the same arches) the martyrdom of Stephen and small statues window (at Tours, for example), and because the of children bearing palms (the Holy Innocents) are death of St. John the Evangelist was reputed to fall grouped together. In the Sainte-Chapelle it is on the same day as the birth of St. John the Baptist. noticeable that the window devoted to the childhood 8 Honorius of Autun gives a symbolic meaning to of Christ, which includes the Nativity and the the deacons’ game. According to him it signifies Massacre of the Innocents, also contains the life of the glorious contest (palzstra) of St. Stephen. Like St. John the Evangelist. At St. Julien-du-Sault the martyred saint, the victorious deacon received a (Yonne) the childhood of Christ (Massacre of the
crown (Gemm. anim., col. 646). Innocents) is placed in a thirteenth-century win4 I am inclined to believe that the sculpture of the dow together with the legends of St. John the
porches at Reims (interior), which at first sight seems Evangelist and the Baptist. so confused, presents the same idea. One there sees 5 G, Durandus, Ration., lib. VI., cap. xv.
180
first among Gentiles to recognise His divinity. On the day of the Baptism a voice from on high proclaimed His divinity for the second time. Lastly, at the marriage feast at Cana Jesus showed His divinity by a miracle, the first of the many He was yet to perform. To complete the parallel the Middle Ages decreed that the three events had occurred on the same date. The liturgiologists asserted that the Baptism took place thirty years to the day, and the miracle at Cana thirty-one years to the day after the Adoration of the Magi.’ Hence the exceptional importance in art of these three scenes.?. The predilection of the thirteenth-
century artist for the Marriage at Cana cannot be otherwise explained. Had he been less submissive to liturgical rules, and more free to follow his own fancy, he would no doubt have chosen some miracle more calculated
to reach men’s hearts. But here again the art of the thirteenth century was not subject to individual caprice, but was the visible embodiment of accepted doctrine.
The Temptation and the Transfiguration are the central events in the
life of Christ as it is represented in art. These two scenes with in addition the Baptism and the Marriage at Cana summarise the whole of the public life. Once more the liturgy furnishes the explanation of this singular privilege. The Temptation and the Transfiguration were intended to call to mind another season of the Christian year. ‘There are between Christmas and Easter no weeks of greater significance for the faithful than the six weeks of Lent. Struggle with temptation and victory over the flesh, that is the meaning of these two scenes from the life of Christ which the Church offers for men’s edification. The Christian is one with Christ, he must enter into the trials of his divine Master if he would be associated with His triumph. The forty days of lenten abstinence are an image of the forty days of fasting and struggle passed in the wilderness, and so the gospel
appointed to be read on the first Sunday in Lent gives an account of the Temptation, the symbol of the conflict which the Christian must wage.’ 1 Honorius of Autun, Gemm. anim., lib. HI., cap. commemorate the Baptism, while the Child holds xvill. Rupert, De divin. offic., lib. III., cap. xxiv. the gifts of the three Magi. See Springer, Berichte
G. Durandus, Ratzon., lib. VI., cap. xvi. uber die Verhandl. der konigl. Sachstschen Gesell-
2 These three scenes are connected in a window at schaft, 1879. The Baptism and the Magi are seen Troyes (reproduced by Gaussen, Portefeutlle archéol. de on the baptistery at Parma.
la Champagne), where the Temptation is added to #% Durandus explains at length the symbolism of them. Austria offers a curious example. The fasting, of Lent, and of the Temptation, Ration., lib. Romanesque church of Schéngrabern is decorated on VI., cap. xxxii. In manuscripts the Temptation is the outside with sculptured figures of the Virgin and_ chosen to illustrate the beginning of Lent, e.g. Bibl. Child. Near them six water-pots symbolise the Sainte-Geneviéve, MS. No. 102, f. 199 v. (thirteenth marriage at Cana, the dove which hovers above century). them and the hand of God the Father in benediction 181
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE But at the end of this first week, on both Saturday and Sunday, the
gospel of the Transfiguration is read that the faithful may not be unduly discouraged. The Transfiguration was a kind of exaltation of fasting in the eyes of the medieval liturgiologist. He pointed out amongst other things that Jesus showed Himself to the apostles between Moses and Elias, who had also fasted in the desert for forty days and who had appointed a fast under the Old Law, as Jesus appointed it under the New Law.' So to the Christian in the midst of his struggles the Transfiguration was a promise of victory. In certain churches, at Paris for instance, the gospel of the Transfiguration was read after the account of Jacob wrestling with the angel.2 Symbolism of this kind, better understood in the thirteenth
century than to-day, explains the presence of the Temptation and the Transfiguration in a number of works of art of that period. With them end the representations devoted to the public life of Christ.
The scenes of the Passion immediately follow, a sure proof that the artist took as his guide not the chronological order of events but the order of the liturgical feasts.
The Easter cycle almost invariably opens with the triumphal entry into Jerusalem,’ and corresponds to Palm Sunday.* We have next the Last Supper followed by the Passion (in the strict sense) treated with a fulness that is sufficiently accounted for by the importance of the ceremonies of Holy Week.
Finally the Resurrection displays to men the Easter mystery, and the cycle
ends. There is in all this nothing that does not readily explain itself to us to-day.
The greater number of these Gospel series close with the scene of the Resurrection, but a few go further. The famous bas-reliefs in the choir
of Notre Dame at Paris present all the appearances of Christ after the Resurrection, treated in detail such as is not found elsewhere. One there sees
the appearance to the holy women, to the disciples at Emmaus, to St. Thomas, to the apostles assembled in the guest-chamber, and to St. Peter and
his companions by the sea of Tiberias. This must not be taken as a fancy of Maitre Le Bouteiller, carver of images. Representations of the kind are ‘ See Honorius of Autun, Sacram., cap. v., and 4 In the art of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries
Durandus, loc. ctt. the apostles who follow Christ are shown with palms,
2G. Durandus, lib. VI., cap. xxxix. a sure sign that the mode of representing the Entry
* In the window at Bourges the Passion begins into Jerusalem was fixed by the liturgy. Though
with the raising of Lazarus. This marks the beginning the Gospel says that the Jews received Jesus with of the Passion because it was after this miracle that branches of trees, it does not say that the disciples the Jews resolved to put Jesus to death. Giotto, carried them. The palm in their hands was intended too, in the Arena Chapel at Padua began the frescoes to commemorate the Palm Sunday procession (e.g. a
of the Passion with the raising of Lazarus. +3 capita at Chartres, and a window at Bourges).
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY closely related to the Easter festival. In the thirteenth century the whole of Easter week was filled with a succession of festivals, and the offices were
followed assiduously by the faithful. Popular curiosity was roused by a strange and symbolic ceremony in which a serpent at the end of a pole was carried in triumphal procession to the baptismal fonts." The gospel appointed to be read on each day of this week contained the account of one of the appear-
ances of Christ. The festival of Easter was thus prolonged to the following Sunday, and it is precisely this octave which the artist had been charged to
record in the choir enclosure in Notre Dame at Paris. In most works of art the Gospel story closes quite naturally with the Ascension.
To sum up. It is evident that representations of the life of Christ
group themselves round the Nativity and the Resurrection. Two
windows devoted to His life are almost sure to be met with in cathedrals of the thirteenth century ; one might be called the Christmas, the other the Easter window. The same series of scenes occurs, though less frequently,
in sculpture. But it is necessary to observe that the number of painted or carved representations of the Christmas cycle is appreciably greater than the
number of representations of the Easter cycle. The reason is not far to seek, The account of the childhood of Jesus includes part of His mother’s life, and one and the same work pays homage to both. The greater number of windows which we call windows of the Childhood might equally well
be called windows of the Virgin. In certain cases the artist himself has taken care to acquaint us with his meaning. At Strasburg under a window devoted to the childhood of Jesus are written the words ‘“‘ Ave, Maria, gracia
plena”’, an inscription which leaves no doubt as to the author's intention. In the rose-window in the north transept of the cathedral of Soissons all the scenes of the Childhood are seen, but the presence of the Virgin in the central medallion is sufficient indication that the work is dedicated to her. Up to the fifteenth century the books of Hours bear the same testimony, and show the persistence of tradition. These books invariably begin with a number of prayers collected under the title “‘ Hours of Our Lady.” And this portion devoted especially to the Virgin is in every case illustrated by scenes taken from the childhood of Jesus, which at first sight might mislead
one as to the exact nature of the book.° °
1 See G. Durandus, Ration., lib. VI., cap. lxxxix., cession at Chartres. See Lépinois, Hist. de Chartres, and J. de Voragine, Leg. aurea, cap. 1xx. The serpent I., Appendix, p. 549. must have resembled the dragon at the top of the 2 G. Durandus, Ration., lib. VI., cap. Ixxxix. column which Moses holds at Chartres and at Reims. 3 The following are typical examples: Bibl. Nat.,
Tow was burned in the dragon’s jaws during the Pro” 8 Lat. 1158, 921; frang., 1874, 13167; Maza-
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE Further, in the thirteenth century windows which tell of the Childhood some scene is frequently introduced which suggests that the intention was to honour the Virgin equally with her Son. The Annunciation and the Visitation, for instance, are rarely omitted. The Middle Age expressed its devotion to her in works of this kind. To recount the first years of the life of Jesus was surely to extol the devotion and tenderness of her whose protection and gentle influence enveloped the childhood of the Son of God. How glorify her better than by showing that she was essential to the work of salvation, that through her lived and grew the frail infant on whom rested the hope of the world. The windows and the sculpture devoted to the childhood of Jesus in
reality bear witness to the ardent worship which the thirteenth century offered to the mother of God.’ Such was the spirit which determined the choice of scenes from the life
of Christ. Nowhere is more apparent the profoundly dogmatic character of medieval art which is theology and the liturgy embodied in concrete form.
II
There are yet other surprises in store for the student of the Gospel story; some detail, attitude, or figure before unnoticed may suggest a whole world of symbols. Taught by the theologian, the thirteenthcentury artist saw in the Gospel not a collection of picturesque or affecting scenes, but a succession of mysteries.
To us who know so little of medieval books it may seem that the Gospel permits of no symbolism. If the Old Testament be regarded wholly as a figure, surely the New Testament must be considered as the reality so
long prefigured, What is there to look for behind the facts there related? Can one do other than read the story in all simplicity? But this is not the view of the medieval doctor. For him the Gospel is indeed the supreme historical fact, yet the inspired word of the evangelists has an infinite range of interpretation. Every act of Christ, every word that
He spoke holds a meaning for the present, the past and the future. The rine, No. 491. The miniatures found in the Hours 1 The desire to glorify the Virgin is also shown in of the Virgin represent with few exceptions the representations of the scene where Jesus is found by following scenes: the Annunciation, Visitation, His parents disputing among the doctors—a scene Nativity, Adoration of the shepherds, Adoration of which is sometimes met with in the thirteenth the Magi, Presentation in the Temple, Flight into century. Egypt and Coronation of the Virgin.
184
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY Fathers of the Church disclose something of this mystery when they state that the New Testament is as symbolic as the Old, and that historical, allegorical, tropological and anagogical interpretations may as properly be sought in the one as in the other. The Glossa ordinaria of Walafrid
Strabo applies the same method of interpretation to both the Old and New Testaments. If we continue to follow this famous guide we are sure to be in the true line of Christian tradition. There are among the scenes we have already enumerated, some four or five which are the occasion for much curious symbolism.
First of all the Nativity. The thirteenth century, faithful in other respects to the tradition of previous centuries, represents the birth of Jesus after a fashion which could not fail to strike us as curious did we but take
the trouble to observe it. This scene, so often reproduced in windows, has in it nothing tender, one might almost say nothing human. The Madonna of the Italian quattrocentists kneels before the child, gazing at Him with clasped hands, the personification of infinite love. In thirteenthcentury art Mary, lying on her bed and regardless of her Son, looks intently
before her at some invisible object. The child does not lie in a manger, but curiously enough on a raised altar, which occupies the whole central portion of the composition. Above His head a lamp is seen hanging between
parted curtains. The scene appears to take place not in a stable but in a church (Fig. 98). It is indeed to a church that the artist-theologian of the Middle Ages would direct men’s minds, for it seems he would tell
us that from the moment of birth Jesus must have the semblance of a victim. The cradle in which he sleeps, says the G/oss, is the very altar of sacrifice.}
Before such a mystery even maternal love is stilled. Mary keeps a religious silence and ponders, say the commentators, the words of prophets
and angels which had even now come to pass. St. Joseph shares her silence, and motionless, with fixed gaze, the two are wrapt in solemn contemplation. So imposing and entirely theological a conception is far removed from the picturesque “cribs” which made their appearance at the beginning of the fifteenth century, and which mark the end of great religious art.’ 1 Glossa ordinaria, in Luc., cap, ii.: “ Ponitur in grows out of the very altar on which the Child lies.
presepio, id est corpus Christi super altare.” Here symbolism speaks to men’s eyes. This minia* A French MS. of the thirteenth century, now in ture given by d’Agincourt was rejroduced by J. C. the Vatican, shows the figure of Christ crucified above Broussolle, Le Christ de la légende ' 1ée, p. 10.
the Child lying on the altar. The tree of the Cross 8
The thirteenth century, here as always, gives its supreme form to earlier thought... Numerous manuscripts of the tenth, eleventh and twelfth centuries show the Child lying, not in a manger, but on an altar,
}°°°
while Mary’s gaze is turned away from her Son.?- This symbolic treatment
was evidently conceived at an early date by monks who were at once artists and theologians. The monastic workshops passed it on to the
| lay artists of the thirteenth century.
Vy \ | | After the it is, which as might haveto been / SAbeexpected, the Nativity Crucifixion offers art
if ° .
my OSS Lt K the richest symbolism. In the thirteenth cen-
t Sel, ° °
| ESSA the aim of who represented the LASS]tury Crucifixion wasthe farartist less to move men’s hearts aS cee x | by the sufferings of the God-man than to illus-
: | Vy trate two great dogmatic truths. First he de-
| ROY \\ sired to teach that Christ was the second Adam Nee wan who had come into the world to wipe out the
ne Is A guilt of the first Adam, and secondly that in | z NS ? PDA CR1S a4 . . CY ieee aeiiiieia SR, It was certainly not easy to realise ‘ne BO ANA Ga eR in art the wealth of poetic thought pe A Ra he a:
: TE’ eee SOF et
which had gathered round the Cross, ews SS TN a CRASS PEP but the artists succeeded in doing so. sid “NGRRH Al POLS Ble \ Non
. Laon cathedral)
the strangest ideas of the doctors con- FIG. 99 —-THE Nativity (porch ot
cerning the new Adam. Even as Eve came out of the side of Adam while he slept, to the undoing of the human race, so the Church (say the Fathers) came from the wounded side of Christ when He died—or rather slept—upon the Cross, for the salvation of mankind.
From the second Adam came the second Eve. The blood and water which flowed from the wounded side of Christ are symbols of the two chief sacraments of the Church, Baptism and the Eucharist." The artists took the idea 1 A window at Angers (thirteenth century) and one The Legenda aurca also enumerates (cap. li.) the great at Bourges (Vitraux de Bourges, plan IV.) show Adam __ events in sacred history which took place on the same
and Eve receiving the blood which flows from the day—the Annunciation, the Visitation, the creation
Cross. of Adam, the Fall, the death of Abel, the offering
2 See Leg. aur., De invent. sanct. cruc. (Golden of Melchizedek, the sacrifice of Isaac. Legend, \i1. 169), and Honorius of Autun, Spec. Eccles., 4 See Glossa ordinarta, in Joan., xix. The idea goes
De invent. sanct. cruc. See also du Méril, Poéstes back to the Fathers of the Church. Augustine wrote,
latines du moyen age, 1847, p. 321. ‘“*Dormit Adam ut fiat Eva, moritur Christus ut fiat
3 See the Glossa ordinaria, in Marc., cap. xv., and Ecclesia. Dormienti Adz fit Eva de latere ; mortuo H. of Autun, Hexaemer., cap. vi., De Incarnat. Christt; Christo lancea percutitur latus, ut prufluant sacra“Et qua hora terrenus homo invasit pomum, huma-_ menta quibus formetur Fcclesia.”” (Yract. in Joan., ix.
num genus interempturus, eadem hora toleravit 10.) See also Avitus’s poem, De spirit. hist. gestis, crucem et mortis amaritudinem ccelestis homo, univer- I[., v. 160. Mediaeval examples are very numerous. sum mundum redempturus.”” See also V. of Beauvais, See Honorius of Autun, Spec. Eccles., col. gto, et V. Spec. hist., lib. I., cap. lvi. and lib. VIT., cap. xlv.; J. of Beauvais, Spec. Atstor., lib. VIL, cap. xlvi. de Voragine, Leg. aurea, De passion. Christi, cap. Mili.
187
literally, and realised it not without grandeur. They first imagined that the lance with which Christ’s side was pierced entered not at the left but at the right side, as the comparison necessitated. They placed the wound on
the right side of Jesus in order to teach men that it is before all things symbolic ; it is the wound in the side of Adam, or again it is the mysterious door which opened in the side of the ark." Near to this wound they placed the new Eve—the Church—in the form of a queen who receives the blood
and water in her chalice. Finally, as in the windows at Sens (Fig. tor, lower medallion) and Rouen, there is an attempt to make the idea still clearer by representing close to the Cross the seraph who drove our first parents from the terrestrial Paradise. Here however the angel is no longer the minister of the vengeance of God, but by returning his flaming sword to its sheath he announces that this second Adam has cancelled the debt of the first and so satisfied divine justice.’
In thus representing the Crucifixion the thirteenth-century artist thought less of stirring the emotions than of recalling the dogma of the Fall and the Redemption, the central conception of Christianity.
But another idea of equal value seemed to him worthy of expression at the same time. By His death Jesus not only founded the Church, but abolished the authority of the Synagogue. At the very hour when He gave up His spirit on Calvary, the Jewish church with her sacrifices of blood which were symbols and with the Bible whose meaning she did not understand, faded away before the newly created church of Christ. From that moment the Church alone had power to celebrate the Sacrifice, and she alone could explain the mysteries of the Book. The defeat of the Synagogue and the victory of the Church at the foot of the Cross had been too often celebrated by theology for the thirteenth-century artists (always obedient to tradition)
to fail to include them in their representations of the Crucifixion.¢ To the right of the Cross they placed the Church, to the left the Synagogue. On 1 Glossa ordinaria, in Joan., xix. religions is not Byzantine. M. de Linas has made it
2 The windows at Sens and Rouen are given in clear that the two figures of the Church and the
the Vitraux de Bourges, pl. XXII. and pl. XII. Seealso Synagogue arose in Austrasia in Carolingian times. what Cahier says of the cycle of the two Adams, (Revue de l’art chrétien, 1885, p. 212.) The earliest Vitraux de Bourges, p. 205 sg. The miniaturists are example known is found in the Sacramentarium of even bolder than the glass-painters. They represent Drogo, which belongs to the middle of the ninth the Church emerging from the right side of Christ. century. The origin of all these representations is See Bibl. Nat., MS. fr. 9561, f. 6 and f. 7, v. Near perhaps to be found in the Altercatio Ecclesia et 10 the miniatures 1s written: ‘‘ Eve qui yssi hors del Synagoge, attributed to Augustine (Pazrol., xlii., coste Adam senefie Sainte Fglise qui ist fors del coste col. 1131). On this subject see P. Weber, Geistliches
Jhucrist.”’ Schausptel und kirchitche Kunst 1n threm Verbaltntss 3 See Ludolph of Saxony, Vita Christi, cap. liii. erldutert an einer Iconographie der Kirche und Syna4 The impressive idea of personifying the two goge, Stuttgart, 1894, 8vo. 188
the one side the Church, crowned and wearing a nimbus and with a triumphal
standard in her hand, receives in a chalice the water and blood that flow from the Saviour’s side. On the other side the Synagogue with blindfold eyes,
her crown falling from her head, still grasps in one hand the broken staff of her standard, and lets fall from the other the tables of the Law (Fig. roo).
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. ek§=©6beneath teenth centuries some of them seem to grow e#Jugey Sal. ae“yMeee one’s eyes. 4 OF ae 2 ee # PPro For exam ple, in 1200 there is still some iy oa) Ws. er Paar bs “4 uncertainty in the representation of the POM OF walt ales,i Adoration or8thefi Magi, but a formula soon ie f . . Mee oh . a we as . .. mimes pepe ee SG ae imposed itself on art. The first of the Magi,
Fic. 111.—ADORATION OF THE Maci. 29 old man, kneels (Fig. I I 3). He has THE MAGIinASLEEP IN ONE BED (tymjust removed ;his panum the north porch at Chartres) j crown, and is presenting his
offering to the Child. The second, a man
in middle life, stands by his side. He wears his crown and in one hand holds a vase, while instead of gazing at the Child he turns his head in the direction of the king who follows, and with his free hand shows him the star which Stays its course over the stable. The third king, a young and beardless man, is also standing and crowned. In his right hand he holds his offering, and he seems to listen to the words of his companion. This picturesque formula is a happy one, for it gives movement and a certain dramatic quality to the conventional scene.?®
This mode of representing the Adoration of the Magi devised a little before 1200 was henceforth inviolable.* Bas-reliefs, windows and miniatures 1 Vitraux de Bourges, study VIII. presenting the Adoration of the Magi were inspired 2 Hucher, Vitraux du Mans, pl. VI. by the liturgy. The characteristic gesture of the 3 This formula, of which a forecast is seen on the king who points to the star comes from the liturgical
facade of St. Trophime at Arles, appeared in the drama of the twelfth century. In the drama of the tympanum of St. Gilles at a date which cannot be Magi at Limoges the following scenic direction is much earlier than 1200. But the sculpture of the given: ‘“ Unus eorum elevat manum ostendentem left porch of the facade at Laon (beginning of the stellam,”’ and at Besancon: ‘‘ Rex ostendens stellam thirteenth century) does not follow it in every respect, aliis.”” In the same way the attitude of the old man and it is not until we reach the north porch at Chartres who kneels is found in the Laon direction: ‘* Acce-
(Fig. 111) that we find the formula really fixed. dunt magi et genuflexo primus dicit. . . .” On this 4 The artists who invented this new mode of re- subject see Kehrer, op. cit., I., p. §§ seg.
228
show it unchanged not only throughout the thirteenth century, but for the greater part of the fourteenth... From France it spread almost throughout Europe, coinciding with the diffusion of French Gothic art. Other innovations of the same kind are due to the thirteenth-century artists who, while retaining a profound respect for tradition, strove to introduce life into the still somewhat rigid art of the twelfth century. One
happy movement satisfied them. For example, in the twelfth-century representations of the Flight into Egypt Joseph, leading the ass by the
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F1G. 112.-THE MAGI ASLEEP IN ONE BED (part of the jubé at Chartres)
bridle, walks straight before it carrying his goods on his shoulder at the end of a stick ; in the thirteenth century nothing is changed except that Joseph turns his head, casting a look of solicitude on mother and child * (Fig. 109).
Again, in the scene of the Visitation the Virgin and Elizabeth no longer 1 The following are examples: Sculpture, choir Arsenal, No. 280 (thirteenth century), 279 (thirteenth enclosure at Notre Dame, Paris (Fig. 107). Glass, Sens, century), 595 (fourteenth century), 572 (end of the in the apse (Vitraux de Bourges, plans XV. and XVI.), the fourteenth or beginning of the fifteenth century). Tours (Bourassé and Marchand, pl. VII.). Ivories, The type begins to lose its form in this last example— in the Louvre, A 34, A 35, A 40, 51, 54 (diptychs the youngest king points to the star.
of the fourteenth and beginning of the fifteenth 2 Choir enclosure, Notre Dame at Paris (early part centuries); Cluny Museum, No. 1074 (fourteenth of the fourteenth century). Glass at Lyons (Vttraux century), No. 322 (fourteenth century), No. 1077 de Bourges, plan VIII.), Chalons-sur-Marne (b1d., pl. (fourteenth century). Manuscripts, Bibl. Nat., MSS. XII.), Sens (ibid., plans XV. and XVI.). Manuscripts: Latins 10434 (thirteenth century), 1328 (thirteenth Bibl. Nat., MSS. Latins 1077 (thirteenth century), century), 1077 (thirteenth century), 1394 (fourteenth 1394 (fourteenth century), Frang. 1765 (fourteenth
century); Sainte-Geneviéve, No. 102, f. 129 v. century); Arsenal, 288 (fourteenth century), 595 (thirteenth century), No. 103, f. 18 v. (fourteenth (fourteenth century). century), No. 1130, f. 175 (fourteenth century) ; 229
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE stand motionless face to face, but in thirteenth-century representations Elizabeth gently places her hand on Mary’s bosom, marvelling to feel her swelling breasts ' (Fig. 114). Such innovations were both touching and judicious. ‘They were favourably received and gave a new character to thirteenth-century art.
The new features which then appeared in art derived as we see neither from written legend nor from oral tradition ; conceived by unknown artists they were handed on from studio to studio for
3 more than a century.
G i ( One may well ask whether these conven-
‘ CS NAN | oe anne
=. ( \\ kee tions were not put into writing, and whether 2\\ . NN 14 they did not form a sort of “Summa” which i PS hd it behoved every artist to know. The extraWV e | 2 | \\ {| ordinary likeness between works of art executed
\ \ i . 7 for cathedrals often far distant from one an\SYi . other, leads onedoubt to suppose to beof theiconocase. Z/YW : Y jThere can be no that athat manual o~ .
was represented in art forpet close on Pe, a hundred oe < and fifty years. Pe ~~ 7a sae Ss Had we a corpus of thirteenth-century ’ : 7 ¥ 7 a a .
glass and miniatures we should then be in a a da a ®,, a position to reconstruct the canons of medieval § 4 a oi | art and to rewrite the ‘“‘ Guide to Painting.” 4 a oro” I fs The apocryphal writings, as we see, donotex- | lf | f a ES
plain the whole of medizval art. It is necessary #m f: on he i to take into consideration what might be called [im a - oe Be , artistic tradition, and to guard against the temp- § A rp . ‘ e , ;
tation to find accepted legends in simple § a a oo: M™ i studio formule. Yet some slight change of § 4 Gi : or ost ~ gesture, attitude or look was all that was due #euai waa ; ook &
to artistic invention, for in a reverent century {apd af fy je oa
like the thirteenth there could be little devia~ er ee tion from the text of the Bible or from the legends is tolerated by the Church. While faithful to Pt docure, Notre Dane at Parie) rule and to established tradition the artist gave restrained expression to the emotion he felt on hearing the Gospel story. VII No figure in the New Testament owes more to legend than that of the Virgin. The Gospel account in which she rarely appears, and still more rarely speaks, soon seemed inadequate to men who would know of her family, her childhood, the circumstances of her marriage, her latter years and her death. And so there arose in primitive times the apocryphal stories which charmed the Middle Ages. The figure of the Virgin is seen against 1 Seldom the left leg. Vitraux de Bourges, study XII.); manuscripts in the
2 Sometimes they each have a torch. Bibl. Nat., Nouv. acq., Latin 1392 (thirteenth century);
* For example ; windows at Bourges (Cahier, pl. I.), Bibl. Sainte-Geneviéve, 102 (thirteenth century) fo. Le Mans (Hucher), St. Géréon at Cologne (Cahier, 255; Arsenal, 570 (thirteenth century), f. 41 v. 231
a background of legend, as in the pictures of the old German masters she is seen against a hedge of roses.
These traditional stories of the life and death of Our Lady are found
everywhere in the churches. It is a curious fact that in the thirteenth century either her legendary or Gospel story was sculptured in the porches
of all the cathedrals. There is nothing surprising in finding her in the place of honour in those which are dedicated
, a ie to her, in Notre Dame at Paris, Reims, Amiens,
i ins Ki Chartres, Laon and Senlis, but it is surprising . mye? a. pis m to find that she also has her porch at St. Etienne ae Gg at Bourges, at St. Etienne at Sens and Meaux, ie 7 i! MM and at St. Jean at Lyons.’ In striking contrast
Sf AC. Fae ; .
geese, Mesh, OT! to the Romanesque period, when as at Arles, 2 eT .eer Nae eel)
@. i. aan Moissac, Vezelay and Autun the porches were a; “ache aa devoted to representations of Christ and the ed a apostles, the Virgin is then seen everywhere.
aa r Eas From the thirteenth century a large and noble j ‘3s ese? OG chapel was dedicated to her in the axis of the
4 Bate ee cathedral, not far from the altar. One may
: Bits aga 1 infer that she also had a place of honour in
ith ee ee LeTCT oh S| CAThS. 4, | pecan ame : , 7 The cult of the Virgin which grew up in the VIRGIN twelfth century developed in the thirteenth. FiG. 115.—THE OF THE .. PORTAIL SAINTE-ANNE (Notre The bells of Christendom began to ring the
Dame at Paris) 9 . .
angelus,? the Office of the Virgin was recited
daily,? and the finest cathedrals arose under her patronage. Christian thought, meditating through the centuries on the mystery of a virgin chosen of God, anticipated the dogma of the Iinmaculate Conception, and
as early as the twelfth century the mystical church of Lyons celebrated that festival The monks ever thinking of the Virgin in their solitude extolled her perfections, and more than one of them deserved the title of Doctor Marianus, which was given to Duns Scotus. The new orders, Franciscans and Dominicans, true knights of the Virgin, spread her cult among the people. 1 MM. Guigue and Bégule (Cathédrale de Lyon, thirteenth century. See Vacant and Manjenot, 72) are right in their conjecture—based on remain- Dictton. de théologie catholique, under “ Angélus.” . ing fragments—that one of the mutilated porches of 3 On the daily use of the Office of the Virgin, which
I.yons cathedral was dedicated to the Virgin. is of monastic origin, see Battifol, Hist. du bréviaire 2 Only the morning angelus, and at the end of the romain, Paris, 1894, 12°, p. 162.
232
In order to gain an adequate notion of the sentiments which the twelfth
and thirteenth centuries professed for the Virgin one should read the Sermones of St. Bernard, the De Laudibus beatae Marie' and the Speculum beate
Maria? Bernard who wrote at length on the Song of Songs applied all its metaphors to Mary.® He endowed her with all the gracious or mysterious names which he found in the Bible. She is the Burning Bush, the Ark of the Covenant, the Star, the Rod which budded, the Fleece, the Bridechamber, the Door, the Garden, the Dawn, the Ladder of Jacob.* He shows her as heralded in every page of the Old Testament.” The author of the Speculum beate Marie wrote a whole volume on the two words ‘“* Ave Maria,” in which he unveils the profound mystery contained
in each of them. In this curious book scholasticism and bad etymology ° do
not manage to stifle the poetry, for the theologian often becomes a lyric poet with a wealth of beautiful metaphors. Mary, he says, is the dawn which
heralded the sun of righteousness. She appeared at the end of the long night of ancient days, and as at dawn we pass from darkest night to the full light of day so with Mary we pass from sin to grace. She is the intermediary between God and man. ‘“ Mary,” he cries, “is our dawn. Let us follow the example of the workman who starts at sunrise, let us work when our dawn appears.’’’
The De Jlaudibus beate Marie shows more of the influence of the schoolmen.® The author of this long “Summary” in twelve books in 1 Wrongly attributed to Albertus Magnus. C’est la douceur, c’est Ja rousée 2 Attributed, also without proof, to Bonaventura. Dont toute riens est arousée ; 3 The whole of the Middle Ages saw in the Virgin C’est la dame, c’est la puceéle.
the bride of the Song of Songs. See Honorius of , , , . , ,
Autun, Sigillum beat@ Maria, Patrol., clxxii. ; Guibert C’est la fontaine, c’est le doiz de Nogent, Liber de Laudibus beate Maria, Patrol., Dont sourt et viens miséricorde, clvi.; P. Comestor, Sermon on the Assumption, Patrol., C’est le tuyau, c’est le conduiz, excviil. ; Alanus de Insulis, Elucidat. in Cantic. Cantic., Par oti tout bien est aconduiz ;
Patrol., ccx. On the day of her birth (sometimes C’est la royne des archanges, on the feast of the Assumption) the Song of Songs C’est la pucéle a cui li anges was read. E£.g. Bibl. Ste.-Geneviéve, MS. 138, f. La haut salu dist et porta.”’ 223 (a lectionary of the thirteenth century) ; No. 131, 5 The Biblia Mariana, attributed to Albertus f, 186 (lectionary of the thirteenth century); No. Magnus, also traces Mary through the Old Testament. 124, f. 123 v. (lectionary of the twelfth to thirteenth 6 “ Ave’ for him came from “a” privative and century) ; No. 125, f. 148 (lectionary of the thir- ‘‘ vae,’’ which signifies unhappiness. Mary heard the
teenth century). word ‘“‘ave”’ three times that the three woes (vae ! 4 St. Bernard, Patrol., clxxxiv., col. 1017. The vae! vae!) spoken by the angel of the Apocalypse
following lines in the prologue to Gautier de Coinci’s might be effaced (Spec. beate Marie, lect. IL., of St. Miracles de Notre-Dame seem to be reminiscent of Bonaventura, Mayence ed., works 1609, vol. vi.).
St. Bernard. (Ed. Poquet, Paris, 1857). The same doctrine is found in the De laudtb. beat. “Elle est la fleur, elle est la rose Maria, attributed to Albertus Magnus.
En cui habite, en cui repose 7 Spec. beate Marta, lect. XI.
Et jour et nuit Sainz Esperiz. 8 De laudib. beate Marie. Inthe works of Albertus
. . . , . . Magnus, Lyons, 1651, vol. xx. 233
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I
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY technicalities. It is this humility, he says, which did violence to God and drew the Lord of heaven to earth.’ The Virgin as gueen is the idea which perhaps most frequently recurs in these books composed in her honour. Mary, says the Speculum beatae
Maria, is at once queen of heaven where she is enthroned in the midst of the angels, queen of earth where she constantly manifests her power,
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FIG. 117.—THE VIRGIN (window at Laon) (From MM. de Florival and Midoux)
and queen of hell where she has all authority over the demons.” And elsewhere it compares her to a queen entering her palace with a king.”
Amid the host of ideas and sentiments which then gathered round the figure of the Virgin, the idea of majesty was that which art best comprehended and expressed with the greatest force and beauty. The Virgin of the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries is a queen. She appears in the west porch at Chartres and in the Porte Sainte-Anne at Notre Dame at 1 De laudtb. beata Maria, |I., cap. V. V., cap. XIII. The famous hymn, “ Salve Regina,”
2 Spec. beate Maria, \ect. III. which perhaps dates from the end of the eleventh
3 Jbid., lect. XIII. See also De laudib. beata Marie, century, should not be forgotten in this connection.
235
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE Paris seated on her throne in regal state’ (Fig. 15). She has a crown on her forehead, a flowering sceptre in her hand, and
holds the Child on her lap. She is seen again
> under this aspect in the window at Chartres known , ane ; as la belle verriere (Fig. 116), and in a fine window ee i) .at Laon® (Fig. 117). Art seems to be trying to
eae‘ realise the saying of the doctors: ‘Mary is the
oe. . throne of Solomon,” ® for the Child rests on her as « ~ . ar , 4 on a throne,’ and she is thus the queen who carries
2 ye WS : the king of the world. At no other period did it Fe | impart so much dignity to the image of the mother
sci. Te Oe Me of God. me, iy oo” On the threshold of the fourteenth century
renee: men felt that this Virgin, conceived by the theo& “ad oe 4 logians with the majesty of an impersonal idea, att er Pe 4 had become too remote from humanity. All the Pei; 4; 25 4 miracles which the thirteenth century had attri-
‘Peat ice buted to her, the many occasions on which she
Bog ue ee ; had shown herself to the sinner, smiling and comee i. af a # «passionate, ended in drawing her nearer to men. ie fi | ie is . It was then that art, faithfully interpreting popular
ae yi fe sentiment, conceived the figure of the Virgin
wg 2 Pe ee radiant with maternal pride seen in the north od oe. | porch at Notre Dame at Paris (Fig. 118) and the Hai, | or ae “ Vierge doree”” of Amiens. The Virgin at Amiens
ee ‘iar aa . is a lithe young girl who carries the Child with “Py fa Be. f 4 ease, and gazes at Him with a gracious smile (Fig.
, )
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iy SE XEX EEX ff itue ehneLXV UKE r,s aLA meen en(Gy, me nenpe enunn a ee OEP “a \\ vyes ers “2ath i ~4!:BB GR neelincendonnediciiicaea emit: Al
ee a :ae pe ) so MY ee oneaea ?* er nveoniiaaaactiinas Fic. 128.—BURIAL, RESURRECTION AND CORONATION OF THE VIRGIN (Abbey of Longpont)
‘Arise up, haste thee, my dove, tabernacle of glory, vessel of life, celestial temple, and like as thou never feltest conceiving by none atouchment, thou
shalt suffer in the sepulchre no corruption of body.’ And anon the soul came again to the body of Mary.” This scene of the resurrection of her body has often been confused with that of the death of the Virgin, and at the first glance might easily be mis-
taken for it. The fine tympanum at Notre Dame at Paris (Fig. 124), for 1 Legend aur., De Assumpt. [Golden Legend, The Assumption, iv. 241].
252
eo ee
example, does not represent as is usually stated * the death of Mary but her resurrection. Two angels trembling with reverence lift the Virgin from the
tomb, and bear her gently upon a long veil, for they dare not touch the sacred body. Christ raises his hand in blessing, and the pensive apostles meditate on the mystery. Mary is beautiful. Old age has not dared to touch
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her, and she is clothed in eternal youth ; on this point alone art would not follow tradition in the Golden Legend.” At Chartres the text received even more precise interpretation than at Paris, for near to her tomb two archangels bear reverently on a napkin the soul of the Virgin about to be reunited to her body. At Senlis* the artist has endeavoured to portray the multitude of angels of which the legend speaks, and they fly down near to the tomb, all darting forward to do the will of God. The assumption follows the resurrection. Upheld by angels, Mary’s body re-united to its soul mounts to heaven. Ina window in the choir at 1 Viollet-le-Duc, Dict. rassonné de VParchit., ix. (west facade) which bears so strong a likeness to that Pp. 372. at Notre Dame at Paris. 2 This also applies to the tympanum at Amiens 3 Cast in the Trocadero.
253
Sens and in one in the apse at Troyes, Mary triumphantly bears a palm,’ the
sign of victory spoken of in the hymn to the Assumption, “ palmam prefert singularem.”” More frequently she carries a book, and supported by angels rises in an aureole.*
The episode of the Virgin’s girdle has here its place. St. Thomas arrived after her resurrection had taken place and saw the empty tomb, but true to his character refused to believe in the miracle ; to convince him Mary threw her girdle down from heaven. The legend was specially dear to the
FiG. 130.—CORONATION OF THE VIRGIN (Porte Rouge, Notre Dame at Paris)
Italians who gloried in possessing ‘‘la sacra cintola” at Prato, and at first it is almost entirely confined to Italian art. In an Italian miniature of the thirteenth century, copied by the Comte de Bastard, we have perhaps the earliest example.‘ It is evident that the sculptor of the tympanum at Notre Dame
at Paris was either unacquainted with the legend or did not wish to represent it, for in his work all the twelve are present at the resurrection of the Virgin.
When borne by angels Mary reaches heaven, Christ seats her on the
throne at His right hand and places a crown on her head. It is the coronation of the Virgin, which the Golden Legend does not describe but indicates in a word: ‘* Come from Lebanon, my spouse, come thou shalt be 1 Sens (Vitraux de Bourges, plan XV.); Troyes 131); Notre Dame at Paris, bas-relief outside the
(ibid., plate XIII). chapels on the north side (Fig. 125).
2 Leg. aur., De Assumpt. [Golden Legend, The * Archeological documents in MS. of the Comte
Assumption, iv. 234 5q.}. de Bastard, III., f. 21 (Cabinet des Estampes). 5 Sens, tympanum in the south porch, facade (Fig.
254
crowned,” and Jacobus de Voragine adds that filled with joy the choirs of the blessed accompanied her to heaven, where she seated herself on the throne of
glory to the right of her Son. No more was needed to stir the artists’ imagination, while the words of the psalmist, “‘ Upon thy right hand did stand the queen in vesture of gold,” ! and ‘‘ Thou settest a crown of precious stones on his head,’”’* applied to Mary on the feast of the Assumption, sug-
~ 2 goa : - se oy 4 : - aa ae ea RTE * 7 NN a *, es ft a age Ss a re Ce ee —
ae ee (th ek ee a a me URN
ir ee ee es en ee, yt fags OM MS. oNS LAG ee NS haa oe AAS lee AE Bae CR a ON A
pag IS
f 4 f geet ag ay tage 2 eo ey ye ey aye 4 i. BR Pome toes ae of “se ees ;
jCARS I et eae 5ee ee RS q FeeSee Bo te ae, SRE
Bee eng a linet FB og RS FIG. 131.—THE DEATH, RESURRECTION AND CORONATION OF THE VIRGIN (Sens) (Photograph belonging to M. E. Lefevre-Pontalis)
gested a more definite picture to their minds. It was not, however, until the twelfth century that it occurred to them to give plastic form to the words of the liturgy, and in his careful study of the early Middle Ages M. Rohault de Fleury never once met with the scene of the coronation. It appears for the first time, very properly, in the century of St. Bernard, and the earliest example known to us is found in the porch of the cathedral of Senlis. The following century proclaimed the royalty of Mary, and inscribed it on the front of all the cathedrals. This scene of the coronation of the Virgin is seen under three different aspects during the course of the thirteenth century. 1 «< Astitit regina a dextris tuis in vestitu deaurato ” 2 “ Posuisti in capite ejus coronam de lapide pre-
(Ps. xlv. 9). These words passed into the Hours tioso.” (Ps. xxi. 3.) of the Virgin. See Bibl. Sainte-Geneviéve, MS. 274, 3 Rohault de Fleury, La sainte Vierge, 1., ch. xi. f. 27 (Heures de Notre-Dame).
255
The earliest formula is found in the bas-relief at Senlis (Fig. 126) where
the Virgin is seated to the right of her Son, and angels cense her or carry torches. But the remarkable point here is that she already wears her crown, and her Son is content to raise His hand in blessing ; the coronation has already taken place, and the Virgin takes possession of the throne for all eternity. Such is the Coronation seen at Laon, a mere copy of that at Senlis, and such also is the Coronation at Chartres,’ a yet archaic work dating back to the early years of the thirteenth century (Fig. 127).
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- aad 1 ON See SF Uae ore ae T io i a VR ag! oe i ED. Fa wR PE ea ee Bak: rae oe * fe . a *, x var Sa «< ‘ Pe . 1 Bh he: uy ae . Lo ds en ne : 7 oy kak . ae i238 a. aan :
tie Pa 8 ee RT ieee ee: OAC: ie Pars Mice Ei ee
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cL eee SE Ne PS) NE «Ny Mees Bt rk
Re OE Fe oe ON mi , amESyqger™ ieAaey“ nyCe:
OE gor erai we Baa FIG. 132.—CORONATION OF THE VIRGIN (lintel of the right door, Auxerre)
At Notre Dame at Paris the scene bears a new aspect. It is really a representation of the coronation, though it is not Christ who crowns His mother, but an angel who comes from heaven to place the crown on her head (Fig. 124). Mediaeval art can show nothing finer than this tympanum at Notre Dame.’ Seated by the side of her Son, the Virgin turns her pure
face towards Him, gazing at Him with clasped hands while the angel places the crown on her forehead. Radiant in divine beauty, He blesses her and gives her a sceptre which bursts into flower, symbol of the power which He will henceforth share with His mother. Wonder, gratitude and modesty are all expressed in the attitude of the Virgin. This group was once gilded, and like the queen of the psalmist, Mary appeared clothed in a
1 In the north porch. the school of the Ile-de-France, can be studied at ° This fine piece of sculpture, the chef-d’e@uvre of close quarters in the Trocadéro.
256
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY mantle of gold ; to-day the setting sun and the light of a summer evening give her back something of her ancient splendour. Grouped in the arches round her are angels, kings, prophets, saints, the court of the queen of heaven.
One can not fail to admire the exquisite picture in the Louvre in which Fra Angelico shows Mary crowned by her Son in the midst of the choirs of virgins, saints and martyrs clothed in celestial colours. But
justice should be done to the old
masters of two centuries earlier, whose | _ treatment of the same subject was Le Rg even finer than Fra Angelico’s. Round mi { a tae ; the Virgin they ranged all Paradise a rs a. 7 in concentric circles, like Dante re- eed y “Ahi
vealing heaven to men’s eyes and a ‘. wm : showing them Mary as the centre of , ~ ee i aie |
things divine, “‘And at that mid '\/ees or - ‘iat point, with outstretched wings, I saw ‘\ (ia = ad more than a thousand Angels making he a aan 24 oh festival, each one distinct in law and —_ ae ea
The tympanum at Notre Dame ERS at Paris was placed in position about ~— ‘FIG. 133 —CORONATION OF THE VIRGIN (French ivory of the thirteenth century, in the Louvre)
the year 1220. The new formula for the Coronation of the Virgin which it inaugurated obtained for a quarter of a century, for it is found on the Portail Rouge at Notre Dame itself (Fig. 130), and again at Longpont (Fig. 128). It is also found at Amiens (Fig. 129), where imitation of Paris is evident but where the details of the composition are less happy.” The sceptre which the Christ at Paris presents to His mother, is already placed in her hand, the artist believing that in this way he did the Virgin greater honour. But his group has lost the delicate feeling which breathes through the Parisian master’s work, for at Amiens the intimate converse of mother and Son is ended.
At a date which it is not easy to determine accurately, but which must have been about the year 1250, there appeared a third formula for the scene of the coronation. It is no longer the angels who place the crown on the Virgin’s head, but Christ Himself, a sign of the growth of reverence for her. Of this kind are the representations at Sens, Auxerre and Reims. 1 Paradiso, xxxi. 130-132. 2 The same formula is seen in the cathedral of Léon in Spain. 257
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE The beautiful group of the mother crowned by her Son, popularised in other countries through French ivories (Fig. 133), captivated the whole of Europe and is found in Italy, Spain and Germany. It marks the apogee of the cult of the Virgin in the thirteenth century.’ The artists as we see found an unfailing source of inspiration in legends
relating to the Virgin. These simple stories which we no longer read, enthralled the people for four hundred years, and to them we owe half at least of the medizval works of art in France. We will content ourselves with observing that of the three great porches at Notre Dame at Parts, two—those dedicated to St. Anne and to the Virgin—are almost entirely decorated with subjects taken from the apocryphal books.
VII
After her legends, nothing was more famous in the thirteenth century than the miracles of the Virgin. She was to the people as grace supreme over law. She is seen in the tympanums of the cathedrals kneeling near
her Son who is about to judge the world, and she reassures the sinner who on entering dare not so much as look at his Judge. She was the “advocate” who pleaded desperate causes,” and whose hands held the treasures of God’s mercy.* ‘‘ Lady, thou art so great and hast such worth,
that if there be who would have grace yet betaketh not himself to thee, his longing seeketh to fly without wings.’* And yet the Virgin of the Middle Ages remained very woman. She had regard neither to good nor ill, but in love she pardoned all. To be saved it was enough to have daily recited half the Ave Maria. Vainly was Satan king of logicians, for at the last moment his arguments were silenced by her French fesse
and the grace and charm of her manner. She disguised herself, and appeared at times and places where the devil hardly expected to see her. She was present at the weighing of souls, and caused the scales to dip on the right side. The Miracles de Notre-Dame, versified by Gautier de Coinci, canon 1 A fourth formula for the scene of the coronation 2“ Advocata nostra.’ Sermo in antiph. Salve which 1s proper to the end of the Middle Ages, is found regina (included in St. Bernard’s works), Patrol., at the end of the fourteenth century in the chateau of clxxxiv., col. 1059. See also St. Bernard’s sermons La Ferté-Milon. The Virgin kneels before Christ for the octave of Ascension-day.
to receive the crown. Here some modification of 3 Spec. Mar., lect. XIII. sentiment 1s already seen, for it is the humility and not 4 Paradiso, XXXIUII.. 13-16.
the dignity of the Virgin which the artist celeDranes. R 5
of Soissons, is the book of mercy, in which Mary saves all whom justice human and divine had condemned. It is also the most varied of romances.
The poet transports his reader into a world as marvellous as that of a Breton lay ; lighted candles appear on the ship’s great mast during a storm, or descend on the vielle of the jongleur of Rocamadour, shipwrecked men
float on the waves upheld by the Virgin’s mantle, and sacred images bar the lion’s way and rescue pilgrims travelling through the desert.
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with the heir charch,=NZ !f(ibes| xix ide lans to * ENS ry azates la One day the oe oe lFiziere Nexeieer| * A municated, and w he be. ous -~—_—;-—_—__|—— art T Gx
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in the midst as of He a bed PZEM csr :——— | Seitixp “as sweetly told | Pen lley | NE
of ee the lady whose = | aan Mai SN ll
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had eve and me, at- i ES" a axis ll
nna the nine a NS kek Eel 2 tributed the miracle Ilrixters Sonia FAG || the iB “fay food was Ni -F A AN
One ainrich lacking lem. monasand the | ON HEN‘Un vB xSy y ismits (|S
tery ee complain BS init aNaoe‘SiN Zax 1x! || monks came “Let us llwav:ci\\ Smee seess soem’ Le etree era xa Ox Ox dx (window tx ix ——_ to the abbot. brothers,” he Teas ———— at Le Mans, pray, my assed the ——— Over tuntiony
replied. They p 1d in FIG. 136.—THE lowe Wucher
nig their granary second dand the ‘oht in prayer, (From earth, th t ing the dothe later emorning oranrethe befell a wasIdso Some 1a localised notfull be tha shut. iracleyears was afterwards lo at Bourges.
ou This celebrated mir 263
abbot and his monks again passed the night in prayer, until the hour of matins. When they had left the church, there came an angel who placed a large number of pieces of gold on the altar. The sacristan who guarded the church door had seen no one enter, and the miracle was again attributed to the Virgin. When walking across the fields, Gregory of Tours saw a burning farm
and peasants who were vainly trying to extinguish the flames. On _ his breast the bishop wore a cross which contained relics of the Virgin. He held it up to the flames and suddenly the fire died down.
These five miracles, which are met with in several lectionaries,* must certainly have had a place in the liturgical books of the church of Le Mans,” for the two windows we have mentioned reproduce the stories in every detail. The first window ° shows all the miracles recounted by Gregory of Tours except the story of the Jewish child. The second® shows the two
miracles of the raising of the columns and of the convent famine at Jerusalem, with the addition of the famous story of the painter whom the devil caused to fall from his scaffolding, but who was upheld by the arms of the Virgin in the fresco which he had just painted on the wall. A few mutilated medallions in a neighbouring lancet suggest another legend of which the Virgin is heroine. A warrior and a bishop are seen conversing at the door of a church, while a knight armed cap-d-fie is plunging his sword into the breast of a crowned figure who sits at table. M. Hucher, who described these medallions, thought he saw in them an
incident in the life of St. Bernard, but in reality they present another miracle of Our Lady, often associated with the preceding. It was said that the emperor Julian when passing by Caesarea, was received by the bishop, St. Basil, who offered him three barley-loaves. Scorning so modest a gift, 1 See, for example, Bibl. Ste.- Geneviéve, MSS. 554, ceptacles (not an angel as in the story but the Virgin
f. 163 v. seq. (twelfth century), and No. 555, f. 223 herself, near to the nimbus her name is written, seg. {twelfth century). The stories of the miracles ‘‘ Sancta Maria”). 6. The monks come to find their of the columns and of the Jewish child passed into abbot. 7. The Virgin places gold on the altar. Vincent of Beauvais’s Spec. Aist., VII., cap. LXXXI. 8. St. Gregory of Tours (his name is there ‘“ Greseq., where they are again placed after the story of the gorius””) holds up an object surmounted by a flame
Assumption. before a house. ‘This is no doubt the reliquary which
2 The lectionaries of the cathedral of Le Mans extinguished the fire, and which appears to quench have not been preserved. See Catal. génér. des MSS. the last flames. g. A house from which rise great des bibliothéques publiques de France, vol. xx. flames (perhaps the same as the preceding, or perhaps 3 The following are the scenes in the window in the the church of Marciacum from which issued a chapel of the Virgin (Fig. 136):—1. The changers dazzling light). 10. Two figures kneeling before the
(donors). 2. The workmen try to raise the Virgin, who dominates the composition. columns. 3. The Virgin appears to the sleeping * In the chapel of the Virgin. Reproduced in architect and shows him the three school-children Figs. 136 and 137.
(one holds a book). 4 The children raise a column. 5 Window in the choir triforium (thirteenth §. (Fig. 137) The Virgin pours corn into three re- window). 264
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY Julian sent in derision some hay to the bishop, at which Basil said to him,
““ We sent thee that which __ doth nourish men, thou "ONE PA A ad thal
hast sent us that which IRS * SSS YJ
thy beasts do eat.” = Irri- iN INE Le? eux ¢ ele tated Julian answered, “ | NVA wi x\ way W/o will destroy this city and aS tata Veith aay AN
. ERY) ee a EEN Me
raze it to the ground, SO ALL fay i Y rPtTT PTET Ele) (es S val
that it may produce wheat xExEENN EXER instead of sheltering men.”nalinges EEEX i =)ker UPma
. 5night aythexe, xO>* ty | f| \ But that very H# Wa Wr bx) ext ce
Virgin Mary raised from Wey Ae ts INN
the dead a knight named |r" _ _ Se Mercury, who had been =m nin reracal rine
put to death by Julian for | ELE 33 Sayeg Steixiel|
the faith of Christ. MerKeyAW Ne IF ioels tall cury appeared fully armed } lpN( t @ Gell yy \
y app y Ce ha pas tat \\ i) ay, before Julian, and pierced ING A HEH \ i | VFI
eExixga ——— \i '| ir a xx gx || him with his. lance; then leis =| : eth
the apostate emperor died, Ee j= : a) | xine saying, “Thou hast conIle AES” | quered, Galilaean.” This ES «: ei |) Ae VA.
legend, first found in the Aen Nox ANY aby haw life of St. Basil, passed both Re ETN writer . e of ail | Iemows WN, *48e, S538 TPS y |:SEU APRs]; thatAb point by ne | ie tN &NGNO UANES & TPN, (ith SY Wet . . . . ed“ ALTE (Z ie aHTSP JARSszWH lively imagination made St. SSS eT lwNa 8/5 Ss M|| Thomas an architect.2? In
SUE SSS eS SS)! ESE See Ills ;
at Chartres) . .
FiG. 148.—THE LEGEND OF ST. JAMES (from a window the thirteenth century men
took such things literally, without comment or examination. Nothing surprised such simple souls. Certain legends in which the apostles appear as skilful magicians seem 1 Leg. aur., De sancto Thoma. Thomas and a disciple in the market-place at Czsarea ; 2 The legend of St. Thomas is illustrated in full in St. Thomas in a ship sailing to India, Line 2, bewindows at Chartres (choir), Bourges (choir), Tours ginning from the right—a feast, a dancer walking on her (clerestory windows in the choir). The whole of the hands, and a dog holding the cupbearer’s hand in its tympanum in the north porch of the church at Semur_ mouth; St. Thomas receiving orders from King Gondo-
is devoted to it. We would lay stress on the porch forus; instead of building the palace he distributes at Semur because the tympanum has hitherto been mis- the king’s treasures to the poor (one of the poor is interpreted. Local archzologists still suppose that sitting on a stool, another is holding a calabash and it represents the story of the murder of Dalmace, is of a pronounced negro type) ; St. Thomas in prison ; assassinated by order of Robert, Duke of Burgundy. St. Thomas speaking to a kneeling figure whose head (Ledeuil, Notice sur Semur-cn-Auxots. Semur, 1884, has disappeared, perhaps Gondoforus, though the p. 56.) The Guide Foanne (Bourgogne et Morvan, garment seems to be that of a woman and it may be
1892 ed., p. 172) sees in it the conversion of the Migdomia asking forgiveness for having been the people toChristianity. The various scenes should bein- cause of his imprisonment. The presence of this terpreted as follows (Fig. 147) : Line 1, beginning from legend of St. Thomas in the church at Semur is no the left—St. Thomas putting his hand into Christ’s doubt to be explained by the possession of some relic side; the provost of King Gondoforus meeting St. of the saint, but records are lacking.
304
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY to have been especially popular. Illustrations of a version of the story of St. James the Great which appears to have been taken from some book of magic are often reproduced in the windows.
It was said that when St. James was preaching in Judea a magician named Hermogenes, not condescending to go himself, sent a disciple, Philetus, to convict the apostle of error. But it so happened that Philetus was converted by St. James's
words and miracles, and when. of ge “ee. H, Hermogenes learned of it he was ae i. 2 my ee a ie
so enraged that he cast a spell f prom pha a on him, and held him prisoner ne i | ' : / . ; a
so that he could move neither FO, r" me | 4 ~r 2 is : a Bi ; 4
hand nor foot. Philetus then [x — ‘é ¥ rr F y tha) iL re
sent a servant to acquaint St. Fy ~ I, 4 fa . Ss 3h | James of his plight. And the a eu} ii i j we iE if
apostle gave him his cloak (F ig. Fs iy aby t if he | As i 148) saying, ‘ Let him take this g, \ my int: nie foe and say, ‘God raises those who Ef Rae | math , Vai / h are fallen and delivers those who ‘| . aN i. 4 4 i i , n i ( / , : are captive.’ ” And immediately aN ale ‘ = | rf {3 i j at that Philetus had touched the A g i ee ij a" Mend » 4 cloak he was delivered from the (hi ¥ ' | | r.. um An’ a a captivity in which he was held , TWN indi iden ee eee by the magic spell, and he FIG. 149.—APOSTLES AT CHARTRES hastened to find St. James. Full of wrath Hermogenes called together many demons, and commanded them
to bring to him James and Philetus bound, that he might be revenged on them. The demons flying through the air sought and found James, and said to him, ‘“‘ James, apostle of God, have pity on us, for we burn before our
time is come.” And he said to them, ‘“ Why are ye come tome?” And they replied, ‘‘ Hermogenes sent us to thee that we might take thee and Philetus to him, but as we came the angel of the Lord made us fast with Chains of iron, and tormented us cruelly.” And James said to them, “Return to him who sent you and bring him to me bound, but do him no hurt.” And the demons took Hermogenes and binding him hand and foot 00k him to St. James. Then after that James had spoken to him kindly and iad explained to him that Christians must render good for evil, he set him free.
3ut Hermogenes dared not go. ‘I know the fury of the demons,” he said, 305
“unless thou givest me something which doth belong to thee they will assuredly kill me.” And James gave him his staff, and some time afterwards Hermogenes threw all his books of magic into the sea and was baptized.’
In the Golden Legend almost all the apostles have to contend with magicians. But it is St. Simon and St. Jude who strive with the most 24> O*#F 2 co: eee rr See te ae ee hed
veelAan achatShi les! Be ilealee meee fer 7 7ae
a.é’ “tO ‘We ae on ‘eyjwwas 4aFR” ; wee | el al Oe.
%.hiclyafh3&rae 3*ea4 wt. e.
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ae Aa fe feee obese be Fe 4. 4| | ay ge eee eRe MPL ee RR PR EOP Re ge pep ae AN ry Wait fn ¥F&F oe: -ifoetiOO, .xos“I L *7gj é'xYr go on 4ae : .\ a“& .Y a, “~~
;Fi3;3
ES ee A ee FIG. 150.—APOSTLES TO THE RIGH1 OF CHRIST (Amiens)
formidable of sorcerers, and they challenge him even in the very sanctuary
of the magic art, the temple of the Sun at Suanir, near Babylon. Undismayed by the science of Zoroaster and Aphaxad they foretell the future, they cause a new-born child to speak, they subdue tigers and serpents, and from a statue they cast out a demon, which shows itself in the shape of a black Ethiopian and flees uttering raucous cries.’
St. Andrew must surpass all the marvels of the magicians before he 1 Leg. aur., De sancto Facobo Maj. Windows at 2 Leg. aur., De sancto Simone et ‘fuda. Window Bourges (choir), Chartres (to the left of the choir) at Chartres (choir), window at Reims (choir, rose of (Fig. 148), Auxerre (right aisle, near the choir), two the window to St. ‘Jude). windows at Tours (one in one of the chapels in the choir, and the other in the choir clerestory).
306
can convert Asia and Greece. He drives away seven demons who in the shape of seven great dogs desolate the town of Nicaea, and he exorcises a spirit which dwells in the thermae and is wont to strangle the bathers." Repellent as these legends may appear to us, they have historical value. They indicate a certain attitude of mind, and furnish a valuable record of the
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FIG. 151.—APOSTLES 10 THE LEFT OF CHRIST (Amiens)
ancient world and the time in which they arose. They are a reminder that paganism did, in fact, attempt to wrestle with the Christian Churcht by means of magic arts, opposing Apollonius of Tyana to Christ, and that Julian and the philosophers attempted to answer miracle by miracle. The Middle Age for its part delighted in works which might well have been written especially for it, and which shared its own conception of the marvellous. To this is due the number of windows for which the pseudoAbdias furnished the subject-matter. 1 Leg. aur., De sancto Andrea, and the pseudo-Abdias (Migne, ii., “ André”). Window at Troyes (apse), at Auxerre (left aisle).
307
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE These windows are without doubt the strangest works devoted to th apostles by the Middle Ages, but they are not the most beautiful. Th small figures have not the majestic appearance of the great single figures c the porches or the clerestory windows. At Chartres, and perhaps still more in the great porch at Amiens, one 1
struck by the nobility of the statues and the spiritual beauty of their faces As we have already said, the artists were happily inspired in giving then some measure of resemblance to their Master. Radiant with understandin; they gaze before them with profound serenity. One cannot better describ« them than by taking the portrait of St. Bartholomew from the Golden Legend ‘“‘ His face is white, his eyes large, his nose straight and regular, and a few
white hairs mingle with his full beard. He wears a purple robe coverec with a white cloak embellished with precious stones, and although he ha: worn the same garments for twenty years they are neither worn nor soiled. Angels accompany him on his journeys; his face is ever the same, affable and serene. He foresees and knows all things. He understands and speaks the language of all peoples, and that which I am saying at this moment he knows it.”?
St. Peter, St. Paul and St. John are alone recognisable by traditional features. St. Peter has short curly hair and a tonsure, and St, Paul is bald. From primitive times the types of the two chief apostles have not changed.’ St. John, the youngest of the apostles, is represented without a beard, even in extreme old age. The other apostles are solely recognisable by the attributes they hold in their hands. At first these attributes were given only to certain of the apostles, but as time went on they were given to them all. Some slight study of the principal figures of the apostles found in the churches will indicate the manner in which the artists proceeded.
In Romanesque times the attribute of an apostle is a book, though St. Peter has the keys in memory of the power given him to bind and to loose. In the thirteenth century, when the figures of the apostles were ranged on either side of the porch, it became customary to place in their hands the instrument of their martyrdom. But there was not complete 1 Pseudo-Abdias (Migne, ii., ‘Saint Barthélemy,” 3 In the Greek Church St. John is almost always and Leg. aur.. De sancto Barthol, The cloak covered represented with a beard. The apostle has a beard
with preciou, stones is found only in Romanesque in the deathbed scene in the window at Lyons
art. dedicated to him; yet another sign of the curious 2 On this subject see the weighty chapter which Byzantine influence noticeable in the windows at M. G. de Saint-Laurent has devoted to St. Peter and Lyons. St. Paul in the Guide de Part chrétien, vol. v., and in the Annal. archéol., vols. xxili., xxiv., XXv.
308
@°°.
agreement as to their manner of death, and at the end of the thirteenth century traces of this uncertainty are found in Jacobus de Voragine.’ Agreement was first reached with regard to the death of St. Paul, of St. Andrew,
of St. James the Less and of St. Bartholomew. St. Paul is given a sword, because there was no doubt that he had been decapitated. St. Andrew carries a cross, because it is said in his Acts that he was crucified.” St.
James the Less holds a club, because it was said that he _ | had been beaten to death at the foot of the Temple at 2 Po lt Jerusalem by a fuller armed with his stick. And, in spite ' Af ay of disagreement among compilers, it was generally received | ae from the first half of the thirteenth century that St. 7 "ot Bt,
, ace Oe
Bartholomew had been flayed alive, and a knife was there- s3RR@RRy Whigs
fore placed in his hand.” J Ly ms In the south porch at Chartres* (Fig. 149) only the {4 Cae jj
apostles we have just named are recognisable by their attri- | Gams Eri ig
butes. The others either carry books as in the Romanesque $F al ci period, or swords to symbolise a violent manner of death. " Ju; if Before long three more apostles received distinctive [am ny fie attributes. As we see in the west porch at Amiens (Fig. fF NEL bee
151) St. John sometimes carries the poisoned cup which {)-@ieetie ™G Aristodemus had given him to drink.’ St. James, while © “uss retaining the sword of martyrdom,® has in the other hand a F's. 152. — Sr. staff such as is used by pilgrims to Santiago, and his tunic the cathedral at or wallet is decorated with the shells brought back from the shore of Galicia, the famous “ scallop-shell of St. James” (Fig. 152).
. . Bayonne)
; j ; ; ; JAMES (porch ot
The apostle is given the appearance of a pilgrim returning from his church at Compostella, and at the end of the fourteenth century with his staff, his great hat and his cloak decorated with shells, he is the perfect
image of the medieval pilgrim.’ St. Thomas, seen thus perhaps first } See especially Leg. aur., De sancto Barthol. to have existed before restoration. See G. Durand, 2 In the thirteenth century St. Andrew’s is almost La Cathédrale d’ Amiens, vol. i. On the great shrine
always a Latin cross, not x. at «Aix-la-Chapelle (Cahier, Afélanges d’archéologte,
3 There was agreement in the thirteenth century. _ first series, vol. i. p. 20), St. John carries the tun of oil
See the table on p. 311. The St. Bartholomew at into which he was plunged before the Porta I.atina. Amiens had a knife, but it was replaced by a hatchet This does not occur elsewhere.
when the statue was restored. See G. Durand, La 6 As in the north porch at Reims, which is one of
Cathédrale d’ Amiens, vol. i. the oldest in the cathedral, and in the porch of La
4 Judging from the character of the statues, the Couture at Le Mans (the sword is sheathed). south porch at Chartres offers one of the earliest series 7 The beautiful figure of St. James in the Musée at of figures of apostles that we possess. Only half of it Toulouse (fourteenth century) has exactly the appear-
is seen in the illustration. ance of a pilgrim. § The cup at Amiens has been restored, but it seems
309
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE on the west facade at Amiens (Fig. 150), carries the architect's square in memory of the palace in India which he was charged to build for King Gondoforus.* But a glance at the table opposite, where the works are classified in approximately chronological order, shows that St. John’s cup, St. Thomas’s square, the staff of St. James the Great and even the club of St. James the Less were by no means permanent emblems. In fact the only attributes invariable throughout the Middle Ages are those of St. Peter, St. Paul, St. Andrew and St. Bartholomew; while the attributes of St. Philip, St. Matthew, St. Simon, St. Jude and St. Matthias were never fixed, because their personality was less clear-cut and their legend less definitely known. It was only during the course of the fifteenth century
that it became imperative to represent St. Philip and St. Jude with a cross, St. Matthew with an axe, St. Simon with a saw, and St. Matthias with a halberd? as a sign of the death they suffered. It is rare to-day to find a complete series of apostles ranged in a church porch, for many were destroyed either during the wars of religion of 1562
or at the time of the Revolution of 1793, but one may safely say that formerly they were ranged on either side of the great doorway of almost every cathedral.
VII
After the apostles, it is not easy to say which saints were preferred in
the Middle Ages, or what motives led to the representation of one
saint rather than another. What idea dominated the choice of the hosts of legends which are seen in the glass at Tours, Le Mans, Chartres, Bourges,
and why for instance does one so often meet the story of St. Nicholas? In spite of scholarly research there will always be mysteries in the medieval cathedral, but a partial solution may be attempted.
Works of art devoted to the saints in the thirteenth century may be grouped under four or five heads.
One is struck first of all by the pious wish felt in each diocese to do honour to its local saints. After the apostles the local saints hold the foremost
place in the churches, and a whole porch is often devoted to their lives, their miracles and their death.
The religious history of Picardy is writ large in the left porch of the great facade at Amiens. On the lintel is St. Firmin, who brought the faith 1 That is if the square is not a mutilated cross. Judas. He is seldom represented. St. Paul, although 2 St. Matthias is the apostle who took the place of not one of the twelve, is generally substituted.
310
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OD ARUN Sap Se AD Lg OE ON se * “ “ah te ae —oo_ enna RS SRO RAL Wegg nae cee ese FIG. 153.—MARTYRDOM OF ST. NICASIUS AND OF ST. EUTROPIA (Reims)
the province. Like St. Firmin at Amiens, St. Sixtus has the roremost place at Reims, for it was he who brought the Gospel to Champagne. On either side of him are his successors—martyrs or illustrious bishops ; St. Nicasius who was massacred by the Vandals on the threshold of his church and left the
stain of his blood on a stone,? his sister, St. Eutropia, who was killed while defending him,® and St. Remi who received the sacred oil brought by the dove.*| The memory of St. Remi was so intimately associated with the coronation church that art could not fail to tell his history to the Réemois, and his legend with its principal miracles are seen in delightful bas-reliefs in the tympanum of the north porch.’ 1 See Corblet, Hagtographte du dtocése d’ Amiens. 4 TI am not sure that the figure next to St. Remi 2 The stone of St. Nicasius was still worshipped in represents Clovis, as is usually supposed. the cathedral in the seventeenth century. It was 5 The story of Job is grotesquely mingled with that surrounded by an iron grating. Cerf, Histoire de of St. Remi (third row beginning from the bottom).
Notre-Dame de Retms, vol. i. p. 375. It is impossible not to recognise Job on his dunghill, 3 Another bas-relief represents the death of St. with his three friends and his wife holding her nose. Nicasius. St. Eutropia, according to Flodoard, slapped There is nothing in Flodoard’s Histoire de Reims,
her brother’s murderer in the face. from which the whole tympanum is taken, to Justify 312
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY Two of the five porches of the cathedral of Bourges are dedicated to the
saints of the district. The right porch recalls the memory of St. Ursin,
the apostle of Berri and the Bourbonnais, the left the memory of St. Guillaume, the bishop famed for his miracles and for his victories over
the devil." The statues in these two porches were mutilated by the Protestants, but they no doubt represented the canonised bishops of the church of Bourges, St. Oustrille and St. Sulpice,
in a word those whose images accom- a
windows. aves a SE
pany the figures of the apostles in the nave as 3 Atm ae
Although at Notre Dame at Paris no / an gon n Med. a
porch was entirely devoted to the images ; ae of” A a of the saints of the Ile-de-France, several eu iil Ser large statues and a few remarkable bas- A oan an reliefs made it impossible for the people Ag ( 43 aE |
of Paris to forget St. Denis, St. Genevieve,” i) Ae
and above all St. Marcel. On the trumeau 4 4 ae Fie
in the early Portail Sainte-Anne the famous | | es bishop of Paris is seen piercing the dragon | | re: beer
the Rouge, which istheatarch leastofa@ eeye ; “oh fe withPortail his later, crosier,* round century partand of his legend (Fig. 154), a! ¥7 aha
and in particular his contest with the ; |
cemetery vampire, is told in groups of
exquisite workmanship, Fue Sg MARCEL naprizie (arch of At Chartres windows and statuary rival
one another in celebrating the first confessors of the faith in the country of the Carnutes. There is St. Potentian, who built his church over the grotto which for centuries had been dedicated by the druids to the virgin who should be with child, “virgini pariturae ;” St. Modeste, daughter of the Roman governor Quirinus, who was thrown by her father into a
well with other martyrs;* St. Chéron who like St. Denis carries his the presence of Job. These scenes seem to have (Histoire de la viile et de tout le diocese de Parts, vol. 1., been inspired by a Christian sarcophagus of an early new edition, 1884, p. 3). The bas-reliefs below the date, some fragments of which are preserved in the statues alone survive (beheading of St. Denis, St.
museum. . Genevieve and her mother). 1 The Portail Saint-Guillaume was restored in the 3 Restored. The original is in the Cluny Museum.
sixteenth century after the falling of the tower. * It was long celebrated at Chartres as the “ puits 2 Left porch (west front), The statues have been des Saints-Forts”’ (see Bulteau. Monographte de Notre-
restored, but Lebeuf had already described them Dame de Chartres, vol. 1. p. 16). The statues of 5t. 313
head ;? St. Lubin the herdsman who became bishop of Chartres,’ and St. Laumer, monk of the forest of La Perche.?
It was the same in all the cathedrals. In many mutilated churches which have lost the greater number of their statues and windows, there yet remain more than a few monuments of their first bishops or martyrs. In the cathedral of Le Mans the large twelfth-century window of Julian,
the apostle of the Cenomani still exists. The life of St. Crispin and St.
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Bebab GIbd! Buh3 EePIE ae adSLOE FIG. 1§5.—STORY OF ST. STEPHEN (south porch, Notre Dame at Paris)
Crispianus is still seen in windows at Soissons, the life of St. Martin at Tours, the lives of St. Pothinus, ‘St. Irenaeus and St. Polycarp at Lyons. At St. Quentin bas-reliefs (restored) in the choir ambulatory tell the story of the first apostles of the Vermandois, and in the Portail de la Calende at Rouen,
bas-reliefs which were long a mystery, recount the legend of two great Norman saints, St. Romanus and St. Ouen.*
In this way each province found something of its past history in its cathedral. Those who, according to the ideas of the time, deserved to be saved Potentian and St. Modeste are in the north porch 2 Window in the left aisle. a window is also dedicated to them (second chapel in * Bas-relief and large statue in the south porch.
the choir, to the left). 4 They have been deciphered by Mlle. Louise
1 Window in the choir and bas-relief in the south Pillion, Les Portatls latéraux de la cathédrale de Rouen, porch. Paris, 1907, 8°,314p. 106 59.
from oblivion in the annals of their town, were carved there for eternity. From
these great monuments the people gained some slight idea of their history, and grew conscious that they too had their ancestors and were firmly rooted in the soil. Each cathedral grew up like an indigenous plant which owes its colour and perfume to its native earth. The thirteenth century seems to have possessed this cult of the past in
a high degree. The Parisian artists who adapted a door of the twelfth century to a facade of the thirteenth showed their respect’ for memories of the past. In building the new cathedral of Notre Dame this was expressed still more clearly. It was necessary to destroy the old church of St. Etienne which was near to the basilica of the Virgin and almost as ancient,’ but in order to preserve its memory a fine bas-relief of the martyrdom of St. Stephen (Fig. 155) was placed in the tympanum of the south porch, on the very spot where the church had formerly stood.
VIII After the local saints come the saints famed throughout Christendom.
We began to compile a list of the images of saints found to-day in thirteenth-century cathedrals, but we soon realised that it was an impossible task. The number of statues without name or attribute makes identification too uncertain. And even were such a catalogue possible no certain conclusions could be drawn, for the gaps in the series of windows and statues are numerous. One must be content with approximations. One fact—valuable though general—emerges from our very incomplete
survey, and that is that the thirteenth century chose for representation the saints who were famous enough to have a place in the liturgical books of the whole of Christendom, From a number of antiphonaries and breviaries drawn from many sources, M. Ulysse Chevalier has compiled an extremely interesting calendar in which are found only those saints who were honoured
in all or almost all medizval churches? With the exception of some of 1 The Portail Sainte-Anne. I have tried to prove porch of the facade of Notre Dame at Paris were “ like (Revue de Part ancien et moderne, October, 1897) that a memorial of the two little neighbouring churches of
it dates from the time of Maurice de Sully, and that St. Jean and St. Denis, and of the old St. Etienne ” it was preserved on account of the portraits in the (op. c#z.). All these churches were really annexes of tympanum of the bishop who founded the cathedral Notre Dame. It was the same with several cathedrals,
and of King Louis VII. which virtually included a church of Notre Dame, a 2 See Lebeuf, Histoire du diocese de Paris, p. 8; church of St. John the Baptist (the baptistery), and a and Mortet, Etude histotiqgue et archéologique sur la church dedicated to St. Stephen. cathédrale de Paris et le palais éprscopal duVI* au XII* *% Ulysse Chevalier, Poéste liturgique traditionnelle de
siécle, Paris, 1888, 8°, p. 29, note, and p. 39. Lebeuf [Eglise catholique en Occident. ournai, 1894, 8°, has rightly pointed out that the statues of St. John Introduction, p. 65 59. the Baptist, St. Denis, and St. Stephen in the left 315
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE the martyrs and confessors of the Church at Rome who out of respect for the holy city had been adopted by the whole Christian world, the greater
number of these saints is found in the glass or porches of the churches. The calendar gives a list of the saints honoured in all the churches: the deacons Vincent, Stephen and Lawrence, the martyrs Sebastian, Blaise, George, Gervase, Protasius, Hippolytus, Denis, Christopher and Thomas a Becket, the confessors Marcel, Gregory, Jerome, Nicholas, Martin, the virgins Agnes and Cecilia. It is the images of these saints which even to-day most often strike the eye.
The desire to honour the saints in the order prescribed by the liturgy
is very evident in the south porch at Chartres. The central door is dedicated to the apostles, the right door* to the martyrs, the left to the confessors. Numerous bas-reliefs giving scenes of martyrdom and miracles (which are not always easy to decipher) decorate the pillars of the
porch. It is more than likely that not only the general scheme, but even the details of this great composition were inspired by the litanies in use in
the diocese of Chartres.’
But this fine scheme is by no means universal. At Chartres itself the choice of the lives of the saints represented in the windows seems to have been accidental. Why is the same saint found in three windows? What is the connection between two legends found in the same chapel? What is the real reason for this choice or grouping? Some of these questions it is possible to answer.
IX In the first place, it is certain that the relics possessed by the churches contributed more than anything else to the multiplication of images of the saints.
A really fine study of relics would be one of the most curious chapters of medieval history, and one which the historian of civilisation and the historian of art would find equally instructive. The subject demands more learning and greater insight into the past than can be found in Collin de Plancy's Dhctronnatre des Reliques, a dull pamphlet written by a belated disciple of Voltaire who had neither the mind nor the style of his master.*
To study the Middle Age in order to mock at it instead of trying to enter into its spirit, is the folly of a past age. 1 To the left of the spectator, but to the right of * See Bulteau, Monographie de Notre-Dame de the figure of Christ on the trumeau of the central Chartres, vol. ii. p. 287.
door. * Collin de Plancy, Dictionnaire critique des reliques et images miraculeuses, Paris, 1821, 3 vols.
316
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY The first accurate work undertaken on this important subject, and one which has already proved of value, is the interesting study of the religious spoils taken from Constantinople in the thirteenth century which was made by M. le Comte Riant.? It should be realised that the relics which excited the passionate devotion of so many generations, form a serious subject of study. The announcement of the jubilee at Aix-la-Chapelle, with the assurance of at least a distant sight of the holy cloth which had covered the Saviour on the Cross,? drew some forty thousand pilgrims from all parts of Europe. Relics possessed a
supernatural virtue. Wherever the arm of an apostle or the blood of a martyr was known to be, there grew up some village or rich abbey. The girdle of St. Foy created Conques, in the mountains of Aveyron. The presence of a holy body at the altar determined the shape of the church which contained it, and obliged the architect to find new forms, to enlarge the choir
and the transepts.” The most ingenious creations of medieval goldsmiths were due to the necessity of enshrining some sacred bone in crystal or in gold.” Around these frail reliquaries gathered a whole world of hopes and longings, and they appeal to us to-day as do all things on which men’s thoughts have lingered.®
The historian of art has no right to scorn the relics. It should be remembered that the Sainte-Chapelle, the most perfect of thirteenth-century
buildings, was a shrine destined to enclose the crown of thorns. And the most beautiful mystic dream of the Middle Ages, the sangrail itself, what is it but a reliquary ?
Calvin dissipated all this poetry in a breath. With his re¥soning and his rude vigour he demonstrated to the “poor world” that God is everywhere, and that it is not necessary to make long journeys and like pagans to adore doubtful relics. ‘‘ Pray,” he says in his Trasé des reliques, ‘‘has not the world gone mad to travel five or six score miles at great cost and
pains to see a flag (the holy shroud at Cadouin) about which one can have no assurance, but rather be constrained to doubt.”* Nothing finds mercy at 1 Comte Riant, Exuvie Sacre Constantinopolitane, 4 See Viollet-le-Duc, Dicttonnaire du mobilter,
Geneva, 1878, 2 vols. 8°. By the same author, article: Religuatre. Dépouilles religieuses enlevées d Constantinople au XIII° — ® Legacies were left to some of the shrines. Great stécle, in the Mémoires de la Sectété des Antiquatres de ladies and clerics gave pearls and golden collars to the
France, vol. xxxvi. 1875. shrine of the ‘‘sainte chemise ’’ at Chartres. See
2 Martin and Cahier, Mélanges d@archéologie, vol. i. Cartulatre de Notre-Dame de Chartres, published by
p. I sqq. E. de Lépinois and L. Merlet. Chartres, 1862-65,
3 As, for example, at Saint-Sernin at Toulouse. The 4°, vol. iii. pp. 58, 93, 141, 150. people had to be allowed to see the holy bodies onthe ® Calvin, Traité des religues (reprinted by Collin de
altar. Plancy in the third volume of his Dictionnatre critique des reliques).
317
the hands of this terrible iconoclast ; none of those memories which should be dealt with tenderly, neither the water-pot of the marriage at Cana which
was shown at Angers, nor the tear shed by Christ for Lazarus which was enshrined at Vendéme, nor the pictures which had been painted by angels ——“ for one knows that it is not the metier of angels to be painters.”
The world emerged from the age of poetry." The enthusiasm of the Crusaders who went to defend an empty tomb, and brought back a little holy earth as the greatest of treasures, henceforth appeared as inexplicable folly
“Asa matter of fact,” said Calvin, “they consumed their bodies and their goods, and a large part of their countries’ substance, in order to bring back a pile of foolish little things with which they had been gammoned, believing them to be the most precious jewels in the world.” Such was, in fact, the feeling of the Crusaders who in the thirteenth century
sent a host of relics to the churches of Champagne, the Ile de France and Picardy, from Constantinople. These matchless treasures, which were enclosed in precious wallets,’ had a certain influence upon art.° In 1206 one of the most famous of Christian relics reached Amiens, the
back portion of the head of St. John the Baptist, found in the ruins of an ancient palace at Constantinople.* The new cathedral, of which the first stone was laid in 1220, contains two works of art which commemorate the
famous relic. A thirteenth-century window illustrates the life of the Baptist,® and fine scenes from the story of St. John carved towards the end of the fifteenth century, are found in the choir ambulatory.°
The front portion of the head of the Baptist, which had been left at Constantinople, was acquired in the reign of St. Louis by the SainteChapelle’ and was, after the relics of the Passion, the most precious of its possessions. Two windows in the place of honour at the end of the apse, 1 It is true that some time before Calvin, at the 3 Riant gives a list of these relics (Afém. des zenith of the Middle Ages, Guibert of Nogent had antzq.). expressed doubts as to the authenticity of certain # Du Cange wrote a Traité du chef de saint Feanrelics. His De Pignoribus Sanctorum (Patrol., vol. clxv. Baptiste (Paris, 1665, 4°) to prove the authenticity col. 607), especially the third book, is directed of the relic at Amiens. against the monks of Saint-Médard who pretended 5 The window, one half of which is dedicated to St.
to possess a tooth of Jesus Christ. He had no John and the other to St. George, was formerly in dificulty in showing that the body of Christ had the chapel of St. John the Baptist. been glorified at the time of the Resurrection. He 6 The fact thatoneof these bas-reliefsshows Herodias speaks somewhat irreverently of the two heads of striking John the Baptist’s head with her knife proves St. John the Baptist, one at Saint-Jean at Angély that this later work was also inspired by the relic. and the other at Constantinople : ‘“‘ Quid ergo magis ‘The skull preserved at Amiens shows the mark of a ridiculum super tanto homine predicetur, quam si knife; this is mentioned in no legend. biceps esse ab utrisque dicatur ? ”’ (lib. I. cap. iii. § 2). * See Morand, Htstotre de la Satnte-Cha pelle, Paris, 2 For one of these wallets see Montfaucon, Monu- 1790, 4°, p. 47. ments de la Monarchte francatse, vol. ii. pl. XXX1.
318
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY constantly recalled the presence of these prennrtRr yy Ae
venerated but rarely exposed relics. NI XN al
One was dedicated to the Passion, the lial! Vien IN
h he to lifethe oflife St. of JohSt.e:|JoZG ox WN Fc other n. | NARS Z| Chartres had a share in the relics peal L on A= [Ze
from Constantinople. In 1205 the Count WAN Poza Kea! of Blois sent the head of St. Anne to INI ‘mn ofa Nt) ZAI
the cathedral of Notre Dame. “The wl Seg naN KI head of the mother,” as the cartulary HAS OO EAH IN it, “ received joygt in rn NWLAI CAERO y? TZ reign with renegreat with a the church of the daughter.”? The tT PH my IASI north porch of the cathedral was prob- Ril , hs Zz ia
ably begun about 1210, and one of the LS hea o's.) VAN statues seems in our view to commemo- Nat ik ", Fe eng FIO Kn ase! oe ai : A ‘s ree Fic. 179.--Last JUDGMENT (Amiens)
beauty in accordance with the law of his being. Distinction of sex will endure although become useless, for it will serve to show the omnipotence
of God, and by diversity to embellish the Eternal City.» Then too, at the time of the resurrection men will not be of the age which they had reached at the day of their death, for if it were so they could not realise that beauty which is the supreme law of every creature, and they would either fall short of or go beyond their type. Whether they died as children or as old people they will be born again at the perfect age of 1 Eluctdat., XI., and Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. Figures in an early tympanum in the Cluny Museum hast. Epilog., cxiii. The Last Judgment at Paris shows are clothed, but it is exceptional. the dead already clothed when they rise, but this part ? Vincent of Beauvais, loc. crt. of the tympanum has been restored in our own time.
374
thirty years. All men must resemble their divine Example who at that age triumphed over death.’
This curious doctrine was accepted literally by the artists. Neither child nor old man is seen in thirteenth-century representations of the Last Judgment, but there rise from the tomb young and beautiful forms in the prime of life. At Bourges (the finest sculptured group of the Last Judgment scene) the dead are nude,’ no drapery hides their sex, and so far as he could,
igue* fddhss. wae CeSee ane Wt ee eee ee crreic Paes % OWES ec yngsieraone biesspteeee gS EN Se erwe28 a Sar eee oegt.~¢ OI a veo ANN\ ype Lint tee Ges om poe +" RES pce 32 ae AS mS. fs ‘ ~~ nN | “3aN¥ am .: —_ i cea : Ra.Cit Ltnye gl eS a‘ane, dec’ Pa \Sp ex Hr Sa na a Mae~\4.9 A at cnc, salt YY ae Ae.nan 3 rhex 2pyNES RS ra ee | eebewuPog paix. ee OE nn |: ¢Sreee SieWi te)EO Fa IN gasr’SSOP! rege ae’: fn pene ee LF \ ) FRR. a AHO Fg Ft FC Phe! A ee i is
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eon LE aa Na AO Tg EN Rt De a NY | Fic. 180.—RESURRECTION OF THE DEAD. THE SAVED AND THE LOST
(Portail des Libraires at Rouen)
the artist has given them the perfection of youth and beauty. The delightful bas-relief at Rampillon (Fig. 181) was conceived after the same manner. The Judgment follows the resurrection of the dead. Christ is the judge, but He is not alone for the apostles are His assessors, as He told them: “ Ye shall be seated on twelve thrones and judge the twelve tribes of Israel.” ® From this derives the custom of representing the twelve apostles either by
the side of the Judge or beneath His feet, as in the cathedral at Laon, the
porch of St. Urbain at Troyes, the rose-window in St. Radegonde at Poitiers,‘ or standing in the embrasure of the doorway as at Paris, Amiens, Chartres and Reims. 1 Jd., loc. cit., Eluctdat., xi. col. 1164. The same doctors shared Augustine’s view, which was that Christ doctrine is found in the Specul. Eccles., col. 1085: lived on earth for thirty years. The reason given was ‘‘Resurgent autem mortui ea aetate et mensura qua that the ark was thirty cubits high (Contra Faustum Christus resurrexit, scilicet XXX annorum, tam Maantch., xii. 14, Patrol., xlii.). infans unius noctis quam aliquis nongentorum an- 2 With the exception of a bishop.
norum.” It was more generally admitted in the 3 St. Matt. xix. 28, and Elucid., XIII. Middle Ages that Christ was thirty-three years of | * This is the earliest manner and is usual in Romanage at the time of the Resurrection, but several esque art. At St. Trophime at Arles and in the early 375
But the chief actor in the scene of the Judgment is the archangel Michael, who clothed in long, straight pleated drapery—in the thirteenth century he did not yet wear knightly armour—stands with the scales in his hands. Near him a trembling soul awaits the verdict, for in one scale his good actions have been placed, in the other his sins. The Devil is present as plaintiff before the supreme tribunal,' and performs prodigious feats of dialectic. He dares to use any means to gain his end.
Convinced that the noble archangel, who is gazing straight before him,
will not suspect his ruse, the Devil gives a push to the scales.2 The baseness of this grocer’s trick does not affect St. Michael who disdains to
Oe mn Us eT LY en Bh i AB A cen rhs gt a tect Ts an ws
facet Pen ake CASA a os ee ae “hi , Bag FIG. 181.—RESURRECTION OF THE DEAD. ABRAHAM RECEIVING THE SOULS (Rampillon)
notice it, and the scale in his hand does its duty and drops on the side of justice. Satan is defeated, and the angel tenderly caresses the little soul.*
This impressive scene, unauthorised by the Gospel, sprang from a metaphor
as old as humanity. Ancient Egypt and primitive India believed that the virtues and vices would hang in the balance at the judgment of the dead,! and the Fathers of the Church used the metaphor freely. ‘Good and evil actions, says St. Augustine, “shall be as if hanging in the scales, and if the evil preponderate the guilty shall be dragged away to hell.”* And St. John Chrysostom says, ‘‘In that day our actions, our words, our thoughts will be placed in the scales, and the dip of the balance on either side will carry with it the irrevocable sentence.” ° porch at Chartres the twelve apostles are seen beneath “See Maury, La Psychostaste (Revue arch. 1844, the God of the Apocalypse surrounded by the four i. p. 235 5¢.). mystic beasts—a further proof that the great apoca- 5 Augustine, Sermo J. in vig. Pentecost. In his lyptic figure in Romanesque churches is that of the De hist. sanct. imagin. (Il, xxiii.) Molanus states
divine Judge. that all medieval and Renaissance representations 1 Leg. aur., 1. [Golden Legend, i. 22]. derive from this passage.
* The popular humour of this scene is nowhere ® Quoted by Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. hist. Epil.,
better rendered than in the porch at Conques. CXVill. 3 In the early representation at Autun the souls take refuge under St. Michael’s garment.
376
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY The metaphor, constantly used by writers and preachers in the Middle
Ages,’ struck the popular imagination, and was realised in art. The variants found in the scene of the weighing of souls as conceived in the thirteenth century, show that a work of this kind was not the outcome of the formal teaching of the Church. Much liberty was allowed to the artist's imagination. At Chartres, for example, one of the scales holds a little figure with clasped hands—the symbol of good deeds—while the other holds toads and a hideous head—symbols of the vices. Nothing could
be clearer. In the porch of Notre Dame de la Couture at Le Mans a
OeeR gy eroe a ‘y ¥. i S So-qS RS i ak cats 2E Mies oe ad): el WER MEM, eed oN 4 We | e a G eae © ae PAL LI) seid tk
a Se a eee yf | Ry aceRR 1) (ie!are tee YFlh YY RONAN AGRP Bi RS LA reAeeeCR ee) LD FG. 182.--SEPARATION OF THE SAVED AND THE LOST (Laon)
similar little pleading figure is seen in either scale, as if even from the
midst of our sins a prayer could rise to God. At Amiens where the artist would teach that salvation is gained through the merits of Christ and that men’s so-called virtues are but the gift of His grace, the Agnus Dei is in one scale and the ignoble head of a reprobate in the other. At Bourges another idea finds expression; man’s salvation depends on_ his vigilance. The lamp of the Wise Virgins is in one scale and a hideous figure with enormous ears in the other. At Bourges the artist is almost Pelagian, at Amiens almost Jansenist.°
It still remains to justify the part played by St. Michael in the Last Judgment scene. Throughout the Middle Ages he was held to be the conductor of souls to the other world, the saintly psychagogue. Anxious to divert to St. Michael the worship which the still pagan inhabitants of Roman 1 See examples in Maury, op. cit. that it is a lamp similar to those carried by the Wise
* The Agnus Dei is original, the reprobate’s head Virgins. If it be taken as a chalice (which to me is
is a restoration. unlikely), it would be an expression of the same idea
3 I have studied the object which is in one of the as at Amiens. scales at Bourges very carefully, and am of opinion
377
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE Gaul paid to Mercury, the Church early endowed the archangel with almost
all the attributes of the god. On the ruins of ancient temples of Mercury, built generally on a hill, rose chapels dedicated to St. Michael ;' a hill in La Vendée even to-day bears the significant name of Saint Michael-MontMercure. St. Michael, already the messenger of heaven, became like Mercury the guide of the dead. The funeral réle of St. Michael is attested by ancient custom. Cemetery chapels were dedicated to him and the confraternities instituted to bury the dead recognised him as patron.? He is sometimes found carved on sepulchral monuments, sometimes on the tombs. Finally, from medizval times the offertory in the Mass for the Dead expressly
says: ‘‘Signifer sanctus Michael repraesentet eas (animas) in lucem sanctam.” St. Michael, as we see, is the angel of death, and it is in virtue of this that he presides at the Last Judgment. The Judgment ended, the last and greatest scene begins. The sheep
are separated from the goats,” the good from the wicked, and they go to right or left of the Judge, towards eternal reward or punishment. Demons seize the condemned, join them together by a long chain, and drag them to the gaping jaws of hell. Hardly a trace of dogmatic teaching is here to be found; the bestial ugliness of Satan and his acolytes, their cynical gaiety, the liberties they take with noble ladies, the despair of the damned, all were the outcome of popular fancy. The vices are not easy to recognise, and a miser with his purse hanging from his neck is barely distinguishable among a crowd of nameless sinners.’ Again
it is wholly popular sentiment which caused art to place figures of kings
or bishops among the number of the damned.° The painter, after the manner of Dante, set himself up as justiciary. All these additions were due to the artist’s fancy, and owed nothing to the books of the theologians. Some trace of doctrinal teaching is seen, however, in the doorway at Bourges, where the devils are represented with a human
head drawn on the stomach or abdomen. What can this signify but that they have displaced the seat of intelligence, and put their souls at the 1 Anthyme Saint Paul, Histoire monumentale de la archeological museum at Lorraine. See Léon GerFrance, p. go. The cult of St. Michael on the hill- main de Maidy in the Bullet. mensuel de la soctété tops has been studied by Crosnier, Bullet. monum., archéol., Lorraine, June, 1gog.
XXVIII. 4 St. Matt. xxv. 32, 33. 2 See Lebeuf, Dissertat. sur les anctens cimetiéres, 5 See tympanum from Saint-Yved at Braisne in the
and Htstotre du dtocése de Parts, i. 106 (ed. Cocheris). museum at Soissons, porch at Laon (Fig. 182), and He refers to a chapel of St. Michael in the cemetery porch at Reims (Fig. 183).
of the Innocents. 8 For example at Reims, Chartres, and Bourges * St. Michael is represented carrving the soul of (in the porch and the Judgment window in the
a dead man on a thirteenth-century tomb in the sn 37
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY service of their lower appetites—an ingenious way of teaching that the fallen angel has reached the level of the brute. The picture of hell that obtained in medieval times also came from the commentaries of the schoolmen. Almost all thirteenth-century representations of the Last Judgment show an enormous mouth vomiting flames, into
which the damned are thrown. It was from a hell-mouth of this kind, but jointed and movable, that the devils emerged who played so large a part in the Mysteries at the end of the fifteenth century. How does it come about that such a conception should be so faithfully transmitted throughout the Middle Ages? The truth is that it did not take
“23, a es | sevexe fi alFay we. Bia SR aa, Pak NE 7 ie ae REge&Aog
ap Au te \é mae Hae He Te. PRE of yey ray aa
SD nei nihy FcR T REG CESARE OPMENT Paste ete ae ee RR ey od ys CE SERRE 2 SRE A AR Fic. 183.—THE LOST (Reims)
its rise from some imaginative freak but grew out of passages from the Bible.
The mouth of hell is the mouth of that Leviathan spoken of in the book of Job. It will be remembered that the Almighty Himself addresses the patriarch, describes the monster he has created, and sternly asks him:
“Can’st thou draw him out with a hook? ... Who can go into the midst of his mouth? . . . Who can open the doors of his face? . . . His teeth are terrible round about. Out of his mouth go forth flames lke torches of lighted fire. Out of his nostrils goeth smoke like that of a pot heated and boiling. . . . He shall make the deep sea to boil like a pot.””?
From early times the commentators on the book of Job (of whom St. Gregory was one of the first) see in Leviathan a figure of Satan and all his works, and in the Middle Ages certain passages, interpreted with amazing subtlety, had the most singular fortune. Gregory the Great, for example, teaches that the verse which speaks of the hook which shall catch the monster, 1 Job xl. 20, and xli. 4, 5, 10, 11, 22.
379
refers to the victory of Christ over Satan... Odo of Cluny* and Bruno of Asti,® the most famous interpreters of the book of Job, passed on this doctrine to
Honorius of Autun, who improving upon them all wrote: “ Leviathan the monster who swims in the sea of the world, is Satan. God threw the line
. into the sea. The cord of the line is the
nt pene i human descent of Christ, the bait is His Oe Cor divinity. Attracted by the smell of flesh
Sy a Leviathan tries to seize it but the hook a [‘& , (eetthe famouscontains manuscript of the abbess re Herrade, a miniature which is A , Sadi tears his jaws.”4 The Hortus deliciarum,
: oe illustrates this metaphor of the com-
van mentators on the book of Job. The Sh kings of Judah there form the cord of Cc the line, and Christ tears the jaws of the ab monster with the hook (Fig. 184).
(2) It was also supposed that the passage \ aa which speaks of “‘him who shall open —/~ ; OR the door of the jaws of Leviathan”
ee ia {fared ° . °
’ 3 ay iy refers to Christ’s descent into limbo and vo ee Dil His victory over Satan. “In breaking
a em ae” x aN . .
és Tat EE . A open the gates of hell,” says Bruno of
See RY Christ broke open door beeRe et —Asti, hind‘“‘ which Leviathan hid the his face.” ® FIG. 184.—LEVIATHAN CAUGHT BY THE HOOK From this sprang the well-known artistic
(Mintature in the ‘‘ Hortus deliciarum’’) tradition which places the open mouth
of Leviathan close to the shattered doors which Christ tramples under foot.
Finally, the verses in which it is written that “out of his mouth go forth flames, out of his nostrils goeth smoke like that of a pot heated and boiling,” and that “‘he shall make the deep sea to boil like a pot,” passed
for an accurate description of hell. The thirteenth-century artist put a literal construction on these passages, and carried his scruples so far as to represent a boiling cauldron in the open jaws of the monster. Examples of
this are seen in the tympanum at Bourges (Fig. 185) and in an arch at Notre Dame at Paris. 1 Job xl. 20, and St. Gregory, Moral. in Fob. Patrol, 3 Bruno of Asti, Zn Fob, Patrol., clxiv., col. 685.
Ixxvi., col. 680. * Honorius of Autun, Spec. Eccl., Patrol., clxxii., 2 Odo of Cluny, Epttom. moral. in Fob. Patrol., col. 937.
CXXXili., col. 489. 5 Bruno of Asti, col. 688. 380
But the same precision in conforming to theological commentaries is not
found in the various scenes which portray the torments of the damned. The artists did not accept the doctrine of Aquinas and of the greater number
of theologians, where the torments of hell are taken in a symbolic sense. “? Ber, SS: TO at OM. VE ae No
| pogo pale setieWihtaeadha ica cain ia Wivenhoe 7 hae wa saves Dh doce wh seals east! ae wk sate 7 "oe yh . ;
Fic. 185.—LaAST JUDGMENT. THE LOST (Bourges)
sculptors, rejecting symbolism, seem to have been inspired by the famous lines on the torments of the damned which were current among the schoolmen—lines cruel as the tortures themselves :— “ Nix, nox, vox, lachryme, sulphur, sitis, zstus ; Malleus et stridor, spes perdita, vincula, vermes.””?
While terror reigns to the left of the Judge, joy breaks forth on His right. The artist has chosen the moment when the sentence which offers eternal blessedness to the elect has just been pronounced ; it is the threshold
of paradise. The elect wear long robes or even the dress of their rank or earthly calling, contrary to the doctrine of Honorius who endeavours to show that the just will be clothed in their innocence and the splendour of their beauty alone. Mediaeval art, whether to conform to the words of the Apocalypse which speak of ‘‘ those who are clothed in white robes,” * or to 1 Summa, Supplement to part III., q. xcvii., a. 11. 8 Elucidarium, iii, 15, col. 1169. 2 Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. hist. Eptlog., cxix. 4 Apoc., vii. 13. 381
recall in the heart of the beatific state the struggles of earth, preferred to give the blessed the garb of their former condition. Kings, bishops, abbots, move heavenwards mingling with the crowd of holy souls.
At Bourges a king with a flower in his hand expresses the union of kingliness and holiness—a pleasing figure inspired no doubt by the memory
of St. Louis who had lately died. It is not a portrait, but the ideal image
of the Christian king of which he was the perfect type. He appears at Bourges slender as a knight and “beautiful as an angel,’ to quote Fra Salimbene in his delightful picture of St. Louis." It is noticeable
| aoa 2 th {WEY a OT TEN Cd: Ok wt * : < ae woe “Mn a "SE E a Q ic ee ia ” ee .? a, 4) , al rat ioe : e ’ a, ds
32 PAR BD ie BU Mes Ay
aaa Te i - ck
RB A a aimer 7 V4 Fiinice y CUNDP Bonaventura,’ Vincent of Beauvais.° The contemplation of romised joys filled these doctors with a holy rapture. A great wave of enthusiasm sweeps over. Honorius of Autun, and his E/ucidarium becomes a
lyrical poem in which the master
ik e VASO. pa ; = iz NY rN j The Master. How joyful wouldst thou
¢ pee AW ee X speaks and the pupil listens in ecstasy :
Pe SES SN . gon...? The Pupil, Oh, the glory! Be , the glory
eas ANE | OB) wert. strong ae aN , “tObes aS .ifythou ." ™ _ . as Sam-
a SS “RN GAAS * the Master, What wouldst thou say
Sor, ay pe ¥ ‘. ~ * b. _ ryy ° oS SS oe YER »s who possessed the world? The Pupil.
i RN ~~ * ee \ ae shouldst thou be free as Augustus
pe 3S a aR oA yw, Oh, the splendour! The Master. If
i ik ee sweatge =6 thou wert wise as"Solomon who knew ; an hoy “4 4 Wy ; 4 Sai, ,; rs es ae we NS \ y \ the secrets of nature? The Pupil.
rm A < it Oh, the wisdom! The Master. If
a Ay om, } ‘S. Ws thou wert united to all men with a rc oS ae, 4. AS love like that of David for Jonathan ?
fe, : RN Bre BikMaster. A eeethe .If¥_thy Nd , 1 equalled . i \rive i sy vs: The Oh, blessedness ! -eA :Pupil. The joy rn oe PANY 7 A that of the condemned who lying on re ee teen, | , the instrument of torture, is suddenly ans 7 we ete up « cailed to the throne? The Pupil.
ne a aa “® AY Oh, the majesty! ... ae Re Bye ae at -/ Pot To the thirteenth-century artist Dn Meter these sublime gifts of soul and body Fic. 188.—THE BEATITUDES OF THE SOUL (first seemed like a choir of fourteen beautiorder of the arch. Chartres) .. ful maidens, and in the north porch
of the cathedral of Chartres’ he gave them that form (Fig. 188). Although nine of them are named, these figures at Chartres have provided
ample scope for the imaginative archeologist. In 1847 Didron wrote a brilliant article to prove that they stood for the civic virtues. He was lost in wonder that the artists of the thirteenth century had dared to raise a 1 Elucid., I11., cap. xviii., col. 1169, and Spec. Eccles. 4 Bonaventura, De glorta Paradiss.
In Pentecost., col. 961. 5 Or the author of the Speculum morale, whoever he 2 St. Bernard, De vilico iniquitatis. Patrol., clxxxiv., may have been (see lib. II., pars. IV.). col, 1025. $ EFlucid., II1., xviii., col. 1169. $ Aquinas, Summa, supplement, part III., q. xcvi., | 7? Left bay of the porch, first order of the arch.
a. 5. 8 Annal. arch., 1847, vol. i. p. 49. 386
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY statue to liberty, and with him, as often with Viollet-le-Duc, the simple old masters become precursors of the French Revolution.
Two years later Madame Felicie d’Ayzac published a pamphlet on this subject, full of both learning and common sense.’ In it she proved up to the hilt that the fourteen statues at Chartres do not represent the civic virtues,
but the fourteen beatitudes of body and soul in the _ heart of eternity, according to St. Anselm’s classifi- aN
Didron. fs é\ C)
cation. And so the old sculptors found themselves 7) — deprived of the “ brevet de civisme” granted them by Ad oe) At Chartres nine out of the fourteen statues are
named: Freedom, Honour, Agility, Strength, Con- | Z, cord, Friendship, Majesty, Health and Tranquillity. | Vy, A Five bear no inscription, but with great ingenuity THT ‘
Madame Felicie d’Ayzac interpreted the attributes \ QO which distinguish them, and recognised Beauty, Joy, \ a
Pleasure, Longevity and Knowledge.
These fourteen Beatitudes with crown and nimbus Iv, | e
are queens, godlike and of noble bearing. Their | = robeshangs fall inloose quietonfolds, theand pure lines of iv) hair their showing shoulders, their ample ; I »y
their beautiful forms. One hand holds a sceptre, |° , 4 |
thearms. otherFreedom rests upon atwo large shieldonbearing a coat ; ,/ |7| of her shield, sovereigns are thehas freest ofcrowns men. Honour has a hifor AR double mitre, which is the symbol of the highest Fic. 189—ONe oF THE BEATITUDES OF THE honour, for it is of the bishop wearing his mitre SOUL IN THE FUTURE that the Psalmist says :—‘‘ Thou hast crowned him LIFE (Chartres) with glory and honour; and hast set him over the works of thy hand.”’? On Longevity’s shield is the eagle, which renews its youth in the heat of the sun, while Knowledge has for emblem the griffin, which knows the place of hidden treasure. Some of the attributes given to the Beati-
tudes are less learned; Agility has three arrows, Strength a lion, and Concord (Fig. 189) and Friendship have doves. Health has fishes, Serenity a strong castle, and Beauty roses. 1 Les statues du porche septentrional de Chartres, by Scripture to the bishop wearing the mitre. De sacre
Mme. Feélicie d’Ayzac, Paris, 1849. altaris mysterio, 1. 44. Patrol., ccxvii., col. 790. 2 Innocent III himself applied this passage 389
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE These beautiful maidens are symbols of souls in bliss. The Christian
who gazes on their serenity and beauty sees heaven, and for-
gets this imperfect >. world. Through them paradise becomes visible, for gigi. no man can say of the creators of these noble figures a oe _ that they were conquered by the greatness their ORna . Ne or lacked power to express ofeternal a, subject, Os bliss. "We havenow (A ~ AN : a> . gained some idea of the
power of inven- a Rh. ae, tion shown by
of the scenes of the eo.‘ics’ on. a| eN Lastdisposition Judgment, medieval artists OSS in the
but more than one detail SS - * iw co ‘ has been ne-
glected. Nothing beenRAN? We >: Moe 7} said, example, of the legionshas of saints N andfor angels who from the top of the arch con- -* wm. &\ am i i(mplate the work of divine justice; as at Ne Sa"; \ wo Notre Dame at Paris where delightful angels ua) AAS look down, leaning over the arch as Vue: > r . $" over a balcony in the sky. Nor has any- a aN | y\ ee
thing been said of the symbolic figures which Veh v r\ \ | so often accompany the main theme. Those a a =\\ on most frequently found are the Wise and Foolish a ose Une Virgins; to the right of the Judge the former She VY proudly carry their lamps full of oil, to His left Ea og ea : I
the latter let their empty lamps hang sadly down . er Al ih (Fig. 190), the Wise Virgins walk towards an open (aS aN, ‘ee door, the others towards a closed one—a vivid picture . tu : Ay a
of the saved and the lost.! ' as ae AS
Sometimes also, as at Amiens, a tree laden with a. A fruit is seen to the right of the Judge and a felled Loy i. of in tree to His left. The meaning cannot be doubted Cue? for the allusion to reward and punishment is obvious, E4# hae ie but possibly the artist’s intention is not entirely grasped 1G. 190—THE. FOOLISH
without Vincent of Beauvais’s help. ‘The lost,” he AND THE AXE
says, “will suffer a twofold torment, separation from the kingdom, and * Examples are very numerous; round the arches The symbolism of this parable has been explained at at Laon, Amiens, Notre Dame (Paris), Bourges (round sufficient length to make it unnecessary to return to the rose-window above the tympanum), Reims, &c. P hs here (see the Gospels). 3
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY fire. These are the axe and the fire spoken of in the Gospel where it is said, ‘Every tree that beareth not good fruit shall be hewn down, and cast into the fire.””*1 The axe symbolises, as we see, the separation of the damned, who in that day shall be cut off from the Church Triumphant. One notices that none of these representations of the Last Judgment shows any trace of purgatory. Nothing could be more logical, for purgatory
is subject to the laws of time, and after the Last Judgment the world can only be conceived of under the aspect of eternity. There is then room for paradise and hell alone, for they alone are eternal.
The history of the world is thus brought to a close. Like the Speculum Mayjus, art has unfolded the whole before us in a series of magnificent works. We have been guided through time, from the awakening
of the first man under the hand of the Creator to his eternal rest in the heart of God. 1 Vincent of Beauvais, Spec. hist. Eptlog., cxviii. The two trees (like the Foolish Virgins) are also seen in the doorway at Longpont (Fig. 190).
389
CONCLUSION ],—Each cathedral has its individual character. II.—The ordering of subjects determined by the Church The artist the submissive interpreter. Error of Viollet-le-Duc ; the lay artists not rebels. IIJ.—The cathedral a work of faith and love.
I
In one of the chapters of Notre Dame de -Paris, that book in which rare
rays of light break through the darkness, Victor Hugo says: ‘In the Middle Ages men had no great thought that they did not write down in stone.” What the poet grasped with the intuition of genius we have laboured to demonstrate.
Victor Hugo was right. The cathedral is a book. It is at Chartres, where each Mirror finds its place, that this encyclopedic character of medieval art is most evident. ‘The cathedral of Chartres is medieval thought in visible form, with no essential element Jacking. Its ten thousand figures in glass or in stonework form a whole unequalled in Europe. It may be that other great French cathedrals were originally as complete
as Chartres still is, but time has dealt more harshly with them. Yet nowhere else appears so coherent an effort to embrace the whole of the universe. Either intentionally or because the loss of neighbouring work has destroyed the balance, each of the other great cathedrals seems designed to place in relief some one truth or doctrine ; a diversity which is not without its charm. One chapter for instance is developed at Amiens, another at Bourges.
Amiens is the messianic, prophetic cathedral. ‘The prophets of the facade stand like sentinels before the buttresses and brood over the future. All in this solemn work speaks of the near advent of a saviour.
Notre Dame at Paris is the church of the Virgin, and four out of six portals are dedicated to her. She occupies the centre of two of the great rose-windows, and round her are grouped the saints of the Old Testament or the rhythmical sequence of the works of the months and the figures of the virtues. She is the centre of all things. Never weary, the centuries sang her praises turn by turn, the twelfth century in the Porte Sainte-Anne, 390
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE the thirteenth in the Porte de la Vierge, and the fourteenth in the bas-reliefs on the north side. Nowhere was she more beloved.
Laon is the cathedral of learning. Knowledge is there placed in the forefront, and the Liberal Arts accompanied by Philosophy are sculptured on the facade and painted in one of the rose-windows. ‘The Scriptures are presented in their most mystical form, and the truths of the New Testament are veiled under the symbolism of the Old. Famous doctors, one feels, must have
lived beneath her shadow. She has indeed something of their austerity of aspect.
Reims is the national cathedral. Others are catholic, she alone is French. The baptism of Clovis fills the angle of the gable, and the kings of France occupy the windows of the nave. ‘The facade is so rich that on a coronation day it needs no further decoration, for tapestries of stone hang in the porches. She is ever ready to receive kings. Bourges celebrates the virtues of the saints. The windows illustrate the Golden Legend. Round the altar the life and death of apostles, confessors and martyrs form a radiant crown. The doorway at Lyons recounts the wonders of creation. Sens unfolds the immensity of the world and the diversity of the works of God. Rouen
is like a rich book of Hours in which the centre of the page is filled with figures of God, the Virgin and the saints, while fancy runs riot in the margin.
Though in each cathedral one chapter of the Mirror is, as we see, developed by preference, it is seldom that the others are not at least indicated,
thus suggesting the desire to give encyclopedic teaching. Aware of the power of art over childlike and humble souls, the medieval Church tried through sculpture and stained glass to instil into the faithful the full range of her teaching. For the immense crowd of the unlettered, the multitude which had neither psalter nor missal and whose only book was the church, it was necessary to give concrete form to abstract thought. In the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, doctrine was embodied both in the drama of the liturgy
and in the statues in the porch. By its marvellous inner force Christian thought created its own medium. Here again Victor Hugo saw clearly. The cathedral was the people’s book of stone rendered gradually valueless by
the coming of the printed book. ‘‘ The Gothic sun,” he says, “set behind the colossal press at Maintz.”
At the end of the sixteenth century Christianity had lost its plastic power, and had become solely an inward force. 391
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE Il There can be no doubt that the ordering of these great theological, spiritua
and learned schemes was regulated by the Church. The artists were simpl) the interpreters of her thought. In 787 the Fathers, assembled for the seconc council of Nicaea, expressed themselves as follows: ‘The composition o! religious imagery is not left to the initiative of artists, but is formed upor principles laid down by the Catholic Church and by religious tradition.” And again: “The execution alone belongs to the painter, the selection and arrangement of subject belong to the Fathers.” *
In the east as in the west this was the doctrine of the Church in the thirteenth as it had been in the eighth century. Study of the profoundly significant works of art which we have passed in review leaves no doubt of
this. Could painters and sculptors have devised such learned works? I am well aware that the medieval artist had some literary culture, and that, for instance, Villard de Honnecourt knew Latin.” But it is a far cry from this to the composition of windows such as those treating of the Passion at Bourges or Chartres, or the Good Samaritan windows at Bourges and Sens in which each episode is accompanied by its symbolic interpretation. Such works presuppose profound study of the Church’s doctrine. A harmonious whole like that of the central doorway of the north porch at Chartres, where each of the great stone christophers personifies an epoch in the history of the world and symbolises the waiting of the nations, could not have been conceived except by scholars. It was scholars who, following the Speculum Ecclesiae
of Honorius of Autun, composed the left porch of the west fagade of the cathedral at Laon, where the heroes of the Old Testament are presented as types of the Virgin. It was they who, again in accordance with the teaching of Honorius of Autun, composed the window at Lyons in which each event of the Saviour’s life is paralleled by some animal from the Bestiary.
Everywhere the guiding hand of schoolman and doctor ts seen. Would it have occurred to simple craftsmen, then hardly distinguishable from artisans,”
to borrow the image of Philosophy from Boethius, to engrave Greek letters 1 Labbe, Concil., viti., col. 831. Syn. Nicena, ii. who in 1382 carved the jubé of the cathedral of 2 On a page of his album he wrote, “ Illud bresbi- Troyes are treated like workmen. They are to work terium (presbyterium) invenerunt Vlardus de Hune- from sunrise to sunset, “ jusqu’d Vheure qu’il pussent court et Petrus de Corbia inter se disputando.”’ avoir soupe.” One of the foremen, Henri de Bruxelles, 3 Valuable documents have been published by married a young girl of Troyes in 1384, and the cereQuicherat (Afélanges d’arch. et d’hist., 11.), which throw mony made him lose a day. The canons deducted it light on the status of medieval artists. The artists from his wages (p. 208 57.).
392
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY on the hem of her robe, and to draw a description of the seven Liberal Arts from the works of the obscure Martianus Capella? ‘The guidance of the Church is evident even in those popular and legendary works where the artist may have reproduced spontaneously what he knew by heart. Have we not seen that the windows at Le Mans which depict some of the more famous miracles of the Virgin were merely translations of a passage in the lectionary ?
In all the works we have studied we have recognised the activity of minds familiar with the whole body of the Church’s teaching. It should not be forgotten that in the Middle Ages each cathedral was also a school. The most learned men and most eminent teachers of the day met in the chapter-house, and the bishops were frequently former professors and emeritus
doctors. There is little doubt that they superintended the decoration of their cathedral, and themselves planned and drew up the scheme. They must in many cases have provided the artists with actual “ livrets.”’
The only working document of this kind left to us by the Middle Ages is the book that Suger devoted to the church of St. Denis. The chief pages are those in which he describes the windows of the basilica, and which clearly
show that the Abbe chose the subjects, arranged them in learned order, and
himself composed the inscriptions which do something to make these symbolic works less obscure. We should have had many equally convincing documents had the thirteenth-century bishops troubled to put on record the history of the construction and decoration of their churches. Unhappily no similar document has come down to us, and to find one we must turn to the fifteenth century. In 1425 the chapter of the church of the Madeleine at Troyes gave an order for a series of tapestries showing the history of their patron saint. The arrangement of subjects was not left to the artist’s fancy. ‘* Brother Didier, the Dominican friar, having extracted and given in writing the history of the holy Magdalen, Jacquet the painter, made a small sketch of it on paper. Then the sempstress Poinsette, with her assistant collected great bed-sheets to serve for the executing of the models
which were painted by Jacquet the painter and Simon the illuminator.” At intervals the friar paid a visit to assure himself that the painter had been
faithful to his orders. He gave advice while “taking wine” with the artists.}
Brother Didier’s memorandum has not come down to us, but an anonymous 3 - Guignard, Mémoires fournis aux petntres pour une taptsserie de Saint-Urbain de Troyes. Troyes, 19st, °, P- 9.
393
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE one is extant, written some years later in similar circumstances. The church of St. Urbain at Troyes wished to have a series of tapestries which should recount the history both of pope Urban, and of St. Valerian and his wife, St. Cecilia. Drawing from different sources,’ a clerk (as his learning shows) made a working scheme of such precision that he left nothing to the artist's imagination. Here isa passage from this curious manuscript. ‘ There shall be made and portrayed a place and a tabernacle after the manner of a fine room, in which shall be the said St. Cecilia humbly kneeling on her knees, with hands joined as if in prayer to God. And near her shall be the said Valerian showing great admiration and gazing at an angel, who being above their heads, shall hold two crowns made and portrayed of lilies and roses,
the which he shall appear to place and dispose one on the head of St. Cecilia and the other on the head of the said Valerian, her husband. And from the mouth of this same angel shall issue a great scroll on which shall be written if possible, or part of it: ‘‘Istas coronas mundo corde et corpore custodite, quia de paradiso Dei ad vos eas attuli, nec unquam marcescent, nec odorem amittent.”’?
It is probable that the use of such note-books dates back to the beginning
of the Middle Ages. From the twelfth century until the Renaissance the Church never relaxed the supervision which she deemed it her duty to exercise over works of art. On the other hand, as we have seen, the artists themselves had their tradi-
tions. In representations of the Gospel there could be no departure from certain rigid rules. In the scene of the Nativity the Child must lie on an altar. The three Magi must by their appearance represent youth, maturity and old age—the three stages of life. In the Crucifixion scene the mother of Jesus must be to the right and St. John to the left of the Cross, and it must be the right side which is pierced by the centurion. In the Resurrection scene the Saviour, a triumphal cross in his hand, must come forth from a wide open tomb. But it is unnecessary to multiply particulars which have been studied in their proper place. These traditions were probably codified, and by means of a written manual, or at least by model drawings, passed on from studio
to studio, from generation to generation. Now it was from the Church that these same traditions proceeded. In both the east and the west these art formule had been elaborated by monastic theologians and artists during
the ninth, tenth and eleventh centuries. If we cannot trace them back to 1 See Ph. Guignard, op. cit. The anonymous and the Chrontcon of St. Antoninus, but he was writer made use of Vincent of Beauvais’s Spec. hist. acquainted with other writers. 2 The Latin is taken from Vincent of Beauvais.
394
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY their origin, at least we can follow their gradual development by the aid of illuminated manuscripts. We find that everywhere Christian thought and doctrine is manifest.
We must then cease to regard the medieval artist as an independent and restless spirit, ever ready to shake off the yoke of the Church. In Notre Dame de Paris Victor Hugo first gave expression to this erroneous idea: ‘* The book of architecture no more belongs to the priesthood, to religion, to Rome. It belongs to the imagination, to poetry, to the people. At this period there is for thought written in stone a privilege comparable to our liberty of the
press, the franchise of architecture. This liberty is far-reaching. Sometimes a porch, a facade, or a whole church presents a symbolic meaning entirely foreign to worship, even inimical to the Church. . . . Under pretext of building churches art grows to magnificent proportions.” In 1832 when Victor Hugo wrote these words, the most confused ideas of medieval iconography existed, but thirty years later it was less pardonable
for Viollet-le-Duc to maintain the same paradox. In the article devoted to sculpture in his Dictionnaire he reverts to the poet’s idea. ‘‘In town life in the midst of very imperfect political conditions, art became—if one may use the expression—a hind of /iberty of the press,’ an outlet for minds always ready
to react against the abuses of the feudal system. Civil society saw in art a platform from which under the cloak of religion she might boldly express her thoughts. That this was consciously done we do not pretend, but it was an instinct. . . . Careful study of this lay-sculpture of the thirteenth century, examination of minute details, discloses something very different from what is called religious sentiment. What we see there, before all things, is pronounced democratic feeling in the way that the programme laid down (?) is treated, everywhere a hatred of oppression, and what is nobler and makes it an
art worthy of the name, everywhere a freedom of the mind from theocratic
and feudal swaddling-clothes. Think of the heads of the statues in the porches at Notre Dame. What do you find? The stamp of intellect, of moral insight in all its forms. One is pensive and stern, caustic irony speaks from the compressed lips of another. Such are the prophets seen in the Portail de la Vierge, whose meditative faces end by puzzling one like a problem. A few have radiant faces illumined by unquestioning faith, but how many more express a doubt, ask a question or ponder over it.” ?
Viollet-le-Duc does not bring forward a single fact in support of his
Victor Hugo. 1866.
1 It is evident that Viollet-le-Duc remembers 2 Dict. raisonné de Varchitect., vill. p. 144 59. 395
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE theory, and we think we may lay claim by the preceding study to have proved its error.
The medizval artist was neither a rebel, nor a “thinker,” nor a precursor
of the Revolution.’ To interest the public in his work it is no longer necessary to present him in such a light. It is enough to show him as he really was, simple, modest and sincere. This conception of him is more pleasing to the modern mind. He was the docile interpreter of great ideas which it took all his genius to comprehend, Invention was rarely permitted to him. The Church left little more than pieces of pure decoration to his individual fancy, but in them his creative power had free play and he wove a garland of all living things to adorn the house of God. Plants, animals, all those beautiful creatures that waken curiosity and tenderness in the soul of the child and of the simple, there grew under his fingers. Through them the cathedral became a living thing, a gigantic tree full of birds and flowers, less like a work of man than of nature.
Ill Conviction and faith pervade the cathedral from end to end. Even the modern man receives a deep impression of serenity, little as he is willing to submit himself to its influence.
There his doubts and theories may be forgotten for a time. Seen from afar, the church with her transepts, spires and towers seems like a mighty ship about to sail on a long voyage. The whole city might embark with confidence on her massive decks.
As he draws near her he first meets the figure of the Christ, as every man born into the world meets Him on his voyage through life. He is
the key to the riddle of life. Round Him is written the answer to all men’s questionings, The Christian is told how the world began and how it will end ; and the statues which symbolise the different ages of the world measure for him its duration. Before his eyes are all the men whose history it is of importance he should know. These are they who under the Old or the New Law were types of Christ, for only in so far as they participate in the nature of the Saviour do men live. The others—kings, conquerors, philosophers—are but names, vain shadows. ‘Thus the world with its history becomes intelligible. 1 Qn associations of workmen who built the the German freemasons were bidden to communicate cathedrals see Schnaase, Ann. arch., xi. p. 328. We every year under penalty of expulsion.
learn that even at the end of the fifteenth century 6 39
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY Side by side with the story of this vast universe, man’s own history is written. He learns that life must be a conflict, a struggle with nature in every month of the year, a struggle with himself at every moment, an endless psychomachia. And to those who have fought a good fight the angels in the heavens above hold out crowns. Where is there room for doubt or even for disquietude of mind? On entering the cathedral it is the sublimity of the great vertical lines
which first affects his soul. The nave at Amiens gives an inevitable sense of purification, for by its very beauty the great church acts as a sacrament. Here again it is an image of the world. The cathedral like the plain or the forest has atmosphere and perfume, splendour, and twilight, and gloom. The great rose-window behind which sinks the western sun, seems
in the evening hours to be the sun itself about to vanish at the edge of a marvellous forest. But this is a transfigured world, where light shines more brightly and where shadows have more mystery than in the world of fact. Already he feels himself in the heart of the heavenly Jerusalem,’ and tastes
the profound peace of the city of the future. The storm of life breaks on the walls of the sanctuary, and is heard merely as a distant rumbling. Here indeed is the indestructible ark against which the winds shall not prevail. No place in the world fills men with a deeper feeling of security.
How much more vividly must this have been felt by the men of the
Middle Ages. To them the cathedral was the sum of revelation. In it all the arts combined, speech, music, the living drama of the Mysteries and
the mute drama of sculpture. But it was something more than art, it was the white light before its division by the prism into multiple rays. Man, cramped by his social class or his trade, his nature disintegrated by his daily work and life, there renewed the sense of the unity of his being and regained equilibrium and harmony. The crowd assembled for the great festivals felt itself to be a living whole, and became the mystical body of Christ, its soul passing into His soul. The faithful were humanity, the cathedral was the world, and the spirit of God filled both man and all Creation. St. Paul’s words were realised, and in God men lived and moved ' It was thus that the Middle Ages defined a materialem basilicam representat.”? (Quicherat, A/échurch. The deed by which the chapter of the abbey Janges, ii. 217). Joannes de Janduno, who described of St.-Ouen decided to continue their church begins Notre Dame at Paris in 1323, says when speaking of the
as follows: ‘Urbem beatam Jerusalem, que edifi- chapel of the Virgin which is behind the choir: catur ut civitas non saxorum molibus sed ex vivis lapidi- ‘‘ On entering one feels as if ravished to heaven, and
bus, que virtutum soliditate firmatur et sanctorum ushered into one of the most beautiful chambers societate nunquam dissolvenda extruitur, sacro sancta of paradise.” De Laudtb. Parts (ed. Leroux de Lincy, militans Ecclesia mater nostra per manu factam et Paris, 1856~60).
397
RELIGIOUS ART IN FRANCE and had their being. Something of this was dimly felt by men of the Middle Ages when on a glorious Christmas or Easter-day, standing shoulde: to shoulder, the whole city filled the immense church.
Symbol of faith, the cathedral was also a symbol of love. All men laboured there. The peasants offered their all, the work of their strong arms. They pulled carts, and carried stones on their shoulders with the good will of
the giant-saint Christopher.” The burgess gave his silver, the baron his land, and the artist his genius. The vitality which radiates from these immortal works is the outcome of the collaboration of all the living forces of France for more than two hundred years. The dead too were associated with the living, for the church was paved with tombstones, and past generations with joined hands continued to pray in the old church where past and-present are united in one and the same feeling of love. The cathedral was the city’s consciousness.
Fully to appreciate its grandeur we must compare medieval art with the art of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. On the one hand is
a national art, born of the common thought and will, on the other an imported art which was not rooted in the soil. Of what interest to the people were Jupiter, Mars, Hercules, and the heroes of Greece and Rome,
or the twelve Casars who then took the place of the twelve apostles? The simple folk looked for St. James with his pilgrim’s staff, or St. Anne with her keys hanging at her side like a good housewife, teaching the little Mary to read. And they were offered Mercury with his caduceus, or Ceres and Proserpine. ‘These intellectual works moreover were not made for the people, but were destined for some rich financier’s room or for the
terrace of a royal chateau. It was a time of the Meacenas and the amateur. Art was placed at the service of individual caprice.
In the thirteenth century rich and poor alike had the same artistic delights. There was not on the one hand the people, on the other a class of so-called connoisseurs. The church was the home of all, and art translated
the thought of all. And so while art of the sixteenth or seventeenth century tells us little of the deeper thought of the France of that day, thirteenth-century art on the contrary gives full expression to a civilisation, to an epoch in history. The medieval cathedral takes the place of books.
It is not only the genius of Christianity which is revealed, but the 1 See the letter of Hugh, archbishop of Rouen /’Ecole des Chartes, series 5, vol. i.), on the people’s (Patrol., cxcii., col. 1133), and the letter of Haimon, zeal for working at the building of the cathedrals. abbot of Saint-Pierre-sur-Dives (L. Delisle, Brbl. de 9
39
OF THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY genius of France. It is true that the ideas which took visible form in the churches did not belong to France alone but were the common patrimony, of Catholic Europe. Yet France is recognised in her passion for the universal.
She alone knew how to make the cathedral an image of the world, a summary of history, a mirror of the moral life. Again, the admirable order
as of a supreme law which she imposed on that multitude of ideas is peculiar to France. The cathedrals of other countries, all later than the French, do not reveal so wide a range of ideas or so finely ordered a scheme of thought. There is nothing in Italy, Spain, Germany or England which can compare with Chartres. Nowhere else can be found such wealth of thought. Even Italy herself seems poor when one thinks of all that the French cathedrals have lost through wars of religion, periods of bad taste, and the iconoclasm of revolutions.’
When shall we understand that in the domain of art France has accomplished nothing greater? ‘ An interesting list might be compiled of great beginning of the nineteenth century by the Bande medizval works of art which were destroyed in 1562 noire. We should then realise the prodigious artistic during the wars of religion, in the eighteenth century output of the Middle Ages. by the chapters, in 1793 by the Revolution, and at the
399
APPENDIX LIST OF THE PRINCIPAL WORKS DEVOTED TO THE LIFE OF CHRIST (END OF THE TWELFTH, AND THE THIRTEENTH AND FOURTEENTH CENTURIES)
Notre Dame aT Paris NortH Porcu. The cycle of the Infancy from the Nativity to the Flight into Egypt. (End of the thirteenth century.) Sculpture in the choir-enclosure. A very characteristic Gospel series. Some of the Scenes of the Passion are missing. The series consists of the Visitation, the Announcement to the shepherds, the Adoration of the Magi, the Massacre of the Innocents, the Flight into Egypt, the Presentation in the Temple, Christ among the doctors, the Baptism, the Marriage at Cana, the Entry into Jerusalem, the Last Supper, the Washing of the disciples’ feet, the Garden of Gethsemane (lacuna), the Noli me tangere, Christ and the three Maries, the Appearance to St. Peter, the Disciples at Emmaus, the Appearance on the evening of Easter-day, the Incredulity of St. Thomas, the Miraculous draught, Christ appearing twice to the apostles. (Fourteenth century.) SAINTE-CHAPELLE
In the Sainte-Chapelle, where the whole of the Old Testament is illustrated, there are only two windows devoted to Christ. These are, according to custom, a window
of the Infancy (with the legend of St. John the Evangelist to complete it) and a window of the Passion (at the axis, thirteenth century). CHARTRES
In the old porch, capitals recount the life of Christ according to the formula which we have indicated. The Infancy (Nativity, Announcement to the shepherds, Adoration of the Magi, Flight into Egypt, Massacre of the Innocents, Circumcision, Christ among the doctors). The Public Life (Baptism, Temptation). The Passton (Entry into Jerusalem, Last Supper, Washing of the feet, Jesus in the garden of Gethsemane, the Entombment, the Holy women at the Tomb, the Disciples on the way to Emmaus, the Appearance to the apostles). Some of the capitals have been changed. (Twelfth century.) Windows devoted to the life of Christ, above the west porch. The usual scenes are represented. In the first window: the Annunciation, the Visitation, the Nativity, the Announcement to the shepherds, the Adoration of the Magi, the Massacre of the 4.00
APPENDIX Innocents, the Presentation, the Flight into Egypt, the Baptism, the Entry into Jerusalem.
In the second window: the Transfiguration, the Last Supper, the Washing of the feet, the Betrayal by Judas, the Flagellation, the Crucifixion, the Entombment, the Resurrection, the Appearances to Mary Magdalen and the disciples at Emmaus. (Twelfth century.) A window dedicated to the Virgin in the choir ambulatory gives in addition the Miracle at Cana and the Transfiguration. (Thirteenth century.) BourRGEs
Window of the Passion, from the Entry into Jerusalem to the Descent into Limbo. (Thirteenth century.) Sculpture of the Jubé. The beautiful fragments preserved in the Louvre and in the museum at Bourges show that it was devoted to the Passion, the Resurrec-
tion, and the Descent into Limbo. (End of the thirteenth or beginning of the fourteenth century.)
Tours Window of the Infancy, showing both the Tree of Jesse and scenes of the Infancy (Annunciation, Visitation, Nativity, Announcement to the shepherds, Adoration of the Magi, Massacre of the Innocents, Flight into Egypt. Thirteenth century).
Window of the Passion (the Entry into Jerusalem, the Last Supper, the Kiss of Judas, the Flagellation, the Bearing of the Cross, the Crucifixion, the Entombment, Limbo, the Holy women at the Tomb, the Noli me tangere. Thirteenth century.)
These two windows have been reproduced by Marchand and Bourassé: Verriéres du cheeur de Tours, VY and VIII.
The two following, which are in the apsidal chapel in the axis of the church, have not been reproduced :
Window of the Infancy (Annunciation, Visitation, Nativity, the Angel and the shepherds, the Magi on their journey, the Magi before Herod, Adoration of the Magi, Presentation in the Temple, Departure of the Magi by ship, Massacre of the Innocents, Flight into Egypt. Thirteenth century). Window of the Passion (Last Supper, the Washing of the feet, Garden of Gethsemane, the Flagellation, Christ before Pilate, the Bearing of the Cross, the Crucifixion, the Resurrection, Noli me tangere, the Two disciples at Emmaus, the Incredulity of Thomas, the Pasce Oves. Thirteenth century). SENS
Window of the Infancy (Nativity, Announcement to the shepherds, Flight into Egypt. Thirteenth century).
Window of the Passion (from the Entry into Jerusalem to the Ascension. Thirteenth century). 401
APPENDIX Laon
Window of the Infancy (in the chevet; all the scenes of the Infancy to thi Flight into Egypt and a few Old Testament types of the Virgin. Thirteentl century).
Window of the Passion (in the chevet; from the Entry into Jerusalem to the Ascension. Thirteenth century). ROvEN (CATHEDRAL)
Window of the Passion (from the Last Supper). Reproduced by Cahier, Vitraux de Bourges, Plan XII. (Thirteenth century.) CHALons-sur-MaRNE
In the Cathedral. Window (since displaced) containing both the Infancy—three scenes—and the Passion—one only. (Thirteenth century.) Reproduced by Cahier, Vitraux de Bourges, Plan XII.
In Notre Dame (choir, north chapel). A thirteenth-century window is dedicated to the Infancy (Nativity, Flight into Egypt, the Magi). TROYES
In the Cathedral. Window of the Infancy (Annunciation, the Magi,
Presentation. Thirteenth century). In St. Urbain. Windows devoted to the Passion, beginning with the Entry into Jerusalem. (Fourteenth century.) REIMS (CATHEDRAL)
Window of the Passion (in the apse). The Crucifixion and above, in the seven compartments of a rose, seven scenes of the Passion. (Thirteenth century.)
Sculpture on the facade (arches of the left porch, gable, and buttress). The Temptation, the Entry into Jerusalem, the Washing of the feet, the Garden of Gethsemane, the Kiss of Judas, the Flagellation, the Crucifixion (in the gable), the Descent into Limbo, the Disciples at Emmaus. (Fourteenth century.) Sculpture in the interior (same porch). We have already seen that the subject
of this sculpture is unique in the Middle Ages. It represents Christ and the woman of Samaria, and Christ healing Peter’s wife’s mother, in several scenes. I have suggested that they were copied from some ancient sarcophagus. The figure of Christ has no beard. (Thirteenth century.) BEavuvals
Window of the Infancy (in the Chapel of the Virgin). The Annunciation, the Visitation, the Nativity, the Shepherds, the Magi, the Presentation in the Temple, the 402
APPENDIX Massacre of the Innocents, the Flight into Egypt, the Fall of the idols. (Thirteenth century.) The compartment representing the Marriage of the Virgin is modern. AMIENS
In the Lady Chapel two windows, thirteenth century, were devoted to the Infancy and the Passion, but they have been too much restored to have much archzological value. CLERMONT-FERRAND
The thirteenth-century windows of one of the chapels in the choir (fifth chapel on the right, now called Chapelle de la Bonne Mort) give the Infancy and all the scenes of the Passion after the Last Supper. A compartment showing St. Peter crucified head-downwards was introduced when the window was restored.
century.) | BAYEuXx
The tympanum in the left porch of the cathedral (west front) gives the scenes of the Passion from the Last Supper and the Washing of the feet. (Fourteenth
Dot
The large window in the chevet contains very varied scenes taken from the Old Testament and the Golden Legend. But one compartment is devoted to the Infancy (Annunciation, Nativity, Shepherds, Magi), and another to the Passion (Entry into
Jerusalem, Last Supper, all the scenes of the Passion after the Flagellation, the Descent from the Cross, the Holy women at the Tomb, Noli me tangere. Thirteenth century). STRASBURG
The tympanum in the left porch of the facade at Strasburg gives the Infancy, and the tympanum of the central porch the Passion, from the Entry into Jerusalem
to the Ascension. ll the figures were mutilated at the time of the Revolution, but have been restored after the old designs.
A series of large windows in the south aisle are devoted to the life of Christ. They contain not only the Infancy and Passion, but His public life and miracles.
As a matter of fact this series, so unusual in the thirteenth century, does not belong to the period with which we are dealing. These Strasburg windows belong
to the end of the fourteenth century, when obedience to the old traditions was lessening. ANGERS
Window of the Infancy. Window of the Passion. (Thirteenth century. )
Le Mans Window of the Passion. Window of the Infancy. 403
APPENDIX Le Bourcet (Savoy) The Passion from the Entry into Jerusalem (sculpture of the thirteenth century)
The same principles were applied to decorative art. The life of Christ is sur marised in the few typical scenes which we have indicated. The famous shrine Aix-la-Chapelle, the shrine of the Great Relics (thirteenth century), shows tl Annunciation, the Visitation, the Nativity, the Announcement to the shepherds, t Magi, the Presentation in the Temple, the Baptism, the Temptation, the Last Suppe the Crucifixion, the Descent from the Cross, the Entombment.
Several wooden crosiers carved in the twelfth century (the crosiers of Sain Gibrien, Saint-Gauthier, and Saint-Aubin, for example) illustrate the life of Christ — detail, but they add nothing to the traditional scenes. (See Congres archéolog., Reim
1861, p. 160.) The scenes are as follows: Annunciation, Visitation, Nativit' Journey of the Magi, Adoration of the Magi, the Angel and the Magi, Presentation 1 the Temple, Massacre of the Innocents, Flight into Egypt, the Baptism, Temptatior Entry into Jerusalem, the Washing of the feet, the Last Supper, Garden of Gethsemane
the Flagellation, the Bearing of the Cross, the Crucifixion, the Entombment, th Resurrection, the Descent into Limbo, the Appearances to the holy women, to Mar Magdalen, to the disciples at Emmaus and to St. Thomas, the Ascension, the Descen of the Holy Ghost. (The Appearances are not found on the crosier of Saint-Gibrien.
The miniaturists obeyed the same rules. A very interesting series of gouach paintings of the end of the twelfth century, which is preserved at St. Martin’s a Limoges, was reproduced by the Comte de Bastard in 1879 with the title Histoire di ‘Fésus-Christ en figures. This series is of great interest to us, for although in no way
limited or restrained, the artist did not produce a narrative work. He took the traditional scenes from the life of Christ—scenes of the Infancy, the Baptism, the Temptation, the Entry into Jerusalem, the Last Supper, the Passion, the Resurrection {holy women at the Tomb), the Appearances, the Ascension.
As to the manuscripts properly so-called, they generally present the two cycles
of the Infancy and the Passion with more or less elaboration. I append a few examples.
Bibl. Nat., lat. 9428 (ninth century). Sacramentarium of Drogo, the cycles of the Infancy and the Passion, with the addition of the Temptation corresponding to Lent (f. 41). Bibl. Nat., lat. 17325 (eleventh century). Gospels for different festivals. Both cycles.
/ Bibl. Nat., lat. 17961 (twelfth century). Psalter. The Infancy. The Public Life (Baptism). The Passion (Kiss of Judas). Bibl. Nat., lat. 833 (twelfth century). Missal. Both cycles. Bibl. Nat., lat. 1073 (twelfth century). Psalter. Both cycles. Bibl. Nat., lat. 1328 (twelfth century). Psalter. Cycle of Infancy. 404
APPENDIX Bibl. Nat., lat. 1077 (thirteenth century). Psalter. Both cycles. Bib]. Nat., lat. 10434 (thirteenth century). Psalter. Infancy, Passion. Bibl. Nat., frang. 183 (thirteenth century). Golden Legend. Both cycles. Bibl. Nat., frang. 185 (fourteenth century). Golden Legend. Both cycles. Bibl. Nat., lat. 10484 (fourteenth century). Breviary of Belleville. Both cycles. Bibl. Nat., lat. 1394 (fourteenth century). Psalter. Cycle of the Infancy. Bibl. Mazarine, 414 (thirteenth century). Missal. Annunciation, Resurrection, and Ascension, Descent of the Holy Ghost. Bibl. Mazarine, 416 (fourteenth century). Missal. Cycles of the Infancy and of the Passion. Bibl. Mazarine, 419 (fourteenth century). Missal. Both cycles. Bibl. Mazarine, 412 (fifteenth century). Missal (Paris). Both cycles.
Bibl. Mazarine, 420 (fifteenth century). Missal (Poitiers), one miniature for the Nativity (Christmas) and one for the Resurrection (Easter). Finally, I would draw attention to the Casalogue of Illuminated Manuscripts in the
British Museum by Walter de Gray Birch and Henry Jenner, London, 1879. The miniatures are arranged according to subject, and it is noteworthy that while the scenes of the Infancy and the Passion fill many pages of the catalogue, scenes from Christ’s public life (miracles, preaching) if not altogether absent, are only found in a very small number of manuscripts.
405
Acta Sanctorum. Bordier, Catalogue (inédit) des manuscrits latins a Adams, Recuesl de sculptures gothiques. Paris, 1856, | miniatures de la Bibliothéque nationale, Bibl. Nat.,
4to. nouvelles acquisitions francaises 5813, 5814, $815.
Adeline (J.), Sculptures grotesques et symboliques. Boutaric, Vincent de Beauvats et la connaissance de
Rouen, 1879, I2mo. Pantiquité au XIII stécle, in the Revue des questions Album de Villard de Honnecourt, edited by Lassus. | Aistortques, t. XVII.
Paris, Imp. impér., 1858, 4to. Bouxin (Abbé), La Cathédrale Notre-Dame de Laon,
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409
Aix-in-Provenoe, baptistery, p. 14. Auxerre, cathedral; bas-reliefs: scenes of the
Aix-la-Chapelle, chandelier, p. 20; shrine of the | creation, west front, p. 27; the seven Liberal Arts, great relics, 209, 309; shrine of the relics of Charle- | west front, p. 83; the wise and foolish Virgins, p.
Magne, p. 350. 198; the parable of the Prodigal Son, p. 199; the
Albi, cathedral ; statues of the prophets, p. 169. death of Cain, p. 205; the coronation of the Virgin, Amiens, cathedral; iconography, p. 390. Statues: | p. 257; the sibyl Erythraea, p. 336. St. Peter and St. Paul, p. 6; Solomon and the Queen Glass: window of St. Eustace, p. 11,277; St. Peter
of Sheba, p. 157; the kings of Judah, p. 168; the | and St. Paul, p. 299; rose-window of the seven teaching Christ, p. 3, 44, 176; Herod, p. 216; la | Liberal Arts, p. 84; window of the Creation, p. 27 ; Vierge dorée, p. 236; St. Firmin, p. 284; the | rose-window of the Virtues, in the choir, p. 109; apostles of the central porch, p. 308; statues of the | window of the story of Joseph, p. 132; window of saints of the diocese, p. 310; Charles V, Charles VI, | the Prodigal Son, p. 199; window of St. Peter and Bureau de la Riviére (buttresses to the north), p. 345. | St. Paul (scattered), p. 299; legend of St. James the Bas-reliefs : the adder and the basilisk beneath the | Great, p. 306; window of St. Andrew, p. 307; west feet of Christ, west front, p. 44; signs of the zodiac | rose-window, p. 323; window of St. Nicholas, p. and the works of the months, p. 68 ; wheel of fortune, | 328 ; window of the Apocalypse (scattered fragments),
south doorway, p. 94; the Virtues and the Vices, | p. 357. west front, p. 109; symbolic bas-reliefs relating to the Avignon, palace of the Popes; frescoes, p. 337.
Virgin, west front, p. 150; patriarchs and prophets Avioth (Meuse), p. 220. typifying Christ, round the arches of the Portail St. Bamberg, cathedral, p. 9; statue of St. Stephen of Honoré, p. 155, 156, 160; prophecies, west front, p. | Hungary, p. 354.
162; tree of Jesse, p. 168; the wise and foolish Basle, cathedral; wheel of fortune, p. 95; Alex-
Virgins, p. 198; bas-reliefs of the Magi, p. 215, 216; | ander rising to heaven, p. 336.
coronation of the Virgin, p. 257; bas-relief of St. Baux, les (castle), p. 212. Christopher, p. 270; bas-reliefs of the porch of St. Bayonne, cathedral, statue of St. James, p. 309. Firmin, p. 311; bas-reliefs of St. John the Baptist in Beauvais, St. Etienne; wheel of fortune, p. 95. the choir ambulatory, p. 318; A®sop’s fables in the — cathedral ; glass: window of the Crucifixion, p. west porch, p. 335; riders of the Apocalypse, p. 368 ; | 223; the miracle of Theophilus, p. 260; window the Last Judgment, p. 368, 372; the axe laid to the | of St. Martin, p. 330; window of the Infancy, p. 241.
root of the tree, p. 388. Besancon, collegiate church of St. Mary Magdalen,
Glass: window of St. Stephen, p. 299; window | symbolic statues, p. 152. of St. John the Baptist and St. George, p. 318 ; window Blaye, tomb of Roland, p. 326.
of St. James the Great, p. 321; window of St. Au- Bordeaux, cathedral; statue of Pope Clement V, gustine, p. 321; window of the Infancy and the | p. 346; tympanum of the Last Judgment, p. 372.
Passion, appendix. — St. Seurin, statues: the Church and the Syna— Church of St. Martin, p. 331. gogue, p. 193; statues of the apostles, p. 311; Last Anagni, church ; dalmatic, the legend of Alexander, | Judgment, p. 370.
p.Angers, 336. Bourges, cathedral; facade, p. 11; iconography, cathedral; glass: window of the Crucifixion, | p. 391. Bas-reltefs : scenes of the creation, west front, p. 223; the Annunciation, p. 244; death and burial | p. 27; the wise and foolish Virgins, p. 198; the of the Virgin, p. 250, 251; window of St. Peter, p. | death of Cain, p. 205; the coronation of the Virgin,
297 ; window of St. Martin, p. 330. p. 246; story of St. Ursin and St. William, p. 313;
Tapestries: scenes from the Apocalypse, p. 357. Last Judgment, p. 375-378; carvings of the jubé,
— St. Serge, glass, p. 6. appendix.
Aosta, zodiac, p. 66. Glass: window with symbolic animals, p. 15;
Arles, St. Trophime, p. 227; capitals, the Magi, | window of Joseph, p. 155; symbolic window of
p. 227; the Last Judgment, p. 365. the Old and New Testaments, p. 43; window of
Auch, glass, p. 169. prophets and apostles, p. 159; window of the Good
Aulnay, battle of the Virtues and the Vices, p. 103. | Samaritan, p. 197, 199, 324; window of the Prodigal Autun, cathedral; bas-reliefs, tympanum of the Last | Son, p. 199; parable of Dives, p. 200; window of the
Judgment, p. 365. Passion, p. 223; Saint Anne and her family, p. 238; 410
window of St. Nicholas, p. 288, 328; legend of St. | animals, p. 43; signs of the zodiac and the works of Peter and St. Paul, p. 297; legend of St. John, p. | the months, p. 65; the seven Liberal Arts, window 302; legend of St. Thomas, p. 304; legend of St. | in the chapel of St. Piat, p. 85; window of Joseph, James the Great, p. 327; windows of the apostles, | p. 132; symbolic window of the Old and New TestaPp. 3113; windows of local saints, p. 313; window | ments, p. 43; window of the tree of Jesse, p. 166; given by the stone-masons, p. 323; window of St. | window of the apostles, p. 311 ; window of the Good Martin, p. 330; window of the Apocalypse, p. 357, | Samaritan, p. 197, 324; window of the Prodigal Son,
363 ; window of the Last Judgment, p. 378. p. 199; windows of the west front, appendix; la Bourget, Le (Savoy) ; bas-reliefs of the Passion, | belle verriére, p. 236; the miracle of Theophilus, p.
appendix. 260; windows of St. Eustace, p. 277, 282, 323; Caen, church of St. Michel-de-Vaucelles, frescoes, | windows of St. George, p. 323 ; window of St. Chris-
Pp. 325. topher, p. 279; legendary windows in the aisles, p. 282 ; — Church of St. Pierre; capital of Aristotle and | window of St. Nicholas, p. 288, 328; legend of St.
Campaspe, p. 335 ; Virgil in the basket, p. 335. Peter and St. Paul, p. 297; legend of St. John, Canterbury, cathedral; glass, the marriage at | p. 300, 302; legend of St. Thomas, p. 304; legend of
Cana, p. 194. St. James the Great, p. 325, legend of St. Simon and Chablis (Yonne), p. 331. St. Jude, p. 306; windows of the apostles, p. 294;
Chalons-sur-Marne, cathedral; glass, the Infancy | window of St. Cheron and St. Lubin, p. 314;
and the Passion, p. 229, appendix. ' window of St. Anne, p. 319; windows in the chapels
— Notre Dame; glass, the Infancy, appendix. of the choir, p. 320; window given by St. T.ouis, p. 322 ;
Chartres, cathedral ; iconography, p. 390. by St. Ferdinand, p. 322; by Jeanne de Dammartin, Statues: St. Modeste, p. 3, 284, 313; statues in the p- 323; by Amaury de Montfort, p. 323; by various north and south porches, p. 130; arches of the south | knights, p. 323, 325; by the grocers, the basketdoorway, p. 8; choirs of angels, p. 8; Balaam, p. 9; | makers, p. 323; the coopers, p. 323; the tanners, the Queen of Sheba, p. 9, 157; Melchizedek, p. 15, | the weavers, the grocers, the armourers, p. 323, 324; 154; angel of the chevet, p. 22; patriarchs and | the porters, p. 323; window of St. Vincent given prophets prefiguring Christ, in the north porch, p. | by the weavers, p. 324; window of St. Thomas 4 155, 156, 157, 474; the prophet Isaiah in the north | Becket, p. 321; windows dedicated to St. James, porch, p. 162; kings of Judah, p. 168; St. George, | p. 325 ; window of Robert of Berou and the pilgrims,
p. 285; St. Martin, p. 3, 284; St. Theodore in | p. 327; window of St. Martin, p. 330; window of
south porch, p. 284; St. Denis, p. 285, 313; St. | Charlemagne and Roland, p. 347. Gregory the Great, p. 285 ; St. Jerome, p. 285; the — Church of St. Pére; glass: birth of St. John the apostles, south porch, p. 309; St. Potentian, p. 313; | Baptist, p. 246; St. Peter and Simon the magician, statue of St. Anne, p. 319; so-called kings of France | p. 298; windows of the apostles, p. 31. in the north porch, p. 343 ; in the west porch, p. 341. Civitale in Friuli, baptistery, p. 14. Bas-reliefs ; Christ in Glory, west front, p. 7 ; arches Civray, p. 102. of the north facade, the creation, p. 27; signs of the Clermond-Ferrand, cathedral; bas-reliefs: baszodiac and the works of the months, p. 66; the seven | relief of the Liberal Arts, p. 83, 89.
Liberal Arts, p. 81, 89; ‘‘ Magus,”’ p. 94; Archi- — Glass: windows of St. George, St. Austremonius tecture and Painting, p. 94; Metallurgy and Agri- | and of St. Mary Magdalen, p. 321 ; window of the Inculture, p. 94; the Virtues and the Vices in the north | fancy and Passion, appendix.
porch, p. 104; in the south porch, p. 109; small — Notre Dame du Port; capital, p. 102. figures symbolising the Active and Contemplative Life Cluny (Sadne et Loire) ; capitals, p. 12. in the arches of the north porch, p. 129; stories of Cluny (Museum), figured leaden medals, p. 293; Tobias, Job, Samson, Gideon, Judith and Esther in | retable of St. Henry, p. 345; fragments of a tymthe arches of the north porch, p. 157; the midwives | panum from Notre Dame, p. 374. and the infant Jesus, p. 211; the Magi in the north Cologne, church of St. Gereon, glass, p. 231. porch, 228; the Virgin of the west porch, p. 235 ; | Conques, church of St. Foy, p. 317 ; Last Judgment
story of St. Anna and St. Joachim, p. 240; death and | in the tympanum, p. 366.
coronation of the Virgin, p. 253, 256; bas-relief of Cremona, prophets, p. 162. St. Eustace, p. 277; the apostles of the south porch, | Dijon, Chartreuse, lectern, p. 22. p. 311; bas-relief of St. Laumer, p. 314; iconography | Dol, window in the chevet, appendix. of the south doorway, p. 316; the miracle of the | Ferrara, prophets, p. 162. tomb of St. Nicholas, p. 329; tympanum of the: Florence, Santa Maria Novella, Spanish Chapel ; Last Judgment, p. 371; the apostles beneath the | frescoes of the seven Liberal Arts, p. 87, 89; descent Christ in Glory, old porch, p. 375; the Beatitudes | into Limbo, p. 226. of the soul in the future life, p. 386; capitals, the | — Campanile; the crafts, p. 94.
life of Christ, appendix. ' — Or San Michele ; tabernacle, p. 112. Glass: west rose-window, p. 6; the prophets | — baptistery, p. 113.
bearing the evangelists, p. 9; window with symbolic ' Freisingen, cathedral, p. 51.
4il
Fréjus, baptistery, p. 14. bolic animals, p. 37; window with the Vices and Friburg-im-Breisgau, cathedral ; statues: the seven {| Virtues in the border, p. 115; symbolic window of Liberal Arts, p. 84. the Old and New Testaments, p. 140 ; window of the Bas-reliefs: Alexander rising to heaven, p. 336. Christmas cycle, p. 218; the Annunciation, p. 242;
Glass ; avindow of the Passion, p. 237. coronation of the Virgin, p. 246; St. Peter and St. Hildesheim, baptismal fonts, p. 110. Paul, p. 296; window of St. John, p. 301, 308; win-
Ingelheim, frescoes, p. 140. dow of St. Pothinus, St. Irenzus and St. Polycarp, p.
Iveron (Mont Athos), p. 333. 314.
Laon, cathedral; iconography, p. 391. Statues: — Church of St. Irénée; the Liberal Arts, p. 83.
colossal oxen, p. 55. Meaux, cathedral; porch of the Virgin, p. 232.
Bas-reliefs : round the arches of the facade, the Melle, battle of the Virtues and the Vices, p. 102. creation, p. 27 ; flora of the capitals, p. 52; the seven Milan, cathedral; candelabrum decorated with a Liberal Arts, p. 81; Philosophy, p. 90; Medicine, | figure of one of the Liberal Arts, p. 86.
p: 93; Architecture, p. 94; combat between the Moissac, cloister, p. 2; the four beasts, p. 35; Virtues and the Vices, p. 130; symbolic bas-reliefs | the flora of the capitals, p. 48 ; Luxuria, porch, p. 119; relating to the Virgin, p. 147-150; tree of Jesse, p. | the story of Dives, porch, p. 200; capital illustrating 166 ; the wise and foolish Virgins, p. 198 ; coronation | the story of St. Cyprian, p. 320; tympanum, Last of the Virgin, p. 246, 256; the sybil Erythraea, p. 336; | Judgment, p. 356.
the Last Judgment, p. 375. Moulineaux, Les (near Rouen), church, window of
Glass: Gideon and the fleece, p. 15; rose-win- | St. Louis and of Blanche of Castile, p. 345. dow of the seven Liberal Arts, p. 84; windows in the Nancy, archzological museum of Lorraine, 13th chevet, p. 211; the Virgin, p. 250; the Annuncia- | century tomb with an image of St. Michael, p. 378. tion, p. 244; the miracle of Theophilus, p. 261. Niederhaslach (Alsace), window of the Virtues and Lausanne, cathedral; stalls, Aristotle and Cam- | the Vices, p. 105.
paspe, p. 334. Novara, baptistery, p. 14. Laval, church of St. Tudual, p. 321. Noyon, cathedral; bas-reliefs (mutilated): basLille, censer, p. 21. reliefs of the creation, west porch, p. 27; symbolic
Longpont, church ; the foolish Virgins, p. 388. animals, west porch, p. 43; coronation of the Virgin, Le Mans, cathedral ; symbolic capital, p. 45 ; statue | p. 246.
in the porch, p. 342. Orvieto, cathedral ; Last Judgment, p. 373.
Glass: window decorated with symbolic animals, Padua, Eremitani; astrological frescoes, p. 11. Pp. 43; symbolic window of the Old and New Testa- — Arena, fresco representing Charity, p. 116.
ments, p. 47; window of the tree of Jesse, p. 166; Palalda (Eastern-Pyrenees), p. 331. the Church and the Synagogue, p. 189; window of Paris, cathedral; axis, p. 22; porte rouge, p. 22; the Ascension, p. 194 ; window of the Infancy, p. 211, | polychromy, p. 91; iconography, p. 390.
241; the fall of the idols, p. 217; window of St. Statues; brackets of statues, p. 9; gargoyles, p. Anna and St. Joachim, p. 240; marriage of the Virgin, | 59; statues of Adam and Eve, p. 64; kings of Judah,
p. 242; miracle of Theophilus, p. 260; windows | p. 168; the Church and the Synagogue, p. 193; the devoted to the miracles of the Virgin, p. 264; window | Virgin, north porch, p. 235, 236; St. Geneviéve, of St. Eustace, p. 277; window of St. Nicholas, p. | p. 290, 313; St. Denis, p. 313; St. Marcel, p. 313 ; 288, 328 ; window of St. Julian, p. 314; windows given | St. John the Baptist, St. Stephen, p. 315 ; so-called
by the abbeys of St. Vincent, St.-Calais and Evron, | kings of France in the porch of St. Anne, p. 342;
p. 266, 322; windows of St. Martin, p. 330. so-called statue of Philip Augustus, p. 345. — Notre Dame de la Couture; the apostles, Bas-reltefs : round the arches of the central doorstatues in the porch, p. 309, 311; Last Judgment, p. | way, p. 7; the four beasts, p. 35; flora of the capitals,
377. p. 52; bas-reliefs of the Earth and the Sea, p. 56; Lyons, cathedral; iconography, p. 391. Statues: | zodiac and the works of the months, p. 66; baspatriarchs and prophets prefiguring Christ, p. 152. reliefs representing degrees of temperature, p. 65 ; Bas-reliefs : scenes of the creation, west front, p. 27; | bas-reliefs of the ages of life, p. 65, 94; bas-reliefs of bas-reliefs of symbolic animals, west front, p. 42; | the Liberal Arts, p. 83 ; bas-reliefs of the Virtues and animals, west front, p. 43, 54; grotesques, west front, | Vices, p. 109; appearances of Christ, choir enclosure, Pp. 43; the death of Cain, p. 205 ; the tower of Babel, | p. 182, 226; the wise and foolish Virgins, p. 198 ; p. 205; the midwives and the Infant Jesus (capital), | the Infancy, choir enclosure, p. 213, 218; the marriage p. 211; porch of the Virgin, p. 232; the miracle of | in Cana, choir enclosure, p. 221; the Virgin, tym-
Theophilus, p. 260; bas-reliefs of St. George, p. | panum of the porch of St. Anne, p. 235; St. Anna 278 ; bas-reliefs of St. Nicholas, p. 288; bas-relief of | and St. Joachim in the porch of St. Anne, p. 240; the “Domine, quo vadis,” p. 298; bas-reliefs of | the death, burial and coronation of the Virgin, p. 252,
Aristotle and Campaspe, p. 334. 256; the miracle of Theophilus, north porch and on Glass: apostles, patriarchs, prophets, p. 9; | north wall, p. 260; legend of St. Marcel in the por-
window of the great festivals, accompanied by sym- | tail rouge, p. 313; bas-relief of St. Stephen, south
412
porch, p. 315; date of the bas-reliefs of the porch of | p. 300; story of St. Remi, north porch, p. 312; St. Anne, p. 315; the kings of Judah and two sibyls, | statuettes round the rose-window of the facade, p. round the arches, p. 339; St. Louis in the portail | 341; baptism of Clovis, gable of the facade, p. 346; rouge, p. 345; Louis VII in the porch of St. Anne, p. | bas-reliefs of the Apocalypse, p. 357, 362; Last 345; bas-reliefs devoted to scenes of student life at | Judgment, p. 384; the Passion, left porch, exterior, the university (?), p. 354; riders of the Apocalypse, p. | appendix.
368 ; Last Judgment, p. 371, 380; bas-relief of the Glass: north and south rose-windows, p. 5; the
Infancy, north porch, appendix. Crucifixion, p. 223, appendix ; window of St. Peter, Glass: west rose-window, the works of the months, | p. 298; window of St. John, p. 301 ; window of St.
p. 65, 70; the Virtues, p. 109. Jude, p. 306 ; windows of the apostles, p. 311 ; windows — Sainte-Chapelle; statues: apostles, p. 21. of the kings of France, p. 340.
Glass: windows of the Old Testament, p. 132; — Church of St. Remi; glass: window of St.
window of the tree of Jesse, p. 166; window of the | Nicholas, p. 328; pavement: zodiac, p. 66; the Christmas cycle, p. 180 ; Genesis window, p. 205 ; the | Liberal Arts, p. 83.
legend of St. John, p. 299; window of the Passion, Rouen, cathedral; iconography, p. 391. Statues: Pp. 319, appendix; window of St. John the Baptist, | St. Apollina, St. Barbara in the portail des Libraires, p- 318; window of St. Louis, p. 353 ; window of the ; 285.
Infancy, appendix. Bas-reliefs : monsters and grotesques of the portails
— St. Jacques-des-Pélerins ; statues of the apostles, | “de la Calende”’ and “des Libraires,” p. 59; bas-
p. 21. reliefs of the Liberal Arts in the portail des Libraires, — St. Germain-des-Prés ; statues of the so-called | p. 83 ; bas-reliefs of the Old Testament in the portail
kings of France, p. 342. de la Calende, p. 132; coronation of the Virgin, p. — Convent of the Cordeliers of Lourcine; fres- | 246; crucifixion of St. Peter, p. 298; Aristotle and
coes devoted to St. Louis, p. 354. Campaspe, p. 334; Last Judgment, p. 383; basParma, baptistery, bas-reliefs, p. 181. relief of the legend of St. Romanus and St. Ouen, p.
Parthenay, p. 102. 314.
Poissy, collegiate church, window of St. Louis, p. Glass : symbolic window of the Old and New Testa-
354. ments, p. 140; window of the Good Samaritan, p. Poitiers, cathedral ; tympanum of the Last Judg- | 197; window of St. Nicholas, p. 328. ment, p. 371. — St. Ouen, glass: p. 6, 44r. Glass: window of Joseph, p. 132; window of Bas-reltefs: burial of the Virgin, p. 251.
the Crucifixion, p. 190 ; window of the Prodigal Son, St. Benoit-sur-Loire, symbolic statues, p. 152.
p. 199; St. Peter and St. Paul, p. 296. Saint-Bertin, cross, p. 143.
— St. Radegonde, west rose-window, p. 375. St.-Denis, basilica ; sculpture: hybrid monsters, p. — Notre Dame la Grande, prophets of the facade, | 47; zodiac, p. 66-70; statues of the so-called kings
p.Prato,162. of France, p. 342. girdle of the Virgin, p. 254. Glass: window of the tree of Jesse, p. 166; sym-
Puy (Le), cathedral, frescoes representing the | bolic windows, p. 143, 170-172, 393; window of the seven Liberal Arts in the chapter-house, p. 84. history of Charlemagne (destroyed), p. 352; window Rampillon (Seine-et-Marne), Last Judgment, p. | of the crusades (destroyed), p. 352; window of St.
375. Louis (destroyed), p. 353. Ravenna, baptistery, p. 14; mosaics, p. 289. Mosatc : works of the months (in the Cluny Museum), Reims, cathedral, the west front, p. 391; symbolic | p. 66. Basin of fountain (at the Ecole des Beaux-
capital, p. 46 ; iconography, p. 391. Arts), p. 333.
Statues; monsters, p. §9; west front, patriarchs and | St. James at Compostella, church, r. 326. prophets prefiguring Christ, p. 155, 156, 157; Mel- | St. Julien-du-Sanlt, window of the Christmas chizedek and Abraham, p. 155; the Queen of Sheba, | cycle, p. 180; legend of St. John, p. 300; window Pp. 157; kings of Judah, p. 168; statues of the door- | of St. Nicholas, p. 328. ways (interior), p. 160, 180; the Church and the St.-Omer, pedestal of a cross, p. 223. Synagogue, p. 193; St. Nicasius, west porch, p. 284 ; St. Quentin, collegiate church; bas-reliefs: basapostles of the north porch, p. 375; apostles of the | reliefs of the apostles of Vermandois, choir enclosure, south porch and buttresses, p. 311; St. Sixtus, St. | p. 314.
Nicasius, St. Eutropia, St. Remi, p. 312. Glass; symbolic window relating to the Virgin, p.
Bas-reliefs : works of the months, p. 66; the | 150; death of the Virgin, p. 248. Liberal Arts, p. 86; Medicine, p. 93; crafts, in the St. Savin, zodiac, p. 68; frescoes of the Apocalypse, north porch, p. 94; Vices and Virtues, west front, | p. 360. p. 109; Old Testament types, p. 140; miracles of St. Sulpice-de-Faviéres (Seine et Oise), Last JudgChrist, interior, p. 177; wise and foolish Virgins, p. | ment, p. 371. 198 ; coronation of the Virgin, p. 246, 257; conver- St. Yved-de-Braisne, bas-reliefs of the Last Judgsion of St. Paul, p. 299; death of St. John, south wall, | ment, p. 226, 378.
413
Schongrabern (Austria), p. 181. representing the Resurrection, p. 194; capital repreSemur, church ; bas-reliefs: flora of the porches, p. | senting the Last Supper, p. 221; St. Paul, p. 283;
53; zodiac and the works of the months, p. 71; ; St. James, p. 309. legend of St. Thomas in the north porch, p. 304. — St. Sernin, capital of Dives and Lazarus, Glass : window of the clothworkers, p. 65 ; window | p. 200.
of St. Peter, p. 299. Tournus, church ; pavement, zodiac, p. 66.
Senlis, cathedral ; statues: patriarchs and prophets Tours, cathedral; glass: window with symbolic
prefiguring Christ, west porch, p. 155. animals, p. 43, 205; symbolic window of the Old and
Bas-reliefs: zodiac and works of the months, p. | New Testaments, p. 140, 190; window of the Crea-
73; death of the Virgin, p. 253. tion, p. 205 ; window of the Infancy, p. 218; window Sens, cathedral; iconography, p. 391. Bas-reliefs: | of St. Martial, p. 221 ; window of the Passion, p. 226 ; flora of the capitals, p. 52 ; animals and monsters, west | window of St. Eustace, p. 277; windows of St. Peter
front, p. 57; the Liberal Arts, p. 83; Philosophy, p. | and St. Paul, p. 322; legend of St. John, p. 300; 90; Medicine, p. 93; Liberality and Avarice, p. | legend of St. Thomas, p. 304; windows devoted to
117; coronation of the Virgin, p. 257. the legend of St. James the Great, p. 328; windows
Glass: window of the Good Samaritan, p. 196, | of the apostles, p. 311; window of St. Martin, p. 197 ; window of the Prodigal Son, p. 199; the Magi, | 314, 322, 330; window given by the abbot of Corwindow in the apse, p. 229 ; the Annunciation, p. 244 ; | mery, p. 322; by the labourers, p. 323; window of Assumption of the Virgin, p. 254; window of St. | St. Nicholas, p. 328; windows of the Infancy and Eustace, p. 277; St. Peter and St. Paul, p. 296; | the Passion in the apsidal chapel, p. 216. window of St. Thomas 4 Becket, p. 320; windows Trieste, baptistery, p. 14. of the Infancy and the Passion, p. 186, appendix. Troyes, cathedral ; glass > windows of the Christmas Soissons, cathedral ; glass: window of the Creation, | cycle, p. 180, appendix; windows of the Baptism, p. 27; window of the Liberal Arts, p. 83; north | the Magi, and the marriage in Cana, p. 181; assumprose-window, p. 216; angel announcing her death to : tion of the Virgin, p. 254; coronation of the Virgin, the Virgin, p. 248; window of St. Crispin and St. | p. 254; window of St. Nicholas, p. 286, 328; St. Crispianus, p. 314; tree of Jesse and sibyls, p. 339. | Peter and St. Paul, p. 296; legend of St. John; p. Souillac, church; trumeau, p. 50; the miracle of | 300; window of St. Andrew, p. 307 ; window repre-
Theophilus, p. 261. | senting an emperor, a king and a bishop, p. 346.
Souvigny, column, p. 58. | -—- St. Urbain, sculpture : symbolic capital (now in
193. appendix.
Strasburg, cathedral; statues: the Virtues, west | the Louvre), p. 45; Last Judgment, p. 375, 384; porch, p. 105; the Church and the Synagogue, p. | tapestries, p. 394; glass: window of the Passion, Bas-reliefs: frieze of symbolic animals, p. 42; bur- — Church of the Madeleine, tapestries, p. 393. lesque capital, p. 62 ; Solomon on his throne, facade, Tyre, mosaic from the church, p. 65.
p. 157; the Infancy and the Passion, appendix. Valcabrére (Haute-Garonne), capitals, p. 320. Glass: window of the Infancy, p. 183; windows Venice, San Marco, mosaics, p. 58, 245; basof the emperors of Germany, p. 341; windows of the | relief, Alexander rising to heaven, p. 336.
life of Christ, appendix. Vézelay, church ; tympanum of the doorway, p. 57. Torcello, baptistery, p. 14. Ydes (Cantal), symbolic bas-reliefs relating to the Toulouse, museum; Luxuria, p. 119; capital | Virgin, p. 150.
414
Selected titles: revised June, 1967
v
HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES JOHN SMITH: Captain John Smith’s America: Selections
American Studies: General 1B/3078 from His Writings. Ed. with Intro. by John Lankford
HENRY STEELE commacer. Ed.: The Struggle for Racial LOUIS B. WRIGHT: The Cultural Life of the American
Equality oo 18/1300 Colonies: 1607-1763. t Illus. TB/3005
“History Ed. : Pivotal interpretations of a te/ 1244 American Studies: From the Revolution to 1860 A. S. EISENSTADT, Ed.: The Craft of American History: JOHN R. ALDEN: The American Revolution: 1775-1783. t
Recent Essays in American Historical Writing Illus. TB/3011 Vol. I 18/1255; Vol. Il 13/1256 MAX BELOFF, Ed.: The Debate on the American Revolu-
CHARLOTTE P. GILMAN: Women and Economics. f Ed. with tion, 1761-1783: A Sourcebook 4 TB/1225
an Introduction by Carl N. Degler TB/3073 RAY A. BILLINGTON: The Far Western Frontier: 1830-
MARCUS LEE HANSEN: The Atlantic Migration: 1607-1860. 1860. t Illus. TB/3012
Edited by Arthur M. Schlesinger TB/1052 EDMUND BURKE: On the American Revolution. t Edited
MARCUS LEE HANSEN: The Immigrant in American His- by Elliott Robert Barkan TB/3068
tory TB/1120 WHITNEY R. CROSS: The Burned-Over District: The Social
JOHN HIGHAM, Ed.: The Reconstruction of American and Intellectual History of Enthusiastic Religion in
History “ TB/1068 Western New York, 1800-1850 TB/1242
ROBERT H. JACKSON: The Supreme Court in the American GEORGE DANGERFIELD: The Awakening of American Na-
System of Government TB/1106 tionalism: 1815-1828. t Illus. TB/ 3061
JOHN F. KENNEDY: A Nation of Immigrants. “ Mus. CLEMENT EATON: The Growth of Southern Civilization:
TB/1118 1790-1860. +t Illus. TB/3040
Historical Essays TB/1285 Illus. TB/3029
LEONARD W. LEVY, Ed.: American Constitutional Law: LOUIS FILLER: The Crusade Against Slavery: 1830-1860. + LEONARD Ww. LEvy, Ed.: Judicial Review and the Supreme WILLIAM W. FREEHLING, Ed.: The Nullification Era: A
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LEONARD W. LEVY: The Law of the Commonwealth and FELIX GILBERT: The Beginnings of American Foreign
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RALPH BARTON PERRY: Puritanism and Democracy FRANCIS GRIERSON: The Valley of Shadows: The Coming
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; ; ; JAMES MADISON: Forging of American Federalism. American Studies: ColonialThe Edited by Saul K. Padover 18/1226 BERNARD BAILYN, Ed.: The Apologia of Robert Keayne: BERNARD MAYO: Myths and Men: Patrick Henry, George
Self-Portrait of a Puritan Merchant TB/1201 Washington, Thomas } efferson TB/1108
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CHARLES GIBSON: Spain in Americat 18/3077 R. B. NYE: The Cultural Life of the New Nation: 1776-
LAWRENCE HENRY GIPSON: The Coming of the Revolu- 1801. f Illus. . TB/3026 tion: 1763-1775. + Illus. 18/3007 FRANCIS S. PHILBRICK: The Rise of the West, 1754-1830. t
PERRY MILLER: Errand Into the Wilderness 1B/1139 Illus. oo. 18/3067
PERRY MILLER & T. H. JOHNSON, Eds.: The Puritans: A TIMOTHY L. SMITH: Revivalism and Social Reform: Amer-
Sourcebook Vol. I 18/1093; Vol. Il 1B/1094 ican Protestantism on the Eve of the Civil Wer fasz0
EDMUND S. MORGAN, Ed.: The Diary of Michael Wiggles-
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Selected Readings TB/1301 construction, 1865-67 ° 4 TB/1283
t The New American Nation Series, edited by Henry Steele Commager and Richard B. Morris. + American Persectives series, edited by Bernard Wishy and William E. Leuchtenburg. * The Rise of Modern Europe series, edited by William L. Langer. ** History of Europe series, edited by J. H. Plumb. fl Researches in the Social, Cultural, and Behavioral Sciences, edited by Benjamin Nelson. § The Library of Religion and Culture, edited by Benjamin Nelson. 2 Harper Modern Science Series, edited by James R. Newman. ° Not for sale in Canada. “ Not for sale in the U. K.
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1865-1877 TB/1073 Edited by N. Rambova. 117 illus. TB/2011
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ROBERT GREEN MCCLOSKEY: American Conservatism in HEINRICH ZIMMER: Myths and Symbols in Indian Art and
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ville: A Study in Quality and Inequality TB/1129 Midrash TB/808
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Introduction by Henri Frankfort TB/106 AUGUSTINE: An Augustine synthesis. tea by Eric MARTIN P. NILSSON: Greek Folk Religion TB/78 Przywara Paul: A Study i ‘aland B35 ERWIN ROHDE: Psyche: The Cult of Souls and Belief in ADOLF DEISSMANN: rau’; tudy in Social and Re nae
Immortality Among the Greeks. by W.of K.Christendom C. History ; . TB tS . EDWARD GIBBON: TheIntro. Triumph in the
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Cc. ee ARRETT, Ed.: The New Testament Background ROBERT M. GRANT: Gnosticism and Early Christianity “
TB/6 . " i,
c. H. popp: The Authority of the Bible “ TB/ 43 He ean eat Thee Centurion of aly M. S. ENSLIN: Christian Beginnings 4 TB/5
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JAMES MUILENBURG: The Way of Israel 4 TB/133 eblenistie pacwet H. H. ROWLEY: The Growth of the Old Testament “ ; ARTHUR DARBY NOCk: St. Paul ° ° TB/104
18/107 ORIGEN: On First Principles TB/311
Land. ° “ Revised 1B/138 Bogue , se/ 21
GEORGE ADAM SMITH: Historical Geography of the Holy JAMES PARKES: The Conflict of the Church and the Syna-
SULPICIUS SEVERUS et al.: The Western Fathers: Being the
D. WINTON THOMAS, Ed.: Documents from Old Testament Lj ; brose, A
Times 4 18/85 ives of Martin of Tours Am rose ugustine of
WALTHER ZIMMERLI: The Law and the Prophets: A Study Hipp or cygnoratus of a od ana R Hoare. of Aue
of the Meaning of the Old Testament 4 TB/144 erre. ited an trans ate 9Y Be Re 0G E TBIGE9
e juaaic iraaition ol. TB/53; ol. TB/54
The Judaic Traditi JOHANNES WEISS: Earliest Christianity Vol. I ,
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MARTIN BUBER: For the Sake of Heaven TB/801 Philosophical Dialogues. Ed., trans., and Intro. by MARTIN BUBER: Hasidism and Modern Man. “ Ed. and Jasper Hopkins & Herbert Richardson 1B/317 Trans. by Maurice Friedman TB/839 JOHN CALVIN & JACOPO SADOLETO: A Reformation De-
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TB/835 CHRISTOPHER DAWSON, Ed.: Missiofi to Asia: Narratives
MARTIN BUBER: Pointing the Way 4 TB/103 and Letters of the Franciscan Missionaries in MonMARTIN BUBER: The Prophetic Faith TB/73 golia and China in the 13th and 14th Centuries 4
MARTIN BUBER: Two Types of Faith ° 4 18/75 78/315 ERNST LUDWIG EHRLICH: A Concise History of Israel: JOHANNES ECKHART: Meister Eckhart: A Modern TransFrom the Earliest Times to the Destruction of the lation by R. B. Blakney TB/8 Temple in A.D. 70° 4 1TB/128 DESIDERIUS ERASMUS: Christian Humanism and_ the
MAURICE S. FRIEDMAN: Martin Buber 4 TB/64 Reformation TB/1166 GENESIS: The NJV Translation TB/836 ETIENNE GILSON: Dante and Philosophy 4 TB/1089
SOLOMON GRAYZEL: A History of the Contemporary Jews WILLIAM HALLER: The Rise of Puritanism 4 1B/22 TB/816 HAJO HOLBORN: Ulrich von Hutten and the German Ref-
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tion. 4 Illus. 1B/19 TB/302
JOHAN HUIZINGA: Erasmus and the Age of Reforma- DAVID KNOWLES: The English Mystical Tradition
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ace by Jaroslav Pelikan TB/93 GABRIEL MARCEL: Homo Viator TB/397
JOHN T. MCNEILL: Makers of the Christian Tradition: FRANCIS DE SALES: Introduction to the Devout Life.
From Alfred the Great to Schleiermacher* = 1B/121 Trans. by John K. Ryan 1B/316
G. MOLLAT: The Popes at Avignon, 1305-1378 * 1B/308 GUSTAVE WEIGEL, 8S. J.: Catholic Theology in Dialogue
GORDON Rupp: Luther’s Progress to the Diet of Worms °4 TB/301
A
toe , OrientalThe Religions: Far Eastern, Near aEastern Christianity: Protestant Tradition or aA TB/120
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RUDOLF BULTMANN et al.: Translating Theology into the Buddhism. 4 Illus. r8/149 Modern Age: Historical, Systematic and Pastoral Re- H. G. CREEL: Confucius and the Chinese Way 1B/63 flections Oo" Theology ana the of tan “ the or FRANKLIN EDGERTON, Trans. & Ed.: The Bhagavad Gita
emporary Situation. Volume 2 of Journal for The- 18/115
ony and the tur, Ebeling W. F uni in SWAMI & Ed.: The Upanishads: A ssociation Win Robert Wernar n TB/ 252NIKHILANANDA, One-VolumeTrans. Abridgment 4 TB/11
Churches TB/98 Chi A TB/
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an Author: A Report to History. $ Preface by Benja- Two Essays on New Testament Research 18/96
min Nelson 7B/88 MIRCEA ELIADE: The Sacred and the Profane TB/81
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Rudolf yBultmann SOREN KIERKEGAARD: Works of Loveby “ 1TB/122 too.
TB/17
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Bultmann and his Critics 4 TB/134 " Nee eg ty eas ,
PERRY MILLER & T. H. JOHNSON, Editors: The Puritans: A K. E. ra The Vision of God: The Christian D a
Sourcebook Vol. 1 rs/1093; Vol. II 1/1094 of the MTT LATTE An Eni tentialist Theology: A Com. JAMES M. ROBINSON et al.: The Bultmann School of Bibli- JOHN eon of Heid n exis 4 Bultn .° ap, by
cal Interpretation: New Directions? Volume 1 of parison of erdegger and bulimann. reface
Journal of Theology and the Church, edited by Robert udolf Bu rue ‘th and Ethics: The Th loo 125 W. Funk in association with Gerhard Ebeling 1/251 PAUL Richard Ee ; ia and Ethics: The {theo ind of F. SCHLEIERMACHER: The Christian Faith. Introduction H. Richard Niebuhr a TB the by Richard R. Niebuhr Vol. I 1B/108 EUGEN ROSENSTOCK-HUESSY : The Christian Future or the Vol. II TB/109 Modern Mind Outrun. Intro. by Harold Stahmer
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tured Despisers. Intro. by Rudolf Otto 18/36 PIERRE TEILHARD DE CHARDIN: The Divine Milieu ° PAUL TILLICH: Dynamics of Faith TB/42 18/384 PAUL TILLICH: Morality and Beyond 78/142 PIERRE TEILHARD DE CHARDIN: The Phenomenon of
gts igi ture & Soci
EVELYN UNDERHILL: Worship 4 TB/10 Man °“ 18/385 Christianity: The Roman and Eastern Religion, Culture & Society
Traditions JOSEPH L. BLAU, Ed.: Cornerstones of Religious Freedom J raaitions in America: Selected Basic Documents, Court DeDOM CUTHBERT BUTLER: Western Mysticism $°4 1B/312 cisions and Public Statements 73/118
God and Man 4 TB/306 fore Darwin § TB/51
A. ROBERT CAPONIGRI, Ed.: Modern Catholic Thinkers I: C. C. GILLISPIE: Genesis and Geology: The Decades beA. ROBERT CAPONIGRI, Ed.: Modern Catholic Thinkers II: KYLE HASELDEN: The Racial Problem in Christian Per-
The Church and the Political Order 4 TB/307 spective TB/116
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7
et - e oes h ~ branghtAntiquity fo “t RALPH BART( . «encesin 1B/552 y for Man 4“ TB/556
WALTER R: UNE GOODFIELD: The Architecture Crisis. ? ysis, Chemistry & Physiology of Mat-
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1B/1229 Time ° 4 TB/585
ican Prote’ , ine viol War 4 STEPHEN TOULMIN & JUNE GOODFIELD: The Discovery of
ERNST TROELTSCH: The Social Teaching of the Christian LANCELOT LAW WHYTE: Essay on Atomism 4 TB/565
Churches ° 4 Vol. I +s/71; Vol. Il re/72
NA L SCIENCE Mathematics TURA IENCES E. W. BETH: The Foundations of Mathematics“ 1B/581
AND MATHEMATICS H. DAVENPORT: The Higher Arithmetic 4 1B/526
; ; ; H. G. FORDER: Geometry: An Introduction 4 TB/548 Biological Sciences s. KORNER: The Philosophy of Mathematics 4 —B/547 CHARLOTTE AUERBACH: The Science of Genetics = 4 D. E. LITTLEWOOD: Skeleton Key of Mathematics: A
1B/568 Simple Account of Complex Algebraic Problems 4
MARSTON BATES: The Natural History of Mosquitoes. TB/525 Illus. 18/578 GEORGE E. OWEN: Fundamentals of Scientific MatheA. BELLAIRS: Reptiles: Life History, Evolution, and matics TB/569 Structure. 4 Illus. 1B/520 WILLARD VAN ORMAN QUINE: Mathematical Logic TB/558
LUDWIG VON BERTALANEFY: Modern Theories of Develop- 0. G. SUTTON: Mathematics in Action. ©4 Illus. TB/ 518
ment: An Introduction to Theoretical Biology 1B/554 FREDERICK WAISMANN: Introduction to Mathematical
LUDWIG VON BERTALANFFY: Problems of Life“ 1B/521 Thinking. Foreword by Karl Menger TB/511 HAROLD F. BLUM: Time’s Arrow and Evolution —_TB/555
JOHN TYLER BONNER: The Ideas of Biology 24 18/570 Philosophy of Science
A. J. CAIN: Animal Species and Their Evolution “ 18/519 oo ;
WALTER B. CANNON: Bodily Changes in Pain, Hunger, R. B. BRAITHWAITE: Scientific Explanation TB/515
Fear and Rage. Illus. TB/562 J. BRONOWSKI: Science and Human Values. Revised and
W. E. LE GROS CLARK: The Antecedents of Man ° 4 Enlarged Edition “ TB/505
TB/559 ALBERT EINSTEIN et al.: Albert Einstein: PhilosopherW. H. DOWDESWELL: Animal Ecology. 4 Illus. 18/543 Scientist. Edited by Paul A. Schilpp Vol.I 1B/s502
W. H. DOWDESWELL: The Mechanism of Evolution + Vol. Il 18/503 1B/527 WERNER HEISENBERG: Physics and Philosophy: The Revo-
R. W. GERARD: Unresting Cells. Illus. TB/5 41 lution in Modern Science “ TB/549
DAVID LACK: Darwin’s Finches. 4 Illus. 1B/544 JOHN MAYNARD KEYNES: A Treatise on Probability. ° 4
ADOLF PORTMANN: Animals as Social Beings °“ 1B/572 Introduction by N. R. Hanson TB/557
O. W. RICHARDS: The Social Insects. 4 Illus. 7B/542 KARL R. POPPER: The Logic of Scientific Discovery *
P. M. SHEPPARD: Natural Selection and Heredity 4 1B/528 TB/576 EDMUND W. SINNOTT: Cell and Psyche: The Biology of STEPHEN TOULMIN: Foresight and Understanding: An Purpose TB/546 Enquiry into the Aims of Science. “ Foreword by C. H. WADDINGTON: How Animals Develop. 4 Illus. Jacques Barzun TB/564
18/553 STEPHEN TOULMIN: The Philosophy of Science 4 18/513
C. H. WADDINGTON: The Nature of Life TB/580 G. J. wHITROW: The Natural Philosophy of Time ° “
Chemistry Physics and Cosmology
TB/563
J. R. PARTINGTON: A Short History of Chemistry “ rp/522 JOHN E. ALLEN: Aerodynamics: A Space Age Survey 4
eeAee
TB/582
Communication Theory STEPHEN TOULMIN & JUNE GOODFIELD: The Fabric of the
J. R. PIERCE: Symbols, Signals and Noise: The Nature ieavens | Ths Development of Astronomy and jen and Process of Communication : 18/574 DAVID BOHM: Causality and Chance in Modern Physics.
Foreword by Louis de Broglie TB/536
Geography P. W. BRIDGMAN: The Nature of Thermodynamics R. E. COKER: This Great and Wide Sea: An Introduction , Te/ 537
and Marine Biology. Illus. 1B/551 P. W. BRIDGMAN: A Sophisticate Ss Primer of Relativity F.to Oceanography kK. HARE: The Restless Atmosphere “ TB/560 ; 18/575 A. C. CROMBIE, Ed.: Turning Point in Physics TB/535
. . C. V. DURELL: Readabie Relativity 4 TB/530
History of Science ARTHUR EDDINGTON: Space, Time and Gravitation: An
MARIE BOAS: The Scientific Renaissance, 1450-1630 ° 4 Outline of the General Relativity Theory TB/510 TB/583 GEORGE GAMOW: Biography of Physics 2 * TB/567
Illus. TB/512 tion of Dynamics TB/550
w. DAMPIER, Ed.: Readings in the Literature of Science. MAX JAMMER: Concepts of Force: A Study in the FoundaA. HUNTER DUPREE: Science in the Federal Government: MAX JAMMER: Concepts of Mass in Classical and Modern
A History of Policies and Activities to1940% 1B/573 Physics rB/571
ALEXANDRE Koyre: From the Closed World to the Infinite MAX JAMMER: Concepts of Space: The History of
TB/31 Einstein 1B/533
Universe: Copernicus, Kepler, Galileo, Newton, etc. 4 Theories of Space in Physics. Foreword by Albert A. G. VAN MELSEN: From Atomos to Atom: A History of G. J. WHITROW: The Structure and Evolution of the Uni-
the Concept Atom TB/517 verse: An Introduction to Cosmology. 4“ Illus. 18/504
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