The global horseracing industry : social, economic, environmental and ethical perspectives 9780415633246, 0415633249

Citation preview

ROUTLEDGE RESEARCH IN SPORT, CULTURE AND SOCIETY

The Global Horseracing Industry Social, economic, environmental and ethical perspectives Phil McManus, Glenn Albrecht and Raewyn Graham

The Global Horseracing Industry

Horseracing, thoroughbred breeding and gambling on racing are global industries worth several hundred billion dollars. They are also industries facing serious challenges, from the rise of alternative forms of leisure gambling to concerns about the ethical treatment of animals in all equestrian sports. This book offers a broadranging examination of the contemporary horseracing industry, from geographical, economic, social, ethical and environmental perspectives. The book draws on in-depth, mixed-method research into the racing and breeding industries in the USA, Australia, the UK, Canada and New Zealand, and includes comparative material on other key racing centres, such as Ireland, Singapore and Hong Kong. It explores the economic structure of the global racing business, including comparisons with other major international sports businesses and other equestrian sports. It examines the social and cultural roots of the sport through its association with, and impact on, rural places, communities and environments from Kentucky to Newmarket – highlighting racing’s particular blend of tradition and scientific and technological innovation. The book also explores the ethical issues at the heart of horseracing, from reproduction to the use of the whip, and the inescapable tension between the horse as an instrumentally valuable commodity and the horse as an intrinsically valuable animal with needs and interests. The Global Horseracing Industry concludes by considering alternative futures for this major international sports business. The book is illuminating reading for anybody with an interest in sport, business, cultural geography, animal studies or environmental studies. Phil McManus is an Associate Professor at the School of Geosciences, University of Sydney, Australia. His research interests include sustainable cities, environmental management and human–animal relations, particularly those involving thoroughbred breeding and jumps racing. He has produced publications about thoroughbred breeding and jumps racing. Phil has authored/edited four other books, most recently Rural Revival? (with John Connell, 2011). He is also the President of the Institute of Australian Geographers (2012–14). Glenn Albrecht is a transdisciplinary philosopher who holds the position of Professor of Sustainability at Murdoch University, Perth, Australia. He researches and writes on the connections between ecosystem and human mental health and animal ethics. He has published widely in animal and environmental ethics over the last two decades. Raewyn Graham is a PhD student based in the School of Geosciences at the University of Sydney, Australia. She has a Master’s degree in anthropology from the University of Canterbury, New Zealand. Her research interests include illegal horserace gambling, eque-cultural events and human–animal relations.

Routledge Research in Sport, Culture and Society

1. Sport, Masculinities and the Body Ian Wellard 2. India and the Olympics Boria Majumdar and Nalin Mehta 3. Social Capital and Sport Governance in Europe Edited by Margaret Groeneveld, Barrie Houlihan and Fabien Ohl 4. Theology, Ethics and Transcendence in Sports Edited by Jim Parry, Mark Nesti and Nick Watson 5. Women and Exercise

The body, health and consumerism Edited by Eileen Kennedy and Pirkko Markula 6. Race, Ethnicity and Football

Persisting debates and emergent issues Edited by Daniel Burdsey 7. The Organisation and Governance of Top Football Across Europe

An institutional perspective Edited by Hallgeir Gammelsæter and Benoît Senaux 8. Sport and Social Mobility

Crossing boundaries Ramón Spaaij 9. Critical Readings in Bodybuilding Edited by Adam Locks and Niall Richardson 10. The Cultural Politics of Post-9/11 American Sport

Power, pedagogy and the popular Michael Silk

11. Ultimate Fighting and Embodiment

Violence, gender and mixed martial arts Dale C. Spencer 12. The Olympic Games and Cultural Policy Beatriz García 13. The Urban Geography of Boxing

Race, class, and gender in the ring Benita Heiskanen 14. The Social Organization of Sports Medicine

Critical socio-cultural perspectives Edited by Dominic Malcolm and Parissa Safai 15. Host Cities and the Olympics

An interactionist approach Harry Hiller

The Global Horseracing Industry Social, economic, environmental and ethical perspectives

Phil McManus, Glenn Albrecht and Raewyn Graham

First published 2013 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada by Routledge 711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2013 Phil McManus, Glenn Albrecht and Raewyn Graham The right of Phil McManus, Glenn Albrecht and Raewyn Graham to be identified as authors of this work has been asserted by them in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data The global horseracing industry : social, economic, environmental, and ethical perspectives / edited by Philip McManus, Glenn Albrecht, and Raewyn Graham. p. cm. 1. Horse racing–Economic aspects. 2. Horse racing–Social aspects. 3. Horse racing–Moral and ethical aspects. 4. Thoroughbred horse–Breeding. I. McManus, Phil, 1966- II. Albrecht, Glenn. III. Graham, Raewyn. SF334.G56 2012 0 2012009303 636.1 2–dc23 ISBN: 978-0-415-67731-8 (hbk) ISBN: 978-0-415-63324-6 (pbk) ISBN: 978-0-203-13243-2 (ebk) Typeset in Goudy by Taylor & Francis books

Contents

1

List of figures List of tables Acknowledgements

ix x xi

Introducing the global horseracing industry

1

PART I

Sentient animals

11

2

The thoroughbred

13

3

The people: Owners, breeders, trainers, jockeys, punters

30

PART II

The industry

43

4

Thoroughbred breeding and racing around the world

45

5

The business of thoroughbred breeding and racing

59

6

Economic pressures and technological change

73

PART III

Making places

79

7

The experience economy, branding and the rural idyll

81

8

Thoroughbred breeding regions: Contested landscapes

94

viii

Contents

9 Horse festivals and eque-cultural identity: The Scone and Upper Hunter Horse Festival 10 Environmental challenges

107 122

PART IV

Ethical challenges

135

11 Ethics in conflict: Thoroughbred breeding and racing

137

12 Perspectives of breeders and punters

156

13 Reproductive issues

173

14 Jumps racing: A sign of things to come?

185

PART V

The future

203

15 Possible future scenarios

205

16 Likely futures

210

17 Conclusion

214

References Index

219 235

Figures

2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 7.1 7.2 7.3 7.4 7.5 8.1 8.2 8.3 8.4 9.1 9.2 9.3 10.1 10.2 12.1

Breeding a sprinter Breeding a stayer Man o’ War’s memorial at the Kentucky Horse Park Memorial to Seattle Slew at Three Chimneys Farm, Kentucky Gravestone of Wild Again at Three Chimneys Farm, Kentucky Toilets in Scone, Upper Hunter region of Australia Emirates Park, Upper Hunter region of Australia Fencing and separation of horses from vehicles, near Midway, Kentucky Smoothing of paddocks and the installation of drainage pipes, near Midway, Kentucky Winstar, Kentucky Horses are part of daily life in Newmarket, England Thoroughbred horses on their way to training, Newmarket, England Site of the former Hamburg Place farm, Lexington, Kentucky Opposition to the proposed Bickham Coal Mine, Upper Hunter, Australia Mare and Foal statue, Scone Scone and Upper Hunter Horse Festival Parade A race on Scone Cup day Keeneland in the snow Saratoga in the snow Punters’ reactions to possible changes in breeding and racing

23 24 26 27 28 82 83 85 86 91 95 96 101 105 110 112 113 127 128 161

Tables

12.1 12.2 12.3 12.4 12.5 12.6 12.7 13.1 14.1 14.2 14.3 14.4

Betting preferences for a range of sports Betting preferences on different types of thoroughbred races Factors affecting studs (stud level) by country: mean values Comparing perceptions of thoroughbred breeders and standardbred breeders about breeding Comparing the perspectives of breeders and punters A horse is mainly a commodity A cloned horse is still a horse The Australian Standardbred Industry Breeding Statistics, since the introduction of chilled and frozen semen in 1996 International status of jumps and flat racing, 2008–10 Jumps racing in the major countries: number of races, 2008–10 Number of jumps races and starts by the most important jumps racing countries, 2010 Deaths of horses in jumps races in Australia, 2009

159 160 163 164 165 168 170 181 190 191 192 197

Acknowledgements

Writing a book about the global horseracing industry, especially one that involves interviews, questionnaires and observations in different parts of the world, necessitates the involvement of many people. We would firstly like to thank our partners and children at home for living this research and writing process with us. To Jennifer Barrett, Caitlin McManus-Barrett, Jill Albrecht and Arthur Duckworth, thank you for your support and encouragement. This research would not have been possible without the cooperation of many people who gave us their time and knowledge in interviews and a focus group. Many other people in different countries anonymously completed the questionnaires. While we will never know who they are, we thank them for their assistance. We also wish to express our appreciation to the then Sydney Turf Club (now part of the Australian Turf Club) for allowing us to distribute questionnaires, and for their guidance on how best to do this, at both Canterbury Park and Rosehill Gardens racecourses in Sydney. Thank you also to Harness Racing Australia, and particularly their CEO Andrew Kelly, for permission to use their data on standardbred breeding in Australia. Thank you also to the many people who gave us ideas, sent us newspaper clippings (on this point John Connell deserves a special mention for practising that academic value of collegiality) and directed us towards journal articles. We also recognize the hospitality and academic input of people at the University of Kentucky (particularly Sue Roberts) and Edinburgh University and the feedback on various conference papers that have been built up to form part of this book. In particular, our participation in the Institute of Australian Geographers’ Conferences over a number of years has assisted the development of this book. Thank you also to the people who worked as research assistants on this project. Some exercises, such as the racecourse questionnaires, required many helpers – thank you to those people for their efforts and good work. We particularly wish to acknowledge Gareth Edwards, Margaret Gallagher, Joel Turner and Daniel Montoya for the diligent and valuable work they did over an extended period of time. We are also very

xii

Acknowledgements

grateful for the efforts and valuable input of Jill Albrecht, who provided a fresh pair of eyes on the penultimate drafts of the manuscript prior to submission. Jill’s contribution smoothed some of the more tortuous parts of the writing and highlighted issues that we had overlooked in the whirlwind writing process. Research of this scale and duration requires funding support. We are grateful to the Australian Research Council (ARC) whose funding support through a Discovery Project (ARC DP077379 Constructing nature, tradition and thoroughbreds) made this research possible. We are also very grateful to many people at Routledge, most of whom we have not directly corresponded with, but particularly to Simon Whitmore, Joshua Wells and Kyle Duggan for their support, guidance and patience with this project and also thank you to Sheila Garrard for copy editing. Finally, and certainly not least, we would like to acknowledge the other sentient animals that are crucial to this book – the thoroughbreds. Without these horses, there would be no story to tell.

1

Introducing the global horseracing industry

Thoroughbred breeding and racing is a global industry, as confirmed in 2003 with the establishment of the International Federation of Horseracing Authorities (IFHA), an organization based in Paris. Amongst other activities, this organization operates the World Thoroughbred Racehorse Rankings, a system designed to compare the racing performance of thoroughbreds in different parts of the world. In excess of 110,000 thoroughbred foals are born each year throughout the world. While the numbers have been declining in recent years in countries such as the USA, the UK and Australia (partly due to concerns about quality at the lower end of the market, but more recently due to the state of various national economies), the breadth of participation spreads across many countries. As of 2011, there were 67 recognized national stud books in the International Stud Book list, including in the USA, South Africa and Zimbabwe, Morocco, Lithuania, Lebanon, India, Denmark, China and Argentina (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). In 2009 there were 162,891 thoroughbred races held in 47 countries and the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region of China, with over a quarter of a million different horses starting a race and the total prize money being the equivalent of nearly US $4,437 million (The Jockey Club, 2011). The industry is valuable to particular countries for employment, export income and gambling. For example, in Australia in 2009/10 this industry distributed prize money in excess of A$427 million, with yearling sales of over $256 million, 1,833 thoroughbreds permanently exported to at least 16 countries and total wagering approaching $14.4 billion (Australian Racing Board, 2010). Numerous other industries, such as veterinary services, stock transport, pasture management, tourism and hospitality, to name a few, rely to varying extents on the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry for their existence. These statistics highlight the economic importance of the industry. They do not tell us much about the role of the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry in constructing the identity of settlements and regions, or about the importance of culture and tradition influencing the perspectives of breeders, owners, trainers, jockeys, administrators, punters

2

Introduction

and spectators. They say little about the animal itself, apart from the fact that it has an economic value. What does the industry mean for the life trajectory of particular thoroughbreds? This book attempts a rigorous examination of the linked activities of thoroughbred breeding and racing, taking into consideration the economic scope of this activity, its cultural significance, its environmental impacts (often hidden) and ethical issues, and aims to address the following questions:  What is the importance of tradition and innovation in the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry?  What significant changes have occurred within this industry over time?  What economic changes are impacting on the structure and practices of this industry?  What scientific and technological changes are affecting the industry?  How are thoroughbred breeding and racing related in the industry?  When are their aims and practices aligned and when do they diverge or conflict?  How is “nature” or the site of breeding and farming constructed and used in this industry?  What current ethical issues is the industry facing?  What happens to thoroughbreds when they finish racing?  What is the likely future of this industry given economic changes, technological changes and ethical concerns? Despite its obvious economic importance and centrality to many people’s lives, very little has been written from a critical academic perspective on this important industry and popular cultural activity. Most academic research on thoroughbred breeding and racing has been undertaken by economists and veterinarians. The lack of critical social science engagement with such a valuable and controversial industry, with the notable exception of the work of Rebecca Cassidy (2002a, 2002b, 2003, 2007), leaves many important issues neglected. Most popular accounts of thoroughbred racing are reminiscences of trainers, jockeys, commentators and punters (see for example Myers, 2006; Cummings, 2009; Haynes, 2010; Palmer, 2011). While they are filled with humorous and sometimes sad stories, they are generally written within the confines of the industry, and particularly the racing side of the industry. Personal decisions about which horse to bet on, or which race to enter, may be questioned, but the structure and culture of the industry itself is rarely open to scrutiny. Thoroughbred racing is highly visible, and made even more so by the use of television cameras, dedicated racing television stations and the growing popularity of social media. While this has aided in spreading racing culture to many parts of the world, and promoted increased gambling through the live broadcasting of international races, the use of social media by

Introduction

3

animal welfare activists to protest against jumps racing has had a profound impact on this activity. If the racing side of the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry has become more visible in recent years, it remains the case that the breeding side of the industry is still hidden from popular view. This is ironic, because the breeding component of the industry is where the big money is made. The high-value end of the racing industry is primarily oriented to providing the raw materials for the breeding industry, namely young stallions with excellent racing records (particularly as twoand three-year-olds) and broodmares with outstanding pedigree, based either on their own racing achievements or the records of their close relatives. The two components of the industry can be further subdivided, as demonstrated later in this book. Suffice to say at this stage, the two components of the industry, breeding and racing, are connected. While some people within the industry lament the apparent separation of these components of the industry, through the establishment of breeding operations with no racing component that operate only to sell young thoroughbreds, when viewed at the scale of the industry as a whole, the links between breeding and racing are maintained. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the emphasis on two-year-olds racing for large purses, in order to be retired soon after and to commence breeding. The ownership of successful young racing entires (male horses not yet breeding) is the key to establishing a presence in the lucrative thoroughbred breeding industry, although racing success does not automatically translate into breeding success. The emphasis on the discourse of “tradition” in this industry, coupled with the use of “natural” as a discourse, enables the perpetuation of particular breeding practices. This means that newcomers have to buy their way into the industry, by purchasing established breeding stock, or buying successful young racehorses, or by investing in the offspring of the breeding animals at the yearling sales and hoping that these young animals in turn become successful on the track and later in the breeding barn. If all horses were to follow this life path from the racetrack to the breeding barn, there would very soon be an oversupply of thoroughbreds in the world. The industry limits the production of thoroughbreds in a number of ways, as discussed further in this book. First, breeding has to be “natural”, a concept questioned in later chapters. This requirement immediately limits the number of foals that can be born. The second cultural limitation is that generally only the most successful entires as determined on the racetrack get the opportunity to breed, since it is believed that the quality of the breed is being continually improved over time and thus animals perceived to be inferior do not get the chance to pass on inferior genes and/or characteristics. Even this aspect of the industry is questioned from within, as a number of commentators have noted

4

Introduction

that the emphasis on speed has been achieved at the expense of durability and resilience, and sometimes with the aid of steroids and other drugs, much to the detriment of the animal and, ultimately, the sport (Cain, 2004; Squires, 2009). What does this breeding pattern mean for thoroughbreds? For most male thoroughbreds, it means that they are gelded so that they are easier to handle, thereby rendering them unusable for breeding. Their incomeearning capacity, which in most cases translates into their survival, is based on results achieved and prize money gained on the racetrack. For the thoroughbred, this can mean racing frequently with little recovery time, or perhaps transitioning to jumps racing (hurdles, steeplechasing) where the risk of injury or death is far greater than flat racing. The global thoroughbred breeding and racing industry is prone to “overproduction” and, despite the best intentions of people within this industry to limit overproduction, it will always occur because it is a necessary part of the racing mythology. The racing industry expands by bringing in “new money”, either in the form of wealthy individuals (increasingly in developing countries), or through syndication, where a number of potential owners can pool their resources and purchase a horse. The net result of these activities is to increase the demand for thoroughbreds, both in the total number of horses bought and sold but particularly in the value of horses at the top-end of the market, with a resulting trickledown of price increases through lower levels of the market. In order to attract this new money, the popular racing narrative that anybody can be the owner of a successful racehorse must be perpetuated. There is some truth in this narrative, although there is more chance of a higher priced yearling earning higher prize money over a racing career than a cheaper purchase. This may be related to the animal itself, but is also likely to include factors such as superior food, veterinary attention, training, accommodation and all the other components that are involved in racing success. The cost of an animal, and its subsequent pampering, do not necessarily translate into success on the racetrack or the breeding barn (if the thoroughbred gets that far). Notable examples of expensive horses that did not perform well at the racetrack include Seattle Dancer (who cost over US $13 million as a yearling and earned just over $100,000 in prize money) and The Green Monkey, who was purchased as a yearling for $16 million, raced three times without winning and now stands at stud in Florida with a service fee of $5,000 (Lowe, 2007; Biles, 2008). One could claim that these animals were “overproduced”. While many people rightly want to limit overproduction, the nub of the matter is that nobody can say in advance which animals will be the ones that are “overproduced”. This means that many thoroughbreds are born, but not all get to race, and very few get to actually win a race. What happens to these horses? What ethical issues are raised for the industry as a whole? Whose

Introduction

5

responsibility is it to address these issues? These are the issues that are often not discussed in books about the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry. In order to answer these questions, we have conducted approximately six years of detailed research undertaken in four leading English-speaking countries – Australia, the USA, Canada and New Zealand (along with site visits to locations in the UK) – to engage with debates on geography, animal studies, ethics, environmental management and sport. The research includes 238 questionnaire responses from thoroughbred breeders in four countries, 52 responses from standardbred breeders in Australia, 31 interviews in three countries, one focus group, site visits to museums, racetracks and breeding establishments, analysis of Hansard Parliamentary Debates and a two-year media analysis of 21 Australian newspapers (counting Sunday editions as separate papers). This research is augmented by research undertaken by Raewyn Graham as part of her PhD studies, which forms the basis for the chapter on horse festivals. Raewyn’s research included interviews, questionnaires, archival research and periods of participant observation in Scone (Upper Hunter) and Georgetown (Kentucky). Our research intersects with work being undertaken in a number of related disciplines, including sports studies, geography and animals studies. The lack of geographical research on thoroughbred breeding and racing is surprising given the economic value of these animals (Keaveney, 2008; McManus, 2008a, 2008b), the way landscapes are constructed to promote the activity of thoroughbred breeding (McManus et al., 2011), the ongoing controversy about thoroughbred racing and the numerous questions that thoroughbred breeding raises for critical geographies of culture-nature (Keaveney, 2008; McManus, 2008b). Though the subdiscipline of sports geography has grown in recent years (see Bale and Dejonghe, 2008), it is peculiarly silent about thoroughbred breeding and racing. Horses, and particularly horses used for racing, are critically under-researched given the substantial controversy that this activity generates and the big questions it poses about human – other than human-animal – relations. The ethical debates raised in this book are situated within the multidisciplinary research area of animal studies, which explores the crucial relationship between humans and non-human animals (Birke and Brandt, 2009). In particular, animal geography has flourished following the publication of major edited collections by Wolch and Emel (1998) and Philo and Wilbert (2000). Earlier research on animal cultural geography (Anderson, 1995, 1997; Whatmore and Thorne, 1998; Whatmore, 2002) has provided a foundation for various overlapping issues that Anderson (1997, 481) termed “more complex and animal-inclusive models of social relations”. These issues include boundary transgression (Power, 2009a), selective breeding (Yarwood and Evans, 2003, 2006; Tonts et al., 2010), animal subjectivity and technology (Holloway, 2007), the use of genetic

6

Introduction

technologies (Morris and Holloway, 2009), the inclusion of animals in political geography (Hobson, 2007) and the existence of companion animals (Fox, 2006; Power, 2009b). There has been more critical culture-nature research on horses in related disciplines, particularly anthropology and sociology. Two notable clusters of literature are Birke and Brandt (2009) and Latimer and Birke’s (2009) recent work on gender, power and education techniques used with horses, and the extensive work of Rebecca Cassidy (2002a, 2002b, 2005, 2007) on thoroughbred breeding and racing in Newmarket and later Kentucky, which includes considerations of class, race, tradition and the construction of animals and landscapes. These studies have both inspired and informed this book.

Structure of the book The Global Horseracing Industry differs from most other books on this industry in its global reach (rather than concentrating on one country or region), in its coverage of both breeding and racing from social, economic and environmental perspectives and in the way it integrates geographical, cultural, animal studies, ethics and environmental issues. In addition to introductory and concluding chapters, the book is divided into five sections: “Sentient animals”, “The industry”, “Making places”, “Ethical challenges” and “The future” that comprise, in total, 15 chapters. “Sentient animals” comprises two chapters. It is appropriate that we begin a discussion about thoroughbred breeding and racing with a detailed consideration of the animal. This chapter summarizes the history of the thoroughbred breed, outlines the main strengths and weaknesses of the breed, compares the breed to other breeds of horses, and looks in more detail at different types of thoroughbreds, including sprinters and stayers, colts and fillies, stallions, mares and geldings. This chapter also introduces some of the life trajectories of different types of thoroughbreds and relates closely to the chapter on ethical issues where types of racing, over-racing and the future of animals no longer considered useful for racing or breeding is discussed. These animals are contrasted with the “elite” thoroughbreds which are treated in life and in death differently than other thoroughbred horses. This links to the idea of thoroughbred horses as status symbols, both in life and death, as seen through horse burials. Chapter 3, called “The people: Owners, breeders, trainers, jockeys, punters”, addresses the range of human animals involved in this industry. It is not exhaustive, as stablehands, trackriders, auctioneers, feedstock providers and many other people are involved in the industry. The aim of this chapter is to present the complexity of the industry through the people within the industry, and to focus on their relationships with the horse. The next four chapters explore the different components of the industry, the locations, government support for the industry, employment, the

Introduction

7

different racing set-ups and the importance of establishing a brand for products within this highly competitive industry. Chapter 4, “Thoroughbred breeding and racing around the world” is an overview of thoroughbred breeding and racing – covering its history, major locations, expansion into Asia and changes in the character of races, including shorter distances, more valuable races for younger horses and the creation of rich racing carnivals such as the Breeders Cup in the USA and the Dubai World Cup. These events are an example of eque-culture: the co-evolution of horses and humans which creates an emergent space that both horses (equines) and humans co-habit. The chapter identifies the main races, the extent of racing and the different arrangements for breeding and racing in places as diverse as Ireland, Singapore, Hong Kong and Australia. The fifth chapter, “The business of thoroughbred breeding and racing”, explores the structure of breeding and racing, including the complex and varying relationships between gambling, racing and breeding. It also looks at the structure of the industry, particularly in its varied relationships to gambling, and the changing forms of gambling that may represent either an opportunity for the expansion of the thoroughbred industry or a threat to its financial base, and includes material on the development of racing in new venues and the ways in which new participants are enticed into the industry. It also looks at the benefits of participation by people, and why they may engage in an industry in which most of them can expect to lose money. The businesses of thoroughbred breeding and racing are examined in terms of their structure, their profitability and what this means for the different types of thoroughbreds (colts, fillies, geldings, stallions, old mares, etc.). The chapter covers the emergence of the large breeding studs – the “mega-studs” – and the introduction of stallion stations. “Mega-studs” have bought out a number of the familyowned operations, changing the dynamics of the breeding industry in relation to the region. This chapter provides the nexus between the horse as a commodity within the business logic of the industry structure and the horse as an animal that has particular attributes, interests and rights (and hence provides the basis for the latter ethics chapters). It looks at the similarities and differences between the thoroughbred breeding and racing industries and other sports businesses, and contributes to the construction of place and the emergence of ethical conflicts which we believe will impact on the future of the industry. The final chapter in the section on “The industry” is “Economic pressures and technological change”, which draws together some of the themes previously discussed in the business of breeding and racing, and the construction of landscapes for these purposes. It also provides the link to the next chapters on cultural, environmental and ethical issues. This is important because the chapter highlights that the challenges to the future of thoroughbreds in sport are likely to be economic, but “the economic”

8

Introduction

is not a discrete category. Rather, it is comprised of cultural, environmental and ethical concerns, the resolution of which creates economic costs and benefits for individuals within the thoroughbred industry and for the industry as a whole. These particular issues are explored in the section of the book called “Making places”. The thoroughbred breeding and racing industry is located “somewhere”, and the very existence of this industry influences the character of this particular place. Chapter 7, “The experience economy, branding and the rural idyll” identifies how thoroughbred breeding connotes a sense of wealth and rural idyll – horses grazing peacefully in the lush, green fields. This chapter explores the creation of regional landscapes by looking in more detail at individual landscapes on thoroughbred farms. It does so in order to demonstrate the importance of the experience economy, because without such connotations no rational economic person would partake in thoroughbred breeding and racing because, as this chapter demonstrates, the chances of success are slim. The creation of the rural idyll links with other chapters on ethical and environmental issues, particularly the use of scarce water resources in dry environments such as the Upper Hunter (region) and parts of North America to raise expensive thoroughbreds for entertainment. Chapter 8, “Thoroughbred breeding regions: Contested landscapes”, compares and contrasts three crucial regions in the global thoroughbred breeding and racing industry: the Bluegrass Region of Kentucky, the Upper Hunter in Australia and Newmarket in England. These landscapes, and each region, are examples of eque-culture where the co-evolution of horses and humans creates an emergent space where both horses and humans coincide, but in this case sometimes in conflict with other industries. The chapter looks at how these regions became associated with thoroughbred breeding, how thoroughbred breeding activities have created particular environments, how they have generated environmental issues and how the limited environmental resources of space, water, clean air and soil are contested by thoroughbred breeders and other interests, including urban development (Lexington, Kentucky) and coal mining (Upper Hunter). The chapter considers the lifescapes created around activities such as thoroughbred breeding and racing, including issues such as the proximity to the animal, the type of handling undertaken, and how this may impact on the perceptions of people in different parts of the thoroughbred industry. Within the thoroughbred breeding regions, the need to create an identity and tourist attractions has fostered the growth of eque-cultural events. Chapter 9, “Horse festivals and eque-cultural identity”, focuses on the Scone and Upper Hunter Horse Festival in Scone, NSW. The chapter explains the history of the festival and considers the importance of the Scone and Upper Hunter Horse Festival for the local town, the industry and the understanding of the relationships between humans and horses

Introduction

9

which have helped shape the eque-cultural identity of the town. The creation of a region or town as being about “horses” generates definite advantages for the thoroughbred breeding industry when it competes for resources with industries such as urban development and coal mining. Chapter 10, “Environmental challenges” considers how thoroughbred breeding relies on environmental conditions that both nurture the animal and provide the expected cultural setting for thoroughbred owners. Issues include drought, climate change, water management, coal mining, urbanization, peak oil (and the transport of horses) and the potential for an equine virus to flourish in particular environments and severely impact the industry (as occurred in Kentucky and the Upper Hunter). We explore two environmental issues in detail, the compound issue of water/drought/ climate change and the issue of equine disease, including its relationship to climate change. The fourth section of this book, “Ethical challenges”, investigates different ethical issues in relation to the industry. The future of thoroughbred breeding and racing is most threatened by the ethical challenges it faces. These are exogenous, but are increasingly leaving the sport and industry as appearing archaic when compared with other industries and activities. Chapter 11, “Ethics in conflict: Thoroughbred breeding and racing” introduces the different ethical issues, looking particularly at how the ethical debates have changed over time in response to new cultural values and changing technology and developments in other industries such as agriculture, and in other equine sports. The chapter sets out the ethical issues associated with stewardship ethics and animal liberation with its focus on sentience. It provides a lead-in for the next chapter, where the views of different breeders and punters are compared and contrasted. Ethical issues addressed in this chapter include the age at which thoroughbreds race, the use of the whip in racing and the fate of horses once their racing career is over. Chapter 12 explores the different views of thoroughbred breeders and punters, using original and extensive survey and interview work, on ethical issues relating to environmental care, gambling, reproductive technology, the perceptions of breeders and their activities, and the notion of loving and caring for the animals. The survey covered all thoroughbred breeders in Australia and New Zealand, and thoroughbred breeders in Ontario, Alberta and British Columbia in Canada and in seven US states located in different parts of the country where thoroughbred breeding was important (Kentucky, Florida, New York, Maryland, Louisiana, New Mexico and California). Questionnaires and focus groups were also undertaken with punters at two racecourses in Sydney and in various suburbs of Sydney to cover different socio-demographics. Chapters 13 and 14 look in detail at two important ethical issues: reproductive technology and the ethics of jumps racing. Technically, it is possible to clone horses, transfer embryos from one mare to another and

10

Introduction

use artificial insemination and other forms of assisted reproduction. In practice, none of these is allowed in thoroughbred breeding because of the regulations relating to the “natural birth”. Chapter 13 looks at the importance of tradition in breeding, the use of the idea of “nature” and how technology is used in “natural breeding”. It considers the ethical dilemmas raised if the regulations were changed, as they were in the standardbred breeding industry, and looks at the interests, challenges and ways of holding current practices in place. Chapter 14, “Jumps racing: A sign of things to come?” considers one of the most controversial thoroughbred breeding and racing issues, jumps racing, also known as National Hunt in the UK. This form of racing includes steeplechases and hurdling. As this chapter shows, on a global scale it is small compared with “flat racing”, but it is significant in particular countries (notably Ireland and the UK) and in parts of south-eastern Australia. This chapter looks at media and parliamentary debate about jumps racing in Victoria and South Australia, and highlights the links to other forms of racing and to the breeding industry. In particular, do the debates about animals, tradition, economic value and cultural identity apply to other forms of horseracing, or are they unique to jumps racing? The final section, called “The future”, develops possible future scenarios and then discusses the most likely scenarios, the implications of these scenarios and further questions that can, and should, be asked by and about the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry. In Chapter 15 we develop possible future scenarios, some of which are more likely to eventuate than others. Some of the scenarios are very controversial, but, if we accept the notion of a “tipping point” when the current form of the industry cannot withstand the challenges presented earlier in this book, then a range of possible futures emerge. These could include the abolition of all forms of horseracing, through to limited “innovations” with their foundations on “what’s good for the animal”. Chapter 16 explores “Likely futures” and includes discussion of what we believe to be the likely scenario(s) and explores in more detail the implications of these scenarios for the animal, the sport, the human participants (breeders, punters, etc.) and the culture of thoroughbred breeding and racing. The conclusion to The Global Horseracing Industry brings together our key points about this industry, stressing its importance to particular places, its perpetuation of tradition and its increasingly isolated position on a number of matters relating to animals. It is a unique industry – one that is loved, admired and sometimes detested by people who encounter it. Regardless of where they stand in relation to the industry, all participants have to engage, in various and sometimes multiple ways, with the basis of the industry – the thoroughbred horse.

Part I

Sentient animals

2

The thoroughbred

Horses have been enveloped in human dreams, myths, ambitions, and sentiments for so long that the story we have come to think of as theirs is often but a distorted reflection of our own desires, and then not always our most noble desires. (Budiansky, 1997, 1)

The horse is a familiar animal to humans. It is not rare or exotic (Walker, 2008). It is one of the few animals, among over 4,000 species of mammals, to have been domesticated by many human societies. As Budiansky (1997, 1, see above) observed, we cannot always identify our own reflected desires when viewing and contemplating “the horse”. The thoroughbred is a particular breed of horse, with generalized characteristics that have been specially bred through generations for speed, endurance and competitiveness – the relative composition of which have varied over time and between places. The thoroughbred is also an individual animal, with attributes and potential that sets each animal apart from the others of its breed. This chapter outlines briefly the history of the horse and the evolution of the thoroughbred. It presents different ways of perceiving the thoroughbred, and links perceptions with the potential treatment of the individual animal. The chapter also demonstrates potential life paths of thoroughbreds, using the generalized model of a sprinter and a stayer. These life paths highlight the vulnerability of each animal’s existence, particularly when their survival is dependent on, or at least influenced by, external factors. The chapter includes the treatment of some champion thoroughbreds by humans following the death of the horse. This treatment is unusual, given that many thoroughbreds and other breeds of horses are slaughtered. It highlights both the affection that humans can have for horses and the power relations that see horses as “man’s best slave” (quoted in Walker, 2008, 168).

14

The thoroughbred

A brief history of the horse and thoroughbred breeding Horses have co-evolved with humans for thousands of years. A number of authors, including Budiansky (1997), Diamond (1997), McShane and Tarr (2007) and Walker (2008) identify the characteristics of horses, including their physical prowess, herd and hierarchical instincts, ability to survive in a wide range of climactic conditions and flexible dietary requirements, that make them an ideal animal for humans to domesticate. Prior to taming and domestication (which is distinguished from taming by the control of reproduction), which began about 14,000 years ago, the horse evolved independently of humans, although its survival as a species was fortunate given the challenges it faced over millions of years. According to Budiansky (1997, 35), “but for domestication, the Eurasian Wild Horse would have likely shared the fate of its New World cousins”, a view shared by McShane and Tarr (2007). This is indeed likely, given the extinction of many other species of animals. The relationships formed between humans and horses are symbiotic, particularly when viewed at the level of species survival, but the power relations within this relationship were/are not equal. Modern horses are said to have evolved from Eohippus, a name given by the American palaeontologist Othniel Marsh in the 1870s to a small swamp-dwelling hoofed creature that he considered to be the missing link in evolution (Walker, 2008), although more accurately the ancestral line can be traced to Hyracotherium, a term originating with the discovery of fossil remains in the 1840s by Sir Richard Owen (Budiansky, 1997; Walker, 2008). The evolution from Hyracotherium to Equus, the modern horse, is not a single line of constant increase in size (modern horses are over five times heavier than Hyracotherium), but a process involving adaptation to changing circumstances, and luck (Budiansky, 1997). The native horses of Asia, Europe and the Americas had almost entirely disappeared about 12,000 to 15,000 years ago at the end of the last Ice Age. In the Americas, the horse became extinct by 8,000 years ago. Various species of horse became extinct in Europe and Asia at roughly the same time, and only the Przewalski horse (Equus ferus przewalskii) survived in Mongolia. It too became extinct in the wild in the 1960s but was reintroduced from the 1990s through to 2001 under acclimatization controls and strictly managed conditions. Around 3,000 years ago the horse, most likely the Przewalski, was domesticated in Asiatic Russia. Since then and from that part of the world the horse was reintroduced to suitable habitat/places and, as Budiansky (1997, 62) argues: Shortly after the first signs of domestication appear in the archaeological record, horses begin appearing in large numbers in the archaeological remains of sites throughout the Ukrainian and Russian plains; by about 4500 b.p., they are found in Western Europe and the near east; by 4000 b.p., in Greece.

The thoroughbred

15

The extinction of earlier genera of horses from North and South America, and the horse’s evolution and survival within and alongside human societies in Europe, was not preordained. The horse enabled our human ancestors to extend their capabilities (speed, distance travelled, power), while providing meat, fuel (dung) and other resources for human societies. The reintroduction of horses into the Americas in 1494 on Columbus’s second voyage (Budiansky, 1997) saw Indigenous societies adapt their lifestyles over time to include the horse because they could see the advantages of living with horses. Horses are a prey animal, rather than a predator. Their eyes allow extensive peripheral vision (which is why some horses wear blinkers when they race), similar to many other grazing animals. In contrast, predators tend to have eyes focused forwards, with less emphasis on peripheral vision. Horses are social animals and have evolved within herds for protection, and will naturally tend to form herds of mixed ages when they are feral, perhaps with the exception of some solitary males. This is an important part of the social development of juvenile horses, but is not generally practiced in equine management, where horses are often isolated, or are grouped with animals of a similar age or role, such as mares with foals (Hartmann et al., 2012). Horses are also able to run fast for longer distances than many hunting animals. Horses have disproportionately long legs compared with other mammals of similar size, thus enabling them to survive on plains and in arid environments where they can outrun their hunters. They stand on their toes, which effectively comprise about a third of their leg (Budiansky, 1997). The extension of the leg at the lower end means that the legs of a horse are long and light, which enables them to run faster for longer distances, but also means that horses suffer many leg injuries because this light structure is supporting almost half a tonne of weight. Particular activities, such as jumping from a standing position into a full-speed gallop while carrying a jockey, or rounding a bend where the weight of the entire horse is transferred to one side of the body, or landing while competing in jumps racing, place high stress levels on the legs of the horse. These characteristics of the horse meant that, when articulated with the abilities of human beings, the co-evolution of humans and horses assisted both to survive, and thrive. The taming and domestication of horses inevitably led to processes of selective breeding, where the number of horses owned and the quality of the horses owned (a variable that depended on attributes prized by different cultures) resulted in different breeds emerging around the world. These breeds generally bore close relationship to the physical environment of particular areas and the needs of different societies in terms of transportation, hunting, warfare and agricultural production. One particular breed of horse, and the focus of this book, is the thoroughbred. The origins of the thoroughbred are, as noted by

16

The thoroughbred

Cassidy (2007), contested. There was a perception of inferiority with regard to the English breeds of horses, being considered small and lacking in stamina. In the fifteenth century, and onwards, this clearly placed the English military at a disadvantage in battle, given the importance of the horse in warfare, so selective breeding and culling of smaller horses were undertaken. The breeds were to be improved by the importation of bloodstock from other regions of the world. The thoroughbred is a breed that originated in Great Britain in the seventeenth century, emerging from the cross of local mares with imported Arabian stallions. While there were a number of stallions captured or bought by English and later British military officers, it appears that the most influential stallions to be imported into England to establish what, eventually, became the thoroughbred breed of horse were the Byerley Turk (in the 1680s), the Darley Arabian (1704) and the Godolphin Arabian in 1729 – names that now live on in contemporary Arabian-owned breeding and racing businesses. Cassidy (2002a) notes the expression of empire in the hybrid nomenclature, but also highlights the importance given to stallions (contrary to the Arabian breeders, who traced pedigrees through the female line) and emphasizes the controversial and debatable history of the thoroughbred given that the names of horses often changed with ownership, meaning that the identities of particular horses are now contested. In summary, these imported stallions were bred with a limited number of foundation mares – thereby leading to the establishment of bloodlines that were codified in the establishment of the General Stud Book in 1791. The origins of the thoroughbred have been the subject of recent genetic research by Patrick Cunningham of Trinity College in Dublin, Ireland. He revealed that the most influential of the imported Arabian stallions was the Darley Arabian. Cunningham compared 13 microsatellite DNA loci – repeating sequences of DNA which vary in length – in 211 thoroughbreds and 117 other Shetland, Egyptian and Turkish horses, as well as examining studbooks dating back to the earliest possible year, 1791. Cunningham’s research identified that, in 95 per cent of modern racehorses, the Y-chromosome can be traced back to a single stallion – the Darley Arabian (Pickrell, 2005). The thoroughbred is bred for racing, over varying distances from about 900 metres up to about 4,000 metres over the flat courses, and over 7,000 metres in the case of jumps racing (the Grand National at Aintree in England is run over 7,242 metres and includes 30 jumps of varying heights and forms). The style of racing differs between countries, with the USA generally preferring shorter sprints and countries such as Ireland specializing in stayers (longer distance horses). The surfaces also vary, with grass being the main surface in Ireland, Australia, New Zealand, and so on, but dirt being the main surface in the USA. Recent technological developments such as polytrack synthetic racing surfaces, which have been

The thoroughbred

17

installed in a number of US states, have not only influenced the style of racing but have also influenced breeding decisions because some sires are known to produce more winners when those horses race on particular track surfaces (dirt, grass) or in particular conditions (dry, wet). Thoroughbreds generally stand at about 16 hands high (a hand equals 4 inches and the measurement is taken at the shoulder, or withers, of the horse), with a slender build, although there is variation amongst thoroughbreds. Thoroughbreds take approximately six years to mature skeletally (Thomas, 2005; Bennett, 2008), but they reach their full leg height by the time they are yearlings. This enables them to gallop faster, but their muscular-skeletal system is not sufficiently mature and they are at greater risk of injury because of the pressures placed on animals galloping at full speed. If the thoroughbred is too small, they cannot easily obtain the stride-length of their competitors, and therefore have to take more strides to cover the same distance. This is because the thoroughbred is bred mainly for speed, and the way to increase speed is either to increase stride length or to increase cadence, which involves increasing the number of strides taken by reducing the time between strides. The stride of the champion Australian sprinter, Black Caviar, has been estimated to be beyond 8 metres, although this does not necessarily equate to speed (Roots, 2012). In the case of Black Caviar, according to the bookmaker Tom Waterhouse, she is “light on her feet” and in the 2011 Newmarket Handicap compared with the next two placed horses, she “took six less strides to cover the same distance. She is just not fatiguing like her rivals” (quoted in Roots, 2012, 11). Breeding is continually being refined, although it has reached a stage where increases in speed have been incremental rather than dramatic, and the potential for injuries due to fragility appears to be increasing as speed is emphasized over soundness. The minimal improvements in thoroughbred racing speed over almost all distances can be attributed to the thoroughbred already operating at full capacity and the limits of their potential. If the reader were to view track or class records at established racing venues around the world, they may be surprised to learn the longevity of these records. This could, somewhat controversially, be attributed to improved methods of drug detection than operated in previous years (see Squires, 2009). Unlike human athletics and other sports, where records have generally tumbled with improved training regimes and track surfaces, and dietary and psychological refinements, thoroughbred racing times have barely improved over decades. It is only in the exceptional thoroughbred such as Black Caviar, where the stride length and cadence combine to explain her great speed and endurance over sprinting distances, that records may be broken, or smashed. While it may appear obvious to the outsider that a thoroughbred as defined in one country was a thoroughbred regardless of where it raced, this was not always so. Prior to the establishment of the International

18

The thoroughbred

Stud Book, individual member countries often had a slightly different definition of what constituted a thoroughbred, resulting in some horses being accepted into their national stud books, but not into the stud books of other countries. These inconsistencies derived from perceived pedigree flaws, sometimes dating to well over a century previously. Somewhat controversially, but in the interests of the globalization of thoroughbred breeding and racing, in 1976 the newly formed International Stud Book Committee decided to accept the pedigrees of every horse registered as a thoroughbred in each of its member’s stud books up to the beginning of 1980. Today, to gain entry into a national stud book requires only the approved mating and delivery process and the registration of a horse’s pedigree in a stud book approved by the International Stud Book Committee. In summary, the approved mating process is the physical mounting of a mare by a stallion, with the entry of the penis and an ejaculation of semen into the reproductive tract. Some stud books permit that “a portion of the ejaculate produced by the Stallion during such mating may immediately be placed in the reproductive tract of the Mare being bred” (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). The gestation must be natural and: delivery must be from the body of the same Mare in which the Foal was conceived. Any Foal resulting from or produced by the processes of Artificial Insemination, Embryo Transfer or Transplant, Cloning or any other form of genetic manipulation not herein specified, shall not be eligible for recording in a Thoroughbred Stud Book approved by the International Stud Book Committee. (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011) With the exception of some quarantine measures, and variations in regulations about the use of particular drugs in some countries (and variations between states in a country such as the USA), the movement and exchange of thoroughbreds both for breeding and racing has been facilitated. This process of freeing the exchange and movement of thoroughbreds has not reduced the importance of the stallion’s semen in the process. Cain (2004), Cassidy (2007) and Squires (2009), among many other authors, highlight the centrality of this valuable commodity in the thoroughbred breeding industry. It is this aspect of the industry that is, as of late 2011, the subject of a controversial legal challenge in Australia. Bruce McHugh, one-time bookmaker and former Chairman [sic] of the Sydney Turf Club (which since February 2011 is part of the Australian Turf Club), is challenging these “natural breeding” practices as being a restriction on trade under the Trade Practices Act (Murphy, 2011). In summary, the thoroughbred is not a homogenous animal within the range of equine possibilities. Each animal is different and, while decisions made by humans about mating particular horses with each other

The thoroughbred

19

often, at best, only partially generate the desired outcome, it is important to understand the history of thoroughbred breeding in order to understand the current controversies and the future possibilities for this activity.

Perceiving the thoroughbred Perceptions are crucial in the life story of individual animals. The perceptions of horses by humans operate at various levels, including the perceptions of horses generally and the perceptions of individual animals. There have been various views of horses, including in the nineteenth century within literature, such as Black Beauty (by Anna Sewell, 1998 [1877]) and Tess of the d’Urbervilles (Thomas Hardy, 2003 [1891]), where Tess’s family bury their beloved workhorse, Prince (as the family’s ancestors formerly did with their chargers when they were knights), after Prince is killed in an accident, rather than sell his corpse to the knackers for a few shillings. In contrast, McShane and Tarr (2007) highlight a nineteenth-century perception (it did emerge earlier, but reached its zenith in the late nineteenth century) of the horse as the machine, with horses treated accordingly. This is exemplified in a quote by a nineteenth-century horse lover in Tarr (1996, 327) that “in the city the working horse is treated worse than a steam-engine or sewing machine”. Evidence in Tarr (1996) and McShane and Tarr (2007) supports these sentiments. While the inhumane treatment of urban working animals differs substantially from the care and attention afforded many expensive racehorses, a similar process of commodification and differential treatment operates in the global horseracing industry, where buyers often purchase “potential”, embodied in an animal with feelings, characteristics and needs. This potential, particularly, is temporary. It is realized, or more often not realized, and that influences the life path of the particular animal. As with all other living things, the potential is realized at limited moments in time, and even performances pass into history as the individual animal ages. This finding is consistent with the observation of Taylor (2008, 177) that “the capitalist mode of production militates against viewing the nonhuman world as anything other than a storehouse of exploitable resources”. The finding is tempered by the knowledge that this is a perspective of thoroughbred breeders who have to maintain a farm, pay service fees, advertise stallions and feed their animals. The perspectives of the owners of racehorses may differ, because not all owners are focused on maximizing profits from their involvement in the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry. Then, as discussed in Chapter 5, there is the influence of gambling in providing a foundation for the economic activities of the global horseracing industry. McNamara (2008, 3), in his introduction of thoroughbred regions, claimed that “there are few places in the world where the running horse is an integral part of the culture, not just a betting tool”.

20

The thoroughbred

The human perception of the individual thoroughbred, whether it be as a storehouse of exploitable resources, as an individual animal with feelings and characteristics, or as a betting tool, is crucial in the social construction of a thoroughbred. This raises a number of ethical questions which are addressed in the fourth section of this book. It also raises the basic question that is often overlooked in thoroughbred breeding and racing, but one with which we have engaged in this chapter – what is a thoroughbred? Thoroughbred breeding has always been cultural, economic, physical and discursive. According to its regulations and proponents, it is also “natural”, although we argue that the concepts of nature employed by many participants in this industry are at odds with the perceptions of a number of geographers and occasion wide-ranging debates that enter into geographical literature (see Whatmore, 2002; Latour, 2004; Gibbs, 2009). The study of thoroughbred breeding therefore requires the integration of environmental, animal, cultural, economic, time and historical geographies in order to develop a sophisticated understanding of this activity and the industry, including its importance and impacts. This is because thoroughbred breeding involves complex networks of people and animals, mediated by technologies such as microchips, DNA tests and veterinary services. Thoroughbreds are perceived as animals with particular needs for food, shelter and emotional care, while simultaneously being commodities with anticipated earning power based on factors such as breeding, years of life and past racing and breeding performance. Thoroughbred breeding is full of both physical materials (thoroughbreds, veterinary equipment, fencing, water, and land) and the so-called “airy stuff” such as equine pedigree and human hope (following Cain, 2004). The space-time trajectories of thoroughbreds are influenced by breeding practices that are intended to produce horses that win races, thereby emphasizing speed over soundness, compounded by early racing and early retirement before major problems emerge. This trend to compress time-space through the use by thoroughbred breeders of “shuttle stallions” (and sometimes mares) to enable breeding in two seasons in different hemispheres, occurs simultaneously with actions that prevent the introduction of breeding practices that would increase the rate of fertilization and reduce animal transportation, labour-intensive animal handling practices and other time-consuming activities related to thoroughbred farm management (see Chapter 13). The heterogeneity of thoroughbreds extends to the perceptions of people about the animals, and human responsibility towards these animals. One thoroughbred breeder in upstate New York noted: I, myself, actually think there’s an ethical dimension to this that goes to the point of if you’re creating life you have some sort of responsibility towards it. And they are not purely livestock and they are certainly not pets that live in the house either. And people are always saying,

The thoroughbred

21

“are they pets?” The animal rights, the animal welfare people think they’re pets, and the ag people, they just think they’re livestock, and where there’s livestock there’s deadstock, and, “boom”, you know. But I think that horses are sui generis. I think they are a category unto themselves, and for some purposes they’re treated more like pets and for some purposes they’re treated more like livestock and there are complexities and shades of grey that don’t necessarily get examined in most of the debate around this. Another way of understanding the thoroughbred is to consider the degree to which factors presented to thoroughbred breeders are said to influence their decision on purchasing, and the price they are prepared to pay. The optimum purchase time is when the thoroughbred is a yearling, because at this stage the horse is considered within the industry to have grown sufficiently that it can soon begin training and enter races as a two-year-old. The yearling represents the confluence of breeding, conformation and a short economic turn-around time with the unknown racing ability of the horse and the potential to maximize the racing and breeding benefits from an animal that is successful. As noted by Neibergs (2001, 312) when comparing thoroughbreds with dairy cattle and swine: The Thoroughbred industry is no different in that there are heritable characteristics undergoing selection pressure … however, the Thoroughbred industry is unique in that its genetic progress is constrained by a long generational interval, the limited use of biotechnology, and the strong environmental impact. Neibergs (2001, 312) continues by noting that the goal of breeding domestic livestock species is to attain conformity between individuals, but: The Thoroughbred industry’s production goal is to produce outliers, or racehorses with superior speed that they dominate the competition. These factors make the Thoroughbred bloodstock market a unique case in comparison to the traditional livestock species analyzed by economists. While it could be argued that there is greater diversity in breeding aspirations for both domestic livestock and thoroughbreds than perceived by Neibergs (2001), on the whole this observation is accurate. The intention to breed “outliers” is accurate when compared with the entire thoroughbred population but, often starting from a successful stallion, and sometimes a successful mare, the initial intention is to reproduce the speed of the parent(s) and breed a dynasty that will dominate the competition. The history of thoroughbred breeding highlights this intention, but also

22

The thoroughbred

demonstrates the challenges involved in achieving this goal, even for the wealthiest and most astute thoroughbred breeders. This is a necessary part of the intrigue of thoroughbred breeding and racing. The thoroughbred is more than just an individual animal with feelings, personality and likes and dislikes. Each animal also represents a collection of breeding information, racing statistics and other indicators of economic value. Thoroughbred breeding has always been both a cultural and a physical activity involving the (re)production of nature. Thoroughbred breeding shares characteristics with other agricultural industries. Thoroughbreds are similar to farm animals in that they are objectified in discourses about “livestock” and “bloodstock”, despite the efforts of researchers, activists and others in raising interest in the subjective lives of animals, especially those animal species whose lives are closely entangled with humans (Holloway, 2007). Yet, despite a broad objectification of thoroughbreds, the “racing fraternity” (a collective term, see Fox, 2005) exhibits a strong affection for horses and strong emotional connection to them, even if this is not the sort of affection desired by some authors (Gold, 1995). This affection extends beyond pedigree, racing statistics and calculations of economic value.

Positionality and the lives of thoroughbreds The intrigue for the owner and purchaser translates into a particular positionality, and often vulnerability, for the horse. The positionality of any individual thoroughbred, and of other industry participants, is contingent and relative. For example, a decision made by particular humans about whether to geld a male horse (an entire) so it can no longer be used for breeding, but may be more easily controlled in training and racing, is often based on perceptions of the structure of the industry, understandings of the breeding potential of an animal based on its pedigree, and the interests of a racehorse owner in racing, breeding or “having fun”. The possible futures for this gelding, compared with an entire horse, are very different (see Figure 2.1 and Figure 2.2). Although both may eventually meet the same fate, their space-time trajectories will be very different, the materiality of the animal as understood by its owners and other people is very different, and the way in which it is treated will likely vary significantly based on perceptions of its financial value. If the yearling does develop into a successful racehorse, and has not been gelded, it will usually be raced younger, less often, and retired earlier than in the past so that it may have a longer breeding career. A recent study by The Blood-Horse magazine in North America found that the average starts per foal for thoroughbreds foaled in 2002–03 had decreased by over 35 per cent compared with thoroughbreds foaled in the 1970s, and that there was a long-term trend of a declining number of starts decade by decade (Mitchell, 2008). Champion and perceived potential champion

Successful mating and birth of foal with sprinting potential

FILLY

Gelding

Colt/ entire

2

Unlikely to be used for breeding

Possible breeding career

1

Disposed*

Kept for racing

Racing to enhance breeding potential

Straight to breeding with little/ no racing

Disposed*

Gelding racing for prize money

Racing to enhance breeding potential

5

Disposed*

Kept racing

Breeding

Disposed*

Kept racing for prize money

Kept racing as an entire

Retired early for breeding

RACING PERFORMANCE 3 4

Disposed*

Retired to farm

Disposed*

Retired to farm

Disposed*

Retired to farm

Disposed*

Retired to farm

POST RACING

Breeding (stallion)

6+

Figure 2.1 Breeding a sprinter. A stereotypical lifecycle of a thoroughbred sprinting horse, highlighting the potential impacts of factors such as gender, gelding, success on the track and injury. Figure drawn by Joel Turner.

Note: Disposed includes being kept for other uses (horse riding, farming, etc.) and being slaughtered for meat

Negative trajectory

Positive trajectory

Selected mare

Selected stallion based on racing potential

COLT

AGE (YEARS)

Successful mating and birth of foal with staying potential

FILLY

1

Unlikely to be used for breeding

Possible breeding career

Gelding

Colt/ entire

2

LIGHTLY/ NOT RACED 3

Disposed*

Kept for racing

Racing to enhance breeding potential

Straight to breeding with little/ no racing

Disposed*

Gelding, kept for racing

Racing to enhance breeding potential

Retired early for breeding

4

Kept for racing

Breeding (stallion)

Disposed*

Kept racing

Breeding

Disposed*

5

RACING PERFORMANCE 6+

Disposed*

Retired to farm

Disposed*

Retired to farm

Disposed*

Retired to farm

Disposed*

Retired to farm

POST RACING

Figure 2.2 Breeding a stayer. A stereotypical lifecycle of a thoroughbred staying horse, highlighting the potential impacts of factors such as gender, gelding, success on the track and injury. In some countries, “kept racing” could involve a transition from flat racing to jumps racing (see Chapter 14). Figure drawn by Joel Turner.

Note: Disposed includes being kept for other uses (horse riding, farming, etc.) and being slaughtered for meat

Negative trajectory

Positive trajectory

Selected mare

Selected stallion based on racing potential

COLT

AGE (YEARS)

The thoroughbred

25

thoroughbreds are very valuable commodities, and these animals are both pampered and given high-quality care, nutrition and medical support. Risks to their health (and therefore value) are minimized. This means that their maintenance is labour-intensive both during their racing careers, and into their breeding careers. For example, in thoroughbred breeding there are glamorous human occupations such as meeting and greeting important clients, and specialized (less glamorous) occupations such as guiding the stallion’s penis into the mare’s vagina. The management of these highly valuable animals is very intensive in environments that are often far removed from the historical environments from which the animals have emerged. Despite the use of technology in the form of labour-saving devices, labour (both human and animal) is still important in creating, maintaining and working on thoroughbred breeding establishments. As noted by Heller (2005), changes in a thoroughbred’s life circumstances, and earning potential, are particularly disastrous for some animals. It is possible for horses that would be considered by all measures to be successful to be slaughtered because of the decline in their perceived earning capacity, thus reflecting changes in their life trajectory. One famous example of a well-bred entire who achieved outstanding success on the racetrack was the 1986 Kentucky Derby winner, Ferdinand. He was sent to an abattoir in 2002 in Japan after an unsuccessful breeding career that saw him move from Kentucky to Hokkaido, before eventually being disposed of. The example of Ferdinand is now used in efforts to prevent other animals from suffering similar fates (Heller, 2005).

Horse burials The fate of Ferdinand, and thousands of less successful racehorses, can be contrasted with the treatment afforded to some champion racehorses. The burial of a champion racehorse is at times a ritualistic practice that both honours the horse, but also creates an ambience for the stud farm or location in which the horse is buried. What is contained within the graves can differ from the whole horse to “parts representing the so-called ‘spirit’ of the horse – usually meaning the head, heart, and forelegs or hooves” (Collison, 2005, 75). For Collison, in his history of American horse cemeteries, the graves are status symbols for their owners such that “horse cemeteries are the outdoor equivalent of the trophy room, as much symbols of the human search for fame and glory as they are symbols of respect for the horses memorialized” (Collison, 2005, 100). The specific practices of horse burials differ from each other. For example, one of Kentucky’s most cherished thoroughbred horses, Man o’ War (1917–47), also known as “Big Red” and won 20 of the 21 races in which he competed. He is honoured in many ways, including having the boulevard near the airport in Lexington named after him. Man o’ War was originally buried at Faraway Farm, Lexington. His burial was unique from

26

The thoroughbred

that of other horses in that he was buried whole in a coffin, was embalmed and lay in state for three days before the actual burial so that his fans could bid him one last farewell. In 1977 his remains were moved to the Kentucky Horse Park and, to celebrate his arrival, the Park commissioned a statue to be built over his burial site, which is now a major tourist attraction (Collison, 2005, 83). His statue is one of many statues and plaques for deceased horses of many breeds (including thoroughbreds) throughout the Kentucky Horse Park (see Figure 2.3). Other examples of horse burials from different countries include Three Chimneys Farm near Lexington, Kentucky, where there are numerous head stones and a statue of Seattle Slew. The stallion’s grave is in the courtyard at Hill ‘n’ Dale Farm, north-west of Lexington, Kentucky. He had stood at Three Chimneys Farm and, as a mark of respect for the 1977 Triple Crown winner and the 1984 Leading Sire, Three Chimneys erected a statue of him on the farm (see Figure 2.4).

Figure 2.3 Man o’ War’s memorial at the Kentucky Horse Park. There are numerous gravestones and memorials to horses of different breeds at the Kentucky Horse Park, near Lexington, Kentucky. The memorial to Man o’ War honours one of the great American thoroughbreds of the twentieth century. Photograph by Raewyn Graham.

The thoroughbred

27

Figure 2.4 Memorial to Seattle Slew at Three Chimneys Farm, Kentucky. Statue of Seattle Slew in the landscaped grounds of Three Chimneys Farm, Inner Bluegrass region of Kentucky. Photograph by Raewyn Graham.

Horses are also buried on Australian and New Zealand studs. The “fallen hero” Mummify is buried on the Australian trainer Anthony Freedman’s Mornington Peninsula farm. Mummify was buried “standing up and facing the eastern sun, in the same way the American Indians buried their best warrior horses” (Stewart, 2005, 22). In New Zealand, the legendary Sir Tristram is buried standing up in a coffin at Sir Patrick Hogan’s Cambridge Stud. Farms such as Three Chimneys contain grave sites of numerous champion horses (see Figure 2.5). By way of contrast, the remains of Eight Belles, the horse euthanized after breaking two legs at the end of the 2008 Kentucky Derby, have been laid to rest with other deceased famous racehorses at the Kentucky Derby Museum located at Churchill Downs, Louisville. Her final place of rest is marked by a plaque, in sharp contrast to the grave of Barbaro, the 2006 Kentucky Derby winner, whose grave site is marked by a monument, accompanied by a statue, at the entrance of Churchill Downs. The highly visible death of Eight Belles highlighted the vulnerabilities of thoroughbreds in general, and the nature of her death, given the publicity surrounding her life and the venerable history of the Kentucky Derby, demanded that something appropriate be done with her corpse. To do otherwise would have signaled to all and sundry that this horse was little

28

The thoroughbred

Figure 2.5 Gravestone of Wild Again at Three Chimneys Farm, Kentucky. This is one of many gravestones at Three Chimneys Farm. The inscription records the years of his life, his immediate pedigree and his greatest racing achievements. Photograph by Raewyn Graham.

more than a commodity, valuable when she was winning races but of little worth, economic or otherwise, when she was dead.

Summary The evolution of the horse from a small, swamp-dwelling creature through to modern breeds such as the thoroughbred, has not been a preordained linear process. The co-evolution of humans and horses, and the unequal power relations between these species (mediated by technology), has resulted in thoroughbred breeding and racing, an industry where individual horses are often highly valued as yearlings based on their pedigree, conformation and their potential to earn prize money on the racetrack and to participate in the process of “natural breeding” to produce the next generations of thoroughbreds. While there is enormous diversity in the perceptions, attitudes and behaviour of people involved in the global horseracing industry, it appears that the actual animal, the thoroughbred, is either lost or enrolled in the human stories about thoroughbred breeding

The thoroughbred

29

and racing. More than many other equine-focused activities, thoroughbred breeding and racing appears to be a “distorted reflection of our own desires, and then not always our most noble desires” (Budiansky, 1997, 1). Ensuring the centrality of the animal in this story is one small step to addressing this problem. Another step is to view the role and actions of the other animal in this co-evolution story, the human animal.

3

The people Owners, breeders, trainers, jockeys, punters

The thoroughbred breeding and racing industry is about a particular breed of horse, the thoroughbred, but it is also about another type of animal – human beings. This chapter explores the motivations and roles of some human animals involved in this industry. This is not a new endeavour. Kate Fox (2005) and Rebecca Cassidy (2002b) are two anthropologists who present insightful accounts about various people in racing, particularly in the English context, although Cassidy (2007) offers an excellent comparison between Newmarket and Kentucky, highlighting the working lives of “horse people”. These lives are also represented in various novels, notably Jane Smiley’s (2004) A Year at the Races with its American focus and personal experience, and Jump! by Jilly Cooper (2010), which concentrates on the English National Hunt (jumps racing – see Chapter 14). The views of some of these people, particularly those of thoroughbred breeders and punters, are presented in Chapter 12 of this book, while a number of racing administrators participated in research interviews and are quoted in various chapters. The scope of the industry is very wide, and we could not do justice to all participants if we attempted to cover the gamut of the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry. We have, regrettably, had to omit the work and role of important components of the industry: people such as stablehands, trackriders, hot walkers, auctioneers, feedstock providers, bloodstock transporters, bookmakers, other gambling organizations, veterinarians, equine journalists, racetrack announcers, chaplains, stewards, on-course detectives, chemists who do the drug analyses, and many other people involved in the industry. This is necessary in order to present the complexity of the industry through a small section of the people working in it, both in terms of their relationships with the horse (or what Fox, 2005, calls the “totem animal”) and with each other. In doing so, we are very conscious of the stories omitted from this analysis, particularly of those who in the USA are known as the “backstretch family” (see Rosecrance, 1985; Case, 1991). This “family” comprises Mexican, Guatemalan and other ethnic groups working in an industry where “labor arrangements are unregulated, often dangerous, and characterized by informality” (Castañeda

Owners, breeders, trainers, jockeys, punters

31

et al., 2010, 489), resulting in a scenario where “most backstretch workers are paid below minimum wage and do not receive overtime payment as required by law” (Castañeda et al., 2010, 500). We suggest that similar scenarios emerge in other thoroughbred breeding and racing regions, where low-skilled, low-paid occupations may become the domain of particular ethnic groups. These conditions are regulated and monitored in some countries more than they are in others, where the workers are effectively invisible and easily replaceable. While there is always likely to be a tension between the desire/need to lower the costs of production, there is also the necessity to remove manure and ensure that other basic tasks are undertaken at racetracks and auction houses and on thoroughbred farms. In the first instance, if these tasks are not performed, then the image of thoroughbred breeding and racing is negatively impacted, but this could quickly lead to health concerns, as demonstrated by the spread of tuberculosis in nineteenth-century cities where horses were a major means of personal transport and haulage. With the above caveats in mind, the chapter is divided into five sections: breeders, owners, trainers, jockeys and punters. These are some of the more visible roles within the industry, but clearly these headings conceal a heterogeneous mix of values and practices that also change over time. The chapter highlights the complexity of the industry, the relationships of various parts of the industry and of individuals to the thoroughbreds, and the motivations that may help account for their participation and practices within this industry.

Thoroughbred breeders Why do otherwise sane people become involved in breeding thoroughbreds, an animal noted for its speed, beauty and fragility? Jim Squires, a former newspaper editor of the Chicago Tribune, observed that his own role in breeding and raising horses was: An addictive and difficult endeavor to which the word business can only be flagrantly and loosely applied. Raising horses for a living is in fact the biggest gamble in what is essentially a gambling enterprise … exceedingly difficult for those in it just for the money, it is even harder for those in it “just for the horses”. (Squires, 2009, 4 (emphasis in original)) Our research with thoroughbred breeders in the Upper Hunter region of Australia confirmed the challenges of raising horses for a living, but also the variations in motivations for involvement in the industry. Some breeders were said to take a more “corporate” approach to breeding. It appeared in our interviews that this was generally accepted by other thoroughbred breeders who were perhaps more aligned to Squires’ category of

32

Owners, breeders, trainers, jockeys, punters

breeders who are in it “just for the horses”, but these people also understood that some business acumen had to be present or there would be no breeding and raising of any horses in the future. Our interviews also highlighted a tension within the industry – there were breeders who bred solely for the market (as in the sale of yearlings at auction) and there were breeders who raced some of the horses that they bred, and sold others at auction. The tension was about the type of horse being created – a horse that looked good at auction but was not necessarily going to win races. This was not seen as positive by breeders who felt that racing and breeding should be closely related, as it was when the sport developed. Thoroughbred breeders can operate on different scales. The smaller breeders are part-time operations, where the activity is a hobby and the breeder owns a mare or two. These people may be very knowledgeable about breeding, but do not operate on the scale of major thoroughbred farms where they have to obtain a stallion, care for the stallion, promote him, manage the book of mares, and all the other attendant activities of breeding. These large breeding concerns are clearly businesses, being the main source of income for the owners and the people working on these establishments. As such, many of these operations support their own stallions by sending their mares to their own stallions, so that the stallion’s performance in terms of sales of yearlings and winners at the racetrack improves, and they can then charge higher service fees. The backgrounds of the larger breeders vary. They include Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum of Dubai (owner of the Darley breeding operation), Gerald Harvey (an Australian electrical retailer), Nathan Tinkler (owner of Patinack Farm, who made his money in coal mining) and John Messara (a stockbroker) who owns Arrowfield in the Hunter Valley, Australia. Other famous breeding operations were established from money made in chickens (the Ingham brothers in Australia who formerly operated Woodlands Stud that was sold to Darley in 2008) and baking powder (Calumet Farm in Kentucky) and, in part, Coolmore was financially supported by money reaped from operating Vernons football pools. In short, there is no background where money legally obtained is excluded from entry into the breeding and ownership of horses; even then, controversies arise, as in the third prize of A$420,000 won by Mourilyan in the 2009 Melbourne Cup, because the horse was owned by Chechen President Ramzan Kadyrov.

Owners Racehorse owners are increasingly varied in their backgrounds and level of involvement in the industry, partly resulting from the syndication of horses. This means that at one end of the spectrum there are the superrich, a number of whom were identified in a Forbes exposé, including the

Owners, breeders, trainers, jockeys, punters

33

ruler of Dubai, Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum (owner of the linked Darley breeding and Godolphin racing operations), Excel Communications founder Kenny Troutt, who owns Winstar Farm in Versailles, Kentucky, and Gerald Harvey of Harvey Norman fame in Australia, who now wholly owns the Magic Millions thoroughbred auction company and some 1,000 horses at the Vinery, Baramul and Broombee stud farms in New South Wales and who has recently purchased two New Zealand stables (O’Connor, 2011). One prominent racehorse owner not on this list was Queen Elizabeth II, whose personal net worth is in the hundreds of millions of dollars and who is responsible for the billions of dollars of The Crown Estate. The Queen is reputed to be very knowledgeable about thoroughbred breeding and attends the major racing events at Royal Ascot and other venues (Smith, 2011). Horses owned by the Queen have won four of England’s five Classic flat races – the 2,000 Guineas Stakes, the 1,000 Guineas Stakes, the Oaks and the St Leger (Smith, 2011), but she is yet to win the Epsom Derby. In 2011 her horse, Carlton House, started favourite but finished third. The participation of such wealthy and prestigious owners is important for the horseracing industry as it faces competition from other sports and industries that attempt to engage wealthy people in their competing activities. At the other end of the spectrum there is the battling owner who hopes to “have a bit of fun” and “maybe win a race or two”. While these worlds are often operating on different planes, occasionally they intersect. This was seen with the arrival in 2006 at Royal Ascot of the Australian sprinter, Takeover Target, a horse purchased for A$1,250 plus $125 GST by taxi driver Joe Janiak from Queanbeyan (a town in NSW, Australia close to the capital city of Canberra). Takeover Target won the Group 2 King’s Stand Stakes at Royal Ascot that year, and finished fourth in the same event the following year. Media images of the owner, Joe Janiak, dressed in a top-hat and looking similarly attired to Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum, highlight the ability of different social strata to mingle in the upper echelons of horseracing, but in some cases perhaps only briefly. They also highlight the necessity to conform to particular dress codes and expectations, and to do so with dignity, whether you are the ruler of an Arabian emirate, or a taxi driver from a town in inland New South Wales, Australia. The dream of owning a champion racehorse is what keeps individual owners ploughing money into the industry. It is also necessary for the industry to foster this dream – it is like the sand lot baseballer player pitching in the majors, or the village football team causing a major upset over a Premier League club in the FA Cup. The possibility of this dream becoming reality, however remote, must occasionally occur so that other owners will invest to pursue a similar goal. It is challenging to identify the financial costs of and returns received by various owners. Syndication of horses spreads the risk, so that if one horse

34

Owners, breeders, trainers, jockeys, punters

is unsuccessful this does not cause such financial hardship to an owner as would sole ownership. Interviewees joked (with more than a grain of truth) that the way to be a wealthy racehorse owner was to enter the industry as a very wealthy racehorse owner. Similarly, there are no bad losers in horseracing because they have all left the industry – those who remain accept losing money with good grace because they love the sport. One attempt to “follow the money” was undertaken by Reilly (2011) who has estimated the wealth, expenses and returns of Nathan Tinkler, the owner of Patinack Farm and the man largely responsible for propping up the Australian and New Zealand thoroughbred markets during the downturn in 2008 arising from the global financial crisis. Reilly (2011) estimates that Tinkler has a net worth of A$1.1 billion, but has spent about $300 million on horses and horse properties, with a return of $32.5 million from racing and breeding horses. The breakdown of these figures is that, as of late October, 2011, Tinkler has spent: at least $140 million buying horses, $70 million on acquiring and developing farms and studs, and $90 million more in running costs … but his returns have been minimal: about $14 million in prizemoney from racing, $4.5 million in receipts from horses sold and a further $14 million in income from the stallions he keeps on his studs. (Reilly, 2011, 9) Haskin (2002) discusses the changes to the American breeding industry, noting tensions between new types of owners, who have entered the industry with a business background but with no previous experience in the breeding and racing industry, and the trainers. These “new owners” “question trainers and often dictate where a horse will run …. It is their money and their investment, and they are intent on calling the shots. There’s only one catch with that philosophy – these owners don’t win the Kentucky Derby” (Haskin, 2002, 128). Trainers, as we highlight below, prefer to do the training, without the “interference” of the owners.

Trainers Thoroughbred trainers are diverse, but three essential and related aspects of the trainer will be the focus of this section. These are the relationships with the horse, the status of the trainer in relation to other human animals involved in horseracing, and the responsibilities and obligations of the trainer. Fox (2005) calls trainers “shamans”, comparing their role to that of tribal witchdoctors. The trainer is an independent businessperson (except where they are retained by a very wealthy owner), who is responsible for preparing the thoroughbred to race and ensuring that it is entered in a suitable event and that it is fit to race in a fair manner. The trainer usually engages the jockey

Owners, breeders, trainers, jockeys, punters

35

to ride the horse. They are also often responsible for assisting owners to purchase young horses that they then train for the owners. Trainers are generally male, but there are famous and successful female trainers. Mitchell (2008) interviewed eight trainers, all male, despite the success of female trainers, including California-based Jenine Sahadi, who won two successive Breeders’ Cup Sprints in the mid 1990s, and the New York trainer Linda Rice, who has trained the winners of over 1,000 races. In the UK, leading female trainers on the jumps racing circuit include Henrietta Knight and Jenny Pitman (Edwards, 2008). In Australia, Gai Waterhouse has won the Sydney trainers’ premiership on five occasions, and was inducted into the Australian Racing Hall of Fame in 2007. Trainers are diverse in their backgrounds, set-ups and ideas. The successful trainers, sometimes holding a position of personal trainer for a very wealthy racehorse owner, fly around the world to prepare their horses to race in major events. On the flip side, there are many small-time trainers who struggle with debts and bills, hoping for a successful racehorse to launch them into the big time. Cassidy (2002b) noted the importance of the licensing requirements between different countries, and states within a country, for the existence of such diversity. Another difference noted by Cassidy is that in the UK trainers tend to have their own “yards” in locations such as Newmarket, while in the USA horses are often kept in barns at particular racetracks when they are “in training” and they may be moved across the country to take advantage of the different racing seasons in particular locations. In Australia, there is a mixture of trainers with their own properties or “yards” (a term not generally used in Australia) away from the racetrack, and trainers with stables attached to particular racetracks, such as Gai Waterhouse’s Tulloch Lodge at Royal Randwick in Sydney. The trainer needs to be aware of the characteristics and current state of each horse, and of the people working with the horse. As described by Fox (2005) in her encounter with the leading English trainer David Nicholson, some leading trainers are very knowledgeable about both the animal and the people working for them. This becomes challenging when there are numerous horses, when there is turnover among the staff or when the trainer is dealing with many different owners. The trainers prefer to have control and make the decisions, a position best summed up by leading Australian trainer, Bart Cummings, who said, “I’ve been asked countless times how much I charge to train a horse, and I say to owners ‘I’ll train it for fifty bucks a day, but if you want to give me a hand, I’ll charge you seventy-five’” (Cummings, 2009, 7). It is this position of authority and responsibility that helps give the leading trainers high personal status when compared with other human animals in horseracing. In the early nineteenth century, in terms of social status trainers were “generally regarded as a sort of superior groom – which most of them were” (Edwards, 2008, 98). The change in status is

36

Owners, breeders, trainers, jockeys, punters

credited to two successful trainers, Arty Persse and the Honorable George Lambton, who in very different ways elevated the status of the trainer (Edwards, 2008). Today, while battling trainers will be easily identified because it is apparent to everybody which trainer is winning races, particularly major races, and which trainer is not, there is also the celebrity status of the trainer relative to the owner and the jockey (a status perhaps only surpassed in recent years by that afforded to champion racehorses such as Frankel in the UK, Black Caviar in Australia and Zenyetta in the USA). This status is best demonstrated by two anecdotes from different hemispheres. Fox (2005) discusses an occasion when she was at Epsom on Derby Day, and a male companion asked her towards whom it was that Queen Elizabeth II appeared to be deferential. When her companion asked “Who could possibly be higher status than the Queen?”, Fox responded, accurately, without even looking at the Queen, “that’ll be her trainer” (Fox, 2005, 78). An additional answer to the question can be seen in the example from the 1993 Melbourne Cup, when the jockey Darren Beadman (a bornagain Christian) rode Saintly to victory and stood on the dais and began to “thank the Lord Jesus”. According to Les Carlyon (2009, xi), “the crowd merely felt that this time Beadman had alighted on the wrong messiah. The faithful around the mounting yard gave [trainer Bart] Cummings three cheers and other trainers asked him to sign their race books”. According to Fox (2005, 38), “trainers, like tribal shamans, witch doctors and rain-makers, are regularly credited with performing miracles when they are successful, but very rarely blamed when they are unsuccessful”. Some trainers are, clearly, more successful than others. The shaman aspect of the job is disputed, however, by other commentators in the industry. Barich (2006, 100) quotes a respected Irish commentator (and trainer and former jockey), who “doesn’t regard training as a precious or esoteric art, just a job like any other”. He continued; “ninety percent of our trainers are equals. Only ten percent are lacking” (Barich, 2006, 100). The impressive records of highly successful trainers suggest that, among the ninety per cent of equals, some are more equal than others. Successful trainers do have exalted status, but it is fragile. This status is built on success, but it can be slowly undermined by a lack of success or quickly lost if there is a controversial incident, such as a positive swab (meaning a horse’s performance has been found to be either assisted or hindered by the administration of illegal drugs). This is a major concern for trainers, because it is their reputation and their livelihood that are at stake. This is clearly one reason why trainers appear autocratic – they are the ones where the buck stops. This was not always the case, as noted by Kremmer (2011), but the introduction of improved drug detection and tougher penalties is, understandably, seen as being in the interests of horseracing as a sport, and in the interests of participants – including horses and punters.

Owners, breeders, trainers, jockeys, punters

37

The importance of patience in training horses has been emphasized by a number of trainers, including Cummings (2009). Haskin compared training horses to developing a photographic image: Derby horses don’t emerge overnight; they slowly take shape like a photograph floating in a developer. One minute there is a blank piece of paper, and the next an image begins to appear. Some images become brilliant and sharp and full of action, while others are out of focus and must be discarded or put in the reject pile. A trainer scrutinizes every one of his young horses in the hope that, like the photographer, he’ll see that one special award-winning shot develop before his eyes. (2002, 36) In order to become a racehorse trainer, prospective trainers must meet minimum conditions about animal care (for example, in the Australian state of Victoria five years of animal experience is required), plus be subjected to a criminal record check, and undergo what is effectively a probationary period as the prospective trainer rises through the categories of Pre-Trainer, Restricted Trainer, General Trainer and General Trainer A (which requires a longer period of operation and having more starters and winners per annum than other categories) (Racing Victoria Limited, n.d). Other jurisdictions have similar requirements about the character, experience, education and performance of the trainer. This is important for the trainer, because their reputation reflects not only on their own performance and on the activities of their colleagues, but also on the horseracing industry, for which a “clean image” is important in attracting participants and sponsors.

Jockeys Trainers can come in many shapes and sizes, including tall, stocky, wiry and overweight, and can range in age from their early twenties through to older trainers such as Bart Cummings, who took out his first trainer’s licence in 1953, had trained the winner of the Melbourne Cup on 12 occasions and was still training horses (and winning races) in the 2011–12 season. Jockeys, however, must be lightweight, strong and fit – generally the domain of younger adults. Jumps jockeys are taller and heavier than jockeys who ride on the flat, but they also are, like almost all other athletes, limited by the aging of their bodies. In the case of jockeys, numerous injuries also may hasten the end of a career, although many jockeys ride on despite horrendous injuries. Barich (2006, 15–16) relates the injuries of a jumps jockey Carl Llewellyn, a rider then in his late thirties, who during his career suffered “a broken cheekbone, two broken collarbones, nine concussions, eight broken noses, two broken jaws, two broken ribs, a broken wrist, a broken elbow, and

38

Owners, breeders, trainers, jockeys, punters

a broken pinkie, along with soft tissue bruising and ligament, tendon, and muscle damage too extensive to mention”. A similar tale is seen with the famous jumps jockey Tony McCoy, who has ridden over 3,650 winners, including many major jumps races, but has broken many bones in his body (sometimes repeatedly) and understands that “I am a jump [sic] jockey … I am going to end up in the back of that ambulance from time to time” (Montgomery, 2010; see also Hayward, 2012). Jumps jockeys are far more likely to be injured than are jockeys who ride on the flat, although injuries and death can and do occur in all forms of racing. A comparative study of jumps and flat racing in Australia found that “jumps racing jockeys have a fall rate 12.5 times greater than that of their flat racing counterparts” and that a jumps jockey can expect “to fall in 5.3% of rides, with 9.7% of these falls resulting in injury” (Hitchens et al., 2011, 840). This study, covering a seven-year period and almost all jumps races in Australia, accounted for factors such as the different tracks, race distance, number of starters, whether it was a steeplechase or a hurdle event, previous starts by horses, previous prize money (as an indicator of success), and other relevant factors. The main findings were that the environment (track design, condition, and so on), the horse and the jockey were all involved in the predictability of falls, with inexperienced jumps jockeys having more falls. Fatigue from earlier rides at a meeting was also potentially important (Hitchens et al., 2011). Being a jockey is a dangerous occupation. The jockeys are the warriors of the racing industry (Fox, 2005). There is the glamour of winning, and highly successful jockeys such as Frankie Dettori are flown around the world to ride in the major races. For many jockeys, however, the reality is that they are up before dawn to ride trackwork, they ride in races with low prize money, on less experienced horses, and the risk of a life- or careerending injury is very high. It is an occupation that they will eventually have to leave, one way or another. Some jockeys gravitate towards the training of horses, others become commentators. Life beyond riding horses is often lived with the injuries of a riding career.

Punters Thoroughbred breeding and racing is reliant upon gambling. While gambling occurs at every level within the industry (the gamble of buying a particular horse, or arranging a mating with one stallion or another), it is the “punter” who gambles on the outcome of each race (the “betting turnover”) who keeps the whole industry operating. Other sections of the industry have a love–hate relationship with punters and gambling, especially breeders, who admit their reliance on gambling to ensure prize money is sufficiently high to incur the costs of their operations, but see the punter as being only interested in winning and not interested in the finer points of improving the horse breed.

Owners, breeders, trainers, jockeys, punters

39

There are a wide variety of punters, ranging from the punters who bet big and often, the regular punters who bet most weeks but with set limits, and the occasional or once-a-year punter – who places an annual wager on significant races like the Melbourne Cup. Neal (1998, 586) comments that there is “one important area of commonality between these punters, whether they are ‘rich or poor, young or old’ – they have all lost money at some stage in the gambling process”. There are also professional gamblers, who Neal (1998, 588–89) suggests are not punters, arguing that the main differences are that the professional gamblers adopt a business model to calculate the risks and do not “dream the dream”, whereas the punter has a “desire for the ‘big win’” based on a small investment. Racing clubs cannot survive on the hard-core midweek punters – their marketing is to attract a younger clientele who attend the races for many reasons, including but not primarily to watch the horses. This includes campaigns where women are called princesses, as in “princesses prepare”, and fillies, with the television advertisements and billboards showing as many women as horses in the image and “Fashion in the Fields” becoming a major part of most high-profile race carnivals. Such strategies work, even if they are not liked by some old-time punters who feel that the action has been transferred from on the racetrack to off the racetrack. After the 2011 Adelaide Cup, a woman and a younger man boarded the bus and were overheard chatting; “Why did you go to the races?” The well-dressed woman asked the well-dressed but slightly disheveled young man. “To see chicks (women) and get drunk” he replied. “Was it worth it?” she inquired. “Yeah.” In contrast, there are the aficionados, the people who love horseracing more than anything else in the world. This grouping of people can be further subdivided, as was done by Fox (2005), who identified a number of different subcategories, including enthusiasts, addicts and fans. At the same Adelaide Cup meeting referred to above, an older man watching the horses in the parade ring said “I love the races – the skill, the excitement of the race. It’s the thing that gives me most pleasure in life.” Meanwhile, standing next to him, his wife studied her form guide and marked her selections for the upcoming race. People attend racetracks for different reasons. The recent unbroken winning record up to early 2012 of the Australian mare Black Caviar has seen the unusual spectacle of crowded racetracks and the gates being thrown open to allow free entry at racetracks such as Caulfield in Melbourne to accommodate the huge numbers of spectators who are there just to see her run. Hinds (2012, 13) suggests that these spectators will not return to see thoroughbred racing on-track because they “flock to see a

40

Owners, breeders, trainers, jockeys, punters

horse, not a horserace. When the next great freak appears the same people will rush to a golf tournament, a cricket match or a pushbike race. You won’t see them at the track.” If he is correct, this raises questions about the future of thoroughbred racing as “a live form of entertainment, not merely alternative content for betting agencies increasingly focused on other sports” (Hinds, 2012, 13). The punters at the track vary widely, as seen above, but off-track there is an even wider variety of punters. The structure of the gambling industry has been transformed with the introduction of on-line gambling facilities accessed either via the internet or mobile phones. Punters now have access to multiple global gambling sites, not just those focused on horseracing, at the touch of a button. Prior to the introduction of the Totalisator Agency Board (TAB, or betting shops) in 1951 in New Zealand and soon afterwards in Australia, gambling was normally conducted between male punters and male bookmakers. These betting outlets employed women as clerks, casual staff on race days and later as telephone call operators and, as Curtis and Wilson (2001, 213) note, as gambling became more sanitized it became more attractive to female punters. The power for change within gambling markets has come from new technologies, which have allowed the development of new forms of gambling to occur which people embrace and use. Punters have played an active and important role in changing gambling markets with their desire for and implementation of new technologies (Austrin and Curtis, 2004). Gambling online tends to attract a younger punter, one who is technologically savvy. This form of gambling is supported by television advertisements, which show the more traditional forms of gambling as being somewhat decrepit and unsafe – a place inhabited by people with various weird habits who can easily be avoided by simply pushing the buttons on a computer or mobile telephone.

Summary If horseracing is primarily about the horses, it is clear that racing would not happen unless human animals were also involved in this particular activity. In the space of this chapter it is impossible to do justice to all human participants, except to provide a brief overview of some key participant roles and to mention the titles and roles of those people whose involvement in the activity has not been covered. In doing so, the heterogeneity of the industry and the people within it is foregrounded – the idea that this is a single industry is itself debatable, although it is apparent that the standardization of horseracing internationally, and the increasing internationalization of important racing carnivals, are strengthening the links between the national and state-based industries in various parts of the world. Gambling, an essentially human activity, is the financial basis for the global horseracing industry, but the nature of gambling has changed over time. This is

Owners, breeders, trainers, jockeys, punters

41

discussed in more detail in Chapter 6, when we explore the technological changes and their impact on the global horseracing industry. The global thoroughbred racing industry is a complex and dynamic phenomenon, sometimes seen in very narrow terms by participants within this industry. The following section of this book explores the structure and changing character of the industry itself.

Part II

The industry

4

Thoroughbred breeding and racing around the world

In a world of extremes between wealth and poverty, the spread of thoroughbred racing (and to a lesser extent thoroughbred breeding) is a remarkable story of how a particular breed of horse emerged from England and has become established in numerous countries and cultures. The rise of the thoroughbred is linked with colonial settlement patterns, visions of affluence, the need of breeders to expand the markets for their produce and the propensity for gambling. The issue of gambling is seen from the emergence of horseracing in the form of gentlemanly wagering by racehorse owners on the outcome of a match race through to modern casino operations in some US states where a racecourse is part of an integrated gambling complex (see Chapter 5). This current chapter provides an insight into some of the similarities and differences in a variety of important thoroughbred breeding and racing locations. The list of countries included below is not exhaustive, and the coverage of each location is somewhat brief, but collectively the chapter provides a brief history of thoroughbred breeding and racing followed by a survey of the major locations where this activity occurs around the world.

Origins As noted in previous chapters, the thoroughbred breed emerged in England in the late seventeenth and in the eighteenth centuries. Horseracing is a much older activity, being traced to the ancient Greek and Roman chariot and horseback races (Myers, 2006). The establishment of Britain’s first racecourse, at Chester in 1540, pre-dates the growth in popularity of horseracing in England during the seventeenth-century reign of King Charles II, who was the Royal Patron of the Turf (Myers, 2006). While earlier monarchs had engaged in the breeding and racing of horses, royal patronage during the time of Charles II enhanced the sport itself, and led to the rise of particular geographical locations, such as Newmarket. As in other sports, such as football, cricket and baseball in the USA, it soon became apparent that a form of codification was required to ensure

46

Thoroughbred breeding and racing around the world

that horseracing was conducted according to agreed rules. The establishment of the Jockey Club in 1752, by wealthy racing enthusiasts (not necessarily the jockeys), was an important step in laying down the rules under which horseracing would develop. The development of flat racing and steeplechasing led to two different types of horses – the smaller, faster horses racing on the flat and the horses that were used for fox hunting being raced over the high fences of the steeplechase. The growth in popularity of an in-between option, the hurdles, occurred in the late nineteenth century, although hurdle races had been held in Bristol from at least 1821 (Myers, 2006). While each country has a specific and unique history of thoroughbred breeding and racing, there are some common themes that emerge. First, where the history of horseracing is older, it often involved the local gentlemen racing each other with their finest stock. These gentlemen were usually the foundation figures in racing clubs and other industry organizations. Second, there was generally a tension between their vision of racing and the perspectives and activities of other classes in society who were attracted to the races (as they were attracted to cockfights and public executions) without sharing the ideals of the landed gentry. Third, the main thoroughbred-breeding regions tended to emerge outside the major cities, in fertile agricultural land that, in the case of the USA, was not subject to the ravages of war. While there have been movements in the locations of thoroughbred racing and the breeding of racehorses, there has been, in most countries, a perpetuation of activity in or near the regions that established early dominance in these activities. Rather than agricultural productivity, or even the population of a city or country, the main distinctions between many countries are cultural – relating largely to racetrack tenure and attitudes towards gambling. Some of the differences between countries presented below can be explained by these crucial cultural factors.

A selection of leading thoroughbred racing countries Britain Britain is recognized as the original country where the thoroughbred emerged as a distinct breed of horse. The development of successful thoroughbred breeding regions (notably around Newmarket to the north-east of London and in Yorkshire) resulted in the improvement of the breed – and the exporting of breeding stock and racehorses to the colonies that Britain controlled during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. In the first two decades of the twentieth century, anti-gambling legislation in the USA resulted in the closure of many racetracks (see below) and the introduction of American-bred racehorses back into Britain (see Cassidy, 2002b). If this was not of sufficient concern to the long-established British thoroughbred

Thoroughbred breeding and racing around the world

47

breeding establishment, it was a shock when British-bred horses began to be beaten by American-bred horses. The difference between the two countries was partly the quality of the breeding stock (with speed being emphasized by the Americans) and partly the training methods, which involved more speed work than the traditional British training methods of longer gallops. While the American- and French-bred horses were beating the British-bred horses, they were still being excluded from the General Stud Book, and it was not until after the Second World War that the threat of creating a rival breed of horse, with greater speed, led to the opening of the General Stud Book to recognize the American-bred thoroughbreds. Today Britain is one of the leading horseracing nations in the world. There are 60 racecourses in Britain, with the furthest north being a racecourse in Perth, Scotland, while there are racecourses in the south-west of England at Exeter and, slightly further south, Newton Abbot. Five racecourses are in Scotland, three are in Wales (Bangor-on-Dee, Chepstow and a new racecourse opened in 2009 called Ffos Las), with the remainder being in England (The Racecourse Association Limited, 2012). These courses vary significantly in their shape, gradient, configuration and the direction in which horses race (Cassidy, 2007). Ffos Las, located west of Llanelli and Swansea in south-west Wales, is the former site of the largest open-cast coal mine in Europe. It is an hour’s drive from the Irish ferry terminals of Fishguard and Pembroke Dock, thereby being accessible to the large contingent of Irish horseracing entrants and spectators who attend the bigger and more accessible events such as the Cheltenham Gold Cup (Ffos Las, 2012). There are also five “all-weather” tracks, and a number of tracks that combine both flat and jumps racing (Race-courses, 2012). In addition to the racetracks, the ongoing operations of prominent breeding regions, particularly Newmarket, make Britain an important node in the global horseracing industry. The connections between breeding and racing are strong in this part of the world, and the sense of place (see Chapter 8) is iconic. As we note in the following section of this book, however, the economic returns for owners of racehorses in England are low compared with some other countries, and compared with the costs of maintaining a racehorse. This is countered, somewhat, by a long-established racing culture that means that many people own racehorses, not just for the potential direct financial benefits, but as part of a larger social class culture and the potential indirect benefits of being associated with “the sport of kings”. Ireland Ireland is recognized as one of, if not the, most passionate horseracing countries in the world – as reflected in Bill Barich’s subtitle “Racehorses, romance and the Irish” (Barich, 2006). Ireland is notable in that there

48

Thoroughbred breeding and racing around the world

are more jumps races than flat races (1,388 compared with 993 flat races in 2010), a situation found in no other horseracing country (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). For a small country with a low population, there are 26 racecourses and almost 5,500 different horses involved in jumps racing, with over 700 of these horses also racing on the flat (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). Ireland is the home of Coolmore, the world’s largest thoroughbred breeding operation, which includes establishments in the USA, Australia and elsewhere. The internationalization of Irish racing has also seen many Irish horses, trainers and jockeys coming to England to compete in major events such as the Cheltenham Gold Cup carnival (see Barich, 2006) and jumps jockeys riding in Australia during the jumps season in Victoria and South Australia – which coincides with the Irish summer (see Chapter 14). Continental Europe Horseracing is popular in some European countries. The range of horseracing includes summer racing in the northern countries, all-year racing in some of the more southerly countries and the White Turf International horseracing on a frozen lake in St. Moritz, Switzerland, which has been held since 1907. Horseracing is most popular in France, where flat gallops, jumps racing and trotting all attract substantial followings. With almost 5,000 flat races, over 2,000 jumps races and more than 11,000 trotting/pacing races, held on a total of 246 racecourses (including harness racing venues), France is the leading European racing nation (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). France is also very important within European thoroughbred breeding. In 2010, consistent with previous years, approximately 5,500 thoroughbred foals were born in France (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). Italy is also a leading thoroughbred racing country, even though there were more than three times as many harness races conducted in Italy in 2010 than thoroughbred races – which are mostly flat, although there were 217 jumps races conducted in 2010 (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). With 4,185 flat races in 2010, Italy trails only France in the total number of races conducted within a country on the European mainland (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). There is, however, a major difference in prize money, with the average prize money for a flat race in France being a little under €23,000, compared with a little over €12,000 in Italy in 2010 (calculated from International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). The breeding industry in Italy is also only a fraction of the size of that in France, with 1,800 foals born in 2010 compared to nearly 5,500 in France (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011).

Thoroughbred breeding and racing around the world

49

Thoroughbred racing is conducted in a number of other European countries, with variations such as 1,316 flat races and no jumps racing in Germany, compared with 358 flat races and 173 jumps races in the neighbouring Czech Republic in 2010 (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). It is likely that there will be little expansion of thoroughbred racing within most of Europe, given that the activity has been long established and that there are increasing financial concerns and animalbased activism that could severely curtail any expansion of the racing industry. There is potential for the breeding industry to expand, particularly if potential export markets in Asia develop. North America In North America, horseracing began in 1665 at Hampton Plains, Long Island. Richard Nicolls, governor of the colony of New York, offered a silver cup as the prize – the first known North American racing trophy. These early races involved a mixture of horse breeds. The first thoroughbred arrived in Virginia in 1730 (Cassidy, 2007) and states that were prominent in breeding and racing in the early years of the new country included Rhode Island, Maryland, Virginia and Tennessee. The rise of Kentucky as a major breeding region began following the American Civil War, since it was a fertile area that was largely undamaged compared with other states. Almost a century later, central Florida (focused on Ocala) emerged as a major thoroughbred breeding region because of its favourable climate and lush pastures, gentle gradients and limestone substrata (Bowen, 2004). Today, thoroughbred breeding in the USA occurs in many states with significant variation in scale, climate and therefore costs. It also occurs where there are special incentives for breeders, much to the chagrin of some Florida-based breeders, where the number of live foals born in that state has fallen from 4,493 in 2007 to 1,565 in 2011 (Hammonds, 2011). There is no doubt, however, that, despite the diversity of breeding within the USA, the Inner Bluegrass Region around Lexington, Kentucky ensures that this state ranks far above all other states on any measure of breeding activity. For example, 47 per cent of the live foals born in North America (USA and Canada) in 2011 were born in Kentucky. While there was a decrease of over 14 per cent from the 2010 “foal crop” in Kentucky due largely to the general economic decline in the USA, there were 11, 065 live foals born in Kentucky in 2011, compared with 1,762 in California, 1,565 in Florida and 1,516 in Louisiana, with Pennsylvania and New York being the fifth- and sixth-ranked states with under 800 live foals born in 2011 (Hammonds, 2011). One breeder in Florida noted that a lot of mares have gone “to other states with better state-bred programs such as Louisiana and New York, the latter which is anticipating a boom in incentive funds and purses to be fuelled by video

50

Thoroughbred breeding and racing around the world

lottery terminals at Aqueduct” (Hammonds, 2011, 3 – see Chapter 5 of this book). Kentucky is also dominant in terms of the value of stallions, broodmares and foals. Of the 22 stallions in North America to have sired 100 or more live foals in 2011, all were based in Kentucky and had a 2010 service fee ranging from US $10,000 to $150,000 (Hammonds, 2011). The service fee of new stallions in 2011 also reflects the dominance of Kentucky, where 19 of the 21 stallions entering service have a fee of $5,000 or more (the two highest services fees are $35,000), whereas in North America excluding Kentucky there are only five other stallions (one each in the states of Florida, Maryland, New Mexico and New York, and one in Canada) that have a service fee of $5,000 (Schmitz, 2010). While Kentucky excels at breeding, thoroughbred racing is more evenly balanced between states. There are 162 racecourses in the USA, with only five of these racecourses located in Kentucky (LaMarra, 2010; International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). The median purse for a race at Keeneland in Lexington, Kentucky, was about US $50,000 in 2009, ranking it alongside Belmont Park and Saratoga (both in the state of New York) and just above Del Mar in California and Woodbine in Toronto (Canada) as the highest in North America (LaMarra, 2010). There are 14 racecourses in California, reflecting the higher population levels, the long north-south distances in the state and the favourable climate for year-round racing, certainly compared with the north-east USA. Arguably the three best-known thoroughbred races in the USA are those comprising The Triple Crown: the Belmont Stakes, inaugurated in 1867, the Preakness Stakes, first run in 1873, and the Kentucky Derby, which began in 1875. The Kentucky Derby is held at Louisville, Kentucky – the largest and more industrialized city in the state, and an urban area located outside of the Bluegrass Region where thoroughbred breeding occurs. In Canada, Ontario is the leading thoroughbred breeding and racing province, although the activity is reasonably strong in the western provinces of Alberta and British Columbia, and to a lesser extent on the prairies in Manitoba and Saskatchewan. In 2011, 732 live foals were born in Ontario, compared with 194 in British Columbia and 183 in Alberta (Hammonds, 2011). The main racetrack, Woodbine in Toronto, stages both thoroughbred and standardbred racing, and has a median thoroughbred purse per race over four times the value of its nearest Canadian competitor tracks, which are Hastings (Vancouver, British Columbia), Northlands Park (Edmonton, Alberta) and Fort Erie in the Niagara region of Ontario, across the border from Buffalo, New York (LaMarra, 2010). South America Thoroughbred breeding and racing has a long and prosperous history in parts of South America, particularly Argentina. As in many other locations

Thoroughbred breeding and racing around the world

51

around the world, the first racetracks were generally initiated by British colonists. The main racing and breeding countries are Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Peru (Quintana, 2007). There has been a significant decline in the number of racecourses in South American countries: a fall from 44 in 1995 in Argentina to 26 in 2000 and 23 in 2010, while in Brazil the number of racecourses declined from 13 in 2000 to 8 in 2010, these being a combination of dirt and grass tracks (Mota and Gouveia Ferreira, 2008; International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). Thoroughbred racing in South America differs between countries, particularly in the average number of starts per year by racehorses. In both Argentina and Uruguay in 2010, racehorses averaged 5.2 starts per annum, which is comparable with the 5.3 starts per annum in Great Britain, 6.1 starts per annum in Australia and 6.2 starts per annum in the USA. In contrast, the corresponding average number of race starts in Peru was 11.6 and in Chile it was 13.0 starts per racehorse (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). Thoroughbred racing in Chile and Peru has similarities to what previously occurred in countries such as the USA, where horses raced more often and had more total starts in the 1970s than they do at present, with the decline being relatively consistent over four decades (Mitchell, 2008). Despite the decline in the number of racecourses and races (down from 7,825 in Argentina in 2000 to 5,528 in 2010, with similar declines in Brazil and Chile), the breeding of racehorses in South America has remained steady or increased in recent years. Argentina is, again, the leading South American country with 8,437 foals born in 2010, making it the thirdranked country in the world behind the USA (27,800) and Australia (17,191) but ahead of Ireland (7,588) and Japan, where 7,105 foals were born in 2010 (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). It is not just the number of foals born that is important, but the quality of the racehorse is crucial. The Argentine-bred horse Invasor was the toprated horse and won the Eclipse Horse of the Year Award in 2006, before being injured in 2007 and retired to stud in Kentucky. The cheaper costs of labour, plus the open spaces and favourable climate, make thoroughbred breeding in South America a viable proposition. We suggest in the latter chapters of this book that population growth and economic growth, particularly in Brazil, which has recently overtaken the United Kingdom as the sixth largest economy in the world (Inman, 2011), is likely to see a reversal of recent declines and the expansion of thoroughbred breeding and racing in this part of South America. United Arab Emirates The thoroughbred originally emerged from crossing Arabian stallions with British mares. The growth of countries such as the United Arab Emirates (UAE), initially through the production of oil but later through

52

Thoroughbred breeding and racing around the world

diversification into other business ventures, has provided the foundations for a flourishing thoroughbred breeding and racing industry. Thoroughbred racing began in the UAE in 1981 and the Darley and Godolphin organizations of Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum rose to international prominence in the mid-1990s, and have been a major force at the world’s leading thoroughbred auctions and the major races since that time. Within the UAE there are four racecourses, which in 2010 hosted 321 races. The desert environment is not conducive to thoroughbred breeding, with only one thoroughbred being born in the country in 2010 (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). The importance of the UAE is not that it contains the actual breeding, but that it hosts major international races such as the Dubai World Cup, with prize money of US $10 million making it the richest thoroughbred race in the world (Dubai Racing Club, 2009), and that the wealth derived from oil finances major investments in thoroughbred breeding and racing in other countries around the world where physical environmental conditions are more suited to this particular activity. Australia The British colonies in the southern hemisphere were also the recipients of thoroughbreds exported from the United Kingdom. As noted by Pollard (1971), there were no horses of any breed in Australia at the time of European settlement. While at least seven horses (and possibly nine) predominantly of the Jennet type from Spain were imported into Australia with the First Fleet of Captain Arthur Phillip in 1788, their numbers apparently dwindled until other horses were sent over the next ten years, although herds of brumbies, or feral horses, were located by explorers west of the Blue Mountains in 1814 (Pollard, 1971; Carruthers, 2008). From 1799 a number of stallions were imported to “improve” the breeding stock, including stallions from the Cape Colony (South Africa), America, England and Arabian stallions from Persia (modern Iran) via India (Pollard, 1971). While there were unofficial race meetings held in the colony of New South Wales, the first officially government-approved race meeting was organized by officers of the 73rd Regiment and held in 1810 in Hyde Park, central Sydney. The form of racing was the traditional English match racing between two horses (Painter and Waterhouse, 1992) or three heats of two miles each (Pollard, 1971). In any case, the racing differed greatly from the contemporary form of thoroughbred racing found in Australia and elsewhere. The initial flourishing of horseracing soon evaporated as alcohol and the differences between social classes caused racing to become associated with drunkenness and unruly behaviour, not exactly the gentlemanly vision of the landed gentry and officer classes who instigated racing and breeding activities (Painter and Waterhouse, 1992). By the 1860s, the

Thoroughbred breeding and racing around the world

53

formation of the Australian Jockey Club (AJC) and the revitalization of the Randwick racecourse in the more affluent eastern suburbs of Sydney, were measures taken to increase the respectability of the sport (Painter and Waterhouse, 1992). The racing clubs were member based, with elected committee members. In Sydney in the 1880s, several proprietary clubs and privately owned racetracks were established (Painter and Waterhouse, 1992). While these commercially focused entrepreneurial ventures have since gone from the Australian racing scene or come under the auspices of the powerful racing clubs (who have moved away from notions of breeding the best horses and testing them on the racetrack to embrace racing as a global commercial venture), they are commonly seen in the USA and in other locations where racetracks may be privately owned or associated with a privately owned casino (e.g. Calder Casino and Race Course in Florida and Mountaineer in West Virginia). By the middle of the nineteenth century, a number of the major racetracks in Australia (including Randwick in Sydney and Flemington in Melbourne) had been formed. There were also numerous racing clubs in the city and in rural areas (Brassel and Brennan, 1990). Similar to the situation in England, the racing clubs were usually formed by influential settlers (the local gentry) in particular locations. Wray Vamplew (in Painter and Waterhouse, 1992, 1) described early English horseracing as “a national sport carried on at a local level”. The lack of transport facilities for moving horses around the country meant that most horses competed in regional areas. In Australia, as in England, sometimes the racing events were a major attraction as part of a larger carnival or fair, which included other races and games involving humans and other animals (including cockfighting). One early ethical issue for racing clubs in Australia was the distance of horse races, with demand for longer races (due to bushrangers escaping from police pursuers over long distances) being balanced against the distress of the horses. The creation of Australia’s premier distance event, the Melbourne Cup in 1861 over a distance of two miles (now 3,200 metres) was seen as a test of both stamina and speed to determine the best horse in the colonies (Australia became a country in 1901). The first winner, Archer, walked 550 miles (about 880 kilometres) to compete in the event. While horseracing flourished during the Depression and the interwar years, notably with the performances of Australia’s most famous racehorse Phar Lap (who was born in New Zealand), there have been major changes to the structure of racing since at least the late twentieth century. Dunstan (1973, 41) noted that in Australia: the size, variety, and spread of the equine worshipping congregations would give immense satisfaction to any bishop of the Equine Church. Even though our population is only thirteen million people we have

54

Thoroughbred breeding and racing around the world more race-meetings and more racecourses than any other people on earth.

Despite a number of rationalizations, restructurings and other changes to the racing industry and the number of race meetings and racecourses, Australia retains its position as a country with many racetracks and race meetings in places that are unimaginable in many other countries. Compared with Britain’s 60 racecourses, the International Federation of Horseracing Authorities (2011) recognizes 450 racecourses in Australia, of which 360 host thoroughbred racing (Australian Racing Board, 2010). These racecourses are left-handed or counter-clockwise in Victoria, South Australia, Tasmania and Western Australia, but right-handed or clockwise in New South Wales and Queensland. With almost 20,000 races being run each year, horseracing is one of the most popular activities in Australia, a country with a population of just over 23 million people, and is a significant part of the economy of particular regions (Australian Racing Board, 2010; International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). New Zealand The first horses to arrive in New Zealand were imported from Australia by the Reverend Samuel Marsden in 1814 (Pollard, 1971). New Zealand, similar to Australia, did not have any indigenous horses (Brassel and Brennan, 1990). The first race meeting is thought to have occurred in 1840 – held by the military garrison in Auckland (New Zealand Racing Hall of Fame, 2012), although Grant (1994) notes that the first recorded race day was in the Bay of Islands in 1835. Racing became a feature of anniversary celebrations held in settlements throughout New Zealand and is still a major feature of Canterbury’s anniversary week. There were clear divisions on the racetrack between the social classes as well as gender divisions. Most racecourse committees consisted of prominent local businessmen who built members’ stands. While the wealthy members could view the races from their stands “the common folk … cheered from the front rail, drank beer in tents, home brew in the corners or picnicked on the hill” (Grant, 2001, 15). Similar to the situation in other countries such as Australia, women were also not allowed into the members’ area unless accompanied by their husbands (Grant, 2001). Today New Zealand is highly regarded as a horseracing country, with particular strengths in the breeding of stayers. New Zealand-bred horses frequently win major races at the Australian carnivals. Within New Zealand, both standardbred and thoroughbred racing are popular, with approximately 3,000 thoroughbred races, and an almost equal number of standardbred races, being conducted each year (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). The flat racing vastly outnumbers the jumps racing but, with 122 jumps races conducted in New Zealand in 2010,

Thoroughbred breeding and racing around the world

55

this makes New Zealand one of the top seven countries for jumps racing events based on the total number of races conducted (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). Asia There is significant differentiation between the horseracing conducted in various countries within Asia. While the activities of different countries/ locations (specifically accounting for Hong Kong) can be separated by their history (British colonialism or other influences), it appears more useful to consider their present stage of development and their likely future. Two models of breeding and racing appear to dominate the scene in Asia, and each is related to the geography of the place in which the thoroughbred racing occurs. In one approach, a breeding and racing industry develop in conjunction with each other. In the second approach, the emphasis is placed on the racing industry, with thoroughbreds being imported from external breeding regions. In the following subsection of this chapter we consider a number of countries where thoroughbred racing is an important activity, whilst acknowledging that there are many other countries not adequately considered in this analysis. The first model is the traditional Western approach of developing a thoroughbred breeding and a thoroughbred racing industry almost simultaneously, certainly involving close relationships between these two industries. This is the model that has been adopted in Japan, and to a lesser extent South Korea and India. It is also the model that we believe will eventually come to fruition in China. Japan is a major thoroughbred breeding centre in the world, particularly on the northern island of Hokkaido. Over 7,000 thoroughbred foals are born annually in Japan, and as of 2010 there were 256 stallions standing in the country and almost 10,000 mares (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). With 26 racetracks, 17,563 flat races and 134 jumps races (including the richest jumps race in the world, see Chapter 14), Japan is globally significant in both thoroughbred breeding and racing (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). Given that horseracing is one of the few legally sanctioned gambling activities in Japan, the popularity and status of horseracing is likely to continue for a long time in this country even though the meteoric rise of the Japanese economy in the 1960s and 1970s that assisted the growth of the horseracing industry is now overshadowed by economic stagnation and an aging and declining population. South Korea, like Japan, has a significant thoroughbred breeding and racing industry, with 102 stallions standing in 2010, over 2, 000 mares in the country and over 1,300 foals born each year (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). While there are only two racecourses in the country, 1794 races were conducted in 2010, all of them on the flat

56

Thoroughbred breeding and racing around the world

(International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). The model in South Korea is of a breeding industry, associated with the centralization of thoroughbred racing at a limited number of venues. India is the second most populous country in the world, and is anticipated to overtake China as the most populous country before 2030. Not only is the total population significant, but so is the emergence of a stratum of a super-rich class with disposable income and time to engage in horseracing and a prosperous middle class in mega-cities such as Mumbai who are willing and able to pay for entertainment. With over 1 billion people, India has only nine racecourses and a small breeding industry with 114 standing stallions and over 1,800 thoroughbred foals born in 2010 (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). India, like Japan and South Korea, has sufficient space for the creation of thoroughbred breeding regions. By way of contrast, the second model of a thoroughbred industry is that exemplified in both Singapore and Hong Kong, both being highly constrained urban areas with the available green space being used for water catchment, recreation and other purposes. In these locations, the emphasis is on the racing of thoroughbreds, with the horses being imported from countries such as Australia. There are a limited number of horses, and punters become familiar with the horses because they tend to race each other often. In Singapore, there is one racecourse, with 916 races in 2010 involving 1,337 different horses running, with the average number of racing starts per horse being just under 7.5 per year (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). In Hong Kong, horseracing is conducted mid-week under lights at Happy Valley on Hong Kong Island, and on Saturdays at the newer Shatin racecourse in the New Territories. In 2009 there were a total of 767 races involving 1301 different horses, with the average number of starts per year being slightly over 7.5 per horse (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). In 2009–10, 41 per cent of the racehorses in Hong Kong were of Australian origin, which represented about A$13 million in sales and was “twice the value of the next export market, Singapore” (Parker, 2010, 8). This was supposedly because of their toughness in being able to handle the humid climate, the difficult training circumstances and the high number of races that horses are entered in (Parker, 2010). According to Peter McGauran, a former minister in the Australian government and currently chief executive of the industry-financed body Aushorse Marketing, “Hong Kong really has become the global stage for breeding nations to compete with each other. To be successful in Hong Kong over a long period of time is a very significant achievement” (McGauran, quoted in Parker, 2010, 8). Success in Hong Kong was seen by Peter McGauran as a window into mainland China (Parker, 2010). While there is a ban on racing and gambling in China, Australian exporters are selling about 100 horses a year into

Thoroughbred breeding and racing around the world

57

China and “we are building relationships with people interested in horseracing in mainland China, looking to the day when the government decides to change policy” (McGauran, quoted in Parker, 2010, 8). This occurred in June, 2011, when horseracing, but not gambling, was permitted again after the Strict Forbidden Order on Horseracing Gambling in the year 2000 led to a number of racetracks that had been established in the 1990s being shut down in the period to 2002 (Kentucky China Trade Center, n.d.). This action opens export markets for a number of countries, given that the major exporting countries are European and a number of the existing horses in China were formerly involved in racing in Hong Kong (Kentucky China Trade Center, n.d.). A number of initiatives are currently at various stages of development, including a proposal by the Meydan Corporation (from Dubai, in the United Arab Emirates – a notable thoroughbred breeding and racing location) to build a “horse city” near the city of Tianjin in north-east China. In summary, China is likely to develop a Chinese model of thoroughbred breeding and racing, where breeding is eventually given prominence and racing is conducted, but gambling is limited or structured in ways that are acceptable to the ruling political party.

Summary The growth and spread of thoroughbred breeding and racing around the world was initially due in no small part to the actions of the landed gentry and the military officers of the British Empire in colonial outposts. The desire to create a respectable sport that tested the breeding skills of various gentlemen evolved into an activity that enabled gambling by the masses, with little interest in the breeding of the animals. In the twentieth century, thoroughbred racing survived many scandals and became established in a number of countries outside the former British colonies. By the late twentieth century, major horse races were conducted in Japan, in addition to Malaysia, Singapore and Hong Kong. The rise to prominence of Arab owners and breeders is clearly discernible on the tracks of England, Ireland, the USA and Australia, as well as in the thoroughbred breeding farms located within commuting distance of the major cities. It can also be seen in the establishment of new racing facilities in various parts of Asia, and the recent and current attempts to establish racing in a one-party Communist state such as China. The link between economic processes and the establishment and growth of thoroughbred breeding and racing, once channelled through the conduit of colonialism, then promoted by industrialization in the eastern USA, is now perpetuated through the injection of money derived from a manufacturing- and services-based economy (the rise of Japan in the latter half of the twentieth century) and from the oil-rich states of the Middle East. This form of expansion is encouraged by thoroughbred breeders because it opens up new markets but, most importantly, it opens up new markets

58

Thoroughbred breeding and racing around the world

at the top end of the industry. The benefits for thoroughbred breeders of “new money” entering the industry are that it is not always backed by old knowledge, and may therefore be easily lost on potential that is never realized, and that the new money raises the value of all assets by pulling up the prices of racehorses across the board. The industry is constantly on the lookout for new money, whether it be located in new geographic locations (such as Asia and the Middle East) or in new industries (information technology, social media). Similar to the rise of mining magnates and railway barons, the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry offers new money the chance to mix with old money and, in doing so, to become socially respectable.

5

The business of thoroughbred breeding and racing

Thoroughbred breeding and racing is often presented as sport, as entertainment, as a lifestyle. It is all of these things, and more, but of necessity it is also a business. For some participants in this activity, it is first and foremost a business. The global horseracing industry supports many people through the provision of livelihoods, with indirect multiplier effects that are important generally, and are crucial in particular locations where the industry is concentrated. This chapter explores the structure of breeding and racing, including the complex and varying relationships between gambling, racing and breeding. These structures and relationships vary throughout the world, so while we have endeavoured to be specific in our locations, we are also aware that we cannot cover every single variation between countries, states/provinces and individual business models. The chapter looks at the structure of the industry, particularly in its varied relationships to gambling, and how these have changed over time. While there are many sources of income (including television and radio broadcast rights, merchandise sales, sponsorship and government support), the importance of gambling cannot be understated in most jurisdictions where thoroughbred breeding and racing is conducted. In this sense, the chapter offers comparisons between the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry and other sports businesses, including why many people engage in an industry when they can expect to lose money.

Sports business and the business of sport Sports businesses are unlike other forms of business in that they rely on both competition and cooperation in order to succeed. For example, in non-sporting business terms, if one gold miner expands and buys out its competitors, it may develop a monopoly on gold mines in an area. By doing so, this company eliminates competition and can then control the flow of gold onto the market, simply because gold cannot be reproduced and another company would have to find alternative sources of gold. Similarly, if a supermarket chain buys out competitors in a suburb, they

60

The business of thoroughbred breeding and racing

can then operate without fear of close competition, and conduct their pricing, employment and customer servicing strategies accordingly, particularly if there is a weak regulatory system operating at a higher level for these practices. Sports businesses do not work this way. There is definitely competition in all aspects of the sport (whether it is for brand recognition, a coaching position, a role on a team, to win the event, and so on) but there is also a need for cooperation because the activity requires multiple players, generally with some chance of victory. For example, there is no point in a rich baseball club such as the New York Yankees trying to buy up the competition (there is a point in buying up the best players), because baseball games require two opposing teams, and a season of 162 games plus playoffs needs a number of teams vying for limited play-off positions to make it interesting and to broaden the television market beyond the New York metropolitan area. The problem when one or two teams dominate a league is seen in the example of Scottish football, with the “Old Firm” of Glasgow Rangers and Celtic winning the league title annually, to the detriment of other clubs and the competition generally. In the global horseracing industry, there is a dominance by the big operations (Coolmore, Darley/Godolphin), but this dominance is somewhat ephemeral. Racehorses have a limited time at the top of their game (generally two–three years) and even dominance in breeding is about 10–12 years. The business model in its simplest form is to replace the aging champions with younger horses, hence the emphasis on the potential of yearlings, and increasingly on weanlings. Importantly, however, Coolmore and Darley need each other to conduct high-profile bidding wars at auctions, and every racehorse owner, trainer and jockey needs competitors or else there would be nothing to win. For the industry, not only do they need champions (given the “pulling power” of champions such as Black Caviar, a mare undefeated in her first 19 starts, to mid-February, 2012, in Australia and often against the best opposition in the country, to boost crowds and media interest), but from time to time they also need unlikely heroes to emerge and defeat the giants of the industry. This was the scenario for taxi driver Joe Janiak and the champion sprinter Takeover Target, who went from the provincial tracks of Gosford and Grafton in NSW to Royal Ascot, Newmarket and Japan before being crowned the best sprinter in the world in 2006. Like many other sporting industries, the global horseracing industry does romance very well. Perhaps less glamorous, but similar to many other sports businesses, is the competition for the division of revenue. Everybody needs each other to generate this revenue, but the distribution of the revenue is an ongoing issue in all sports. For example, the 2011 National Basketball Association lockout was about the distribution of revenue between the team owners and the players, a scenario which is more likely to occur in basketball than in many other team sports because there are fewer players on the court and

The business of thoroughbred breeding and racing

61

those who do play a lot can become stars and are not easily replaceable. In horseracing, the distribution of gambling revenue between various racing clubs, the distribution of prize money between owners, trainers and jockeys, and the establishment of minimum rates for jockeys are all examples of business practices that are about carving up the pie among participants. Similarly, when jockeys threatened to walk out on the 2011 Melbourne Cup day, they wanted the state and territory governments in Australia to invest A$5 million in a trust fund for jockeys and their families so that they could be compensated for death or serious injury in this sport. While the strike did not go ahead, this is a common tactic used by organized labour against business owners to achieve a desired outcome. In this particular instance, the aim was to make the pie larger, with the additional pie going solely to the jockeys and their dependents. Why government funding? One reason is that it would not hurt other parts of the racing industry. Second, as shown later in this chapter, governments derive substantial income from gambling on horseracing.

Covering costs When conducting this research into thoroughbred breeding and racing, we were often asked the question of how you make a small fortune out of racing. The answer is to start with a large fortune. Another line quoted more than once was that there are no bad losers in racing – they’ve all packed up and gone home. The ones remaining are good losers. These “jokes” get to the heart of matter – that unless there is enough money to cover the costs of horseracing, then some people in the industry will inevitably lose. If there is not enough money to cover the expenses of buying and racing a horse, why do people do it? A logical analysis would suggest that horseracing is not a good investment, yet businesspeople do “invest” in horseracing. The ability of owners to cover their costs is very limited in most jurisdictions, meaning that inevitably all but the successful owners will lose money. Thoroughbred breeders, auctioneers and other people in the industry know this, but foster participation and ownership of racehorses through various means, including owner-breeder schemes and syndication. A study of the percentage of the expenses of keeping and training a horse that is covered by prize money (this does not include the initial cost of purchasing the horse) in various countries over a five-year period (2006–10) showed that very few countries provide sufficient prize money to fund the cost of keeping and training a racehorse (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2010). For example, in Great Britain over this period it declined from 24 to 21 per cent, while in Ireland it declined from 28 to 22 per cent (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2010). Owning and racing a horse is an expensive luxury. In Australia and New Zealand over this five-year period the corresponding figure never rose

62

The business of thoroughbred breeding and racing

above 50 per cent of expenses; in South Africa it declined from 52 per cent to 45 per cent over the same period; while in Japan it averaged about 60 per cent. Only in countries/locations such as Hong Kong (varying between 113 and 100 per cent), India (varying between 147 and 103 per cent), South Korea (varying between 230 and 168 per cent), Singapore (varying between 142 and 126 per cent) and the United Arab Emirates (varying between 366 per cent and 165 per cent over the same time period) did the prize money cover the expenses of keeping and training a thoroughbred, again ignoring the initial breeding/purchasing costs (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2010). One estimate of expenses from Australia for two-year-olds entered into the 2009 Golden Slipper, run in April at Rosehill Gardens racecourse in Sydney, is particularly revealing. Of the 16 starters, all of whom were conceived in late 2005 and born in late 2006, three-quarters of these horses were sold as yearlings in 2008 for a total of A$2.6 million, with the first prize for the world’s richest race for two-year-old thoroughbreds being $2 million in 2009 (Stevenson, 2009). The estimated cost of maintaining a thoroughbred was $30,000 per year, not counting entry fees for races, which in the case of the Golden Slipper is $30,000 for a Final Acceptance into the race (Stevenson, 2009) and $150,000 for a Late Entry Fee (Australian Turf Club, 2012). In 2009 the race was won by a gelding, Phelan Ready, which meant no career as a stallion once the winning thoroughbred has been retired from the racetrack. It is very difficult to reduce the expenses of approximately A$30,000 per year (this would mean not feeding the horse, not providing suitable veterinary care or underpaying the trainer or the jockey), so apart from some small savings in this regard, the biggest opportunity for making the ownership of racehorses a more viable proposition is to increase the prize money. Where does the prize money come from? Certainly it comes from sponsorship, and race clubs actively seek to woo and retain sponsors, and it comes from entry fees paid by owners so that their horse can compete in a particular race, but significantly it comes from the distribution of gambling revenue. This occurs in many forms, including contributing to the funding of incentive schemes and other payments to owners that do not count as prize money, but have the effect of making the ownership of a racehorse more viable. For example, in Australia in 2010, although the total prize money was just over $427 million (which also has to be distributed to trainers and jockeys), the total payment to owners was over $481 million after various incentive schemes were taken into account (Australian Racing Board, 2010). This varied significantly between states, being more a feature of racing in NSW than Victoria, for example. As implied from the above discussion, the finances of thoroughbred breeding and racing are precarious. It is not surprising that many thoroughbred breeders perceived themselves to be gamblers (see Chapter 12).

The business of thoroughbred breeding and racing

63

The gamble occurs in many forms, with an interesting study by The American Thoroughbred Review (2004) highlighting some of the risks for the horse, the stud farm, the breeder and the purchaser of yearlings at auction. This study followed the fortunes of 107 stallions that entered service in the premier breeding location of Kentucky between 1994 and 1997 inclusive, with service fees ranging from US $1,000 to the highest price of $40,000 for Thunder Gulch. By 2004, only 16 stallions remained in Kentucky. Three of these were considered “difficult to argue as success stories”, meaning that in effect only 12 per cent of the stallions remained in Kentucky between seven and ten years after entering service and “if you bred to an unproven stallion during this period, you had an 88 per cent chance of breeding to an eventual Kentucky outcast” (The American Thoroughbred Review, 2004). By 2004 those stallions still standing at stud were based in New York, Louisiana, South Africa, Turkey, Uruguay and elsewhere, at greatly reduced service fees. Further, purchasers of yearlings sired by one of these stallions more than likely lost money (The American Thoroughbred Review, 2004). Given the chances that breeding to an unproven stallion in Kentucky between 1994 and 1997 (disregarding variations in service fees and differences in the number of coverings by these stallions) amounted to an 88 per cent chance of breeding to an eventual outcast, it is worth considering the various taxation benefits and incentive programs used by different states. These financial attractions, combined with the marketing of stallions by individual thoroughbred farms, are designed to attract potential breeders to a particular location. The specific details of different schemes throughout the world are far beyond the scope of this book (indeed, each jurisdiction probably warrants a small publication in its own right) and the discussion below is an overview.

Taxation benefits and incentive schemes Commencing with taxation systems, the common elements of taxation systems are depreciation allowances on assets (horses, farm equipment, vehicles, and so on). The rate of depreciation varies between jurisdictions, and this influences the finances of individual thoroughbred businesses. There are specific taxation provisions for countries that can boost, or at least protect, the thoroughbred industry. Sometimes these are specifically targeted towards boosting this industry (see below), while in other places and at other times the benefits to the thoroughbred industry are not the main reason for introducing a particular provision. This was the case when, given the downturn in the US economy, under the Obama Administration in 2008 and 2009 bonus depreciation was temporarily increased from 50 per cent to 100 per cent of eligible assets. While this was not specifically intended to support the thoroughbred breeding industry, the provisions of

64

The business of thoroughbred breeding and racing

the bonus tax legislation “can be applied to horses and other depreciable farm property with a useful life of less than 20 years” (Anon., 2009a). An example of a thoroughbred specific taxation provision was the Stallion Tax Exemption in Ireland, which was introduced in 1969 and ceased in 2008, mainly because “the European Commission argued that the breeding industry exemptions were equivalent to state aid” (Racing and Sports, 2007; Parsons and Smith, 2008; Thoroughbred Times, 2008). This tax exemption attracted many of the top stallions to Ireland (see Chapters 8 and 10 about the importance of stallions in a region). According to John Magnier (Coolmore), the exemption “was a big incentive to the industry at a time when there wasn’t an industry, and it was a smart move of the government to introduce it and of ensuing governments to maintain it” (Thoroughbred Times, 2008). Similarly, John Foley (Ballyhane Stud) said that the exemption “was ‘a major catalyst’ in developing Irish breeding from ‘a small cottage industry’ into its current position among the world leaders” (Thoroughbred Times, 2008). While an industry can be boosted by taxation benefits for participants, it can also be boosted in particular locations by incentive programs. The idea of these programs is to attract new people into the industry, but it is questionable in some cases (particularly in the US states where there are numerous states with incentive programs) as to whether they result mainly in existing participants moving a part of their business from one location to another – akin to rearranging the deckchairs on the Titanic. Neibergs and Thalheimer (1999) published a study on incentive programs in the USA, using 1995 data which, at the time, were the most recent aggregate data available. They found that the distribution of incentives in the USA was mostly in the form of restricted purses (53 per cent), followed by breeder awards (22 per cent) and owner awards (18 per cent). They calculated the cost per foal of breeder incentives for 28 US states with such awards, finding that the costs per foal ranged enormously. The states with the highest costs were New York (at US $11,364 per foal, with the ninth most foals produced) and New Jersey (where the cost was $11,100 per foal and the state was ranked fourteenth in terms of foals produced). States where there were low costs per foal included Kentucky ($525 per foal, being the twenty-fifth highest cost per foal, and the state with the most foals produced) and Texas, which had costs of $220 per foal, the fourth most foals produced and the lowest cost of incentives per foal of all 28 states studied (Neibergs and Thalheimer, 1999, 583). New York continues to offer a range of breeder incentives, including races specifically for horses bred in New York, benefits for stallion owners if the progeny of New York stallions win at New York racetracks, and a differentiated purse system where New York-sired horses receive double the amount of non-New York sired horses (New York Thoroughbred Breeders Inc., 2010). The impact of taxation and incentive schemes can vary. As noted above, the Stallion Tax Exemption was crucial in boosting the Irish thoroughbred

The business of thoroughbred breeding and racing

65

breeding industry. This was probably due to the extent of benefit, the centrality of stallions to the industry, the perpetuation of the scheme over 40 years and the lack of competing schemes. By way of contrast, the British Horseracing Board introduced an Owners’ Premium Scheme in 2004, removed it in January, 2005 and reintroduced a much weaker version (with the premium reduced from 25 per cent to 5 per cent) a few months later. An analysis of the scheme by Parsons and Smith (2008, 63) found, with qualifications, given the short time frame of operation, that “it would appear that the Owners’ Premium has not provided significant assistance to the British breeding industry”. The various schemes for increasing prize money, providing bonuses for locally bred and raised thoroughbreds, and funding other incentives to encourage people to participate in this activity are generally derived from gambling turnover. It is therefore apposite to consider the economics of gambling in relation to the global horseracing industry.

Industry foundations – from illegal gambling to racinos Gambling has long been part of horseracing, with the initial form of racing being match races to settle bets on whose horse was fastest (Myers, 2006). The first steeplechase in Ireland was conducted in 1752, again as a result of a wager. The importance of gambling not only in providing money as a foundation for the industry, but in the structuring of the industry itself, cannot be overemphasized. If we reconsider for a moment the distribution of racetracks in different countries (Chapter 4), then two factors stand out to account for the organization and location of racecourses in different countries. The first of these is geography, particularly the distances between settlements and the climate that was suitable for horses to be the main means of transportation in previous centuries (this partly explains the high number of racetracks in Australia). The second is the culture of gambling and the regulation of gambling by the state. In Australia in 2010 there were 360 racetracks, including many smaller ones outside the large cities, serving a total population of approximately 23 million people. By way of comparison, New York state has a population of just under 20 million (not including adjacent urban populations in Connecticut and New Jersey) and the New York Racing Association operates three racetracks (Belmont Park and Aqueduct in New York City, Saratoga in Saratoga Springs, upstate New York, where the main summer carnival is conducted). There is a smaller track called the Finger Lakes Casino and Racetrack in Farmington, western New York state, that has been operating since 1962, and since 2004 has been a casino and racetrack operation – a racino. This form of gambling establishment is not unique, as demonstrated below. Gambling is a controversial activity that has been banned at various times in different countries, with bans still in existence in China today,

66

The business of thoroughbred breeding and racing

although even there a limited form of lottery is now permitted in locations such as Wuhan. Gambling and horseracing were banned in the state of New Jersey in 1898. In the state of New York, the passing in June 1908 of the Hart-Agnew Law prohibited gambling, but allowed racing to continue. Vigorous enforcement of this law, and additional legislation targeting racecourse owners as being responsible for gambling activities that occurred at the track, resulted in all racetracks in New York state being closed in 1910 and many horses, trainers and jockeys moving to France and England to continue racing. Some popular racetracks (including Brighton Beach, Gravesend and Sheepshead Bay – all located in Brooklyn) did not reopen ever again, despite the successful challenge to the legality of the ban by conducting a jumps meeting with gambling at Belmont Park in 1912. The legal case following this action resulted in Belmont Park, Aqueduct, Saratoga, Jamaica (closed in 1959) and Empire City (which has been harness racing only since 1942) reopening (Liebman, 2008). The distribution of gambling revenue, rather than the total banning of gambling activity, became the focus of future debate in New York, as highlighted below. The situation in America during this time was reflected, somewhat, in other countries where horseracing thrived. Bookmakers operated on Australian and British racetracks, but were banned from operating on racetracks in New Zealand in 1910. The 1910 Gaming Act made it illegal for bookmakers to operate on racecourses, in licensed premises, and in public places, but did not specifically state that the business of bookmaking was illegal. Bookmaking finally became illegal with the implementation of the 1920 Gaming Amendment Act (Graham, 2007). While bookmakers could operate on-track in Australia and in Britain, off-course betting was illegal. In the UK this was a result of the Betting Houses Act of 1853 and the Street Betting Act of 1906, which prohibited all off-course betting, except on credit (Hill, 1988; Chinn, 2004). Given factors such as transport difficulties and inability to get time off work, punters wanted to be able to bet off-track, thereby leading to the rise of illegal bookmakers, known as SP (starting price) bookies, who provided betting services from various locations, including hotels, corner shops and workplaces. These SP bookmakers often had “runners” go to streets, factories, hospitals and other locations to collect bets, and children to watch the street for police, and would shut up shop and disappear if a raid appeared imminent (Hill, 1988; Chinn, 2004). Gambling did not disappear with the passing of legislation, but there was a change in the distribution of gambling revenue as none of it was available for the state, and hence none of it was returned to the racing industry. Given this problem, it is important to note how authorities in different countries attempted to deal with the illegal bookmakers, particularly as it relates to the distribution of funds generated by gambling and their use to support the activity of horseracing. There is a commonality between the UK, New Zealand and Australia in that they needed to implement systems

The business of thoroughbred breeding and racing

67

that would deter illegal bookmakers from operating, regulate the horserace gambling industry and gain valuable revenue. The different approaches taken in these countries, and in other countries around the world, were important in creating the conditions for which the conduct of horseracing, and gambling on horseracing, varies in countries today. In the UK, Lord Hamilton of Dalzell, newly appointed in 1927 as the senior steward of the English Jockey Club, instigated an investigation as to how “betting may be best made to contribute to the maintenance of the sport” (in Cassidy, 2007, 153). The Second World War impacted significantly on horseracing and gambling in the UK, but following the conclusion of the war it enjoyed a short boom prior to the challenge of a wider choice of entertainment in the 1950s (Hill, 1988). This led to a number of proposals for a Tote, whereby all the money bet on a race is placed in a “pool” and a percentage of money is deducted to cover the operations of the tote, as taxes and/or to support the racing industry, with the remainder of the pool being returned to punters who had bet on the winner and the first three placed horses (depending on the number of horses in the race). In the UK, this idea was challenged by the bookmakers, who preferred a levy to be placed on their operations, given that the alternative was abolition of their operating model, with this levy being used to support the horseracing industry (Hill, 1988). The existence of many private betting shops in the UK today (including William Hill, Ladbrokes and Coral) can be traced to the legalization of off-course bookmakers on 1 May, 1961, which was intended to regulate and tax betting shops (Dixon, 1996) and resulted in 10,000 such legal operations opening in the first six months after the law came into effect (Hey, 2008). While the idea of The Tote was successfully challenged by previously illegal SP bookmakers in the UK, in 1951 New Zealand did introduce the Totalisator Agency Board (TAB), being the first of its type in the world, where a quasi-government agency provided off-site betting services for punters, collected tax revenue and was intended to shut down the activities of the illegal bookmakers. The only forms of legal betting were either at the racetracks or at the TAB outlets (Graham, 2007). Australia also introduced the TAB, with the first TAB opening in Victoria in 1961, followed by New South Wales and the Australian Capital Territory in 1964 and most other states and territories within the next decade. The TABs were privatized in the 1990s, beginning in Victoria in 1994 under the Neoliberalism of the Kennett government (see Haughton and McManus, 2012), with other states following. In New Zealand, the New Zealand Racing Board (NZRB) was established with the implementation of the Racing Act 2003. The NZRB is “the co-ordination point” for thoroughbred racing, harness racing and greyhound racing and incorporates the Totalisator Agency Board (TAB), which is the “sole provider of betting on racing and sport” within New Zealand. There is also a judicial control authority, which “administers the rules and regulations and conducts inquiries into breaches of the rules,

68

The business of thoroughbred breeding and racing

for all three racing codes” (NZRB, 2012). The objectives of the board are to operate the TAB, to promote racing and to maximize profits. In 2011/12 the funding provided was NZ$127.9 million (NZRB, 2012). The three racing codes are, therefore, economically dependent on the NZRB. Prior to 2006, racing duty was set at 20% of betting profits, but in a successful bid by the NZRB to the New Zealand Government, this was reduced to 4 per cent of gambling profits, bringing it in line with the formula established for casino gambling duty (Inland Revenue Department, 2006). The distribution of gambling revenue is the crucial economic issue facing many thoroughbred racing authorities today. In the USA, bookmakers operated on American racetracks, but were “banned in Kentucky in the early part of the twentieth century, and other states (except Nevada) gradually followed suit, leaving the pari-mutuel [totalizators, or The Tote] system in their wake” (Cassidy, 2007, 154). All legal bets placed on-track in the USA are through the Tote system (Cassidy, 2007). In order to reduce illegal off-track betting, to reduce the burdens of policing illegal gambling and to capture some of the gambling revenue for the City of New York, the first legal off-track betting (OTB) parlour was established in New York in 1971 (Commission on the Review of the National Policy towards Gambling, 1976). Moran (1997) argues that the rationale behind legalizing off-track betting was to reduce the amount of money being wagered with illegal bookmakers (there appears to be a sense that the bookmakers could not be totally eliminated) and raise revenues through taxes. The OTB was established to benefit the city of New York given that, from the 1950s onwards, the city’s finances were under strain. The operations of the OTB have fluctuated in fortunes over approximately four decades, and the organization has flirted with privatization and insolvency on more than one occasion in its history. In the financial year ending 2008 the OTB received US $1 billion in wagers, resulting in $250 million in revenue, and from that revenue “paid out approximately $93-million to Thoroughbred and harness racing, $20-million to the city, and $15-million to the state” (Lowe, 2009). In 2009, “the New York City Off-Track Betting Corporation filed for bankruptcy protection”, however this was declined and by December 2010 an estimated 50 betting parlours had closed (Dunlap, 2011). The operations of the OTB are facing a new challenge in the New York area – the emergence of the racino (a combined racetrack and casino). As of December, 2011, 12 U.S states have permitted the development of racinos, these states being Delaware, Florida, Indiana, Iowa, Louisiana, Maine, Minnesota, New Mexico, New York, Oklahoma, Rhode Island and West Virginia (American Gaming Association, 2011; World Casino Directory, 2011). In four of these states, namely Delaware, New York, Rhode Island and West Virginia, the casino part of the operation is limited to videomachine gambling, rather than live-table gambling (American Gaming Association, 2011), although this “limitation” is about the form of the

The business of thoroughbred breeding and racing

69

gambling, rather than the number of machines. The latest racino to open, at Aqueduct Raceway in the borough of Queens in New York City, drew a crowd of up to 20,000 people on opening day, and was full to capacity by mid-afternoon, as gamblers played on the 2,480 video gambling machines currently in the casino, with another 2,500 or so machines due to be added before the end of 2011 (Algar and Venezia, 2011; Whelan, 2011). The racino is designed to collect gambling revenue that was previously going to the casinos in Atlantic City, New Jersey, the Empire City Casino at Yonkers Raceway (New York City’s main harness racing venue) or to the OTB (and hence the City of New York) as discussed above. The racino has grown in absolute numbers (now 45 racinos at thoroughbred, standardbred and greyhound tracks in 12 states) and dollar value, with consumer gambling rising from US $2 billion in 2002 to $6.78 billion in 2010 (American Gaming Association, 2011). Seven “racino markets”, including two racinos in the Philadelphia market, had takings of over $300 million in 2010, with the largest being Philadelphia ($759 million), Yonkers in New York ($582 million) and Indianapolis (nearly $446 million) (American Gaming Association, 2011). The racino provides money directly to the racetrack (since they are operated by the same owner), rather than racetracks having to rely on other sources of funding, including state government payments from gambling being used to support the horseracing industry. A recent study by Thalheimer (2012) of gambling activity at the racino in Prairie Meadows, Iowa, concluded (similar to an earlier study by the author of Mountaineer Park in West Virginia (Thalheimer (1998)) that other forms of gambling revenue (slot machines and tables) increased on days when there was horseracing, but that increasing the number of slot machines or introducing gambling tables led to a reduction in betting on horseracing. The distribution of gambling revenue varies between states. For example, in Louisiana, riverboat casinos and racinos are treated differently, where the gross revenue of racinos is distributed “with 18% of gross revenue being paid to horsemen; 18.5% of net to state taxes and 4% to local parish” (American Gaming Association, 2011, 15), while in New York, where there are eight racinos, 33.47 per cent of revenue is retained by the operator (American Gaming Association, 2011). While gross purses at racetracks across the USA have declined by approximately US $90 million between 2006 and 2010 (due in part to the global financial crisis), with falls of about $45 million in California and $14 million in Kentucky, it is the states with racinos that have prospered, with Pennsylvania increasing its total purse by about $73 million in the same time period (The Jockey Club, 2011). A decline in gambling revenue has other consequences for the horseracing industry and for government coffers. Not only is there less revenue to fund the horseracing industry and other activities/charities, but the decline in gambling revenue at Keeneland, Kentucky in 2009 resulted in

70

The business of thoroughbred breeding and racing

the state of Kentucky having to refund Keeneland more than US $516, 000. This unusual situation occurred because, in Kentucky, racetracks that have more than $1.2 million in average daily “handle” (the amount of money bet on racing) pay 3.5 per cent tax, which Keeneland had been paying. The decline in betting due to the economic downturn meant that Keeneland dropped into the lower tax bracket of 1.5 per cent (Patton, 2009). While the situation is changing rapidly in various states within the USA, the relationship between racetracks and gambling is very different in other parts of the world. Governments receive significant revenue from gambling on thoroughbred racing, with the percentage varying by country and by the different forms of gambling (tote or bookmakers) in particular countries. For example, in Australia in 2010, governments received 4 per cent of all betting turnover on thoroughbred racing, but this amounted to a substantial figure exceeding A$289 million, the same amount that was returned to the racing industry (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2010). In Australia the presence of off-shore internet gambling, or internet gambling operating out of the Northern Territory which deprives other states of gambling revenue – which is significant given the state-based organization of thoroughbred racing in Australia – is a critical factor. Casinos are generally seen as competition to thoroughbred gambling revenue, although casinos have also been sure to ingratiate (and advertise) themselves with and through the activity of thoroughbred racing. In other locations gambling is both a fillip to and a constraint on (due to its political ramifications) thoroughbred racing. For example, in Hong Kong there are two racetracks. Happy Valley operates on Wednesday nights while the newer and larger Sha Tin track operates on Saturdays and Sundays, between September and July. The gambling revenues support the Hong Kong government (to the tune of 11.9 per cent of betting turnover – International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2010) and the racing industry but, in addition to this contribution, since 1955 the Hong Kong Jockey Club (HKJC) has donated its annual surplus to charities and other socially beneficial developments. In 2010/11 the HKJC through its Charities Trust donated over HK $1.62 billion (approximately US $210 million) to 114 charities and community projects, including funding support services to enable students with Autism Spectrum Disorders to attend ordinary schools, funding core training activities for the Hong Kong Sea Cadet Corps and funding libraries and the installation of air conditioners in some schools (Hong Kong Jockey Club, 2012). Gambling revenue is also significant because it supports the racing industry, which in turn means that the Hong Kong Jockey Club purchases thoroughbreds at auctions in Australia and elsewhere, and imports these horses into Hong Kong. By way of contrast, during the 1990s China looked to be a major development market for thoroughbred racing (and hence the breeding industry in other countries) but as noted in Chapter 4, in 2000 the Communist Party issued the Strict Forbidden Order on Horseracing Gambling, which led to

The business of thoroughbred breeding and racing

71

a number of new racetracks being shut down (Kentucky China Trade Center, n.d.). The issues of gambling, and the perceptions of opulence, appear critical to the future of horseracing in China. In some locations, thoroughbred racing enjoys a privileged status as one of the few activities in which gambling is legal. This is critical for its financial basis, and means that it has a significant advantage over other sports where gambling is not permitted. One such instance is Japan, where punters are legally allowed to gamble on four “public sports”, namely horseracing, keirin bicycle racing, motorcycle racing and powerboat racing. It is not surprising that Japan has the highest betting turnover on horseracing in the world, with 29 per cent of the world total (more than the UK and USA combined), although the absolute betting figure has declined in recent years due to unfavourable economic conditions (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2010). In summary, horseracing and gambling have had a complex relationship that has varied over time, and between places. The economics of thoroughbred breeding and racing are complex, but the capture and distribution of gambling revenue is critical to the prize money on offer, the development of other breeding and owner bonus schemes and the upgrading of facilities for racing patrons. The racing industry must continue to innovate to compete against other forms of entertainment, but within the racing industry there is competition to claim the financial rewards that are on offer. While success and failure can be put down to many factors, the importance of innovation should not be underestimated. The importance of economic pressures and responding to technological challenges, while recognizing the importance of tradition and the cultural factors that shape thoroughbred breeding and racing, are explored in greater detail later in this book.

Summary Thoroughbred breeding and racing is similar to many other sports businesses in that it relies on competitors surviving, or new competitors entering the field, in contrast to many other non-sports businesses, where corporations attempt to reduce the competition by either buying it, or driving it out of business. The economics of horseracing, like other “luxuries” such as yachting, golf club membership, and so on, are subject to the vagaries of external economic forces. This can be particularly challenging for thoroughbred breeders, given the lag time between an economic decision such as choosing to mate a stallion and mare, the financial payment (perhaps in this case a live foal) and the financial return to the owner of the mare and foal, which may come almost a year and a half later at a yearling auction. If, in the meantime, there has been a global financial crisis or a sovereign debt crisis, or other economic downturn (not to mention the potentially fluctuating fortunes of the sire or the dam based on their

72

The business of thoroughbred breeding and racing

pedigree and the performance of their offspring), then the economic decisions can be very complex. The implications of these decisions for the lives of individual horses can also be significant. At the time of writing, it is apparent that, in many countries, horseracing is experiencing a downturn as a result of wider economic contexts. This is reflected in the reduced number of horses being bred, their decreased auction values, the decline in prize money in many racing jurisdictions and the demise of some racing clubs/tracks. The contrary position is demonstrated by the growth of racinos in the USA, but this analysis has ignored the wider social implications of increased gambling revenue for horseracing meaning that it is not available for other non-gambling uses. The survival of horseracing requires new approaches that take it beyond an aging core supporter base, but also enable the growth of the available funds, and a distribution formula that acknowledges the roles of various participants in the industry and is commensurate with social values about the type of society that people want to live in.

6

Economic pressures and technological change

The economics of the global thoroughbred breeding and racing industry conform to conventional economic theories about competition encouraging innovation, but they also foster the risk of illegal behaviour that is harmful to the horses, and undermines confidence in the integrity of the activity. This is not a criticism of people involved in the global horseracing industry – merely recognition of the importance of factoring in on-course detectives, drug testing, and other preventative measures, within the costs of running the sport. As with other competitive activities such as athletics, baseball and cycling, to name but a few, the drive to succeed can foster innovation, but innovation is not always desirable or indeed legal. This chapter highlights that the challenges to the future of thoroughbreds in sport are likely to include economic considerations, but “the economic” comprises overlapping cultural, environmental, technical and ethical concerns. While people in the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry are keen to protect the economic bases of their industry, the resolution of issues creates economic costs and benefits both for the industry in general and for particular individuals within the industry. The changing cultural, environmental and ethical concerns (all of which are cultural) mean that, in some instances, there are opportunities for innovators within the industry. The chapter begins by looking at innovation within existing parameters, where there are economic changes but no major technological changes. It then moves to the question of innovation versus maintaining tradition, a debate that almost all sports and activities have to address, not just once, but on a continual basis. In particular, we consider some of the technological changes that have been implemented to improve the safety of horses and riders in thoroughbred racing. Finally, the chapter considers the importance of technological change in the gambling industry, building on the issues raised in the preceding chapter about the business of thoroughbred breeding and racing. These matters represent complex challenges to the existing structure of the industry, which we revisit in the fifth section of this book when we consider future scenarios.

74

Economic pressures and technological change

Economics fostering innovation One example of economics fostering innovation can be found with successful trainers finding a niche in the market and exploiting it. The famous Australian horse trainer, Bart Cummings, recounts stories of driving around New Zealand in the late 1950s, inspecting horses in their home surroundings prior to their presentation at auction (Cummings, 2009). This work unearthed some future Melbourne Cup winners, enhanced Cummings’s reputation as a trainer, and ensured a lucrative career. Another example is the success of Chris Waller, the first trainer in 21 years other than Darley trainers or Guy Waterhouse to win the Sydney Trainers’ Premiership. Realising that Australia’s emphasis on sprint racing had weakened the quality of the staying races, Waller imported stayers from the UK. He did not select the expensive ones which were more likely to succeed regardless of the ability of the trainer, but because of the high value of the Australian dollar he could afford to purchase good quality stayers that had often been rejected by previous owners. For example, My Kingdom of Fife was formerly owned by Queen Elizabeth II and has had four wins and two seconds from six starts in Australia, while another UK import, Hawk Island, cost A$23,000 in October, 2008 and has won ten races and over $785,000 in prize money (Horseform, 2012). In this particular instance, innovation has challenged the ranking order of trainers, resulted in increased returns for the successful trainer, and created new stories for the horses who are now valued far higher than they may have been in their previous environment (and as highlighted in Chapter 2, are possibly going to be treated differently because of this both now and in the future).

Innovation versus tradition In the above example, the innovation of Chris Waller actually enhanced the tradition of staying events in Australia. Rather than challenging traditions, it resurrected to some degree a traditional form of racing that had been under threat as a result of the economics of thoroughbred breeding and racing encouraging concentration on sprint races, particularly for younger horses (see Chapter 11). It is a more contentious issue when innovation challenges tradition. The most significant example of this challenge is the attempt by some people to remove the requirements for “natural breeding” (this issue will not be discussed here, but see Chapter 13). The thoroughbred breeding industry relies on discourses of nature and tradition. Similarly, racing events such as the Kentucky Derby may not be the richest in the world, but they hark to “tradition”. Mulvey (2011), in the popularist geography journal Australian Geographic, writes of “‘legends” and the “unique tradition” of the Melbourne Cup. The arrival of newer races, in new racing jurisdictions,

Economic pressures and technological change

75

with increased prize money means that many long-established races are likely to invoke tradition as a way of maintaining eminence. The question of innovation versus tradition arises in many activities, including the management of sporting/hunting estates in the Scottish Highlands (McMillan et al., 2010). Other sports have embraced change (eg. three points instead of two for a win in a football/soccer match, the introduction of limited-overs cricket, the three-point shot in basketball) but they have also restricted certain practices (eg. only the goalkeeper can use hands to direct the ball in football/soccer, no underarm bowling in cricket, “travel” with the basketball is not allowed). In the global horseracing industry there has been significant innovation, particularly around safety issues, such as the introduction of safer fencing of tracks, the use of helmets and safety vests by jockeys and the exclusion of particular designs of shoes that could injure a horse, but tradition has largely been maintained in the breeding barn (see Chapter 13). In the case of the global thoroughbred racing industry, some racing organizations are primarily oriented towards making profits for owners, while others give greater emphasis to social and collective good. A racing administrator at one of the latter organizations in the USA, when asked how innovation and tradition come together and, when they do clash, where the boundaries are drawn, responded: It comes down to one specific issue, and that is what is best for the horse itself. If you have a tradition that is best for the horse, then that tradition will probably likely stand forever. But if you have an innovation that proves better for the horse, then that innovation will take precedence. There have been many technological innovations in the global horseracing industry (ranging from improved safety vests for jockeys through to collapsible railings to reduce the likelihood of horses and jockeys being injured or killed in accidents) and other innovations such as changing the design and number of jumps in hurdles and steeplechase races (see Chapter 14). One example of technological innovation intended to improve safety is the use of Polytrack, an all-weather surface developed at Keeneland, Kentucky, which enables horses to race in the event of rain as if they were running on a dry surface. According to one interviewee: Polytrack is, in my opinion, arguably the greatest single development in racetrack safety in the history of modern racing … . It doesn’t necessarily prevent [injuries], but it reduces these injuries and I can cite trainers who’ve said that their costs in veterinary expenses, and their reduction of injury, is between 60 and 75 per cent since going to a Polytrack surface. And here … we have seen a 70 per cent drop in catastrophic injuries since the application of Polytrack. At Turfway

76

Economic pressures and technological change Park, for instance, the very first track in America where Polytrack was used, in one year’s time they went from 22 horses the previous year before Polytrack that were euthanized due to catastrophic injury to two the following year once they had Polytrack. I mean that’s a pretty, a remarkable difference.

Polytrack, similar to all-weather tracks in other parts of the world and to many other technological innovations, has benefits for the individual thoroughbred or jockey, but simultaneously enables the industry to address its critics and to prosper. In this instance, the installation of Polytrack reduces the likelihood of a race meeting being abandoned with the associated loss of on-track income generation and off-track gambling revenue. Technological change is, however, not limited to the breeding barn and the racecourse. The technological innovations in communications technology enable forms of gambling previously unimaginable, and these changing patterns of gambling have follow-on impacts on the economics of the racecourse, thoroughbred breeders and owners and, ultimately, the lives of thoroughbreds.

Technological innovation and gambling The importance of gambling as a foundation for the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry was highlighted in Chapter 5. In this section of the book, we focus on technological changes that have created new gambling scenarios, notably the importance of online gambling which appears to have been instigated in 1995 (Wood and Williams, 2009) and which, by the late 1990s, was the subject of various studies and court cases (Wilkinson, 1999). We emphasize that, while there are new technologies such as mobile telephones and computers that enable online gambling, the importance of technological change is itself not new. The horseracing and gambling industry, even in its infancy, was innovative. The enclosure of British racecourses in the 1880s, beginning with Sandown Park, meant that race clubs could charge people entry fees, while also controlling who entered the course (Cassidy, 2007). This, Cassidy (2007, 7) argues, meant that “the transformation of racing and the growth of the betting industry during the nineteenth century were enabled by increased access to racing forms in the popular press, the communication of results via the electric telegraph, and improvements in transportation for both runners and spectators”. The introduction of The Tote system in New Zealand in 1951, the use of photography to decide the outcome of a race when the result was close, the introduction of racecourse commentary at Goodwood in 1952 (Myers, 2006), the introduction of telephone betting by betting agencies and the introduction of night racing at Moonee Valley (Melbourne), Canterbury Park and Happy Valley racecourse in Hong Kong in 1973,

Economic pressures and technological change

77

amongst other locations, are all examples of innovation that foster gambling and the racing industry. The rate of change in the use of online gambling is very rapid. In Australia, the Productivity Commission estimated that, between 2003 and 2009, the share of online gambling rose from about 10 per cent to more than 30 per cent of the total gambling market and that, while: there are no concrete figures on the number of punters who bet online, there is little doubt that the corporate bookmaking market – those operators who take bets over the internet and on the telephone – has grown at the expense of the traditional TAB betting shops and on-course bookies. (Urban, 2010, 29) Similar to the traditional print newspaper adopting online formats, the traditional betting agency (now privatized in most of Australia, similar to the UK – see Chapter 5) has adapted to the technological change and also operates online sports betting. Other forms of innovation are in the betting products that are now available. Gambling options in the early days of horserace betting were somewhat limited, but over time new products have been introduced. For instance, each-way bets (win and a place), doubles (first place in two nominated races) and other forms of “exotic” bets such as quinellas, exactas, trifectas and quaddies have been introduced to accompany the traditional gambling on the winner of the race, or the declared first three horses to finish. Markland (2002, 23–44) argues that technology “has made gaming more entertaining, increasing demand” and has allowed gaming to occur “across borders”. Punters are no longer restricted in the gambling spaces utilized, they can bet from anywhere on horse races, sporting events and other activities that are held in many different places around the world, and in different time zones. One young bookmaker, Tom Waterhouse, from a well-established horseracing family in Australia, has even begun to promote himself on television as an online bookie, “anywhere, anytime” (as seen on Channel 9 in Sydney, Saturday 11 February, 2012). The entry of advertisements for online gambling into popular media is a recent addition to the promotion of the activity, at least in Australia. One would anticipate that the increased availability and ease of access to online sports betting, coupled with the wider array of betting options available, would lead to the creation of additional gamblers, or increased rates of gambling by people known as the Most Involved Bettors (MIBs) (LaPlante et al., 2008). While the study by LaPlante et al. (2008) found that there was not a straightforward correlation between online gambling and increased gambling, they did suggest that Live Action betting (that is, gambling on various scoring options and the outcome of a match while it is

78

Economic pressures and technological change

being played) was possibly increasing the rate of gambling and concluded that it warranted closer attention. The growth of online gambling, not just sports gambling, raises a number of social justice and gender issues beyond the scope of this research (see Wood and Williams, 2009). Of particular relevance for this study is the relationship between different forms of gambling, and the revenue received or missed by the horseracing industry. A paper by The European Racing Professionals United for a Fair Future (a group comprising breeders, owners and trainers for both standardbreds and thoroughbreds) on “Online Gambling” highlighted the vulnerability of horseracing to online gambling activity. They emphasized that betting on horseracing cannot be compared to betting on other sports: without betting on horses there would be no racecourses and the entire industry would collapse; without sports betting, there would still be sports events (European Racing Professionals United for a Fair Future, 2011, 2). In effect, the capture of gambling revenue by online operators in another jurisdiction, with no money being returned to the horseracing industry, is similar to the ban on gambling that occurred in the early part of the twentieth century in locations such as New York. As shown in Chapter 5, this resulted in the demise of the horseracing industry and the venues where it was conducted.

Summary Technological change can have both positive and negative implications for the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry, and the participants. In the case of the thoroughbreds themselves, they cannot lobby for or against particular forms of technological innovation, and it is up to humans who care to prioritize the needs of the thoroughbreds ahead of other considerations. That being said, this is still a contentious area, and ‘knowing’ what is best for the horse is not always a straightforward consideration. Some forms of technology have been adopted to improve safety, while other forms of technology (particularly reproductive technology) exist, but have not been adopted (see Chapter 13). In contrast, the prevalence of online gambling is something beyond the control of the thoroughbred racing industry. As demonstrated in Chapter 5, gambling is vital to the industry because it provides the financial basis for maintaining the horses and the racecourses and assisting with the other costs involved in breeding, owning, training and racing thoroughbreds. The ability to capture gambling revenue is crucial for the economic survival of the racing industry. The growth of online gambling and the siphoning off of revenue from the thoroughbred racing industry is a significant challenge in this regard.

Part III

Making places

7

The experience economy, branding and the rural idyll

Walking through Blue Grass Airport outside Lexington, Kentucky, exiting passengers are left in no doubt that they are now in “the horse capital of the world”. Leaving the airport via Terminal Drive, the vehicle swings onto Man o’ War Boulevard, a 27-kilometre road named after one of America’s most famous thoroughbreds who raced immediately after World War One. You can follow this road south around Lexington, or turn north to Versailles Road where a right turn will take you into Lexington, past the famous Calumet Farm with its white fences and white barns with red trim (the colour of Calumet Baking Powder, which provided the financial basis for the farm). Alternatively, a left turn will soon have you heading away from the city, past the famous Keeneland Race Course and sales complex, with its amazing library on thoroughbred breeding, racing, history and culture. Drive further and you approach the famous thoroughbred farms on the western side of Lexington, including Airdrie Stud, Lane’s End and Three Chimneys. A similar journey in the Upper Hunter region of Australia will take you past coal mines, in what was once a dairying region, to the town of Scone, which is indisputably the “horse capital of Australia” (see McManus et al., 2011). Despite this branding being prominent in the bunting in the town’s main street, in the names of hotels, in the presence of a statue in Elizabeth Park and in the labelling of toilets as “colts” and “fillies”, the justification for this title is not immediately obvious (see Figure 7.1). If you drive north of Scone, the large Emirates Park stud spans almost the entire distance between the small towns of Blandford and Murrurundi, on both sides of the highway (see Figure 7.2). There are many famous studs east of Scone along Gundy Road and there are other major studs hidden along smaller roads in all directions from Scone. Over 70 per cent of Australia’s thoroughbred foals are conceived in this region, which is home to all of the top sires and the top broodmare bands (the collective term for mares used for breeding purposes) in the country (NSW Department of State and Regional Development, 2008). In both these cases, and in similar concentrations of thoroughbred breeding activity in other countries, the thoroughbred breeding farms

82

The experience economy, branding and the rural idyll

Figure 7.1 Toilets in Scone, Upper Hunter region of Australia. The distinctive colts and fillies toilets reinforce the town’s and region’s identity as being the “Horse Capital of Australia”. Photograph by Phil McManus.

form a significant part of the regional economy and contribute to the cultural identity of individual towns/settlements and the regions. Landscaping and architecture are vital to the image of individual farms, and collectively become part of the regional landscape. Despite variations in their size, thoroughbred breeding centres such as Cambridge (New Zealand), Midway (Kentucky) or Saratoga (upstate New York) create a rural village feel that encourages strolling and enjoying the ambience of an area. The ability to control the image of the town is restricted compared with that of an individual farm, but clearly the creation of a centre for thoroughbred breeding is generally considered a positive image for a town, and other businesses build on this identity in their own marketing and promotion. Interestingly, given the importance of equine architecture in creating landscapes for the farm and, indirectly, the town, region and industry, there is a marked concentration in the field of equine architecture. This is a specialist area, such that in Australia two main equine architecture practices service the whole industry. These are Ladd Hudson Architects, based in the inner-west of Sydney, and Timothy Court and Company, based south-west of Sydney (see McManus et al., 2011). In other words, the

The experience economy, branding and the rural idyll

83

Figure 7.2 Emirates Park, Upper Hunter region of Australia. The ornate branding of Emirates Park is seen almost the entire distance between the settlements of Blandford and Murrurundi in the Upper Hunter region, Australia. Photograph by Arthur Duckworth.

concentration of equine architectural work means that a few firms, and key individuals, have a significant influence in shaping the physical form and identity of the major thoroughbred breeding regions. In this chapter we explore the landscapes on the various thoroughbred studs, and the ways that the notion of “landscape” is designed to maintain local attributes and amenity. Thoroughbred landscaping at the top end of the market relies extensively on three important factors – the importance of the experience for clients, the notion of creating a brand, and the creation of a rural idyll. Brandscapes and the rural idyll are necessary for the experience economy, because without such connotations then one could argue that no rational economic person would partake in thoroughbred breeding and racing because the chances of success in this industry are slim. Thoroughbred breeding is a luxury leisure activity that offers status as “the sport of kings”. McManus (forthcoming) explores the motivations of the super rich and the nouveau riche to engage in thoroughbred breeding and racing, despite evidence that few participants in the industry achieve the success comparable to that in other fields which enabled them to buy into the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry. They enter the industry and act in ways different from the consideration of other investments, such as a share or property portfolio. Participants become involved in thoroughbred breeding and racing for a number of reasons, including a

84

The experience economy, branding and the rural idyll

genuine interest in horses, the thrill of beating other business people, the status that thoroughbred racing offers the owners, and the desirable connections that can be made with other people involved in the industry (Cain, 2004). While landscaping concerns are very obvious at racetracks and at the major auction houses, in this chapter we focus on the role of landscaping in thoroughbred breeding, how it encourages participation in this industry and perpetuates the desired image of individual businesses, the region and the industry. Given this focus, it is easy to overlook the importance of work in establishing and maintaining these landscapes (see McManus et al., 2011). The creation of smooth paddocks without obstacles, the drainage of land prone to flooding, and the thousands of kilometres of fencing evident in thoroughbred breeding landscapes involve the work of many professional and labouring occupations. The chapter begins with a brief overview of the notion of landscape, before introducing the idea of the experience economy and contextualizing this in relation to the earlier notion of the leisure class. The chapter then explores two important aspects of the experience economy in relation to thoroughbred breeding: the creation of a brandscape and the creation of a rural idyll that demonstrates how thoroughbred farms should appear. In short, landscape is a vital part of the client experience of thoroughbred breeding and racing and, without this experience, wealthy people would be less likely to participate in this industry. The chapter concludes that, despite efforts to conceal the factory-like breeding production line by landscaping and connotations of wealth, landscapes at the scale of the individual stud cannot be delinked from the political-economy of the stud, the region and the industry.

Landscape – convergence and divergence The term “landscape” means different things to different people, including industry- and discipline-specific meanings. Olwig (1993) provided an etymology of the term “landscape”, and demonstrated that the word has been used in different countries to refer variously to a “natural environment” outside of human engagement, as scenery, and as a cultural landscape. Following the work of environmental historians William Cronon (1983, 1991, 1996) and Carolyn Merchant (1989), among others, cultural-oriented notions of landscape now include Indigenous people, whose actions influenced the composition of flora and fauna in an area. Landscape is not just the physical phenomenon, it is the engagement of people and place, hence the importance of the perception of physical phenomena. This results in multiple interpretations of a place or object – such that a thoroughbred farm could be seen as a breeding factory, an enclave of wealth, a bastion of conservative values, a concentration of economic resources, or as a vital component of local employment.

The experience economy, branding and the rural idyll

85

There is a convergence of landscaping in thoroughbred farms throughout the world. This occurs for three main reasons. First, some of the largest farms (the industry trendsetters) are multinational and can implement similar practices in the various locations in which they are based. Second, many thoroughbred breeders visit breeding establishments in other countries and learn new ideas. For example, thoroughbred breeders (and staff who may be sent on educational exchanges) from the Upper Hunter in Australia have travelled to locations such as Kentucky, Newmarket (England), Hokkaido (Japan), Ireland and New Zealand to learn about aspects of thoroughbred management, including landscaping. Third, the landscapes of thoroughbred breeding regions throughout the world are similar because the needs are similar in different places. These needs include the safety and the health of horses and people, combined with the client-based nature of the industry and hence the need to communicate at all times an image of care and professionalism (see Figure 7.3 and Figure 7.4). The differences in landscaping between thoroughbred breeding

Figure 7.3 Fencing and separation of horses from vehicles, near Midway, Kentucky. This double arrangement of black fences separates farm vehicles from horses and makes it more difficult for thoroughbreds to get onto the road behind the trees. Note that the vertical posts are on the outside of the paddock and there are no corners in which thoroughbreds could become trapped, panicked and injured. Photograph by Phil McManus.

86

The experience economy, branding and the rural idyll

Figure 7.4 Smoothing of paddocks and the installation of drainage pipes, near Midway, Kentucky. The “natural” rural idyll of thoroughbred farms is constructed in a very careful manner, as seen in this photograph of paddocks being smoothed and drainage installed. Photograph by Phil McManus.

regions throughout the world are often related to climate (particularly snow, rainfall, temperature and sunlight), which results in different management practices and therefore different landscaping requirements. This has significant economic implications (e.g. it is much cheaper to breed horses in Florida than in upstate New York due to the latter’s cold winters). Despite the importance of climate, the perceived need to create a particular type of thoroughbred breeding landscape that emulates the landscape of industry leaders such as the Inner Bluegrass Region of Kentucky can result in the profligate use of water in drier thoroughbred breeding regions. From an economic perspective, this appears to matter little to the wealthier thoroughbred breeders because they are purchasing a commodity known as water, for what many commentators would argue is below the full environmental price of water provision, and using it to assist in the creation of both a new commodity (a thoroughbred) and an experience – the ambience of a thoroughbred farm with a distinctive brand and with the rural feel that clients have come to expect of a thoroughbred stud.

The experience economy, branding and the rural idyll

87

The experience economy Thoroughbred breeding and racing aligns with the notion of an “experience” in the economic distinctions posited by Pine and Gilmour (1999). In an important insight into contemporary economic dynamics, these authors differentiated between commodities, goods, services and experiences. In this schema, the buyer is a guest, rather than a user or a client. The economic function is to stage events and activities, rather than to deliver services, make goods or extract commodities. The key attribute of the experience economy is that it is personal, rather than providing customized services, or manufacturing standardized goods or extracting natural commodities. The nature of the offering is said to be memorable (as in a memorable experience) in the experience economy, rather than an intangible service or a tangible good (Pine and Gilmour, 1999). While many other (industrial) agricultural practices would be positioned in the commodities/ goods columns, thoroughbred breeding operations at the top end of the market are about cultivating memorable experiences for the guests who visit the thoroughbred farm. This staging of hospitality, of meeting famous breeders and other wealthy owners, is part of the theatre of thoroughbred breeding and racing, in much the same way as the auctioneer may thank winning bidders by name and larger racing clubs may host post-race champagne and video reruns of the owners’ horse winning a race in the exclusive winning owners’ room. While the extension of the experience economy to lower socio-economic strata may be new (as seen in Pine and Gilmour’s example of coffee in St. Mark’s Square, Venice), the concept of buying experiences rather than products is not a novel idea. Thorstein Veblen (1857–1929), an American of Norwegian ancestry, introduced the notions of conspicuous leisure and conspicuous consumption in his 1899 book The Theory of the Leisure Class. Veblen argued that simply being wealthy was insufficient to achieve status in society. It was necessary to display wealth, which required a surplus of time to devote to leisure activities when other people were working, but only the very wealthy could avoid the need to work. This meant that conspicuous leisure was often replaced by conspicuous consumption, the purchase of goods and services (Pine and Gilmour, 1999) which did not require the effort and time to learn the customs and how to engage in particular leisure pursuits (see McManus, forthcoming). In his book Imperial Germany and the Industrial Revolution, Veblen highlighted the importance of tradition in influencing culture. This is pertinent for thoroughbred breeding and racing: it is quite beyond the reach of imagination that any male adult citizen would, of his own motion, go in for the elaborate futilities of British shooting or horse-racing, e.g., or for such a tour de force of inanity as polo, or mountain climbing, or expeditions after big game. (Veblen, 1915, 142)

88

The experience economy, branding and the rural idyll

According to Veblen, people engaged in such activities because each of these activities cultivates “all the authenticity that tradition can give it, and then its inculcation in the incoming generation must be begun in infancy and followed up throughout the educational system” (Veblen, 1915, 142–43). A complementary perspective is provided by Lonsway (2009, 1) who stated succinctly: “The architecture of the experience economy is an architecture of persuasion”. In the case of thoroughbred breeding farms, architecture is more appropriately labelled “equine architecture” – a specialty field that includes elements of architecture (buildings), landscape design and rural planning considerations. Equine architecture is about persuading (potential) clients to enter into a boutique landscape where they will enjoy the experience of being an honoured guest. While thoroughbred breeding can be, and for some breeders is, undertaken on very limited budgets, this approach to thoroughbred breeding is akin to Pine and Gilmour’s (1999) construction of the agrarian commodity. The breeders construct a landscape that enables them to safely breed and raise a commodity – the thoroughbred foal. The engagement with emotions through what is known as an experience economy requires money to create the appropriate setting and conduct but, as a client-centred industry that promotes the experience of thoroughbred breeding, it also generates money for the individual stud and, indirectly, may contribute to the success of smaller studs by attracting wealthier participants to the industry and raising prices generally. As one Upper Hunter thoroughbred breeder observed, “we could do this without the black fences for a lot less money, but that’s the emotive image people are looking for”. Another breeder said: This is painting the picture, this is reassuring them. Again, it’s the emotive thing and to a degree it’s part of the way we survive. We offer a damn good service but again it’s perception because a lot of these people, not all of them, but a lot of them, are not agriculturally based or minded or educated. When one thoroughbred breeder talked about the “emotive image people are looking for”, the most important people in a client-oriented industry such as thoroughbred breeding are those who have the money to pay for the product, whether that be the purchase of a thoroughbred or the purchase of a “covering” by a stallion to impregnate a client’s mare, but not necessarily the knowledge or awareness to evaluate the product in narrow economic terms that they may apply in other sectors of the economy. The fact that most of the top thoroughbred breeding studs around the world service this client-centred experience economy highlights the centrality of this concept to the global thoroughbred breeding and racing industry. The creation of memorable experiences, for which wealthy people will develop a degree of brand loyalty and pay a premium above and beyond

The experience economy, branding and the rural idyll

89

the price of the commodity, is embodied in the landscaping and architecture of the thoroughbred breeding farm. Following Anna Klingmann (2007) we employ the notion of the “brandscape” and apply this concept to an analysis of the landscaping of thoroughbred studs.

Brandscapes In much the same way that branding is used to create premium pricing and customer loyalty for particular products consumed by people in different socio-economic strata within societies, branding is important for thoroughbred breeders on an individual scale and on the scale of the industry. Anna Klingmann (2007, 55) observed that “a brand is not a product; it is something much less tangible – an aura of meaning”. The same author noted, “brand products are no longer bundles of functional characteristics but a means of providing a customer with a certain identity” (Klingmann, 2007, 56). Following Klingmann (2007), who demonstrated that architecture is not simply about buildings, but about providing an experience that is considered desirable, we argue that the landscaping of thoroughbred farms is not just about the product (the thoroughbreds) but about the creation of a brandscape. Within the global thoroughbred breeding and racing industry, brandscapes are not confined to the breeding part of the industry. The concept is also displayed at the horse auctions. The stables where the horses are kept display the brand, as do the clothes that owners and employees wear. Branding is no longer a symbol of production, but the sign value that helps to generate profits above the functional value of a product. Klingmann (2007) demonstrated this point through the example of Starbucks coffee. In the case of thoroughbred breeders, branding assists to generate profits above the functional value of the horse. As noted earlier in this book, in the case of thoroughbred breeding the value of a horse is based on factors mainly related to the potential of a young animal. While branding will not necessarily produce a champion racehorse, the promotion and perpetuation of a strong brand identity, reinforced by landscaping, websites, advertising, sponsorship or races and other equinerelated events is very likely to raise profile, create trust and assist the perception of potential. The need to relate to clients has an impact on landscaping and makes the thoroughbred breeding farm different from many other agricultural spaces. John Hislop (1992, 142) observed that, “while an untidy, ill-kept stud is an eye-sore, it should be remembered that it is good, well-farmed pasture, judicious choice of mares, selective mating, correct management and feeding that produces winners, not paint and flower-beds”. As noted by McManus et al. (2011, 1337) “in a client-driven industry, particularly at the top-end of the sector, it is often the combination of

90

The experience economy, branding and the rural idyll

good farming, breeding, animal care, branding/advertising and paint and flower-beds that makes a successful farm”. Brandscapes are a vital component for the success of thoroughbred breeding establishments (and are becoming even more so), but in isolation they certainly cannot guarantee this success. Prior to the creation of a specific brandscape, thoroughbred farms must meet the basic safety expectations relating to equine management. It could be argued that this is part of the process of brandscaping, rather than being prior to the creation of a brandscape. The farms are landscaped to reduce the risk of injury or illness to a valuable commodity. This is achieved by various means, including the electronically controlled security gates mentioned above (with human attendants at the wealthier farms in Kentucky), fencing without corners, ensuring that the vertical posts are on the outside of the paddock, and rolling the fields smooth to eliminate gullies and potholes where horses could be injured. Security is a particularly important landscaping issue, hence the electronically controlled gates. These gates, apart from their design to create connotations of wealth, stability and identify, are also a sign of the power to exclude. Those people fortunate enough, or entitled, to enter through these gates are special to the farm operators, as many clients would expect to be (see Figure 7.5). The creation of a brandscape involves the coordination of multiple public faces of the thoroughbred farm. In places such as the Bluegrass Region of Kentucky this means that the buildings, landscaping, entrance gates and colour scheme are all consistent with the website, and with advertising in thoroughbred journals and other publications where the thoroughbred farm promotes its horses, its staff and itself. As noted by McManus et al. (2011), anecdotal evidence suggests that branding through the use of landscape is more prevalent in places such as Kentucky when compared with the Upper Hunter region in Australia where, to date, it may be limited to the use of colour for a barn roof. Many of the farms in Kentucky extend to the micro-level landscaping of the farm (see Clapp, 1992). The trend in Australia is being led by the large international studs, such as Darley, the global breeding operation of Sheikh Mohammed bin Rashid Al Maktoum. Darley Australia, based in two south-eastern states, uses vegetation and colour to give its operations an Australian feel. The organization has planted native eucalypt trees to give their properties a distinctive Australian feel and the colour scheme for the newer property in north-east Victoria was described in the submission by Ladd Hudson Architects (2008): “the inherent palettes of the Australian bush are used in the tonal range of chalky sandstone, with grey washed roofs and hardwood sliding doors combined with dulled edged metal framing”. The detail in colour schemes, which is important for visitors, for images of the property on websites and for showing the thoroughbreds to prospective clients (both on the farm and through media) demonstrate the

The experience economy, branding and the rural idyll

91

Figure 7.5 Winstar, Kentucky. The elaborate security gates allow passing motorists a view of the architecture and the landscaping of Winstar Farm in Kentucky. They suggest wealth, tradition and a solid but open approach, while admitting only the privileged through the ornate barrier. Photograph by Phil McManus.

attention to detail that is part of creating a brand – in this case Darley Australia. Brandscapes are not confined to the breeding operations of the global thoroughbred breeding and racing industry. One only has to look at the brand of Keeneland, with its galloping horse symbol and dark green colour scheme, or the Magic Millions auction house in Australia, with its blue and yellow colours, or the blue of Godolphin, the private racing arm of the Maktoum family (owners of Darley), to appreciate the importance of branding. The landscaping of various equine establishments owned by these organizations supports the brand. In the case of thoroughbred breeding studs, the notion of industrial production breeding lines (the standardized assembly line of Fordism) is carefully concealed by the emphasis on landscaping that promotes a rural feel, with its associated connotations of nurturing, caring for animals and for the environment. This is the rural idyll of the thoroughbred farm; an idea that has remarkable power to transcend national boundaries, climate zones and local planning regulations.

92

The experience economy, branding and the rural idyll

Rural idyll An idyll may be defined very simply as a scene of a tranquil nature. The idea of a rural idyll arose as cities grew larger and, in the earlier phases of the Industrial Revolution, faster in the pace of life and markedly unhealthier. The rural idyll came to be associated with ideas of pastoral wealth, anti-urbanism and a search for a time and place where life seemed better in the sense of it being more controllable and less turbulent (Mingay, 1989; Cloke and Little, 1997; Boyle and Halfacree, 1998). While this concept of “the rural” can be critiqued because it is defined by what it is not, i.e. the urban, and because it romanticizes the (hidden) poverty within rural life, there is little doubt that the rural idyll has been a continuing motivation in the construction of rural environments. For example, in thoroughbred breeding landscapes such as the Kentucky Inner Bluegrass region, the understanding of a well managed landscape emanated from an English tradition of landscaping, which, although being an “acquired taste” (Murray-Wooley and Raitz, 1992, 106), was related both to the ancestry of the gentlemen farmers and their travels to England (Raitz and VanDommelen, 1990). The apparent desirability of this image enabled the transfer of thoroughbred breeding imagery from the Bluegrass to other parts of Kentucky where the thoroughbred industry is absent. The Bluegrass forms only approximately 16 per cent of Kentucky (Raitz, 1987), but the thoroughbred breeding image has “come to convey a pastoral image for the entire state” Raitz (1987, 6), despite the presence of coal mining and poorer rural communities in the Appalachian Mountains in the south-east of the state. The landscapes of thoroughbred breeding are designed carefully to create a rural idyll, conceal the notion of a horse production line, attract investors into the industry and to the products of particular studs, and to ensure that the functional aspects of thoroughbred breeding (such as safety) are enhanced rather than compromised. These aspects of designing rural environments are, in isolation, not unique to thoroughbred breeding, but together they distinguish thoroughbred breeding from other rural pursuits. As observed in farming landscapes in New Zealand: Although we tend to accept the rural farming landscapes as ordinary cultural landscapes that have evolved through time, these landscapes have to be, in fact, carefully designed. By design we mean the intended articulation of space and materials to create a landscape that answers functional needs. (Egoz and Bowring, 2004, 66) The notion of a rural idyll and its relationship to functions such as the safety of the horses is important. The image of a rural idyll is created not just by well maintained black fences (which have replaced white fences in

The experience economy, branding and the rural idyll

93

most locations because they are less expensive to maintain – Calumet, Kentucky, being a notable exception because the branding colours of red and white invoke the origins of the farm with finance derived from a baking powder that was sold in a red and white can) but, in the case of drier thoroughbred breeding regions, by green grass in a dry climate, which involves the extensive use of water (see McManus, 2008a). The rural idyll is a simplification of complexity, but the rural idyll applies in many thoroughbred breeding locations because the needs of breeders throughout the world are similar. Despite differences in local climate, topography and culture, the process of producing highly valuable animals to be sold at auction, raced and/or used for breeding more highly valuable animals creates similar landscapes of black wooden fences with no corners, wire or other obstacles that may imperil a thoroughbred’s safety. The separation of many thoroughbred owners, through processes such as syndication, which enables multiple ownership of a thoroughbred and the ownership of multiple thoroughbreds (thus spreading the risk and encouraging greater participation in the industry), from the actual acts and landscapes of equine breeding unless guided through a carefully managed farm tour, means that the rural idyll can easily conceal the production-line character of the breeding operations.

Summary Thoroughbred breeding and racing is an experience economy, at all stages of the process of breeding, raising, selling and racing thoroughbreds. In this chapter we have emphasized particular stages of this process, the breeding and raising of thoroughbreds on farms where they are often out of view. Most people see thoroughbreds at the racetrack (sometimes directly, but mostly on television, on websites or in newspaper photographs). We have argued that the breeding and raising of thoroughbreds is an important part of the industry, and that these processes are not simply producing a commodity in the agrarian tradition of livestock farming but, following Pine and Gilmour (1999), the thoroughbred studs are staging an experience for (potential) clients to encourage participation in the industry and brand loyalty towards particular studs. Of course, the expectation is that this will result in premium pricing because the clients are purchasing an experience. The landscaping of thoroughbred farms is both functional (for safety considerations) and aligned with the idea of an experience economy. While this may mean different things in different industries, in the upper echelons of the global thoroughbred breeding industry this equates to an emphasis on constructing a brandscape that embodies and perpetuates the rural idyll of how a nurturing thoroughbred farm should appear. Thoroughbred farms could be run much more cheaply and operate without many of these details that promote the experience for the client but tellingly, they do not tend to operate in this manner.

8

Thoroughbred breeding regions Contested landscapes

There are a limited number of areas around the world that are closely associated with thoroughbred breeding. The identity of the town, the region and even the state (as in Kentucky) becomes closely associated with a privileged location and desirable activity within the state, despite other parts of the state having little association or affinity with thoroughbred breeding and racing. There are famous breeding regions in other countries that we could have considered, including Cambridge in New Zealand, Hokkaido in Japan, and Kildare, west of Dublin in Ireland. There are also important breeding regions in other parts of the countries that we did consider, including Yorkshire in England, as well as North East Victoria, the Southern Highlands of NSW and Beaudesert in southeast Queensland, Australia, and Florida and California (amongst others) in the USA. This chapter, however, compares and contrasts three crucial regions in the global thoroughbred breeding and racing industry that are prime examples of eque-culture. These are the Bluegrass Region of Kentucky, the Upper Hunter region in Australia and Newmarket in England. We consider how these regions became associated with thoroughbred breeding, how thoroughbred breeding activities have created particular environments, how they have generated environmental issues and how the limited environmental resources of space, water, clean air and soil are contested by thoroughbred breeders and other interests. In particular, we focus on urban development in Lexington (Kentucky) and coal mining in the Upper Hunter region of New South Wales.

Overview: the regions Newmarket Newmarket is located just over 100 kilometres north of London, in the County of Suffolk and the district of Forest Heath. It had a population of about 15,000 at the 2001 census, with a predominantly white population. Newmarket is a wealthy town, with high house prices due to the presence

Contested landscapes

95

Figure 8.1 Horses are part of daily life in Newmarket, England. Early on a mid-week morning, hundreds of horses can be seen crossing a major road as they move between the Yards where they are kept and the Common where they train. Photograph by Phil McManus.

of the horseracing industry, its proximity to Cambridge and its good links to London and Norwich (Forest Heath District Council, 2010). There are over 50 training yards in Newmarket (Myers, 2006; Edwards, 2008), two famous racecourses, the National Museum of Racing, the Jockey Club, Tattersalls auctions, the National Stud, about 60 other breeding farms and approximately 64 kilometres of turfed training gallops and 27 kilometres of artificially surfaced training areas for thoroughbreds (Edwards, 2008) (see Figures 8.1 and 8.2). Inner Bluegrass Region of Kentucky The Inner Bluegrass forms approximately 16 per cent of Kentucky, yet the state is known as The Bluegrass State (Raitz and VanDommelen, 1990). As noted by Conley (2002), the geographical limits of thoroughbred breeding in Kentucky exist because: Gentle hills are ideal for expensive horses. But drive about thirty miles from downtown Lexington in any direction … the hills are steeper, the

96

Contested landscapes

Figure 8.2 Thoroughbred horses on their way to training, Newmarket, England. Teams of thoroughbreds pass the sign indicating the training venues opened on a midweek morning in Newmarket, England. Photograph by Phil McManus.

pasture is poorer, and the footing is far too dangerous for the tender, twistable ankles of the Thoroughbred. (Conley, 2002, 26–27) The thoroughbred breeding region in Kentucky centres on the second largest city in the state, Lexington. The region is home to about 450 horse farms, the Kentucky Horse Park, the International Horse Museum and the American Saddlebred Museum, the Red Mile Harness Track and the famous Keeneland racetrack and auctions. Unlike most other racetracks in the USA, Keeneland is a not-for-profit organization The reasons for Keeneland’s existence as a race course are to be found, not in potential profits, but in Kentucky’s pride as the home of the Thoroughbred and in the desire of the people of the Blue Grass to revive and perpetuate something of the cavalier spirit which is by tradition and history so closely associated with Kentucky. (Keeneland, 1936, 19) Ironically, America’s most famous horserace, The Kentucky Derby, is held outside the Bluegrass Region in the largest city in the state, the

Contested landscapes

97

predominantly industrial city of Louisville, which, other than holding the derby, has little association with the breeding of thoroughbreds. The Upper Hunter, Australia Thoroughbred breeding in the Upper Hunter region of NSW, Australia centres on the town of Scone, approximately 250 kilometres north of Sydney. Scone, with a population under 5,000 people at the 2006 census, is indisputably the “horse capital of Australia”. There are approximately 65 studs in the region, from which over 70 per cent of Australia’s thoroughbred foals are conceived, and which include all the top sires and broodmare bands in the country (NSW Department of State and Regional Development, 2008). These thoroughbred breeding farms are a source of cultural identity for the town of Scone and the Upper Hunter region (see McManus, 2008a and 2008b), although they face competition from other economic sectors in the region.

History The history of each of these three regions as centres of thoroughbred breeding is related closely to the timing and process of non-Indigenous settlement in these areas. Newmarket is the oldest of the three regions as a locale for thoroughbred breeding, with the “Royal” Newmarket title being traced to its association with the Stuart monarchy and its emergence as a thoroughbred breeding and racing centre (Edwards, 2008). Newmarket was not the first racecourse in Britain (that honour belongs to Chester), but it is famous both as a centre for racing (with two of the five English Classic Races being held at Newmarket) and as a centre for breeding. James I (1566–1625) both hunted at Newmarket and “stabled his hunters and racing stock in the town” (Edwards, 2008, 12). The first major downturn in Newmarket’s fortunes was following the English Civil War, when the Puritans dispersed the royal studs, but Charles II (1630–85) supported the development of horseracing in the town, including by the establishment of the Town Plate (Longrigg, 1975). This base of racing resulted in the codification of horseracing in Britain being centred on Newmarket during the eighteenth century (Edwards, 2008). The establishment of famous studs, including Cheveley Park in the early 1800s (on a property owned over the years by a number of monarchs), and Lordship Stud, Meddler Stud and Snailwell Stud, over the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries (sometimes from former training yards and other land uses), has enabled Newmarket to remain prominent as both a racing and breeding region (see Cook, 1996). While Newmarket was, from an early time, the centre of British horse breeding and racing (even before the development of the thoroughbred breed), Kentucky emerged relatively late as a thoroughbred breeding

98

Contested landscapes

region in the USA. This was due largely to the pattern of European settlement, with early racing and breeding concentrated in Rhode Island and other eastern seaboard states before it moved westward to Virginia and Tennessee. One Kentucky thoroughbred breeder interviewed as part of this research emphasized the natural advantages of Kentucky: Four distinct seasons, deciduous trees, rolling land that drains well, and significant limestone formations underneath the ground. There’s a great belief that the limestone adds great strength to grasses – soils and grasses – which is beneficial to building cartilage and bone in young racehorses. Racing quickly became an important part of Kentucky culture with the first recorded formal race meeting being held in Lexington, Kentucky in 1789 (Hollingsworth, 1985, 15). By the late 1700s numerous racecourses were established throughout the State of Kentucky (International Museum of the Horse, 2011). Kentucky’s first Jockey Club was founded in Lexington in 1797 (Clapp, 1992), but the Bluegrass Region of Kentucky rose to prominence as the iconic breeding region in the USA immediately following the American Civil War (1861–65), during which many other thoroughbred breeding areas were devastated. Famous Kentucky thoroughbred breeding families in the twentieth century, such as the Hancocks who own the famous Claiborne Farm and Stone Farm in Kentucky, originally came from Virginia (Mitchell, 2005). While other states now have significant breeding centres, the most expensive stallions and broodmare bands are still located in Kentucky. The Upper Hunter region of NSW emerged as a thoroughbred breeding region in the nineteenth century. Indigenous people in Australia were not familiar with horses until the arrival of European settlers. The First Fleet, which arrived in Sydney in 1788, brought with it one stallion, three mares and three foals (White, 2005). According to Guilford (1985, 64), “by the mid-1820s the breeding of thoroughbreds was already a well-established industry at centres such as Parramatta, Prospect, Windsor and Bathurst”. The earliest horse breeding in the Hunter Valley developed from horses bred at Windsor, an early colonial settlement located 57 kilometres northwest of Sydney on the Hawkesbury River, that were imported into the Hunter Valley (White, 2005). In 1823 Robert and Helenus Scott selected the site and began to develop a thoroughbred stud called Glendon on the banks of the Hunter River about 16 kilometres from Singleton (Guilford, 1985). This estate, like other ventures, including St. Heliers, Oakhampton and the ill-fated township of Segenhoe, were responsible for importing thoroughbreds from Britain and India to improve the quality of thoroughbred stock in the colony. By the 1830s a number of settlers who were interested in horse breeding moved from Windsor and Prospect and established studs in the Hunter Valley. Areas such as Windsor and

Contested landscapes

99

Prospect were “considered inferior to the ‘new country’ in the immense watershed of the Hunter Valley” (Walden, 2004, 1). The number of stallions standing in the Hunter had more than trebled between 1830 and 1840, and by this time Sydney owners had begun to send their stallions to the Hunter Valley for all or part of the breeding season (Guilford, 1985). This provided a basis for the thoroughbred breeding industry in the Upper Hunter region (Guilford, 1985; White, 2005). In the nineteenth century this region was not as wealthy as the Yarra Valley and North East Victoria, both based on the surging Melbourne market. These regions had benefited from the gold-mining boom of the 1860s in Bendigo and Ballarat and from their geographical location when Australia’s major horserace, The Melbourne Cup, was established in 1861. Melbourne was “in the middle. Horses came by ship and it was much more difficult for Adelaide and Hobart owners to ship their horses all the way to Sydney” (Batman, 1963, 13). The rise of Sydney, relative to Melbourne, during the twentieth century was a major reason for the emergence of the Upper Hunter as the premier breeding region in Australia, but some thoroughbred breeders also highlighted the importance of a particular stallion, Star Kingdom, who stood at Baramul Stud in the Upper Hunter and was the Leading Sire of the late 1950s and early 1960s. Unlike Newmarket’s racing facilities, and Keeneland at Lexington, the Upper Hunter region did not have a significant racing presence until recently. By the 1860s thoroughbred horse-racing was an established sport throughout Australia with almost every town holding at least one race meeting per year (O’Hara, 1994, 97). Country race meetings were a fixture among the social activities of many of the local residents. In the Hunter Valley the first race meeting held was in Maitland in 1833 (Guilford, 1985, 69), and the first race meeting in Scone was in the 1840s (Morgan, 1996, 36). The inaugural Scone Cup, raced in 1947, while not in the same league as the Kentucky Derby, has local and national significance as one of Australia’s leading country race meetings. The development of the Upper Hunter Horse Festival (Chapter 9), the construction of a new track in 1994 by the Scone Race Club (promoted on its website as “where the racing and breeding industries meet”), the additional prize money allocated to the Emirates Park Scone Cup (A$175,000 in 2011) and the establishment of a new event, the Inglis Scone Guineas (worth $250,000 in 2011) all strengthen the thoroughbred association with Scone and the Upper Hunter region (Thomas, 2011). This is important, because this identity is crucial in the contestation over landscapes involving thoroughbred breeding and racing activities.

Contested landscapes Thoroughbred breeding and racing create particular landscapes, with these landscapes varying somewhat based on physical conditions such as the soil

100

Contested landscapes

and the climate. One thoroughbred breeder said that there are differences in horse management: Because of the climate and the soil types, the land [in Australia] isn’t as productive as it is in Kentucky or Kildare or Newmarket, or Japan for that matter … because of the climate in the northern hemisphere, and getting back to the rainfall, horses are raised outside mostly in Australia and in the northern hemisphere it’s a combination of being in barns and outside. While these landscapes can vary between countries and regions, one similarity that crosses borders is that the landscapes are often contested. The specific character of the contestation varies from place to place, but the commonality is that it relates primarily to the use of space, who can afford it and how competing land uses may encroach on the space of thoroughbred breeding and racing activities. The conflicts arise when there is limited space, particularly land with suitable characteristics for thoroughbred farming or competing activities (such as coal mining or urban development), and there is additional pressure due to demographic change or to booming export markets. Urban pressures Thoroughbred breeding farms, and racing and training establishments, require space to operate. Proximity to urban centres is considered good for workforce issues, accessibility to veterinary services, and for transport links. It does, however, become a problem if the urban centre is expanding and the thoroughbred activities are located on the rural–urban periphery. This raises land values, meaning that more money may be made by converting the land to urban development, but in so doing expanding the rural–urban fringe and placing nearby land in a similar position. All three thoroughbred regions studied in this chapter have been, or are being, subjected to urban development pressures. These pressures are most acute in Lexington, due to the larger size of the city and the population growth in Lexington. In 1960 the population of Lexington in Fayette County was 131,906. By 1980 it had increased to 204,1655. At the 2000 Census, Lexington-Fayette had a population of 260,512, but by 2010 this had increased 13.5 per cent to 295,803 residents (US Census Bureau, 2011). Predictions of future population growth, based on 2010 census data, are for Fayette County (Lexington-Fayette) to accommodate almost 376,000 people in 2030 and almost 465,000 in 2050 (Kentucky State Data Center, 2011). These people will have to be accommodated somewhere and, while infill development will cater for some of this population increase, the expansion of the urban area for housing, shopping centres, new schools and so on, is inevitable.

Contested landscapes

101

Figure 8.3 Site of the former Hamburg Place farm, Lexington, Kentucky. Hamburg Place is now a retail and residential development. This photograph shows the changes to the former thoroughbred farm. Photograph by Glenn Albrecht.

The expansion of Lexington to date, involving “the loss of more than 80, 000 acres of farmland to urban development in the last decade” (Slayman, 2007, 17), has included the conversion of famous studs, notably Hamburg Place to the east of Lexington (see Figure 8.3). This farm was once one of the largest thoroughbred breeding farms in the area, from which six (Clapp, 1992) or seven (Slayman, 2007) Kentucky Derby winners were produced. According to Patrick Madden, the man who in 1996 sold the land that his great-grandfather had bought in 1898: It became impractical to farm it as a horse farm with the interstate, three sewers, two water lines, and an electric station running through the place. When the city grew up against it, it became silly from an economic standpoint to raise horses on it. (Quoted in Slayman, 2007, 19) This land is now a shopping centre and residential development. In 2006 the World Monuments Fund listed the Bluegrass Cultural Landscape of Kentucky on its list of the world’s 100 most endangered sites (Slayman, 2007). Other famous studs, including historic Calumet Farm, west of

102

Contested landscapes

Lexington (see Clapp, 1992), are adjacent to the built-up area of the city. Importantly, they are within what is known as the Urban Service Area, and are therefore more likely to be developed for non-equine uses (Slayman, 2007). Our questionnaire of thoroughbred breeders in Kentucky highlighted urbanization as being amongst the biggest threats to thoroughbred breeding in the region. This view was supported in the follow-up interviews, although it was noted, accurately, that it was thoroughbred breeders who owned the land, and sold the land to urban development interests. While there was a sense of both nostalgia for what had been lost, and a sense of betrayal, this was balanced by the recognition of thoroughbred breeding as a business (which includes land management) and the difficulties of operating a thoroughbred farm in proximity to urban development. One Kentucky thoroughbred breeder said, “when you are threatened with urban sprawl, when you have housing developments built right up against you, you know, there’s nothing more detrimental to raising blooded horses than subdivisions, traffic, children, dogs, all these things create great problems”. For those thoroughbred breeders who want to stay where they are, rather than selling the land for urban development, the strategy, as outlined by the same breeder, has been to raise awareness that “these horse farms are to be protected and revered and treasured. We are, we are trying to stem the tide, or at least, once again, to be responsible about growth”. A similar situation has emerged in Newmarket, England, where a longtime thoroughbred breeder is seeking to sell land for urban development interests. The site in question is Hatchfield Farm on Fordham Road, owned by Lord Derby who also owns racehorses, including the multiple Group 1 winner Ouija Board. Lord Derby submitted a development proposal to Newmarket Forest Heath District Council to build about 1,200 houses, plus employment space and other associated uses on the 160-acre site. This proposal was rejected unanimously in mid-2010 by the local council, after concerted opposition by the Save Historic Newmarket Action Group (Elves, 2010), but is the subject of ongoing appeals. Again the issue relates to the livability of the area, largely created by its association with the thoroughbred industry, and population pressures. As noted in an addendum to the appeal documents, the population of Forest Heath has increased by 12 per cent between the 2001 Census and 2009 estimates (The Earl of Derby, 2011). While admittedly this is rising from a low base figure, the east of England is experiencing more population pressures than other regions of the country. The Upper Hunter is experiencing population pressures in the town of Scone, which has expanded into former agricultural land and does abut some thoroughbred breeding farms, including historic St Aubins stud to the south of the town. The population pressures in the town of Scone are partly resulting from coal miners wanting to live away from the mining settlements of Muswellbrook and Singleton, but there is a countervailing

Contested landscapes

103

trend of rural depopulation, which may result in houses being available outside the town. The approved expansion of the town onto part of the former St Aubins Estate to meet the future residential, aged care and educational needs of the town is similar, but at a smaller scale and less controversial, to the conversion of Hamburg Place or the attempted conversion of Hatchfield Farm to urban use. While urban expansion around Scone has resulted in the loss of some land formerly used by thoroughbred breeders, the scale of thoroughbred breeding in the area has increased as these farms have taken over land formerly used for other purposes, such as cattle, and there is still land available for future expansion of the industry subject to water availability. In the Upper Hunter, the biggest land use conflict for thoroughbred breeding is not urbanization, but the expansion of the region’s coal-mining industry. Coal mining Coal mining has a long history in Australia, and for many years the Hunter Valley, which forms part of the Sydney-Gunnedah Coal Basin, has been part of this history because of its extensive and commercially viable coal deposits. As the coalfields around Newcastle, at the mouth of the Hunter River, were “mined out” in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the coal-mining industry migrated up the Hunter Valley (McManus, 2008b). The deep shafts of the Cessnock coalfields became the most productive coalfields (Daly and Brown, 1966). Gibson (1990) highlighted the importance of these black coalfields in 1954–55, where the 80 underground coal mines and six open cut coal mines in the region north of Newcastle were responsible for 9.4 million tonnes of raw coal production, mostly for domestic consumption. By the 1960s the Cessnock coalfields were in decline and new, mainly open-cut mines in the Upper Hunter around Singleton and Muswellbrook were expanding. These coalfields supported the new power stations at Liddell (completed 1974) and Bayswater (completed in the mid 1980s) because, “as recently as 1981, Australia was but a minor medallist in the global coal trade, exporting less than half as much coal as the US” (Pearse, 2010, 22–23). In 2010, Australia was the world’s leading exporter of coal, with 298 million tonnes, or 31 per cent of the world’s total exports, destined mainly for Japan, China, South Korea, India and Taiwan (Australian Coal Association, 2011a). Australia is a rare example of a country that exports most of the coal that it mines (Cook, 2003). The coal is transported by rail from the coalfields to the nine major coal-loading terminals, including Newcastle in NSW, which has two terminals, with more in construction, and is the largest exporter of black coal in the world (Australian Coal Association, 2011b). In the 2010–11 financial year, coal exports exceeded 108 million tonnes, up from a record 97 million tonnes in 2009–10 (Newcastle Port Corporation, 2011). As of early December, 2011, there are

104

Contested landscapes

two proposals for expansion of the port. One, by Port Waratah Coal Services, is an A$5 billion plan to add another 120 million tonnes of capacity, while Hunter Ports (owned by Nathan Tinkler, who also owns Patinack Farm) released a $2.5 billion proposal on 30 November, 2011 to develop a coal terminal of 100 million tonnes capacity on the site of the former steelworks (Tasker, 2011). Coal mining is perceived by thoroughbred breeders as a major threat in the Upper Hunter. Our questionnaire in 2008 showed that coal mining is considered a more serious threat both to individual studs, and more generally to the region, than it is in any other location. While this makes the Upper Hunter breeding region unique, the threat of an economically powerful and irreversible land use is similar to the loss of thoroughbred breeding land to urbanization. The fact that people such as Nathan Tinkler can be involved in both owning horse farms and indirectly encouraging the expansion of coal mining in areas surrounding the thoroughbred breeding regions is similar to thoroughbred breeders near Lexington and Newmarket selling land to urban developers or developing the land themselves for urban use. In other words, it is sometimes not so easy to draw clear lines between the perceived antagonists, particularly in the case of the stakeholders involved. The concerns of Upper Hunter thoroughbred breeders about coal mining were brought to a head in the conflict around the proposed Bickham Coal Mine north-east of Scone. This mine proposal was part of a larger conflict about the cultural construction and identity of the local council and the Upper Hunter region. In May 2010 then NSW Premier, Kristina Keneally, visited Arrowfield stud (owned by John Messara) to announce the rejection of the Bickham Coal Mine proposal on the basis that, “the [Bickham] mine is simply not compatible with the unique rural characteristics of this locality, including the horse-breeding industry” (Kirkwood and Smee, 2010). The proposed Bickham Coal Mine site was near the Pages River, upstream of the most valuable thoroughbred breeding farms in Australia (Connor et al., 2008). Its proposed lifespan was 22 years, with an annual output of 2.5 megatonnes, making it small compared to other mines in the region (NSW Department of Planning, 2005; Connor et al., 2008). The defeat of the proposed Bickham Coal Mine highlighted the power of the thoroughbred breeders because even though the mine was to be small on the scale of open-cut mining in the Upper Hunter region, it was clearly a contest for land, water, transport and regional identity (see Figure 8.4). If the Bickham proposal had been accepted, it would have become the first operating mine in the Upper Hunter Shire Council area, despite the existence of coal mining in the past and the fact that coal mines exist to the south, west and north of this local government area. Importantly, in the process of defeating the Bickham Coal Mine proposal, the thoroughbred breeders also highlighted the economic importance of their industry to the region, the state and the export

Contested landscapes

105

Figure 8.4 Opposition to the proposed Bickham Coal Mine, Upper Hunter, Australia. There were many signs and billboards near the highways through the Upper Hunter region, erected to oppose the proposed Bickham Coal Mine. While concerns about landscape, identity and economic damage were critical, hydrology was a major issue because the scientific studies could be challenged on this basis. Photograph by Phil McManus.

economy of Australia. One aspect of the contestation of landscapes is the development of perceptions about the economic, social and environmental contributions of industries, particularly relative to each other.

Summary Thoroughbred breeding and racing generate particular landscapes, that are usually considered desirable. These landscapes are dynamic, whether this is due to the amalgamation and division of various properties as they change ownership but remain in use for thoroughbred breeding, or whether, as in the case of Newmarket, they change from thoroughbred breeding to training yards (or vice-versa). When the landscape changes from thoroughbred breeding and racing to a competing use, particularly if that use is both irreversible and places additional pressure on other thoroughbred-oriented properties, then it can be seen as a major challenge to thoroughbred breeding and racing. Even prior to a physical change, the process of

106

Contested landscapes

contesting landscapes is crucial, as seen in the examples of the Bickham Coal Mine proposal in the Upper Hunter region, the opposition to Lord Derby’s planned development of Hatchfield Farm in Newmarket and the placing of the Bluegrass Cultural Landscape of Kentucky on the World Monuments Fund list of the world’s 100 most endangered sites in 2006. In a finite world, where land is a limited resource, thoroughbred breeding will likely rely increasingly on arguments of the economic value that it generates, tradition, the cultural identity of place and being a relatively sustainable activity in order to fend off threats from the few other land uses that can compete with it.

9

Horse festivals and eque-cultural identity The Scone and Upper Hunter Horse Festival

In this chapter we use a case study approach to show the social construction of the identity of the thoroughbred horse. The Scone and Upper Hunter Horse Festival in NSW, Australia has been developed to celebrate the horse and to allow people from all aspects of horse ownership, commerce and recreation to come together and reinforce their love of all things equine. The term “eque-culture” has been formulated to describe the co-evolution of horses and humans which creates an emergent space where both horses (equines) and humans coincide. This festival, as an eque-cultural coming together, is replicated in many other parts of the world, demonstrating the ongoing development of horses, culture and people. Scone, located in the Upper Hunter Valley of New South Wales (NSW), markets itself as the “horse capital of Australia” because of the significant relationship between humans, horses and the thoroughbred horse industry. As noted in Chapter 8, the Upper Hunter region is a key global thoroughbred horse breeding site with the vast majority of studs located in close proximity to the town of Scone. This town is also recognized as a key breeding area for polo horses, is home to the Australian Stock Horse Society and the Scone Race Club. Scone also hosts the Scone Equine Studies Centre, at the local campus of Hunter Institute of TAFE (Technical and Further Education) of NSW. The Scone and Upper Hunter Horse Festival, which began as a three-day festival in 1980, has developed into the largest community event held in the Upper Hunter Shire, spanning a two-week period in May every year. The festival precedes the Emirates Park Scone Cup, one of Australia’s most prestigious country race meetings. The chapter is mainly based on observations made by Raewyn Graham while attending and volunteering at the 2009 festival (as part of her PhD research on horse festivals) and the perceptions of the organizers and residents, based on interviews with past and present committee members and a council representative. Questionnaires were also distributed to 400 residents, with 80 being completed and returned, representing a 20 per cent response rate. In addition, information was obtained from newspaper articles and other media sources.

108

Horse festivals and eque-cultural identity

This research also explored the Georgetown Festival of the Horse, an annual three-day festival held in October in Georgetown, Kentucky (USA). Georgetown is a small American town located 16 kilometres from Lexington – the “horse capital of the World”, with both towns situated within the Bluegrass Region of Kentucky, famous for its thoroughbred breeding industry. The Georgetown festival has similarities to the Scone and Upper Hunter Horse Festival as it too began in the earlier 1980s, and is a celebration of community and of the town’s historical relationship with many different breeds of horses. While the festival committee acknowledged the importance of thoroughbred horses and the thoroughbred breeding industry to the county and to the region, other breeds of horses such as the American Saddlebred and Morgan Horses were more closely linked with the Georgetown festival and therefore details relating to this study are not discussed in any great detail in this chapter. Other eque-cultural events around the world that celebrate the horse, and equinerelated skills, include the Calgary Stampede in Canada and the Ballinasloe Horse Fair in Ireland, which dates back to the eighteenth century and is one of Europe’s oldest and largest horse fairs. Prior to the establishment of the horse festival in Scone, arguably the closest event to this in Australia were the annual Royal Shows and agricultural shows in the capital cities and larger country towns. This chapter begins with a brief overview of the inaugural Scone festival, before highlighting the 2009 festival as a celebration of community and of the relationship between humans and horses and how this has influenced the identity of Scone. The next section focuses on the emotional relationship between humans and horses before discussing the importance of identity to Scone, based on the thoroughbred breeding industry, and how the festival has assisted in maintaining and protecting this identity. This is especially crucial at a time when Scone and the wider region of the Upper Hunter are threatened by the expanding coal-mining industry and the perceived challenges to the title of “horse capital of Australia”, particularly by the larger town of Tamworth, located north of the Upper Hunter.

The first festival For years, they have talked about the Jacaranda Festival … Tulip Time in Bowral … or even Moomba in the big city of Melbourne. “Tomorrow” is the horse lovers’ tune (sic) … their time to remember and celebrate each year the Festival of the Horse … the week that belongs to Scone, respected throughout Australia and also abroad as a cradle of giants of Australian racing and breeding. (Anon., 1980, 12) The inaugural festival, the creation of the title of “horse capital of Australia” and the erection of the (now famous) Mare and Foal Statue all

Horse festivals and eque-cultural identity

109

occurred in the early 1980s and were integral aspects of the development of Scone’s identity as a significant “horse place”. The first festival was a threeday festival held in 1980, known as Scone Horse Week, which was organized by two prominent local identities. The name of the festival changed to the Scone Horse Festival in 1998, and in 2008 it became known as the Scone and Upper Hunter Horse Festival. One of these two local identities, when asked why the festival began, commented, “It was worthwhile to have a festival. You know to celebrate Scone as the capital of the horse – the thoroughbred.” He also spoke of the difference of opinion amongst Scone residents about their new slogan. The titles “the thoroughbred capital” and “horse capital” were put forward, with “horse capital” chosen because it was considered more inclusive and reflected the importance of other horse breeds within the region. The horse sales had recently been developed and the race meeting was held at the same time as the sales, so the original organizers felt that something needed to be done to promote these events and the town to a wider audience, while also celebrating community and the relationship with horses. The idea of a festival was not “received terribly well at first”, but within a few years of its inception it had become an annual fixture in the social calendar of Scone residents. The festival started at the same time as the community was trying to raise money for the Mare and Foal Statue, which was erected in 1982 in Elizabeth Park, a small park in Scone adjacent to the New England Highway (see Figure 9.1). The statue was promoted as a drawcard for tourists and according to a local newspaper was “a symbol of the town’s place in the world of the horse” (Anon., 1981, 13). The statue was not without controversy, with a local newspaper article questioning; “What other rural town would spend $62,000 in the middle of a drought to build a bronze horse statue for the town’s main park?” (Anon., 1986, 1). Research on Australian rural festivals has identified that 61 per cent of the festivals surveyed began after 1980 (see Gibson and Stewart, 2009; Gibson et al., 2010), which was a time of economic decline throughout Australia as a result of a major recession in 1982–83, combined with the devastating effects of drought that plagued many rural communities. One of the “regeneration strategies” adopted by many rural towns was to hold festivals (Gibson and Stewart, 2009). The title of “horse capital of Australia” also emerged at this time in recognition of all the horse breeds in Scone. This title was considered sufficiently important that in 1996 there were moves to trademark the title, with the applicants arguing that Scone had a long association with horse breeding and therefore deserved the trademark. However, the application was rejected by the Australian Intellectual Property Organisation (AIPO) on the grounds that there were other areas in Australia that also had historical associations with horse breeding (Anon., 1997, 14). The first festival, the Mare and Foal Statue and the creation of the town’s title were important steps in the development of Scone’s identity as a “horse place”;

110

Horse festivals and eque-cultural identity

Figure 9.1 Mare and Foal statue, Scone. The statue of the Mare and Foal, Elizabeth Park, Scone, was erected in 1982 and is a tourist attraction and part of the town’s identity as the “Horse Capital of Australia”. Photograph by Arthur Duckworth.

an identity which is reinforced during the performance of the annual festival.

The 2009 Scone and Upper Hunter Festival The Scone and Upper Hunter Horse Festival has always been a celebration of the important relationship between Scone, horses and the thoroughbred breeding industry. Jim Rodger, local veterinary and one of the original committee members, speaking about the 1995 festival commented that: It’s our own festival to celebrate the great Australian relationship between man and his horse. Scone is the horse capital of Australia and here’s where all the breeds and their supporters meet: the thoroughbreds, the stock horses, the standardbreds, the quarter horses, all breeds. (Quoted in Anon., 1995, 3) This is still applicable today as noted on the festival website: Scone is the Horse Capital of Australia and this festival celebrates the place where horses reign and where each year many people from

Horse festivals and eque-cultural identity

111

within the region and from far afield come to share our pride in our area and our equine industry. (Scone and Upper Hunter Festival, n.d.) This relationship is reflected in the horse-related events held during the festival. Of the 35 events held during the festival, 12 are horse related. Of those 12, five are considered key events of the festival: King of the Ranges Stockman’s Challenge; Scone Horse Festival Rodeo; Primo Quality Meats Parade; Scone Horse Sales; and the Scone Racing Carnival. The King of the Ranges Stockman’s Challenge, held in Murrurundi (a small town located 32 kilometres north of Scone within the Upper Hunter region), was the opening event of the 2009 festival. Marketed as a “true blue festival” its aims were to celebrate distinctively “Australian horsemanship and bush skills” (Anon., 2009b, 16). This event featured a number of activities where human and horse skills were tested, as was the case with the Scone Horse Festival Rodeo. The largest event in terms of attendance was the festival parade, with an estimated 10,000 people viewing the parade in 2009. The horse section of the parade featured different breeds of horses, with the exception of thoroughbred horses, as this breed of horse tends to be skittish and more likely to scare than other breeds. The risk of injury to what are, in some cases, very expensive horses prohibits their participation in the parade. However, the thoroughbred breeding industry was represented in the parade with staff from local thoroughbred breeding farms, notably Darley, Holbrook, Vinery, Arrowfield and Patinack, riding Australian stock horses, walking with banners, or driving large horse-transportation trucks (see Figure 9.2). Another feature of the parade is the awarding of the position of VIP (very important person) to a local resident who is involved with horses (this has been awarded since 1985). All of the award recipients reflect the variety of horse-related practices that occur in Scone, with recipients having been involved with stock horses, polo horses and thoroughbred horses. The majority of the events held during the festival are organized by nonprofit-based organizations under the umbrella of the Scone and Upper Hunter Horse Festival Committee. The exceptions to this are the horse sales and the race meeting, which are commercial ventures operating outside the sphere of the festival committee. The Hunter Thoroughbred Breeders Association (HTBA) Scone Yearling Sale focuses on the auctioning of yearlings. While the sales are not in the same league as others held in the larger metropolitan cities of Sydney and Melbourne and the Magic Millions Sale held on the Gold Coast, it is recognized as “Australia’s most successful country sale” (Inglis Bloodstock, n.d.). The Scone Race Club is considered to be one of Australia’s premier country race clubs with the Emirates Park Scone Cup Carnival as the most prestigious country race meeting (see Figure 9.3). The first race meeting was held in Scone in 1842 (Morgan, 1996), with the Scone Cup being raced

112

Horse festivals and eque-cultural identity

Figure 9.2 Scone and Upper Hunter Horse Festival Parade. Thoroughbred farms in the Upper Hunter supported the parade, but did not use expensive and potentially flighty thoroughbreds for this activity. Photograph by Raewyn Graham.

since 1947. According to the race-day organizers it is an event that is “fast gathering cult status”: Even people who aren’t horse people talk about the Scone Cup and they want to come … the Cup has got a history, a following. It’s been going a long time. It’s not just the racing, though, it is a package people can come and experience and get out of the city. (Anon., 2004, 5) The involvement of the local thoroughbred breeding industry has been instrumental in the Scone Race Club achieving this status. The 2009 racing carnival attracted some of Australia’s leading trainers, including Bart Cummings, Gai Waterhouse and Peter Snowden. This was possibly due to the significant prize money on offer, with the 2009 Emirates Park Scone Cup (run over 1,600 metres) worth A$110,000 (Hornery, 2009). The race meeting also featured the Inglis Challenge, which provided the highest prize money for two-year-olds in a country race. In 2010, the Scone Race Club implemented the inaugural Inglis Guineas for three-year-olds, with total prize money for the race of $770,000. The Scone Race Club also

Horse festivals and eque-cultural identity

113

Figure 9.3 A race on Scone Cup day. The horses race down the home straight at Scone Race Club on Scone Cup day. This race day is the culmination of the Scone and Upper Hunter Horse Festival. Photograph by Arthur Duckworth.

signed a major sponsorship deal with 13 of the local studs in 2010 worth $1.575 million over the following three years (Scone Race Club, 2010). In 2011 the club made racing history by being allocated a stand-alone Saturday meeting, which allowed the club to race over two days, with the total prize money on offer at the 2011 race meeting being $2 million (Hunter Thoroughbred Breeders Association, 2011). An accompanying feature of the sales and race day was the Hunter Thoroughbred Breeders Association (HTBA) annual dinner and awards night. The HTBA awards night recognized and celebrated the contribution of thoroughbred horses, breeders and owners to the local thoroughbred industry, with both humans and horses being honoured (although awards are only presented to human owners or breeders). The race meeting and the horse sales are economically important for the town as they attract the most tourists of the festival programme, with all the accommodation, restaurants and cafes in Scone fully booked for the duration of these events. Race day, held on a Friday afternoon, is also socially important. Upper Hunter Shire Council employees are given a half-day holiday and owners and employees of local businesses, including thoroughbred studs, take the afternoon off to be part of the racing experience. Race day also provides an opportunity for local residents and their

114

Horse festivals and eque-cultural identity

friends and families to get together and have fun while enjoying the spectacle of horseracing. The race carnival revealed linkages between humans, whether they are local residents or tourists, horse owners or breeders, people who work in the horse industry or associated industries, punters or non-gamblers or, in this case, a researcher, and horses: they all come together in a specific place at a specific time to be part of the Scone Racing Carnival experience. And it is an experience! One of the major changes to the festival, since its beginnings in 1980, is the level of involvement of the thoroughbred breeding industry. They are central actors in the racing and sales aspect of the festival, but their participation in the non-commercial events held during the festival has, according to committee members, reduced over the years. In previous years stud owners participated in the parade and held open days where local residents and tourists could just drive into a stud at any time during the day. In 2009 there were two stud tours that adopted a more formal approach to visiting the studs. One focused on studs located near Denman (another prominent thoroughbred breeding site in the Upper Hunter region located 52 kilometres south of Scone), and the other on four of the leading studs located in close proximity to Scone: Emirates Park, Arrowfield, Patinack and Darley. The tour party arrived at each of the destinations at a set time and access was gained via locked gates, which were only opened for the tour. The rationale behind this structured approach was that these thoroughbred studs are operating highly successful businesses with a number of very valuable horses located on the studs. It is therefore no longer appropriate for people to just “drop in” on the studs as was the case in the 1980s. The Invermien Stud, owned and operated by Geoff and Beryl White, prominent local residents, was an exception, holding an “open day”, but the hours were restricted to between 10.00 am and 12 noon. This change in the involvement of the thoroughbred breeding industry was attributed to the industry’s changing structure in the region with the arrival of the larger international studs, which purchased a number of the local-family-owned studs in the late 1980s (see Chapter 5). One interviewee commented that the major difference today is that “now the big studs are overseas owned. They are owned by people who may never see Australia. Whereas it was all about horses, now it’s all about the money.” Another said that the people who controlled the studs were not “locals, so they don’t see that they need to be involved in the local area … . They’re not community minded people at all.” However, while a number of the larger studs are owned by overseas interests, there are a number of Australian-owned studs in the region, with some on a larger scale than studs operating prior to the 1980s. There are also a number of familyowned and -operated studs, such as the Invermien Stud mentioned above. The festival celebrates the historical relationship between Scone, its residents and different breeds of horses. Thoroughbred horses featured

Horse festivals and eque-cultural identity

115

predominately at the festival as key actors in racing, sales, tours and the HTBA awards dinner, but other breeds of horses were also part of the festival. Australian stock horses featured at the rodeo and King of the Ranges, polo horses competed in the polo competition, and show horses at the school sports day. Not everyone in Scone, however, is a “horse person”, with a questionnaire respondent writing, “I do not own nor ever intend to own a horse. Being a resident here it is taken that you are horse mad. That is further from the truth (sic).” Another commented on traffic delays caused by the drink-driving checkpoints set up before and after the Scone Cup. One of the committee members also expressed the view that there was too much emphasis on horses. However, this was not the general view of the interviewees, who said they wanted the focus of the festival to remain on horses. This was also supported by responses to the questionnaire statement, “the festival is a celebration of the community’s relationship with horses”, with which 96 per cent of respondents agreed. While the focus of the festival is on horses, the festival is also a celebration of community. One of the central aims of the Scone and Upper Hunter Horse Festival Committee is to hold a festival that celebrates community. As the festival is held over a two-week period, it is possible to include a variety of events and activities to ensure that there will be something of interest for all the local residents. The festival programme featured drama productions, art shows and competitions, poetry nights, school fetes, antique fairs, rugby games and a picnic by the lake. As one of the questionnaire respondents indicated, “it’s a feast of activity”. For the festival committee members, making money was not a major aim of the festival; they just needed to make enough money to ensure the continuation of the festival. This is consistent with the findings of Gibson and Stewart’s (2009) report, in which they noted that only 2.5 percent of the surveyed Australian rural festivals indicated that making money was an aim of their festivals. However, the festival does provide the opportunity for local schools and charity groups to raise more funds than at any other time of the year (the Scone and Upper Hunter Horse Festival is the only festival held in Scone). One questionnaire respondent stated that “the local scout group raises $3000 per annum (pa) … the Grammar School raises $2000 pa & Primary School $8000 pa at the festival. This amount of economic activity cannot be generated any other way.” The festival committee members, while acknowledging there were economic benefits to the town and some community groups, felt that the social benefits were as important, if not more important. For one interviewee the festival “creates an identity as opposed to an identity crisis. It creates a sense of belonging; it helps bring together that sense of community, a sense of belonging and social interaction.” For others the festival provided the opportunity for people who no longer live in the town to return and reconnect with the community, especially the younger

116

Horse festivals and eque-cultural identity

generations who had moved to larger cities to study or work. Another interviewee spoke of the “wonderful buzz in town”, saying that there was “a great feeling when all of these people are here and people are happy and waiting to go to the next event.” These sentiments were also reflected in the questionnaire responses, with 97 per cent of respondents agreeing that “festivals help bring people together” and 88 per cent agreeing with the statement that “the festival builds community.” The festival began at the same time as Scone residents were developing their new identity as the “horse capital of Australia”. This identity was built from the foundations laid by the thoroughbred breeding industry and other horse industries that had established businesses in the region. The annual festival provides a time and a space to celebrate and reinforce this identity while reflecting on what it means to be part of the community. It also provides an opportunity for eque-cultural activities to occur, with humans and equines interacting within a shared social space, whether in racing, competing, riding or just “horsing around”. What was displayed during the festival was a pride in these human-animal relationships and an emotional connection between horses and their human counterparts. It is these emergent spaces that allow for the co-evolution of human and horse to continue.

Emotional relationships: humans and horses Thoroughbred horses are animals with multiple identities and defining characteristics. Multiple discourses exist about thoroughbred horses and the contradictory position they hold as commodities and as individual animals (McManus et al., 2011); as a creation that is “subject to human intervention,” but also as “representative of nature, as doing what comes naturally” (Cassidy, 2003, 18); as “mobile incubators” (Cassidy, 2005, 56); as aesthetic objects (da Vinci, Picasso); and as “status symbols” (Cassidy, 2007; Carruthers, 2008). They are defined in agricultural terms as livestock, but they are not bred to be killed as are other livestock animals. Farmers of livestock understand that the aim of their businesses is to produce animals that will eventually, in most cases, become food for consumption. However, it is still possible for there to be an emotional relationship between farmers and their livestock (Convery et al., 2005; Yarwood and Evans, 2006; M. Riley, 2011). This emotional bond also exists between thoroughbred horses and the diverse range of people associated with the breeding and racing of thoroughbreds. In addition, as part of the overall reassessment of what kinds of mental states animals share with humans, the “emotional lives of animals” (Bekoff, 2007) are now subjects of serious inquiry. That horses share emotions such as joy and anger with humans, suggests not only richer ethical relationships with animals such as horses (see Chapter 11), but also richer eque-cultural relationships.

Horse festivals and eque-cultural identity

117

The concept of “lifescapes” has been employed to “articulate the complexity of the spatial, emotional and ethical dimensions of the relationship between landscape, livestock, farming and rural communities” (Convery et al., 2005, 100). Convery et al. (2005) explored the relationships between farmers and their animals at a time of major loss with the emergence of foot and mouth disease in 2001 and the subsequent destruction of farmers’ livestock. Their central argument was that “the emotional geographies of livestock farming are entangled within human constructions of nature, with human and non-human identities constructed through ideas and practices played out in different contexts at different times and places” (Convery et al., 2005, 101). M. Riley (2011) considered the emotional bond between farmers and animals, which became more apparent when farmers retire and are faced with the dilemma of what to do with their livestock. Bourdieu’s (1984) concept of habitus was utilized by Yarwood and Evans (2006) in order to articulate the economic and emotional relationship between farmers and their livestock. These studies recognize that livestock animals have an economic value, but also draw attention to the emotional attachment between humans and non-humans within farming spaces. While thoroughbred breeders may not face the same degree of dilemmas as other farming practices, there are still times when a horse must be put down. The emotional bond between horses and their owners is displayed in the burial process; this is especially the case where studs bury horses on the farms with headstones to mark the graves (see Chapter 2), in the responses of tourists visiting studs/ farms where champion horses were trained and are buried or memorialized (for example, Seattle Slew at Three Chimneys Farm, Kentucky), and with the responses of the general public to the death of champion horses such as Eight Belles (see Chapter 11). It is also apparent in the ability of champion racehorses to attract large crowds to watch the likes of Phar Lap and, more recently, in Australia, Black Caviar race. In the case of Black Caviar, her eighteenth win from 18 starts was viewed by a crowd of more than 20,000 people at the Caulfield racecourse in Melbourne (admittedly with free entry provided), when this is a race meeting that would normally only attract a quarter of that crowd (Sharwood, 2012, 21). Emotional attachments to horses were also revealed during the festival: in the care taken to groom the horses for the parade, the School Horse Sports Day and the polo competition and in the preparation of thoroughbreds for the sales and the race day. They were also evident in the expressions of joy at the sales when a beautiful young horse was presented for sale and at the races when a horse that had captured the heart of the racegoers crossed the line first. During the Arrowfield Stud Tour people wanted to see and take pictures of Redoute’s Choice, one of the leading sires that has gained celebrity status in the Upper Hunter region. In 2011 the stud fee for Redoute’s Choice was A$137,500 (plus GST), down from the 2008 fee of $300,000 (plus GST), due to the global financial crisis.

118

Horse festivals and eque-cultural identity

Love is maybe too strong a word for what was on display, but there was certainly an emotional bond, an admiration of these fine horses. We accept that the human-horse relationship is complex and multidimensional and there are many ethical dilemmas facing the racing and breeding industry (see Chapter 11 and Chapter 14). However, this does not detract from the shows of affection for horses displayed by horse people during this research. This research also recognizes that horses are used to market the thoroughbred industry, the town and the festival, thereby creating and maintaining a distinctive place identity.

Eque-cultural identity Festivals assist in the creation and reinforcement of a “sense of place” (Derrett, 2003; Eversole and Martin, 2005; Gibson et al., 2010) for communities who use them to market their town as part of a “place marketing strategy” (Gibson and Davidson, 2004). This works by keeping a town “on the map” or by establishing a connection “that lingers in the national imagination” (Gibson and Stewart, 2009, 29), as is the case with the Tamworth Country Music Festival and the Parkes Elvis Festival in Australia. This is also the case with eque-cultural events. Examples within America include the Kentucky Derby Festival, a two-week festival held in Louisville since 1956, which leads up to the running of the Kentucky Derby, and the 2010 World Equestrian Games, held at the Kentucky Horse Park, with the estimated economic impact to the region being US $201.5 million (Patton, 2011). This was not an annual event in Kentucky, but it was of such a scale that it cemented Lexington’s identity as the “horse capital of the world”. This event was also used by the Georgetown Festival of the Horse Committee to promote their festival (held in a weekend during the games) and their place as the “Gateway to the Kentucky Horse Park”. In addition, racing carnivals are held in leading thoroughbred racing regions across the world, with some examples being: Newmarket, UK; Louisville and Keeneland, Kentucky; Sydney, Australia; and Auckland, New Zealand. Another mechanism for promoting towns or regions is the introduction of statues or monuments to attract tourists to the town and region. Examples of statues attracting tourists include the Dog on the Tuckerbox in Snake Gully, NSW (established to attract tourists to the nearby township of Gundagai) and the Mare and Foal Statue in Scone. Lexington’s Thoroughbred Park features 13 magnificent bronze sculptures, of which seven depict “horses storming down a track towards the winner’s circle” (Kentucky Tourism, 2012), and multi-coloured horse statues line the streets of downtown Louisville. Horse sculptures also dominate the landscape of many racecourses around the world and are used as part of a promotional strategy to encourage people to attend race meetings: Secretariat at Belmont Park, New York; Northern Dancer at Woodbine Racetrack, Ontario; Phar Lap at Flemington, Melbourne. These statues are also a

Horse festivals and eque-cultural identity

119

mark of respect for deceased horses. Horseracing carnivals, statues and monuments also assist in the development of a distinctive place identity while creating images that attract national attention. In Scone, other horserelated paraphernalia is located at various sites in the township (see Chapter 8). These items and the image created by the thoroughbred breeding industry are used to market Scone as a leading equine centre as well as a desirable tourist destination. The marketing and promotion of the festival using banners, brochures, newspaper articles and the festival website enhances the identity established by the thoroughbred industry. Thoroughbred horses are integral to the development of a distinctive local, regional and national identity (Cassidy, 2002b; Cassidy, 2007; McManus et al., 2011). Evans and Yarwood (1995) developed the term “cattlescapes” to highlight how cattle breeds in the United Kingdom are used to market specific places and how the cattle then become intertwined in the identity of these locations. This term could be adapted to “equescapes” to highlight how Scone, the thoroughbred breeding industry and the festival have utilized horses and the image of horses to create, market and maintain this identity. There are a number of these “equescapes” located around the world. Newmarket, England is considered the headquarters and Kentucky, USA the “daddy” of the global thoroughbred breeding industry (Cassidy, 2007), with some of the other key sites being the Curragh, Ireland; Cambridge, New Zealand; and Hokkaido, Japan. These sites all form part of a multibillion-dollar industry, where thoroughbred horses have become synonymous with place. The identity as a significant horse place is important to each of these regions. Tourists visit these destinations to journey through the picturesque landscape of the thoroughbred breeding industry: a vista of beautiful, manicured pastures, where horses appear at one with nature in a peaceful and tranquil setting. Such an image is extremely important to Scone, especially at times when the title of “horse capital” and the town are under threat. Newspaper reports in 1989 revealed concerns about the perceived threat of Tamworth (the “Country Music Capital of Australia”) wanting to take over the title of “horse capital” and this threat still appeared to be an issue in 2009. Harvey Walden, a local journalist and well-known local identity, expressed his concern in 1989, arguing that Scone’s title was coming under attack due to a number of Appaloosa and Quarter horse operations moving to Tamworth. However, in Walden’s opinion, thoroughbred horse operations would “never” move to Tamworth as “too many former great horsemen worked to ensure that Scone and the Hunter Valley would remain its home” (Walden, 1989, 5). In response to this, the then President of the Scone Race Club, David Bath, wrote to the editor a week later arguing that there was “little to fear from the Country Music capital of Australia … . In my opinion, breeding and racing in the Upper Hunter has never been stronger and will continue to grow dramatically” (Bath, 1989, 12).

120

Horse festivals and eque-cultural identity

This perceived threat resurfaced in 2009 with the proposal by Tamworth to build the Australian Equine and Livestock Events Centre (AELEC), which opened in 2010. Oliver Tait, the 2009 outgoing President of The Hunter Thoroughbred Breeders Association (HTBA), stated that the HTBA was “adamant that Scone will never lose its status, but … there was no room for complacency with rival towns such as Tamworth opening a new multi-million dollar equine facility” (quoted in Anon., 2009c, 7). Some of the interviewed committee members, who were horse breeders, expressed concerns about a perceived lack of effort by the local council to protect Scone’s identity. This was supported by questionnaire respondents who were asked to rate possible threats and opportunities to their regions using a five-point Likert scale where One was a “very dangerous threat”, Two was a “threat” through to Five, which was a very “big opportunity”. With regards to the possible threat of a “challenge from other regions to take over the mantle of ‘horse capital”, 80 per cent of respondents indicated that this was either a threat (53 per cent) or a very dangerous threat (27 per cent). One respondent wrote, “Tamworth is a threat to the Scone festival and status of horse capital” and another, “If the Council was more active and became more involved with the Council area there would be less opportunities for other areas to ‘take the mantle of Horse Capital’.” This was not, however, a view expressed by a local council representative who said that the new centre in Tamworth was nothing more than a “white elephant” that would have no impact on Scone’s equine industry or identity. The other major threat identified was the coalmining industry. Several of the interviewees expressed their concern about the encroachment of the coal-mining industry in the Hunter Valley, saying that it was extremely important that Scone remains identified as a “horse capital”, rather than as a mining town. Scone has worked hard to create and maintain an identity that is intrinsically linked with horses. The idea of having to change that image to incorporate coal was not an option for many of its residents. The level of concern about coal mining intensified with the proposal to open the Bickham Coal Mine, north of Scone. This proposal was rejected in 2010 due to concerns about the possible damage to the Pages River and the impact on the thoroughbred breeding industry (see Chapter 8). Questionnaire respondents were asked to rate coal mining as a threat or an opportunity to their region using the same scale as mentioned above. A total of 61 per cent of respondents indicated that coal mining was a threat (41 percent a “very dangerous threat” and 20 percent a “threat”). For 28 per cent of the respondents it was an opportunity (9 per cent a “very big opportunity”; 19 per cent an “opportunity”) and the remaining 11 percent remained neutral. Due to the media reports about the tensions between thoroughbred breeders, residents and the coal-mining industry it was expected that more residents would have viewed coal mining as a threat. However, it appears that there is an acceptance of the place of coal

Horse festivals and eque-cultural identity

121

mining in the Hunter Valley as long as it does not move any closer to Scone.

Summary Scone has a historical relationship with many different breeds of horses, but it is the thoroughbred horse industry that stands out visually and economically. Thoroughbred horses and the thoroughbred industry have made their mark on Scone, with the breeding and racing industry an important element of the tourism marketing strategy of both Scone and the Upper Hunter. The industry has created a distinctive landscape which has been used to market Scone and the Upper Hunter region as an idyllic setting for thoroughbred horses and humans. This image has assisted in the development of Scone’s identity as a “horse capital”; an identity that is important at a local, regional, national and global level. However, horses are more than a marketing ploy, with emotional bonds between humans and horses displayed during the festival. The annual Scone and Upper Hunter Horse Festival is a celebration of community and the historical relationship with horses, and an example of eque-cultural activities that take place globally. It is during the marketing, promotion and running of the festival that Scone’s identity as a significant horse place is intensified.

10 Environmental challenges

The thoroughbred industry has a high level of environmental dependence. This dependence can be modified by the application of technology, and the adoption of new practices, but, in the end, environmental factors are highly significant. Some of these factors have been covered in earlier chapters with respect to the breeding industry, particularly in relation to site selection and landscape issues at the level of the thoroughbred farm (Chapter 7) and the region (Chapter 8). These factors result in varied management practices, which range from season variations necessitating the construction and greater use of indoor facilities in colder locations such as Hokkaido (northern Japan), upstate New York, the UK and Ireland compared with South Africa, Australia and New Zealand, through to the installation of underground drainage and the clearing and smoothing of paddocks to ensure that horses do not injure themselves on an obstacle or by tripping in a hole. The importance of environmental issues in modifying the costs and income of thoroughbred breeding and racing has been highlighted in earlier chapters, as has the importance of breeder incentives and similar schemes designed to boost the breeding and racing industries in particular locations that may be relatively disadvantaged by environmental conditions. In this chapter, we focus on two major issues, the composite issue of water, drought and climate change, and the issue of disease. Other major environmental issues such as urbanization and coal mining are addressed in earlier chapters, while Chapter 12 provides details about different perceptions of these issues.

Water/drought/climate change Thoroughbred breeding The most famous thoroughbred breeding regions, at least compared with other options within particular countries, have relatively good climates, fertile soils that will support good grass and ideal undulating topographies. Hislop (1992, 1) recognized that “the land and water-supply must be

Environmental challenges

123

suitable to producing good racehorses” and “the land on which horses are raised is a far, far more important factor than is appreciated generally”. Taylor (1993, 19) recounts how: A fellow once told me that the quickest way to evaluate farmland in Kentucky is to stand on the highest point of the land and count all the tobacco farms. If you see quite a few, you are standing on good land. If you can’t see any at all, the land probably isn’t much good. This may not always hold true, but good farmland capable of growing grass has a history of farming. The demise of tobacco farming in the Inner Bluegrass Region of Kentucky may make this exercise more difficult than it was in previous years, but the essential point remains accurate. The development of Ocala in Marion County, Florida, was due to the limestone substrata that enabled the growth of fertile grass, and thus strong, fast, young horses, which the Florida breeders promoted (Fallon, 2003; Bowen, 2004). Previously, Marion County had been an important sugar cane, cotton and citrus region (D.G. Riley, 2011). In the 1930s, a highway builder, Carl Rose, bought agricultural land and created the first thoroughbred farm in the region. In 1949, only 18 foals were born in the whole region, but 12 years later, in 1961, there were 52 thoroughbred farms in Marion County and today there are about 450 thoroughbred farms (plus farms for numerous other horse breeds), although, as with Lexington and Newmarket (Chapter 8), these farms are threatened by urbanization (Fallon, 2003). In the Upper Hunter region of Australia, many former dairy farms and beef farms have been converted to thoroughbred breeding operations. This is primarily because the breeding operations can afford to pay the cost of land and water through the generation of higher financial returns. Competing industries, such as dairy farms, have been impacted by political processes such as the deregulation of the dairy industry (Edwards, 2003), and the expansion of the thoroughbred industry from its long-established base in the region has involved the purchasing of former dairy farms. As one farm manager said: This has been traditionally the thoroughbred district for the Australian industry, I suppose, and particularly the NSW industry. You’ve got very good soil and water here and I guess it is one of those things where something starts off and the industry snowballs around it a little bit, but realistically it is really the quality of the land and the quality of the water. He recognized the history of agriculture in the Upper Hunter region when discussing the expansion of the thoroughbred breeding industry:

124

Environmental challenges For someone to set up a new farm, if they don’t buy a dairy, to be able to obtain water is very difficult … if you are buying land you are buying quality agricultural land and water. I guess climate and environment, and good agricultural land and water all go together. … a package deal. It’s not one or the other, you get the deal. No doubt thoroughbred farms have come in and bought into dairy country but it’s mainly because of the water and the land, as opposed to anything else. Most of these farms … have been agricultural pursuits previously so that’s what you are buying.

Environmental factors are particularly important for the growth of strong, fast foals. While some breeders highlighted the variation in performance of stallions in different weather conditions, and on different types of grass, other breeders emphasized the importance of the “dominant stallion” and the need for him to be “firing” to the benefit of both the business and whichever region in which he stood, but noted the importance of good grass and improved pasture and water availability for the rearing of foals, with environmental factors influencing the economics of the farm (see Chapter 5): The fact that the progeny is reared on good country maybe reduces some of the things that you see in horses that are not, bone structure and those sort of things, that you don’t have the problems with when they’re reared on good country as opposed to what is not good country essentially. We can probably also manage numbers better on these sorts of farms. At foaling we can run more mares because our country is much more productive as opposed to someone who is just relying on native grasses and rainfall as opposed to improved pastures and irrigation. Other thoroughbred breeders in different countries recognized the importance of environmental factors, but understood that racehorses can be bred under various climatic conditions. One well-travelled breeder thought that: a lot can be made of certain geographical areas and why they’re great for racehorses. I think racehorses can be bred and raised in most places. Obviously a lot of supplemental nutrition is given to the horses, so what the horse lacks, what the horse doesn’t get out of the ground, you can give it to it in a bucket. Fertile land, the growth of nutritious, lush grass and the availability of abundant supplies of high-quality water, emanate from the interaction of geology, long-term climatic conditions and short-term weather patterns. In Australia, this has usually involved cyclical processes of “drought and flooding rains”, as expressed in the poem My Country by Dorothea

Environmental challenges

125

MacKellar (MacKellar, 2011). Thoroughbred farms, along with other agricultural pursuits, have had to be cautious about overstocking their property in fertile seasons because of the likelihood of lean years in the future. They have not always done this well, with tragic consequences for the animals and damage to the land. The issue of climate change is particularly important and contentious. Thoroughbred breeders have varying views about climate change, and their perspectives are likely to be highly influenced by short-term weather patterns. This is primarily due to their corporeal experience of the issue, rather than reading scientific literature that may be inaccessible, or pitched at a scale and time frame not relevant to their particular business. It may also be related to a strategic positioning of their business, because to publically acknowledge climate change as a threat can potentially undermine their asset base and threaten their existing operations, as shown by research into the ski industry (Bicknell and McManus, 2006; Pickering et al., 2010; Pickering, 2011). One Kentucky breeder said: I’m probably not nearly as sensitive to global warming as I should be, and maybe it’s because I haven’t experienced enough of it that I can detect. Maybe that’s ignorant, but from a day-to-day production stand point, it’s not something that has affected me. I think that we all at some point, maybe Australia sooner than this country, maybe they are now, are going to be affected by the quantity and quality of water. Upper Hunter breeders had similar perspectives about climate change, particularly in relation to their cyclical experience of drought (McManus, 2008a). Some thoroughbred breeders dismissed climate change, as shown below in the comments of two thoroughbred breeders from the Upper Hunter, preferring to see it as a seasonal phenomenon while highlighting the importance of time in the understanding of climate change and cultural factors involved in the demand for, and use of, water: Australia over the last 100 years has gone through very dry spells and very wet spells. History will probably tell us in another 50 years’ time whether there are dramatic climate changes, but you know, at the moment everyone’s guessing and the scientists might tell us that everything’s warmed up by half a degree at the end of the day. We are going through a dry spell and we have been through these dry spells before. It’s not something unique to the twenty-first century. I think climate change is a very hard definition because I am just not convinced of it so much. The seasons play an enormous part, I mean we’ve just had two inches of rain. It soaked up acre (sic). The demand is going to be for water for irrigation because every stud master wants

126

Environmental challenges oats knee deep 24 hours a day, seven days a week, 365 days a year. They want the horse to be up to its knees in oats, or lucerne or pasture or whatever, so the demand for water is enormous.

Other thoroughbred breeders recognized the importance of the environment for the whole industry, and were concerned about how climate change could impact on other aspects of the environment: It’s an issue. It’s certainly an issue from the point that we see things environmentally happening, particularly in drought times, that we don’t see, diseases … when pastures become stressed, nutritional values decrease and, once anything is stressed, things become more susceptible to other things, whether that be pastures, horses, or whatever. It’s an issue. With climate change if this ceases to become reasonably high value rainfall area with good access to water then all the other things decline as well, so those things snowball. It’s environmental things that established the area and hopefully it is not environmental things that kill the area as well. The perspectives of some thoroughbred breeders (McManus, 2008a) appear to be at odds with the scientific literature, which is increasingly recognizing the importance and threat of climate change, particularly the concerns about “dangerous climate change” and the regional variations, the impact on water availability and the potential changes to the distribution and survival of flora and fauna (Pittock, 2009; Palutikof, 2010; Stokes and Howden, 2010; Department of Climate Change and Energy Efficiency, 2011). This gap in perceptions between thoroughbred breeders and atmospheric and other scientists highlights the cultural and ethical issues embedded in the understanding and management of physical environmental processes (see Hulme, 2008, 2009; Randalls, 2011). Importantly, some thoroughbred breeders are taking action. This may be an in situ response to gain increased access to existing water supplies, such as the construction of a pipeline by Arrowfield stud in the Upper Hunter to obtain water from Glenbawn Dam as part of a “droughtproofing” strategy for their farm (McManus, 2008a). Other large breeders have established thoroughbred farms in different parts of their country, thereby reducing the impacts of seasonal extremities and long-term climate change by being able to adjust stocking rates across all their properties or shift horses if required. For example, Darley Australia bought Woodlands in the Upper Hunter and has developed Northwood Park in North East Victoria, giving them market access to both Sydney and Melbourne, but also meaning that they are not reliant upon the weather or the political machinations in either location (see McManus et al., 2011).

Environmental challenges

127

Thoroughbred racing While the thoroughbred breeders are dependent on environmental factors, it is also important to recognize the importance of environmental factors in thoroughbred racing. While environmental factors may not be as central to the perpetuation of this activity as the foundation of gambling (see Chapters 5 and 6), the impact of weather events and climate can greatly impact on the costs and revenue of horseracing. In some countries, the horseracing season is confined to particular months of the year due to snow in winter (see Figure 10.1). In North America, the famous racing carnivals such as Saratoga are held in the summer months, because Saratoga in winter looks like Figure 10.2 and because wealthy New York City residents head north up the Hudson River in summer to escape the hot city. The opposite scenario occurs in Australian states, where summer racing can be excessively hot and may be abandoned due to animal welfare considerations, as occurred in late January, 2009 at Sandown in Melbourne

Figure 10.1 Keeneland in the snow. Keeneland has two racing seasons in each calendar year. There is a Spring Season in April, and a Fall Season in October. This photograph, taken in December, shows the influence of weather and climate on thoroughbred racing. Photograph by Phil McManus.

128

Environmental challenges

Figure 10.2 Saratoga in the snow. Photograph taken in December outside the National Museum of Racing and the Hall of Fame, opposite the Saratoga Racetrack in Saratoga Springs in upstate New York. Saratoga’s racing season is from about mid-July to early September of each year. Photograph by Phil McManus.

and in the provincial city of Ballarat. A similar scenario occurred for the first time in the UK in July, 2009, when the race meeting at Worcester was abandoned due to heat, with the track running out of water, one horse collapsing and other horses arriving at the track dehydrated (Anon., 2009d). The importance of water to keep the track from being too hard and therefore causing lameness and injuries to horses (in flat but, particularly, jumps events) is covered in Chapter 14: Jumps racing. The purchase of additional water for Cheltenham (in Barich, 2006) and the explanation of the increase in injuries and deaths in jumps races in Australia in 2009 being caused by hard ground due to drought conditions (McManus and Montoya, 2012 – accepted) highlight the importance of water and the relationship between track conditions and the weather. The opposite to a lack of rain is excessive rain, which can cause major issues in some racing jurisdictions. Rain created atrocious conditions for the 2007 Breeders’ Cup Classic at Monmouth Park in Oceanport, New Jersey when, as one racing administrator bemoaned, “George Washington

Environmental challenges

129

broke down in that slop, it was just a mess, mud up to their knees. And this horse was euthanized on the racetrack. In the Breeders’ Cup Classic! The horse had had stallion potential.” The introduction of all-weather surfaces such as Polytrack (see Chapter 6) is an attempt to counter the negative impacts of unfavourable weather conditions on the welfare of horses and the safety of jockeys, and for on-track revenue and the gambling industry. While many punters follow their form guides and look for advantages and disadvantages that may impact a horse’s winning chances arising from weather and track conditions, excesses of weather generally cause major problems for the horseracing industry. These problems, however, may seem somewhat insignificant and temporary when compared with some of the worst scenarios emanating from a potential outbreak of disease among an equine population.

Disease The emergence of a new equine virus is perceived by breeders to be the most threatening issue for the thoroughbred breeding industry (see Chapter 12). In this chapter we consider disease as an environmental challenge, and explore some of the implications for thoroughbred breeding, the racing industry and ancillary industries, drawing on previous outbreaks of disease, particularly the Equine Influenza (EI) virus in Australia in 2007–08. The links between disease and climate change have been researched in terms of human vulnerability, with the migration of tropical diseases to the more temperate climates anticipated due to climate change making these temperate climates more amenable to the vectors of tropical diseases, such as mosquitoes (Australian Medical Association and the Australian Conservation Foundation, 2005). The links between climate change and equine disease have been studied in the UK, for example by the University of Reading in a report for The Horse Trust on the danger of the highly contagious African Horse Sickness (AHS), which is caused by a species of biting midge found in the sub-Sahara, but could potentially survive in the UK given climate change scenarios (Allison et al., 2009). In this report, the authors found that, if the spread of the disease was “restricted by control measures or unfavourable climatic conditions, it is feasible that the economic and social effect on the British horse industry may be minimal” (Allison et al., 2009, 2). The alternative scenario was, however, extremely serious, with the possibility that: In the event of widespread disease, the introduction of movement restrictions within protection zones around disease outbreaks could have a potentially devastating effect. It is estimated that over half the economic impact of the sector could be wiped out in one to two years, with irreparable damage caused to racing. (Allison et al., 2009, 2)

130

Environmental challenges

The potential actions to limit an outbreak of disease include establishing quarantine zones and restricting movement. These highly disruptive, but necessary, measures were introduced following the outbreak of Equine Influenza in Australia in 2007 (see below). The other solution, similar to bushfire/wildfire control is the use of nature itself (in the case of fire, the arrival of rain), through the occurrence of unfavourable climatic conditions. Thoroughbred breeders are extremely wary of disease outbreaks, and many breeders have emphasized the importance of vaccination to prevent the most virulent and deadly diseases from taking hold. One Kentucky breeder said “we do a great job of vaccinating, and for things that we probably are more diligent about now than maybe we were a few years ago – West Nile, Potomac Horse Fever, different strains of strep”. Other possible actions relate to the management of the environment and vary depending on the nature of the pathogen. For example, Rhodococcus equi, which affects the lungs of foals between one and four months of age and can cause death, is an airborne infection that is related to dusty conditions. This means that thoroughbred breeders have to be careful of younger foals being in areas of dust (particularly in holding pens) and to be careful of overstocking on properties (Muscatello et al., 2006). This impacts on the use of water, particularly in dry locations such as Australia, where it may be necessary to suppress dust in areas where young foals are raised, a challenge met by ensuring that they are kept in a lush grass paddock. Not all equine diseases or similar health concerns may be related to climate change, but climate change does shift the boundaries of the possible existence and survival of different types of disease. The importance of limiting the geographic spread of disease was recognized by Allison et al., (2009), but this action is challenging because both parts of the global thoroughbred breeding and racing industry are based around the movement of horses (McManus, 2007). The necessity of moving horses for racing is obvious, but the movement of horses for breeding is entirely due to the requirement for “natural breeding”, which means that the stallion and mare have to physically be in the same location (see Chapter 13). This could involve moving either or both the stallion and the mare. In other equine industries, and in other agricultural pursuits, semen is imported, not the entire animal. This reduces the potential for diseases to be spread. The advent in the 1990s of “shuttle stallions” moving between countries in the northern hemisphere (notably Japan, Ireland, the UK and the USA) and southern hemisphere countries such as Australia and New Zealand, but not to South Africa due to quarantine restrictions, was based on the difference in timing of the breeding seasons and therefore the potential to increase the workload of particular stallions. It was this particular movement of stallions that led to the outbreak of EI in Australia in 2007 (McManus, 2007).

Environmental challenges

131

The outbreak of any equine disease or a similar matter such as Mare Reproductive Loss Syndrome (MRLS), which occurred in 2001 in Kentucky, is a potential disaster for the location in which it emerges. The Kentucky thoroughbred breeding industry lost US $500 million in 2001 when “the presence of the eastern tent caterpillar in the premier thoroughbred breeding region in the United States resulted in many pregnant mares aborting their foals and other foals being born weak” (McManus, 2007, 13). One Kentucky thoroughbred breeder interviewed for this research said of the eastern tent caterpillar: its presence in this part of the world is, as we know it, about a 20-year cycle, and reportedly, of course they love the cherry trees here, it’s first choice for nutrition. And when they are here … it can be very disturbing to see millions of them, coming through the fields, crawling across driveways, on roads, where it looks like an oil slick. It’s a terrible thing. Actually we know of farms that have cut down 1,200 cherry trees to rid themselves of their first preference for food. Reportedly mares ingest the waste product from the caterpillar as they graze the field, and it causes them to abort. In the case of MRLS in Kentucky, thoroughbred breeders were able to move their mares to other US states to avoid the problem. This is not possible when the problem is an actual disease, as occurred with the outbreaks of horse flu in South Africa in 1986, Hong Kong in 1992 and Australia in 2007. In these instances, quarantine measures were established and various racing activities were cancelled. In the case of more serious diseases and viruses, such as Hendra Virus in the north-east of Australia, horses have to be destroyed to ease their suffering and to prevent the spread of the virus. The 2007 EI outbreak in Australia highlights a number of environmental challenges for the global horseracing industry. The first of these is the movement of horses internationally. EI arrived in Australia via a shuttle stallion from Japan (Brown, 2008). It is no coincidence that the arrival of EI coincided with the timing of maximum international and domestic horse movement for breeding purposes. Second, the importance of effective quarantine is paramount. In the case of EI in Australia in 2007, this was found wanting in Sydney with a report by a former High Court judge, Ian Callinan, who “castigated [the quarantine service] for ignorance, inefficiency, incompetence and systematic failure to do its job”, concluding that the “Australian Quarantine and Inspection Service had bungled one of its most basic responsibilities: ensuring that diseases did not escape from its Sydney animal quarantine station” (Davis, 2008, 1; see also Walters, 2008). Third, once EI was detected, it needed to be quarantined as quickly as possible to prevent it spreading to other locations. In the Upper Hunter breeding region this meant the introduction of a Special Restricted Area

132

Environmental challenges

(an SRA, popularly known as the Purple Zone) which initially focused on the Upper Hunter region, because of the value of the thoroughbred breeding industry and the timing of the EI outbreak in the breeding season, but was later extended to other areas, thereby freeing up horses to be moved within this zone. Horses were permitted to enter the Purple Zone, but they were banned from leaving it while restrictions were in place. This scenario resulted in interesting responses. Some shuttle stallions did not arrive in Australia, while others arrived but were quickly flown back to the northern hemisphere, rather than risk being stranded and missing the following breeding season in the northern hemisphere. The Kentuckybased Coolmore shuttle stallions Tale of the Cat, Johannesburg and Lion Heart covered 22, 20 and 12 mares, respectively before returning to Kentucky (Breednet, n.d.). This proved to be a positive development for some Australian sires that covered record numbers of mares. It was particularly beneficial for first-season sires that did not have to compete with more established stallions with international reputations (Breednet, n.d.). It also benefited sires that may not otherwise have been used, including some sires more renowned for siring staying horses rather than sprinters. The continued presence of horses within the Purple Zone proved financially beneficial for those people in the thoroughbred industry who could offer agistment and care, particularly for pregnant mares. While there was a decline in the total number of foals born (not a bad outcome for the industry, particularly given the subsequent economic downturn which would have resulted in an oversupply of yearlings and an even larger reduction in their price in the following years), the industry did lose significant amounts of money as a result of the EI outbreak. This was particularly the case for the racing industry, because all forms of horseracing (and other equine-related activities) were cancelled during the enforcement of the EI ban. In order to maintain interest in racing, the NSW Harness Racing Club, which operated the now-defunct Harold Park site in Sydney (currently being redeveloped for housing and parklands, following the move of harness racing to a new track at Menangle in the south-west of Sydney), introduced camel racing without gambling. A similar move was attempted by the thoroughbred industry at the Eagle Farm racetrack in Brisbane in November, 2007, but this had to be abandoned due to heavy rain (Elks, 2007, 4). The attempt to maintain interest in horseracing was partly about not losing customers to competing forms of entertainment, as well as to maintain morale in the difficult times and to attract some customers to allow the continued employment of people in the industry, and in associated industries. While most races were cancelled, some were postponed. For example, the Scone Cup was held a week later than normal in 2008 due to EI. This meant that the Scone and Upper Horse Festival had to find another week’s worth of activities so that it finished on the Scone

Environmental challenges

133

Cup race day. This was the only time when it was held over three weeks (see Chapter 9). The extent of the impact of the EI outbreak on associated industries may be considered to be surprising. While horse transport, stock feed and other industries are obviously going to be impacted by a disease outbreak, the millinery industry was also hit hard. Describing the EI outbreak as “grim” for the hat-making industry, one milliner said that “more than 90 per cent of milliners’ turnover was generated by the racing industry” and that some Sydney-based milliners “moved to Melbourne in a last-ditch attempt to drum up business after the cancellation of the Sydney spring carnival” (in Safe, 2008, 6). The impacts of EI, a generally non-fatal virus, were devastating. Very few horses died from EI in Australia, whereas with African Horse Sickness (AHS), “as many as 90 per cent of horses die within one week of infection” (Allison et al., 2009, 2). The arrival of this virus in England would mean that “if horses cannot travel to the key meetings at Newmarket, Ascot, Cheltenham, York, Epsom and Doncaster, the races would not necessarily be run” (Allison et al., 2009, 10). This would mean that “the interdependent network of national and international race meetings will collapse through lack of revenue as it will no longer be viable to keep horses race-fit and pay training fees” (Allison et al., 2009, 10). EI in Australia, while very damaging to the industry, would look somewhat minor, in hindsight, compared to the potential impacts of more deadly diseases that could ravage the equine population of an area.

Summary The global horseracing industry faces important environmental challenges. The nature of these challenges varies between locations, with prime breeding regions such as Lexington, Ocala, Newmarket and, to a lesser extent, Scone in the Upper Hunter threatened by urbanization, while industries such as coal mining present an environmental challenge in the Upper Hunter region of Australia (see Chapter 8). Two environmental issues that may potentially affect all breeding regions, although to varying degrees and with different impacts given the significant variation in baseline conditions between these regions, are the compound issues of water/drought/climate change and the threat of disease. These issues have the potential to undermine an entire region, as seen in Kentucky in 2001 and in the Upper Hunter in 2007. The impacts of a disease outbreak, as seen with the cancellation of the spring racing carnival in Sydney in 2007 and in the abandonment of many other city and country race meetings, were very significant. There was a loss of taxation revenue for the government and an increase in expenditure as the government provided minimum levels of financial support (which amounted to significant sums in total given the number of participants in

134

Environmental challenges

equine industries). Allison et al. (2009, 10) anticipated a similar scenario with more irreparable consequences if the more deadly African Horse Sickness (AHS) were to arrive in England. The perception of disease and other ethical and environmental issues are addressed in Chapter 12 in the following section of this book, which considers Ethical issues relating to the global horseracing industry.

Part IV

Ethical challenges

11 Ethics in conflict Thoroughbred breeding and racing

Although the horse has a well-documented evolutionary history, it is worth noting again that the modern horse is present on earth today largely due to its domestication by humans (see Chapter 2). The thoroughbred horse is the product of further domestication and selective breeding from the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. A combination of Arabian-type horses and the then extant British racing stock produced a blood line that continues to the present day. In important respects, the modern thoroughbred horse is the product of careful human stewardship over 3,000 years for, as Budiansky argues, without a long-term relationship with humans, “[H]orses, in fact, would very likely be extinct today if it had not been for their domestication” (1992, 61). Further, Budiansky (1997, 8–9) claims: Recent archaeological and animal behavior studies strongly support the idea that domestication was not the human intervention it was long supposed to have been, but rather a long, slow process of mutual adaptation, of “coevolution”, in which those animals that began to hang around the first permanent human settlements gained more than they lost. (Budiansky, 1997, 8–9) From an ethical point of view, the special historical relationship between horses and humans requires more than considerations of general welfare and utility. Our mutually adaptive relationship requires deeper awareness on the part of humans of the special duty of care we have to all horses. While, in a technical sense, it might be argued that there can be no reciprocal moral-ethical relationship between horses and humans, as is the case with rational adult humans where each side of the relationship has clearly defined and understood rights, duties and responsibilities, we argue that there is an emergent ethical dimension to the human-horse relationship that suggests the possibilities of a genuine reciprocal relationship. There are humans, such as self-proclaimed “horse whisperers”, who promote the idea of reciprocal relationships between horse and human.

138

Ethics in conflict

It is precisely these kinds of relationships that generate special ethical considerations. Mary Trachsel describes such an ethical consideration arising out of what the eco-anarchist, Murray Bookchin, has called the “equality of unequals” (Bookchin, 1991) where an ethic of egalitarian care replaces any possible anti-ethic of despotic domination and exploitation. She argues: Whispering ethics accepts Yi-Fu Tuan’s premise in Dominance and Affection that unequal power relationships are not necessarily morally objectionable. Tuan argues that although power certainly can be abused in ways that are cruel, exploitative, and devoid of affection, power does not necessarily lead to these abuses; it may choose the alternative channels of attention and care. (Trachsel, 2010, 47) It was Immanuel Kant who famously argued that “We can judge the heart of a man by his treatment of animals” (Kant, 1963, 240) and, in the case of the treatment of horses by humans, the nature of the relationship in theory places a high ethical burden on humans to have a caring heart. Kant made an important distinction between the use of animals for human benefit and the use of animals for sport, which in the eighteenth century would have included many kinds of blood sports. He wrote: “Vivisectionists who use living animals for their experiments, certainly act cruelly, although their aim is praiseworthy, and they can justify their cruelty, since animals must be regarded as man’s instruments; but any such cruelty for sport cannot be justified” (Kant, 1963, 240–41). However, as we shall see, the pressures of gambling on the treatment of horses, the inherent riskiness of racing and their place within a highly competitive industry run for profit ensure that a dialectic of kind cooperation versus abusive exploitation of horses operates within the thoroughbred industry. Alexander Fiske-Harrison, writing in the context of Spanish bullfighting, highlights this dialectic as being on the horns of an ethical dilemma: this thing, whatever it was, seemed balanced on a perfect moral borderline. When it was done well, it seemed a good thing; when it was done badly it was an unmitigated sin. How could anything straddle an ethical boundary like this? (Alexander Fiske-Harrison as quoted in Clayfield, 2012) The question of the ethical standing of the thoroughbred horse in the totality of the horse industry has none of the notoriety of bullfighting, where the calculated end is to kill the bull, yet, as we shall argue in this chapter and in Chapter 13 (Reproductive technology) and Chapter 14 (Jumps racing), the level of ethical scrutiny being directed at the industry has served to highlight the similarities, not the differences, between the

Ethics in conflict

139

ethics of horseracing and bullfighting. Can thoroughbred breeding and racing survive the scrutiny of an ethically informed and aware global audience? Does the thoroughbred industry even seem like a good thing anymore? These questions are answered in the affirmative when all goes well. There are hundreds of cases worldwide where champion horses have had exemplary careers from birth to retirement, then a good death in old age. The public face of such good careers, as indicated in Chapter 2, is manifest in turf history with horses such as Secretariat, Red Rum and Nijinsky. However, on the negative side, the dangers to horses associated with racing are not new, but the level and form of media coverage now available mean that attention to questions of thoroughbred ethics and welfare is increasing, both from within the industry and outside it. Government and industry bodies are attempting to formulate appropriate policy in response to these highly charged and contested debates. These policy responses will be based, in part, on ethical and value orientations on the interaction between horses and people in the thoroughbred industry. They will depend on a definition of the horse-human relationship derived “in the context of those who are doing the defining” (Albrecht et al., 2009, 362) and whether or not the definition is on the caring side of the care/ abuse divide. Horseracing, and especially thoroughbred racing, is an inherently risky undertaking. Horses can accelerate rapidly and thoroughbreds can move at top speeds of about 70 kilometres per hour, carrying a rider. It takes only a small miscalculation or uneven ground and serious injury or death can result for the horse and/or the rider. In the wild, horses gallop freely, but within the limits of necessity. Rapid speed for predator avoidance is an evolutionary advantage, but speed that puts the whole animal at risk of catastrophic injury is unlikely to be advantageous. The genetic basis for the speed of the modern thoroughbred is, not surprisingly, relatively new in its domesticated evolution. A recent study on the thoroughbred gene line concluded: The results show that the “speed gene” entered the thoroughbred from a single founder, which was most likely a British mare about 300 years ago when local British horse types were the pre-eminent racing horses, prior to the formal foundation of the thoroughbred racehorse. (ABC News, January 2012) The trade-off between speed and “safety” is most graphically illustrated when horses are made to race by humans. The “speed gene” enables horses to race in a manner that exceeds their physiological and anatomical limits, but only under the strictly controlled conditions of organized racing. Given adequate training, a skilled rider and a good, even surface to race on, the thoroughbred horse can perform at the limits of its potential.

140

Ethics in conflict

If these factors were the only relevant aspects of racing, then it would seem relatively unproblematic from an ethical perspective to race horses. However, we can, as will be detailed below, even ask fundamental ethical questions about the rights of horses not to be broken in and ridden at all and, with more relevance to the actual industry of thoroughbred breeding and racing, raise ethically loaded questions about the extent to which a horse is made to run faster and longer than it would otherwise do without direct human intervention. Such ethical questioning addresses traditional practices such as the use of the whip and other “performance-enhancing technologies” and the administration of chemicals and drugs to gain advantage. In the documented history of horseracing, there have been many examples of ethically problematic things done to horses to make them run faster and for longer than they would do of their own accord. In one history of horseracing in Louisiana, Ed McNamara’s Cajun Racing, there are many stories told of “tricks” used to make horses perform. Substances such as chilli pepper were inserted into the horse’s anus to make it run faster and various “juices” were administered to enhance performance. McNamara relates one such incident in the late 1970s in a match race: “Right before the race, he told the groom to hold the horse, and Clement took a pepper from the bottom of a bottle of vinegar”, Ebanks said. “Then he bit off the edge of the pepper and stuck it up the horse’s butt, and the powder made the horse go crazy. When the gates opened, my horse flew. That other horse never had a chance and we won by two or three lengths.” (McNamara, 2008, 25–26) More sophisticated methods of enhancing performance have also been used, with electric shocks from hot wires connected to batteries used to “stimulate” the horse, using behavioural conditioning techniques to elicit an increased performance response. While the use of a battery shock device or “jigger” is relatively rare at race events, it is likely to be used to a greater extent in the training of horses and in behavioural conditioning (Eddy, 2007). The issue of the use of drugs to enhance performance and mask pain in thoroughbred horses will be discussed in further detail below. Despite the international efforts to control the worst excesses of human cruelty to thoroughbred horses, events occasionally take place that highlight the ethics of horseracing. In recent history, there have been many boundary-defining moments in thoroughbred horseracing that have generated global ethical discussion about human-horse relationships. Quite apart from the events documented in jumps racing (Chapter 14), the catastrophic breakdown of the filly Eight Belles, who broke both her front legs a short distance after the finish line in the 2008 Kentucky Derby (one of the

Ethics in conflict

141

world’s iconic thoroughbred races) was one such moment. The race was won by Big Brown, but his victory was overshadowed by the death of Eight Belles, who crossed the finish line in second place. Attending veterinarians determined that the three-year-old filly could not be saved, and made the decision to put her down immediately by lethal injection. Her death, in front of thousands of people at the racetrack in Louisville, and millions via cable television, put on display an ethically problematic aspect of the thoroughbred horse industry that rarely receives mass public attention. As with the bullfighting example above, the moment that a horse moves from being a magnificent animal performing at the peak of its powers to a helpless animal writhing in agony on the track is a moment that can bring into question the whole foundation of the industry. As a result of recent incidents such as the death of Eight Belles and the highly publicized deaths in jumps racing in both the UK and Australia, the thoroughbred industry has come under intense ethical scrutiny. The information revolution and use of the world wide web as a database mean that nothing happens on the track any longer without some form of documentation and information storage. In the past, it was relatively easy to maintain privacy and keep from public attention those things that individuals or groups within the thoroughbred industry might prefer to be hidden from public scrutiny. With the advent of technologies such as smart phones that can capture then convey information, images and video about horseracing in real time, it is possible to send material to any number of third parties, including animal welfare groups and other sectors of the media: nothing remains private for long. Until the widespread introduction of information technology, it was not easy to obtain information about the actual number of horses that died on the track or had to be euthanized because of major injury in Australia, or probably in all other major racing nations. Unless they are champions like Eight Belles, the death of these horses is not “news” and, until the last decade, no public record of their demise was available. Information sources now publicly document such deaths in Australia (Australia’s Fallen Racehorses, n.d.), in the UK (Race Horse Death Watch, n.d.) and in the USA (Racehorse Memorial Wall Worldwide n.d.). These sources are, however, seen as controversial (even by those who collate the information) because they expose a side of the industry that most people within it would prefer to remain invisible. Catastrophic racing incidents highlight the dangers of thoroughbred racing for horses (and sometimes their jockeys), their tragedy providing a sharp contrast to the glamorous image of the industry that is marketed to the public.

Traditions in ethics and horseracing In this chapter we synthesize the results of our surveys, field interviews and other sources of contemporary information to produce an ethical overview

142

Ethics in conflict

of the thoroughbred industry. Two key traditions in ethics will be used to analyse and interpret the material generated in the field research and the surveys, namely stewardship and animal liberation. These two traditions cover the value positions of instrumental value and intrinsic value, respectively. The secular stewardship tradition has a long lineage and can be traced to the views of people such as Sir Matthew Hale in the seventeenth century: Man is to still think of himself … as master over the world, not as simply contemplating it or simply preserving it in its original condition. But his high estate does not entitle him to use nature as he wills, to exploit its resources without regard to the effects of his actions. The fiercer animals he is at liberty to restrain, but the tame and useful he must protect. He can weed his farms “to correct the redundance of unprofitable vegetables” and cut down trees to make new farms only if, in doing so, he does not destroy the beauty, the usefulness and fecundity of the earth. Like a farm-manager, he can be called to account if he wilfully or carelessly degrades the earth’s resources. (Hale, in Passmore, 1980, 30) In both sacred and secular forms, the stewardship ethic in the contemporary context means that it is reasonable for humans to tame animals, manage and use them for “useful” activities (their instrumental value). The use of an animal as a means towards an end that is defined as valuable by humans marks the defining characteristic of instrumental or extrinsic value as applied to animals. The place of horses in the thoroughbred industry that is run for profit and to satisfy the needs of gambling is one that meets the definition of instrumental value. Within traditions in ethics, stewardship is seen as “anthropocentric” or human-centred as it puts humans at the top of a value hierarchy, but places on humans a duty of care for those things lower in the hierarchy (Passmore, 1980; Attfield, 1983). The ownership and use of an animal for its instrumental value can certainly involve despotic relationships, but enlightened stewardship involves an ethics of care, one that recognizes and respects the sentience of horses. Many animal welfare organizations worldwide operate on the ethical foundation of stewardship. From instrumental and anthropocentric perspectives, activities such as thoroughbred racing are permissible provided they conform to agreed standards of stewardship and animal welfare. In Australia the Royal Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (RSPCA) is an organization that upholds a stewardship ethic. The RSPCA is committed to maintaining high standards of animal welfare and “reform” if certain practices and actions are deemed to be ethically unacceptable. The RSPCA Australia calls for appropriate levels of care and states in its Charter:

Ethics in conflict

143

RSPCA Australia believes that man (sic) must treat animals humanely. Where man makes use of animals or interferes with their habitat, he should bestow a level of care befitting man’s own dignity as a rational, intelligent, compassionate being, and a level of care merited by the nature of the animal as a sentient creature capable of responding to man’s care and attention. Such care should be marked by sympathy, consideration, compassion and tenderness towards animals. (RSPCA “Our Charter”, n.d.) With particular reference to the use of animals in sporting events, the RSPCA states that “no animal should be used for sport or the entertainment of man when such use may increase the risk of injury, suffering or distress to the animals, or is contrary to its nature” (RSPCA “Our Charter”, n.d.). The organization believes that “set minimum standards of treatment and husbandry” should be adopted nationally and internationally. With particular regard to horseracing, even the application of this type of ethic is now openly critical of many practices within the thoroughbred industry (RSPCA Australia, 2009). It is also worth noting that the RSPCA, as indicated in the Charter, now accepts the notion of the intrinsic value of animals in its current policy, a move that suggests that they as an organization have moved from strong instrumental values to the acceptance of a degree of intrinsic value in evaluating the actions of humans with respect to animals. Sentient creatures are defined as those in possession of a central nervous system and a seat of consciousness (a brain) such that they are consciously aware of the state of their bodies and, in particular, feelings of pleasure and pain. The animal liberation tradition in contemporary ethics rests on the argument that sentient creatures (great and small) should not be permitted to suffer and, further, that individual sentient animals have intrinsic value, not just instrumental value. To have intrinsic value means that something has value in and for itself and that, in principle, it should not be treated only as a means to another’s end. Horses, seen as intrinsically valuable, are valuable as ends in themselves and hold such value regardless of their value to or for other ends. Over 200 years ago, when thoroughbred racing as we know it today was in its infancy, the philosopher Jeremy Bentham argued of other animals that “The question is not Can they reason? nor Can they talk? but, Can they suffer?” (Bentham, 1780, in Singer, 1975, 8). Recast as an argument about sentience and the basic interest (or rights) of sentient animals to avoid pain and suffering, Bentham’s argument has been championed by contemporary philosophers such as Peter Singer (1975) and Tom Regan (1985). Singer, Regan and scientists such as Marc Bekoff (2007), together with organizations such as Animal Liberation and People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA), call for the release, on ethical grounds, of all animals

144

Ethics in conflict

from the instrumental bonds of service to humans. PETA states that “while horse racing should be eliminated entirely, the horses would benefit from a zero-tolerance drug policy, turf (grass) tracks only, a ban on whipping, and competitive racing only after their third birthdays” (PETA, 2012). Such an uncompromising stance on ultimate elimination and, as a first measure, strong reform, rests on the conviction, as articulated by Peter Singer, that the basic moral position of interests must not be arbitrarily restricted to members of our own species, but must be extended to other animals. The particular “interest” of concern here is the avoidance of suffering due to the imposition of pain. Singer further argues that: If a being suffers there can be no moral justification for refusing to take that suffering into consideration. No matter what the nature of the being, the principle of equality requires that its suffering be counted equally with like suffering … the limit of sentience … is the only boundary of concern for the interests of others. (1975, 9) Based on Singer’s arguments, it is “speciesism”, or the unjustified unequal treatment of a fellow sentient creature, which marks the distinguishing ethical failure of the thoroughbred industry. Thoroughbreds, by possessing sentience, share a value-defining characteristic that puts them in the same ethical framework as humans. To treat them differently, as if they were not sentient, is to commit an ethical failure that is the equivalent of racism or sexism. It is for these reasons, now well established in academic as well as public domains, that the thoroughbred horse industry is the subject of ethical scrutiny and increasingly, ethical opposition.

Ethical and welfare issues in the thoroughbred industry Our field research revealed that many breeders simultaneously live with the commercial realities of surviving in a business and a fundamental appreciation of horses that drew them to the industry in the first place. Economic imperatives and a love of horses generate multi-layered and complex personal and ethical responses to issues associated with the horse industry. Instrumental aspects of the human relationship with horses within the thoroughbred industry are inevitably writ large. Horses are frequently treated as “instrumental means” rather than “intrinsically valuable ends-in-themselves” in the process of their commodification. The tension between a horse’s instrumental value and its intrinsic value was underscored by industry members interviewed for this research, and their specific comments can be found in Chapter 12. The acceptance of the “horse-as-commodity” is potentially compatible with a stewardship-instrumental and welfare approach to ethics, but contrary to liberationist-sentience and intrinsic perspectives. However, the

Ethics in conflict

145

“horse-as-commodity” is certainly highly vulnerable to unethical treatment in the absence of strong welfare safeguards. It was clear from our interviews that there are some within the industry who still hold the view that a horse is a “dumb animal” (see Chapter 12), and this suggests that, despite the widespread influence of social change movements like animal liberation over the last 40 years, there are people in the thoroughbred industry who have yet to consider the full implications of the emergent awareness of sentience in horses and other mammals. The long-standing relationship between horse and human now sits uncomfortably at the point described above with respect to bullfighting. That particular debate has now moved to a position where, as of 1 January, 2012, bullfighting has been prohibited within the Catalonia region of Spain. The dialectic of kind cooperation versus abusive exploitation of horses is one that is increasingly seeing a cultural shift from the perception of animals as dumb (lacking sentience) and as a means to an end, to a perception of their possessing sentience and being intrinsically valuable. In reality, people working in the thoroughbred industry who simultaneously seek to earn a living and protect the horse in its own right as a “noble animal” must attempt the impossible, the reconciliation of instrumental and intrinsic value systems. In the spirit of the life-cycle models presented in Chapter 2, we shall now see how these ethical issues arise within the life cycle of the thoroughbred horse.

The equine ethics lifecycle Mating and conception The thoroughbred industry has championed the naturalness of mating, conception, birth and nurturing as part of its reproduction culture for over 200 years. The implication is that naturalness equals goodness. In formal ethics, the naturalistic fallacy, which contests the connection between the “natural” and the “good” (Moore, 1959 [1903]), has long been used to highlight the dangers of assuming such a connection. Its use in the context of the thoroughbred industry would have warned horse people not to jump to conclusions about the value of naturalness. Natural mating of horses, given their domestication, enclosures and changed body conformation, is often “difficult”. As described in Chapter 2 and Chapter 13, assisted mating, complete with protection for the mare and “guidance” for the stallion, is anything but “natural”. Indeed, the treatment of the mare, especially in the context of the industry in the USA, involves much more than is open to public knowledge. As indicated by one public source on what happens to brood mares: To ensure maximum return on the mares, their ovulation cycles are systematically controlled by artificial light during the long winter

146

Ethics in conflict months and prostaglandins are administered to activate their dormant systems. More powerful hormonal drugs are then used to stimulate ovulation at precisely the right time to ensure optimum conditions when the covering takes place. All of this is unnatural – upsetting the natural circadian rhythm during the winter months and exposing these mares to unnecessary and elevated levels of estrogen and other steroidal compounds. (Allin, 2011)

In order to maximize the chances of a successful mating and the delivery of a standing foal, the thoroughbred industry has permitted a degree of fertility enhancement but rejects the use of artificial insemination. In order to maximize the value of a breeding mare, many breeders attempt to get their mare in foal almost every season, although some breeders give their mare a break from breeding if they miss becoming pregnant in a particular season. As outlined in Chapter 13, in contrast to other international horse sports such as standardbred (harness) racing and equestrian sports such as showjumping and dressage, the international thoroughbred industry currently bars horses bred by artificial insemination (AI) from racing. In Australia for instance, in order to be eligible to race, horses must be registered in the Australian Stud Book (of which the Australian Turf Club and the Victorian Racing Club are the joint proprietors). Horses that have been conceived via artificial insemination will not be registered as thoroughbreds, making them ineligible to compete in thoroughbred races and rendering any of their offspring ineligible on the basis of pedigree. Our research showed that the practice of artificial insemination is much more of a concern to thoroughbred breeders than standardbred breeders. In the case of the thoroughbred industry, notions of “tradition” and the importance of “natural” practices underpin opposition to the use of reproductive technologies such as AI. A desire to preserve the “naturalness” of conception, even if it only applies to the way semen is transferred into the mare, was repeatedly expressed. Such a view persists even though many breeders think that people betting on horseracing mostly do not care about the means of conception of their choice. The use of reproductive technology has important ethical implications, given that a reduction in the numbers of horses being transported nationally and internationally for breeding purposes could minimize the spread of disease and reduce transportation risks such as travel sickness, anxiety and injury. The large-scale transport of horses between breeding regions is due in large part to the structure of the industry and the justification for this structure based on “nature and tradition”. From an ethical perspective, there might be a case for the use of AI and the international transport of horse semen in the thoroughbred industry to reduce the suffering caused by the road and air transport of shuttle

Ethics in conflict

147

stallions and breeding mares. The ethical critique by animal liberationists of the role of stallions in the current system can be understood once the dominance of their instrumental value in the industry is made clear. Some shuttle stallions now service over 150 mares each year in each hemisphere with, for example, Fastnet Rock covering 224 mares at Coolmore Stud in Australia and another 150 at studs in Ireland (Racing and Sports, 2011; Ownerbreeder, 2011). Such intensive stud duty comes at a cost to the individual stallion where there is virtually no time or space available for natural interaction with other horses, including the mares they service. They are kept in relative isolation and not ridden (for their own safety) and “teaser” stallions are used to test receptivity in the mare (Allin, 2011). Instrumental and exploitative abuse of some stallions can be contrasted with the ethic of care given to others. The successful stud stallion is so valuable that every care and attention is given to them so that their lives are not stressful and result in reduced levels of “performance”. There could even be an ethical argument that the modern stallion, with a life span of up to 20 years, housed in the best of conditions and engaged in servicing mares for three-quarters of that time is in a far better state than a wild stallion who might only rule a harem for two years and live only half the time of his domesticated peer. However, from a sentience-liberation perspective, such an argument is like trying to justify slavery on the basis that the slaves are treated well. Producing foals – conformation and soundness A common concern expressed by interviewees worldwide was that the breeding of thoroughbreds has had the unintended consequence of reproducing congenital disease and a reduction in the general soundness of the animal. With the introduction of a speed gene but no corresponding “strength gene” to enable an animal to cope with the speed it can achieve, the rates of injury, deformity and the necessity of veterinary intervention (surgery) have increased over time. One breeder summarized his concerns about the unidirectional nature of thoroughbred breeding: The selection process for breeding thoroughbred horses is different, than about any other form or species of livestock that I can think of. Because we only select for one trait, you know, we just breed for speed. When you do that, other traits go lacking. For instance, maybe soundness. (North American Interviewee) The reduction in soundness also means that the need to intervene and “correct” anatomical deficiencies and faults increases. The veterinary profession then becomes an essential part of the thoroughbred industry as it

148

Ethics in conflict

has the bio-medical science and the technologies needed to correct the congenital defects. One interviewee summed up the conundrum this way: My thoughts are, at the moment, and I often think about this, is that the horses that we have, are riddled, the whole industry is riddled, with conformational issues, which are being covered up, all the time, and we’re sort of pretending they’re not there. I mean, every time babies are born, you find all sorts of crooked knees and club feet and that sort of thing, which is, it’s been bred into the group, and it’s like, covered up, you know, “minor operations to straighten legs”, or you know, “minor, or very specific activities to straighten feet”, and there’s lots of things like that. I’ve come across, you know, I keep on seeing those two all the time, it seems like they’ve been bred into the horses. And it’s not, like a weakness, it’s not like a fine skeleton … it’s a fundamental flaw which is now endemic in the breed, and it sort of keeps on coming out. (North American Interviewee) The ethics of this vicious cycle of conformational fault building, earlier racing and retirement, rapid breeding and veterinary correction are not difficult to tease out. As is the case with certain breeds of dog with congenital problems (e.g. Pekinese), the knowledge that continued breeding with highly compromised animals will just create further problems requires an ethical response. At some point, the pain and distress of the congenital conditions and the pain and distress of major veterinary intervention to correct them must be taken into consideration as part of answering the question of what is in the animal’s best interests. The practical response, of racing and retiring early, only compounds the problem by requiring early disposal of excess “non-productive” horses and reinforces the view that the industry is interested only in the instrumental value of the thoroughbred horse. The young horse for sale and racing After a horse is born one would have thought that maturation would occur on the green fields of the horse studs without the need for anything but the mare, grass, sunlight and free range. The tradition of natural breeding would suggest that this would be the norm. However, a major issue revealed in all the areas where the research team interviewed was the overuse of pharmaceutical intervention to prepare the young horse for sale and racing. Common concerns expressed included: Let the horse be a horse and let it run as he’s supposed to. There is too much enhancement going on, simply put. (North American Interviewee)

Ethics in conflict

149

I think most owners would say, “Let’s back off.” Most owners … do not see enough of the medication and treatment, or have the knowledge as to what exactly is going on, to be able to say, “No I don’t want to do that to my horse, I want to back off.” (North American Interviewee) I think there is too much medication, and not enough horsemanship … . Spending time with the horse and understanding what makes the horse go, as opposed to just injecting them and going off. (North American Interviewee) While there may be different regimes of preparation of young horses for sale and for the track in different countries, the lack of transparency between owners and breeders indicates that owners have little knowledge about what is done to young horses to prepare them for sale. “Appearance enhancement” is achieved by the use of medications and surgery to give the best possible appearance for a good sale. The reality is often not found out until the horse is free from the influence of drugs. A further area of ethically relevant consideration is the necessity to “break” young horses in so that they can be handled and ridden. As with all other aspects of equine care, good stewardship rules out brutal and cruel methods of horse breaking, and the proliferation of “horse whisperers” with their methods of breaking and training young (and older) horses suggests that there has been a cultural shift in the way young horses are generally treated. However, there is no doubt that some “traditional” methods connected to the real meaning of the term “breaking” continue within the industry. Premature racing It is argued by some experts (see Bennett, 2008) in the field of horse development that thoroughbreds need up to five years to fully mature in muscle and bone strength. To train and race horses much younger than this begs the question as to why the “breezing” and racing of two-year-olds is now common practice throughout the thoroughbred world. Interviewees in our study recognized that this was a serious problem in both practical and ethical dimensions. You’ve got to do so much to these horses before they’re ever meant to be, literally ridden, let alone working a fast two furlongs … these horses are already being stressed way beyond what their bone structure dictates, and that’s the problem. (North American Interviewee) two-year-old racing … you tend to breed to the stallions that have the two-year-old speed. Whether they in fact were sound horses, they

150

Ethics in conflict don’t take that into consideration, whether they stayed sound, they don’t take that into consideration, and so you have a breed of horses that’s being put on the market designed for speed, and not for stamina. (North American Interviewee)

The net result of the push to produce horses that can race at age two and be sold as well performed is an “overproduced” horse. They are fed highenergy feed, are often stabled such that they rarely are able to exercise and interact with other young horses and, in some countries, are fed steroids to make them bulk up with muscle and gain strength. It is these bulked-up young horses, good at running fast over short distances, that are attractive to buyers at the sales trials, so there is an economic incentive to push the young horse in this direction. As a consequence, many young horses suffer from stress injuries and require anti-inflammatory drugs to mask pain and speed recovery. In addition, their treatment and confinement is capable of producing a syndrome known as “post-inhibitory rebound”, where the animal becomes overexcited and is likely to injure itself in a frenzy of activity once released from the normal confined stable environment. As has been observed above, we can easily apply instrumental versus intrinsic value evaluation to the situation of under two-year-old horses or yearlings. It is not in the young (premature) horses’ interests to be overprepared and raced, yet it has become acceptable and routine to do this. This can lead to issues of drug use to promote the sales value of horses, including yearlings that are not “in-training” or “ready to race”: “Most big time consigners use a lot of drugs and a lot of tricks to prepare their yearlings for sale. If they tell you otherwise … ” (North American interviewee) Even those who support reform-based stewardship ethics oppose the racing of two-year-olds. The RSPCA Australia states: RSPCA Australia is opposed to the racing of immature horses and supports the requirement that veterinary certification verifying that the animal has matured satisfactorily be obtained before training for riding is permitted to commence. (RSPCA Australia, 2009) Animal Liberation and PETA, as would be expected, take a much stronger line. They argue that two-year-olds must be banned from racing due to the likelihood of catastrophic injury to the immature horse. In the context of the USA, PETA has produced documentary evidence of the damage done by pushing two-year-olds beyond their capabilities: PETA investigators have documented that forcing these baby horses to run at extreme speeds at auctions and during training for these events

Ethics in conflict

151

can result in dangerous accidents, broken bones, and death. Equine veterinarian Dr. Sheila Lyons, who has been featured on the cover of The Blood-Horse magazine, writes: “Pushing these immature 2-year-old horses for speed before they have reached physical and mental maturity is recklessly dangerous and systematically damaging for the animal while also proving to be unreliable for the prospective buyers as a predictor of future racing ability.” (PETA, 2011) Economic considerations trump ethical considerations in the issue of racing two-year-old horses in countries such as Australia, where the Golden Slipper is the richest race (A$3.5 million) for two-year-olds in the world. Racing and mature horses The use of drugs to enhance performance, mask injury and control conditions such as bleeding (from the lungs) does not end at the point of sale of a two-year-old. In many countries, drug use is banned, but still occurs illegally as seen from time to time by individuals being detected for such infringements of the rules of racing. The use of permitted drugs is prevalent in the horse industry in the USA, although this varies significantly from state to state, and has changed in particular states over time. Despite banning, as is the case in human sport arenas such as cycling and professional track and field athletics or wrestling, cases keep arising to suggest that there are people prepared to cheat the system. The horse that beat Eight Belles in the 2008 Kentucky Derby, Big Brown, subsequently drew attention to the extensive use of performance-enhancing steroids such as Winstrol in thoroughbred racing in the USA. After an unbeaten run in two elements of the Triple Crown, Big Brown finished in a distant last place in the third leg, the Belmont Stakes. The horse’s trainer, Ric Dutrow Jr, admitted that he had taken Big Brown off the Winstrol before the race and that this had contributed to his failure in the race. The syndicate that raced Big Brown subsequently took a leading role in the “voluntary” elimination of enhancement drugs in the industry. The owners’ spokesperson said in 2008 that: they want to lead the way to the elimination of performance-enhancing drugs in horseracing, [and] announced Sunday that they would immediately begin withdrawing all steroids and any unnecessary medications from their horses. Michael Iavarone, a co-president of International Equine Acquisitions Holdings, said that the more than 50 horses owned by his stable would be drug-free by October 1, and that he would pay for tests to be

152

Ethics in conflict administered by state or track veterinarians before and after each of their races to prove it. (Drape, 2008)

However, the story does not end there, because Big Brown’s former trainer, Rick Dutrow Jr, was, in October 2011, banned from racing at New York tracks for 10 years for “finding of a Class 3 drug (Butorphanol), a painkiller, in the post-race test of Fastus Cactus, who won at Aqueduct Nov. 20 and an additional 30 days for the finding of three unlabeled hypodermic needles containing the drug xylazine, a sedative” (Bossert, 2011). The human aspects of this ethical failure are plain to see; however, the impact on the racehorses that are administered painkillers, sedatives and enhancers is less visible. Masking injury, rather than treating it, inevitably leads to bone fractures and other catastrophic failures. The high rate of “failure” of young horses to make the grade in racing is, in part, due to the high rate of injury that cannot successfully and/or economically be treated. Rest, especially long-term rest, is essential for healing in any injured animal and the thoroughbred industry is one where turnaround is short. The (anti) ethics of masking pain only to have major injury or death are indefensible. Only a despotic instrumental concept of value would allow such an outcome. Respect for sentience and intrinsic value would never permit the issue to arise in the first place, and worldwide racing authorities are attempting to eliminate the worst aspects of drug use (see Squires, 2009), including, now, a ban of steroid use in the USA. Whip ethics Traditions in the industry such as the use of the whip remain contentious and the subject of major ethical concern for the well-being of horses. Recently in Australia there has been significant debate surrounding the Turf Club’s attempts to improve the regulation of whip use, in order to improve the welfare of racehorses. It is clear that using the whip to force a horse to run faster or to keep it running is a major ethical issue. As we have seen, PETA and Animal Liberation want the use of the whip banned and the RSPCA Australia has concluded that “[w]hipping horses, especially when they are fatigued, is very difficult to justify under any ethical framework when we are doing it in the name of sport” (RSPCA Australia, n.d.). The use of the whip is also evolving under pressure from those who are critical of its use. In all racing countries, including recently the USA, the whip has been modified to have a cushioned impact, rather than a welt, so that the noise it makes is more significant than the impact it has on the flesh of the horse. In Australia, in an effort to respond to ethical criticism about the use of the whip, there have been attempts to limit the number of

Ethics in conflict

153

times the whip can be used in a race. However, there are sports commentators, like the animal welfare groups, who wish to question the very existence of the whip in horseracing. Patrick Smith, writing in an Australian national newspaper raises the fundamental ethical issue: The horses are whipped in the name of punting, pleasure, stake money and breeding value. Not one strike is for the health or welfare of the animal. Each whack of the whip is a punishment described by the industry as a stroke of encouragement. (Smith, 2009a, 35) In Norway, a case has been mounted for the use of the whip on the grounds that it might prevent injury to horses while they are racing. At Øvrevoll racetrack, between 1982 and 2009 the use of the whip could only be “tolerated when a dangerous situation occurs, situations which can be of danger to the jockey’s own mount or to competitors, or if the horse is obviously hanging badly, or is trying to duck out” (Øvrevoll Galoppbane, n.d.). Since 1 January, 2009, the rules have been changed and in all races except for two-year-old races, jockeys are not allowed to carry a whip. Whatever our ethical stance – instrumental or intrinsic – we are still left with the problem of how to act humanely and how to facilitate humane treatment of horses. Whispering ethics might be able to go even further in eliminating the imposition of harm during the subordination process in breaking and training; however, even here the whispering whip might be a necessary adjunct to the human voice and other positive training aids. After racing: retirement and death Some thoroughbreds enter the sports of eventing or showjumping after a career in racing. The ethical issues relevant to this area of the use of thoroughbreds include training methods, the use/misuse of bits and gear (such as double bridles and draw reins), the spurs required at higher levels of dressage, the use/misuse of whips and spurs, and Rollkur, or the hyperflexion of the neck. As with jumps racing in general, there are major ethical issues involved in the risks that horses are required to undertake in order to be competitive. In Australia, a recent study indicated that about one-third of all thoroughbred foals born in any one year will ever go on to race (RSPCA Australia, 2008). The same study “showed that the majority of horses processed (60%) at an Australian abattoir were seven years of age or younger and over half were easily identifiable as originating from the racing industry” (RSPCA Australia, 2008). The case is not much different in other parts of the world. In the UK it has been stated that:

154

Ethics in conflict Approximately 18,000 foals are born into the closely-related British and Irish racing industries each year, yet only around 40% go on to become racers. Those horses who do not make the grade may be slaughtered for meat or repeatedly change hands in a downward spiral of neglect. Of those horses who do go on to race, around 420 are raced to death every year. (Animal Aid, 2012)

As indicated in Chapter 2, some racing horses are more vulnerable to early euthanasia than others. Gelded horses have lower economic value as obviously they have no value for breeding. In general, there is a cumulative high failure rate in both racing and breeding that generates a large number of horses that have no viable economic place in the industry. A few of the lucky champions go to racehorse retirement homes such as the Kentucky Horse Park and Living Legends at Woodlands Historic Park in Victoria, Australia, while others have extended lives as showjumpers and police horses, or are cared for by ethically motivated individuals who rescue animals that would otherwise be slaughtered. However, the end stage of a racing horse’s life is often one of the worst ethical failures manifest in the whole industry (Heller, 2005; PETA, 2012). With residual economic value tied only to their value as meat (for pet or human consumption), thoroughbreds and standardbreds are killed after transportation (sometimes across the borders of nation states) to abattoirs. At this point, the question must be raised, is the horse in any different position than the fighting bull?

Summary The ethical dialectic that has been alluded to in this chapter has been presented as largely one-sided. Unfortunately, narratives of successful racehorses that have uneventful racing careers and then a happy ending in idyllic retirement seem not to be the norm. Such stories should be told because they do represent that moment of beauty and goodness that many people feel in conjunction with the horse and horseracing. The current champion Australian sprint racehorse, Black Caviar, generates just such a combination. When a good union of horse and human prevails, when horses and people are in harmony and there is no obvious pain and distress to horse or rider, it is an ethically, aesthetically and emotionally powerful experience. Equine instrumentalism rests on the assumption that horses lack any form of agency, rendering them vulnerable to human despotism and cruelty. It also privileges human forms of knowledge, power and communication. We have argued that, when moderated by an enlightened stewardship ethic, such despotism evaporates and human dominance can be exercised in a way that eliminates obvious cruelty. Stewardship ethics seek to reform rather than eliminate the ethically dubious practices highlighted

Ethics in conflict

155

in this chapter. Liberation ethics, by contrast, seek the abolition of all hierarchical and exploitative relationships between sentient animals and humans. Such a position would even rule out the ownership of horses and their “exploitation” involved in breaking and riding them. Nothing short of strictly enforced regulation of all pain and distress circumstances would satisfy liberation ethics as a stop-gap measure until complete elimination of exploitation. The fate of the horse would once again be left to the vicissitudes of “the wild”. However, “whispering ethics” would not mandate rules or regulations; it simply requires empathetic and caring people who put the intrinsic value of horses above their instrumental value. Within such an ethical space, the co-evolution of horse and human can continue. It remains to be seen if such an empathetic ethic can find a place in the thoroughbred horse industry. What is certain is that, as with all other aspects of human-sentient animal relationships, greater ethical scrutiny will be applied to the thoroughbred industry whether it likes it or not.

12 Perspectives of breeders and punters

The global horseracing industry is made up of many human participants, thoroughbreds and the technologies and practices that enable particular human-animal relations to develop. Chapter 3 introduced many of the human participants in the industry. In this chapter we explore the views of some of those different human participants within the thoroughbred industry in various countries, states/provinces and breeding regions. We compare these views with those of standardbred breeders in Australia and residents of selected Sydney suburbs to identify similarities and differences between people associated with the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry, the standardbred breeding industry (we only surveyed Australian breeders in this equine industry) and an urban population in Australia’s largest city. We begin with a brief discussion about the research methods employed, and then look at the views of racing patrons and urban residents in relation to gambling options, before ascertaining the potential actions of punters if suggested changes to thoroughbred breeding and racing are undertaken. The following section of the chapter investigates the perspectives of thoroughbred breeders, before comparing these with those of standardbred breeders and punters from two Sydney racecourses. In this last section of the chapter, we explore the idea of the horse as a commodity and raise the issue of whether a cloned horse is a horse. The view of the horse as commodity is important in economic terms as well as provoking tensions with animal activists who challenge this perception within the industry. The issue of cloned animals, including horses, may affect the practice of horse reproduction, which is central to the multi-billion-dollar thoroughbred breeding industry.

Questionnaires and focus groups The Introduction to this book outlined the multi-method approach adopted for this research. The content of this chapter is informed by both a quantitative and a qualitative research technique, namely the use of

Perspectives of breeders and punters

157

questionnaires and a focus group, with participants self-selected through the questionnaire distribution-and-return process. The study commenced in 2008 with a questionnaire sent to all thoroughbred breeders in Australia, Ontario (Canada) and Kentucky (USA), and to all standardbred breeders in Australia for comparative purposes. In 2009 the survey was extended to all breeders in New Zealand, the Canadian provinces of Alberta and British Columbia (after Ontario, the next two most important provinces for thoroughbred breeding and racing in Canada) and to selected states in the USA other than Kentucky. These states were New Mexico, California, Florida, New York, Louisiana and Maryland, which enabled the survey coverage to include the major racing and breeding states of the USA and ensure a geographical distribution across the country. In hindsight, Pennsylvania would have been a useful addition to this list, given the importance of racinos and the increased prize money on offer in this state as a result of gambling activity (see Chapter 5). We built on this initial research by comparing the views of thoroughbred breeders with those of racing patrons and the general public. We did so by distributing questionnaires to people at two of Sydney’s racecourses (Canterbury Park on a Wednesday afternoon in April, 2009 and Rosehill Gardens on a Saturday in early May, 2009). Canterbury Park is a midweek racing venue that generally attracts an older crowd (mostly male), with approximately 58 per cent of our respondents aged 60 years or over, compared with about 34 per cent at Rosehill Gardens and about 25 per cent for the Sydney suburbs survey (see below). The expected on-course patronage was around 1,300 on the day we distributed the questionnaire. Rosehill Gardens is a larger weekend racing venue and the then Sydney Turf Club (which merged with the Australian Jockey Club in February, 2011 to form the Australian Turf Club) expected patronage of 6,000 people on the distribution day. The questionnaires were distributed by people standing at the entrance gates to both venues, to all racing patrons who entered through these gates, with 377 questionnaires distributed at Canterbury Park and 1,452 at Rosehill Gardens. Generally a questionnaire response rate of approximately 15 per cent with a minimum of about 30 surveys returned (depending on the specific survey conditions) is needed for the data to be considered representative. The response rate from Canterbury Park was almost 32 per cent (113 returned questionnaires, about 80 per cent completed by men), while for Rosehill Gardens it was 14 per cent with 197 questionnaires returned (57 per cent completed by men). Due to the questionnaire responses being anonymous, it is possible that some people may have received and answered the questionnaire twice but, given the different demographics of the respondents at the two venues, this figure, if it happened, is likely to be low. People attending midweek racing at Canterbury Park are more likely to be interested in the racing as a sport, and probably are more likely to be

158

Perspectives of breeders and punters

interested in studies of this activity, whereas many spectators attending Rosehill Gardens racecourse on a Saturday are more likely to be there for social reasons, and less likely to be interested in completing a questionnaire about the horseracing industry (see Chapter 2). We also introduced a general public control group, constructing an east– west transect across Sydney (and selecting the suburbs of Clovelly, Summer Hill, Strathfield and Granville), to ensure responses from the coastal suburbs near Royal Randwick racecourse, to the middle-western suburb of Granville (which is close to Rosehill Gardens racecourse). Suburbs were chosen to ensure the representation of a variety of demographic and socio-economic factors, with each suburb being divided into four quadrants and six streets in each quadrant, randomly selected. We distributed 960 questionnaires and received 131 responses, which equates to slightly below 14 per cent of questionnaires distributed. The responses were split evenly between men and women. The questionnaire distributed to the general public in Sydney included a question about the respondents’ self-declared “punter status”, unlike at the racecourses where it was assumed, perhaps unjustifiably, that people attending the races would gamble. Among the 131 general public respondents, 71.5 per cent were non-punters, 19.2 per cent were occasional social punters, almost 7.0 per cent were frequent social punters and 2.3 per cent responded that they were frequent serious punters. The similarities and differences in the perspectives of the thoroughbred breeders, the racing patrons and the Sydney residents are presented below in relation to key issues for both the breeding and racing components of the global thoroughbred industry. We begin by presenting the perspectives on gambling, initially including both self-identified non-punters and punters, before focusing on the perspectives of punters. The following section of the chapter introduces the views of punters in relation to possible changes to the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry. We deliberately mixed these changes in the questionnaires, so that no pattern was discernible and respondents could not identify any particular answers to be the “right” one (there were no right answers).

Perspectives on gambling Given the centrality of gambling to the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry, it is important to ascertain perspectives on this activity. Many thoroughbred breeders whom we interviewed recognized the importance of gambling, some begrudgingly, and they generally agreed that racing patrons (particularly those most interested in gambling) could not care whether the horse was conceived and born by natural means. Were they correct? We first attempted to identify reasons why people in the four Sydney suburbs did not gamble. Multiple responses, up to six reasons, were permitted, as we recognized that non-involvement in gambling activity could

Perspectives of breeders and punters

159

be due to many overlapping reasons. A total of 212 responses were received for this question, and the main reasons given for not gambling were that you lose money (over 34 per cent of responses) and that “it’s boring” (over 24 per cent of responses). Related responses included “not good at it” (10.4 per cent) and “don’t understand it” (12.7 per cent). Religious beliefs (6.6 per cent) and ethical concerns (2.4 per cent, but this was added within the category “other”) were also present in the responses. Among those respondents who did self-identify as being punters, we endeavoured to learn what activities they preferred gambling on. Not surprisingly, as shown in Table 12.1, they preferred to bet on thoroughbred racing, followed by Lotto. Interestingly, many respondents did not have much interest in standardbred/harness racing. This scenario changed somewhat when we excluded the questionnaire responses from the Sydney suburbs and compared the differences between the responses of the older, mostly male, midweek racing crowd at Canterbury Park and the responses of the younger, more gender-balanced crowd from the Saturday racing at Rosehill Gardens. Gambling on harness racing and greyhounds was relatively more popular amongst the respondents from Canterbury Park than it was among the respondents from Rosehill Gardens. Among the possible forms of thoroughbred racing, there was a slight preference among all punters (on-course and those responding from the Sydney suburbs) for betting on Group races and Weight for Age races, possibly because the punters are more familiar with the horses (see Table 12.2). There was a comparative lack of interest in betting on races for two-year-olds, most likely due to unfamiliarity with the horses involved Table 12.1 Betting preferences for a range of sports

Greyhound racing Harness racing Lotto Sports betting (not including football) Football (all codes) Thoroughbred racing Pokies Casino

N

Minimum

Maximum

Mean

Std deviation

Variance

323 326 325 323

1 1 1 1

5 5 5 5

1.79 1.92 2.38 1.73

1.060 1.057 1.210 1.072

1.123 1.116 1.464 1.149

325 333 322 321

1 1 1 1

5 5 5 5

1.90 3.83 1.78 1.75

1.197 1.303 1.108 1.081

1.432 1.698 1.227 1.169

Scale: 1 = of no interest 2 = of little interest 3 = of some interest 4 = desirable 5 = highly desirable The betting preferences of questionnaire respondents to a range of gambling options. [Own research]

160

Perspectives of breeders and punters

Table 12.2 Betting preferences on different types of thoroughbred races

Two-year-old maiden race Sprint race Middle distance race Stayers race Hurdle race Steeplechase Group race Weight for Age race

N

Minimum

Maximum

Mean

Std deviation

Variance

310

1

5

2.45

1.253

1.569

320 317 317 308 308 316 316

1 1 1 1 1 1 1

5 5 5 5 5 5 5

3.14 3.23 3.30 1.79 1.79 3.44 3.37

1.337 1.351 1.331 1.131 1.149 1.524 1.501

1.787 1.825 1.773 1.279 1.320 2.324 2.252

Scale: 1 = of no interest 2 = of little interest 3 = of some interest 4 = desirable 5 = highly desirable The betting preferences of questionnaire respondents when presented with a variety of thoroughbred racing formats. The questionnaire was conducted in Sydney, where jumps racing has been banned since 1997. [Own research]

and the unpredictability of such races given that many of these horses are still learning how to race. Not surprisingly, given that this questionnaire was administered at two racecourses and in four suburbs in Sydney, there was minimal interest in gambling on jumps races (both hurdles and steeplechases). Sydney and the state of NSW have not conducted jumps racing for many years, with the activity being made illegal in 1997 (see Chapter 14). It would be interesting to ask the same question of spectators at racecourses in Melbourne and Adelaide (large Australian cities where jumps racing is held) and in a cross-section of suburbs of these cities to compare the results with those obtained in Sydney.

Possible changes to the breeding and racing of thoroughbreds We explored a number of possible changes for both thoroughbred breeding and racing. These changes correspond to issues raised throughout this book, including changes in the number of race meetings (Chapter 5), changes to the configuration and surface of racetracks (see Chapter 6), permitting the use of drugs in horseracing (Chapter 11) and allowing a range of breeding/reproduction options, including artificial insemination, embryo transfer and cloning (see Chapter 13). The punters were asked how, if at all, their betting activity would likely be modified if some of the proposed changes were introduced. None of the suggested changes was likely to see a significant increase in betting activity,

Perspectives of breeders and punters

161

larger longer tracks

embryo transfer permitted

drugs permitted

more midweek racing

cloning permitted

synthetic tracks

smaller race fields

AI permitted

1

2

3 Mean

4

5

Scale: Modification in betting activity for each possible change: 1 = significant decrease 2 = minor decrease 3 = not at all 4 = minor increase 5 = significant increase

Figure 12.1 Punters’ reactions to possible changes in breeding and racing. Responses by punters at two Sydney racecourses to possible changes in thoroughbred breeding and racing.

which may be due to the age of some of the respondents, and the possibility that they had fixed incomes. In contrast, some of the suggested changes, as seen in Figure 12.1, were likely to lead to a reduction in betting activity. Interestingly, it was not the introduction of artificial insemination, embryo transfer or even the cloning of horses that punters were most concerned about, but rather the legalization of drugs to be administered to thoroughbreds. This concern is likely to be related to issues of trust and

162

Perspectives of breeders and punters

integrity (knowing that the horse has been trained well and is given a fair chance to win), rather than ethical concerns about administering drugs to animals so that they can perform, even under duress, for human entertainment (see Chapter 11). This perspective aligns with that of the thoroughbred breeders in the four countries we surveyed, who, when presented with the statement: “People betting on racing care that the thoroughbred is conceived by natural means”, responded with a score of 3.8 on a scale where 1 was strongly agree through to 4 being disagree and 5 being strongly disagree. The thoroughbred breeders in Canada (4.03) and in Australia (3.97) were most likely to disagree with the statement, whereas those in New Zealand (3.41) and the USA (3.66) believed that punters placed greater emphasis on the thoroughbred being naturally bred as is currently required. These perspectives can be compared with those of the thoroughbred breeders themselves, particularly in relation to their major concerns about the introduction of different approaches to breeding racehorses (see below).

The perspectives of thoroughbred breeders In contrast to some of the punters, the thoroughbred breeders expressed major concerns about the introduction of new breeding techniques. Table 12.3 shows the responses of thoroughbred breeders across all four countries to the issues raised (which were shown as they were presented to the participants in the study, with no indication of whether they should be considered to be threats or opportunities). Scores closer to 1 are issues perceived as a very dangerous threat, while scores closer to 5 are perceived as being a major opportunity for the individual thoroughbred farms (rather than for the entire region). A new equine virus (see Chapter 10) was universally regarded as the most dangerous threat (with a mean value of 1.57), while increased prize money (with a mean value of 4.52) was, not surprisingly, regarded as the biggest opportunity for individual thoroughbred farms. Thoroughbred breeders rated cloning (see Chapter 13) as the third most dangerous threat with a score of 1.95, behind a new equine virus and the threat of drought (which was influenced by the conditions in eastern Australia in 2008–09, where breeders gave it a score of 1.61). Other breeding techniques, including embryo transfer and artificial insemination, were seen as less threatening, with artificial insemination being seen as an opportunity (particularly by Canadian breeders, some of whom resented the influence of the “Kentucky mafia”).

The activity of thoroughbred breeding We asked thoroughbred breeders in all four countries, and racecourse patrons and the general public in four Sydney suburbs, about their

Perspectives of breeders and punters

163

Table 12.3 Factors affecting studs (stud level) by country: mean values Country Mean

Australia USA Canada New Zealand Total

Coal mining (12A) Climate change (12B) Tourism (12C) A change in government policy (12D) Water quantity and availability issues (12E) Rationalization of race tracks (12F) Breeding using artificial insemination (12G) A new equine virus (12H) Water quality issues (12I) Cloning of horses (12J) Drought (12K) Embryo transfer (12L) Increased prize money for thoroughbred races (12M) Casinos (12N) Loss of land to urbanization (12O) Structure of the racing industry in this state/province (12P)

2.62 2.14 3.26 2.76

2.99 2.64 3.46 2.45

2.93 2.73 3.38 2.69

2.92 2.79 3.42 2.48

2.83 2.48 3.37 2.60

2.01

2.44

2.52

2.71

2.32

2.84 2.79

2.85 2.90

2.78 3.30

2.92 2.70

2.84 2.89

1.49 2.19 1.82 1.61 2.60 4.40

1.72 2.29 2.23 1.98 2.73 4.60

1.63 2.33 1.73 1.83 2.77 4.66

1.25 2.58 1.74 2.33 2.62 4.54

1.57 2.29 1.95 1.86 2.68 4.52

2.49 2.49 3.08

3.76 1.93 3.00

3.67 2.00 2.50

2.37 2.58 3.10

3.12 2.22 2.98

A range of environmental, reproductive and other factors were presented to thoroughbred breeders in four countries. This table shows the perception of an issue as being positive or negative for the individual thoroughbred stud/farm, rather than for the region in which it is situated. The table shows the comparison of each issue with other issues, and the differences in perceptions at the country level between thoroughbred breeders in the four countries. [Own research] Note: This table represents the means for Questions 12A–12P using the following scale: 1 = very dangerous threat; 2 = threat; 3 = neither threat nor opportunity; 4 = opportunity; 5 = very big opportunity.

perceptions of thoroughbred breeding as a practice and about the thoroughbred in particular (see below). We raised the same issues with standardbred breeders in Australia, substituting the term “standardbred” for “thoroughbred” in the question. As seen in Table 12.4, the thoroughbred breeders saw themselves as gamblers (with a score of 2.31) and as perpetuating a noble tradition (2.45). They were slightly more likely to see themselves as scientists rather than artists, and less likely to see themselves as gods controlling the mating of animals for their own means (score of 3.43), although this statement was the one that resulted in the greatest differences of opinion between the breeders themselves. While the perception of being gamblers was very consistent at the country level (with the scores ranging from 2.29 to 2.33 across all four countries), the perception of maintaining a noble tradition

164

Perspectives of breeders and punters

Table 12.4 Comparing perceptions of thoroughbred breeders and standardbred breeders about breeding Thoroughbred breeders – Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the USA

N

Mean

Std deviation

Thoroughbred breeders are perpetuating a noble breeding tradition. Thoroughbred breeders are artists producing works of art. Thoroughbred breeders are scientists experimenting with bloodlines. Thoroughbred breeders are gods who control the mating of animals for their own means. Thoroughbred breeders are gamblers speculating in the breeding of horses.

234

2.45

0.940

233

3.02

1.023

236

2.79

1.043

232

3.43

1.189

236

2.31

1.085

89

2.55

0.954

89

3.15

1.061

90

3.00

1.091

89

3.33

1.223

90

2.30

1.185

49

2.35

0.925

49

2.92

1.077

50

2.56

0.993

50

3.58

1.144

50

2.42

1.247

Australian thoroughbred breeders only Thoroughbred breeders are perpetuating a noble breeding tradition. Thoroughbred breeders are artists producing works of art. Thoroughbred breeders are scientists experimenting with bloodlines. Thoroughbred breeders are gods who control the mating of animals for their own means. Thoroughbred breeders are gamblers speculating in the breeding of horses. Australian standardbred breeders Standardbred breeders are perpetuating a noble breeding tradition. Standardbred breeders are artists producing works of art. Standardbred breeders are scientists experimenting with bloodlines. Standardbred breeders are gods who control the mating of animals for their own means. Standardbred breeders are gamblers speculating in the breeding of horses.

This table shows the differences in perceptions between international thoroughbred breeders, Australian thoroughbred breeders and Australian standardbred breeders in relation to the activity of breeding thoroughbreds/standardbreds. [Own research] Notes: respondents answered these questions using the following scale: 1 = strongly agree; 2 = agree; 3 = neither agree nor disagree; 4 = disagree; 5 = strongly disagree; N/A results have been removed for analysis purposes.

was particularly strong among New Zealand thoroughbred breeders who responded to this question, with a score of 2.04, while the score ranged in the other three countries from 2.38 to 2.70. The Australian thoroughbred breeders were slightly less inclined to see themselves as scientists compared with the composite group of

Perspectives of breeders and punters

165

Table 12.5 Comparing the perspectives of breeders and punters Tradition is an important part of modern thoroughbred breeding

Number of respondents

Mean score

Standard deviation

Thoroughbred breeders (four countries) Thoroughbred breeders – Australia Standardbred breeders Punters – Canterbury Park Punters – Rosehill Gardens

233 130 52 107 186

2.32 2.42 2.42 1.82 2.16

1.005 1.084 0.915 0.794 0.895

The perspectives of thoroughbred breeders, standardbred breeders and punters on the importance of tradition are compared in this table. Despite using different breeding practices, both thoroughbred breeders and standardbred breeders believe that tradition is important in modern thoroughbred/standardbred breeding. [Own research] Note: respondents’ answers to these questions were recorded using the following scale: 1 = strongly agree; 2 = agree; 3 = neither agree nor disagree; 4 = disagree; 5 = strongly disagree.

thoroughbred breeders from Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the USA. There were, however, important similarities and differences in the perspectives of thoroughbred breeders and standardbred breeders. Table 12.4 shows that standardbred breeders in Australia were less inclined to see themselves as gods (perhaps due to their generally lower socioeconomic status compared to thoroughbred breeders and the fact that many were in the industry as a hobby), but strongly believed that they were carrying on a noble tradition (mean of 2.35 compared with a mean of 2.55 for Australian thoroughbred breeders). Tradition was as important in standardardbred breeding as in thoroughbred breeding (with the mean for both types of breeders in Australia being 2.42 in response to this statement). As shown in Table 12.5, while thoroughbred breeders and standardbred breeders in Australia both valued tradition, this aspect of horseracing was particularly important to the older, midweek racing crowd at Canterbury Park. In addition to sharing similar perspectives with thoroughbred breeders about tradition, standardbred breeders, too, saw themselves as gamblers. The matter of standardbred breeders maintaining a noble tradition, while generally not practising “natural breeding” of horses, was raised in the Focus Group at Rosehill Gardens racecourse (names of participants other than one of the co-authors have been changed); Phil:

Harry:

It’s interesting [that] the standardbred breeders from the questionnaire we did see themselves as maintaining a tradition even though they have AI, they obviously don’t have cloning, but they see themselves as maintaining traditions. Bit of a different situation in my mind, mainly because there are less standardbred stallions, ah, and, let’s say the majority of them

166

Perspectives of breeders and punters

Victor: Harry:

are in North America, and they don’t tend to service dual hemisphere, I know some have but not many, so it’s a little bit different situation, I think, but I can understand them seeing themselves continuing tradition, yeah. For me, a standardbred means ordinary. [laughter] I must own a lot of standardbred thoroughbreds.

The issue of success and thoroughbred breeding and racing as being a big gamble (rather than the short-term punt on a particular race) also emerged in the Focus Group, where the following discussion occurred: Harry:

Stan: Harry: Stan: Harry:

One of the problems is that a lot of people come in to this industry and they might be successful in whatever field they’ve been in and they just imagine that success is going to translate into racing, and that’s not, not the way, I mean … It’s a gamble now. It’s a total gamble. It’s not a business. And some people who, you know, have nothing have very good horses, and some people who’ve got heaps of money have ordinary horses.

We also raised the issue of tradition being an important part of modern thoroughbred breeding (given the emphasis on tradition in the industry, as highlighted in Chapter 6). In addition to the emphasis on tradition, we presented survey participants with the controversial statement that “Thoroughbred breeding and racing is a cruel industry”, being aware that “tradition” has not always helped the horse and one justification in thoroughbred breeding and racing for innovation to override tradition is if it is considered in the best interests of the animal (see Chapters 6, 11, 13 and 14). The same statements were presented to standardbred breeders, with the breed of horse being changed in the question. The responses received were compared with those of punters from Canterbury Park and Rosehill Gardens racecourses. The importance of tradition was highly valued by punters (both members and general entry patrons) at Canterbury Park (mean of 1.82) compared with those at Rosehill (mean of 2.16), reflecting to a large extent the different demographics of the respondents, as discussed above. The older clientele at the midweek meeting at Canterbury Park were more likely to value tradition than would a younger crowd attending the races on a weekend, probably more so as a social occasion than to seriously follow the actual races. Tradition was very important to participants in the Focus Group, but they also recognized the need for innovation. When asked when tradition

Perspectives of breeders and punters

167

is important, and when innovation is important, within the thoroughbred industry, the following discussion ensued: Victor:

Stan: Harry:

Victor: Stan: Harry:

That’s the intriguing part about it all is the tradition, it’s the main, the history and the tradition, hasn’t changed a real lot and, ah [pause] just, this day and age everyone wants to change stuff, you know like, that’s one thing they can leave alone. [laughs] I’ll pay that, yeah. I, I think sort of right across the industry, um, some of us had this discussion the other day about even something as simple as changing the names of some of these races. Yeah … The little things … And, and that loses the tradition, and if you’ve got no past you’ve got no future, it’s as simple as that and, we’ve all seen sponsors come and go …

In contrast to many animal liberation perspectives (see Chapter 11), thoroughbred breeders did not perceive the breeding and racing industry as being cruel, although some breeders did acknowledge that particular aspects of the industry (whipping horses was mentioned) could be regarded as cruel and that there was the possibility for some “rogue elements” to enter into any industry. When the same statement was presented to punters at Canterbury Park and Rosehill Gardens, there was a significant difference between the responses, with the older, male respondents at the midweek race meeting at Canterbury Park being very clear that it was not cruel, while the younger and more gender-balanced respondents from Rosehill Gardens did not consider it to be cruel, but were definitely not as adamant about this statement.

Perceptions of the animal In Chapter 2 we introduced the thoroughbred, discussing its characteristics and its relationship to humans. The subsequent chapters of this book have demonstrated aspects of that relationship, with Chapter 11 posing ethical issues regarding the nature of the relationship between humans and thoroughbreds. In this section of the book we present some of the perspectives of the thoroughbred breeders, standardbred breeders and punters from two racecourses in Sydney of the horse. The importance of perceptions of animals, and the relationships to their use and issues of cruelty, can be seen in the comments of one interviewee: it’s no different to my mind, cruelty to mink, or to cattle, or to rabbits … I mean, I don’t support cruelty at all, but it’s a dumb animal, if society accepts dumb animals for its use, then … (North American Interviewee)

168

Perspectives of breeders and punters

Table 12.6 A horse is mainly a commodity

Thoroughbred breeders (4 countries) Thoroughbred breeders – Australia Standardbred breeders Punters – Canterbury Park Punters – Rosehill Gardens

N

Mean

Std deviation

236 132 51 103 186

3.23 3.12 3.69 3.38 3.49

1.166 1.166 1.104 1.195 1.149

The perspectives of thoroughbred breeders, standardbred breeders and punters on whether a horse is mainly a commodity are compared in this table. The multiple perceptions of horses as commodities, as sentient beings, and so on, are highlighted by the mean score and the large standard deviation. [Own research] Note: respondents’ answers to these questions were recorded using the following scale: 1 = strongly agree; 2 = agree; 3 = neither agree nor disagree; 4 = disagree; 5 = strongly disagree.

Responses to two statements used in the questionnaire will now be analysed (from a larger selection of possibilities). The first statement to be considered was that “a horse is mainly a commodity” (which relates to discussions in Chapters 2, 3, 5 and 11 in particular), while the second statement was that “a cloned horse is still a horse”, which relates closely to the subject of Chapter 13. The first statement was relatively easy for respondents to address (see Table 12.6). Both thoroughbred breeders and punters at both racetracks tended to disagree (but generally not strongly disagree) with this statement. Patrons at Canterbury Park exhibited differences in perspectives to this question, with members (n = 38; mean 3.29) being somewhat less inclined than general entry patrons (n = 61; mean 3.44) to agree that horses are mainly a commodity. Some breeders, in the interviews, accepted the idea that thoroughbreds are a commodity: We no longer race horses as if they were horses, we’re raising a commodity that has an economic value to it, that has a dollar sign on it, and that’s a $100,000 stud fee. (North American Interviewee) Despite this view, there was a genuine feeling of attachment to the animal, as expressed by one Kentucky breeder: “[w]hen a horseman has to watch a horse get hurt, or breakdown or whatever, it just, it just makes you sick. You know it’s the worst thing that can happen, to see that happen to that noble horse”. The standardbred breeders were less inclined to see standardbreds as a commodity (a mean score of 3.69 compared with 3.12 for Australian thoroughbred breeders), perhaps because they are generally lower in value than thoroughbreds and because in the standardbred industry the human-animal relations differ in that there is less separation of roles compared with

Perspectives of breeders and punters

169

the thoroughbred industry. In harness racing, the same person may breed, own, train and drive the horse in races, whereas in the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry these are more specialized roles. Among our questionnaire respondents, 35 per cent of standardbred breeders have no full-time employment in their operations, a statistic compatible with the response to another question, which showed that over 40 per cent of the standardbred studs identified themselves as part-time, hobby operations. The relationships between humans and equines in these two industries will be quite different because, as M. Riley (2011) found with older dairy farmers, the close and frequent contact between humans and animals shaped relationships and perspectives that meant animals were treated as commodities, but seen as individuals with personalities and needs. This human-animal relationship was discussed in the Focus Group, with reference to the more ornate US thoroughbred farms: Harry:

Victor: Harry: Victor: Harry: Stan: Victor: Harry:

… studs that I’ve been on over there (USA) or, breeding farms they call them, you sort of get to the gate and think “Wow! I’m entering heaven … But you know behind that, that all the animals are going to be well looked after. Yes, totally agree, totally agree. I think the animals are, in some cases, they’re pampered, particularly. 95 per cent of the people in, in that industry, that part of the industry love the animals. I’d say more than 95 per cent. They probably do. That’s their life. They’re almost bred to it themselves. Yeah exactly. I was being a little bit facetious I guess but, I think probably when you look at this you’re quite right, the sort of people involved in it all love the animal.

The statement about a cloned horse still being a horse was particularly controversial (see Table 12.7). In all instances, a small number of thoroughbred breeders and racing punters did not answer this question. For example, 236 thoroughbred breeders addressed the statement about the horse being a commodity, but only 227 addressed the statement about a cloned horse still being a horse. When a response was given to the statement, this statement received the highest standard deviation of all questions/statements posed in the questionnaire – to thoroughbred breeders (SD of 1.277); to standardbred breeders (SD of 1.347); and to punters. While there was not much difference in the mean response between thoroughbred and standardbred breeders, there were vast differences within these industries as to whether a cloned horse is in

170

Perspectives of breeders and punters

Table 12.7 A cloned horse is still a horse

Thoroughbred breeders (four countries) Thoroughbred breeders – Australia Standardbred breeders Punters – Canterbury Park Punters – Gardens

N

Mean

Std deviation

227 126 50 97 183

3.36 3.32 3.22 3.52 3.37

1.277 1.282 1.347 1.269 1.252

The perspectives of thoroughbred breeders, standardbred breeders and punters on whether a cloned horse is still a horse are compared in this table. This is the question that had the lowest response rate, and the largest standard deviation, for both thoroughbred breeders and standardbred breeders. Note: respondents’ answers to these questions were recorded using the following scale: 1 = strongly agree; 2 = agree; 3 = neither agree nor disagree; 4 = disagree; 5 = strongly disagree.

fact a horse. The differences between patrons at racecourses were also important, with the questionnaire being capable of separating members from other people (a category that could include members, but was more likely to be composed of non-members). Members were generally less likely than the other attendees to see thoroughbreds mainly as a commodity, more likely to regard cloned horses as not being real horses and more likely to emphasize the importance of tradition. Members at Canterbury Park were particularly unlikely to regard a cloned horse as a horse (n = 35; mean 3.8). This debate crosses the nature/society divide (a divide that we do not accept, but one that has formed the basis of distinctions between humans and other animals, and the basis of current breeding practices in the thoroughbred breeding industry) and is therefore central to the understanding of what is the animal upon which an entire breeding and racing industry is reliant. As part of this research a follow-up Focus Group was held at Rosehill Gardens racecourse. In addition to the general discussion introduced above, various images were presented to participants of famous racing victories, thoroughbred farms, a mare with a foal, the auction ring at the Newmarket sales complex in Sydney, Dolly the sheep and her lamb Polly and so on, and comment was invited. The participants were given no clue as to what the image actually was, but discussed their reactions and thoughts about each image. Their passion for racing was apparent when shown an image that they immediately recognized as being Efficient winning the 2007 Melbourne Cup. When shown an image of a foal and another of a galloping quarter horse, as anticipated, they did not recognize either image as being of a cloned horse. Once informed that the image of a foal was Pieraz Two (see Chapter 13), and the image of the galloping horse was Clayton (a cloned son of the legendary quarter horse barrel racer named Scamper), they discussed cloning and what it meant to actually “breed” rather than reproduce horses. The concept

Perspectives of breeders and punters

171

of the “thoroughbred” being “thoroughly bred” was emphasized by one participant. This characteristic, from which the individuality of each thoroughbred emerged, was seen in contrast with sheep when a photo of Dolly was shown to the group: Phil: Harry: Victor: Stan: Phil:

Harry:

Victor: Harry: Stan: Phil:

Harry:

Any thoughts about this photo? Is it a real sheep? I suppose, I suppose if you eat the meat it probably is, or take the wool. Probably tastes the same. Lamb chops alright. How would you, I mean, how would you decide? If you eat, if it looks like, in the photo you’re saying, if I hear you right, looks like a real sheep, if you eat it, it’s a real sheep, if it’s a horse, you wouldn’t necessarily eat the horse but, if it looks like a horse would you say it’s a real horse, how do you know? There’s a distinction, there’s a distinction. The distinction is that there are plenty of sheep and, with the exception of prize rams, the sheep, the sheep are sheep and one sheep is the same as another sheep. Horses, thoroughbred horses, are not the same because they’ve been bred particularly for their blood lines, and, and therefore you’ve got a distinction between cloning something and not cloning something … They’re individuals. They’re individuals, and part of it is, is their parentage. Characteristics, yeah. So, they’re certainly individual compared to, say, a whole lot of sheep, but the way in which those characteristics are transferred from one generation to another, why does that become important if the characteristics themselves can be transferred? Because it’s part of the tradition, and it’s a significant point.

Summary Perceptions are crucial. In this chapter we have highlighted the similarities and differences in perceptions among thoroughbred breeders in various parts of the world, and compared these with the perceptions of standardbred breeders in Australia, respondents from two Sydney racecourses and general public participants from four Sydney suburbs. The issues arising from these questionnaires, and from interviews with thoroughbred breeders in different countries, were later explored in greater detail through a Focus Group. There are differences between the perspectives of thoroughbred breeders and punters, but perhaps these differences are not as great as the differences between breeders themselves on particular issues (notably reproduction issues) and between punters when the responses of an

172

Perspectives of breeders and punters

older, male-dominated midweek crowd are compared with those of a younger, more gender-mixed crowd attending a Saturday racing meeting at Rosehill Gardens. On a number of important ethical issues, the Canterbury Park responses are more in line with the views of the thoroughbred breeders than they are with the views of survey respondents from Rosehill Gardens. The one issue that challenged all groupings of respondents was the issue of cloning horses. In the questionnaire, this statement was consistently the one least addressed by respondents, and when respondents did address it the standard deviation was higher for all groupings of respondents. Cloning racehorses touches the core of thoroughbred breeding as a “natural” activity involving strict procedures which must be followed to enable the horse to be registered as a thoroughbred, but the racing and gambling side of the industry could possibly benefit if champion racehorses (particularly geldings) were cloned. What the responses to the questionnaires, and the discussion in the Focus Group, highlight is that it is not a simple matter of drawing a line between thoroughbred breeding and racing – human participants can cross and straddle this division, while a few entires/ stallions and many mares do go from the breeding to the racing side of the divide, and back again. We explore this movement between thoroughbred breeding and racing in the next chapter, when we look in greater detail at the importance of tradition and “natural breeding” in the thoroughbred industry, and discuss some of the alternatives that are technically possible, but currently prohibited.

13 Reproductive issues

Threats to the existing state of horseracing arise from changing animal ethics (particularly regarding jumps racing and the use of the whip in all forms of racing) and from economic circumstances (diversion of gambling revenue or the overall downturn in economies due to the global financial crisis or a similar occurrence). Threats to the breeding component of the global thoroughbred breeding and racing industry arise in the form of technological innovation linked to legal challenges to the regulations that govern the most basic question in the global horseracing industry – what is a thoroughbred horse? The definition of a thoroughbred, as opposed to any other form of horse, hinges on two key aspects: its pedigree and the manner in which the thoroughbred is conceived and born. The pedigree of a thoroughbred must be accepted by a recognized stud book, of which there are 70 in the world, including emerging stud books in countries such as Bolivia, Iran, Jamaica and Romania (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). The formation of a stud book, or the international recognition of an existing national stud book, usually involves smoothing a few bumps regarding particular breeding lines, but once these have been accepted into a recognized stud book, then that effectively closes the possibility of any horse from outside the stud book being able to race and breed as a thoroughbred. There is, however, another way in which a horse may be excluded from the stud book of a particular country, and hence the International Stud Book, which means that it cannot compete and breed as a thoroughbred in any racing jurisdiction aligned to the International Federation of Horseracing Authorities. This exclusion is based on the method of breeding of the horse. All horses of recognized thoroughbred pedigree on both sides of the family have to be conceived by “natural” means and the foal has to be carried and born from the womb of the mare in which it was conceived. This requirement is unique to thoroughbred racing. Technologically, it is possible to manipulate breeding through the use of artificial insemination (AI), embryo transfer and the cloning of thoroughbreds. These methods, and their impacts, will be discussed in this chapter.

174

Reproductive issues

Suffice to say, while there is currently a legal challenge in Australia to the existing regulations governing the breeding of thoroughbreds, until that legal case is resolved there will be no change to the current breeding practices in Australia or elsewhere in the world. If the challenge is successful, this is likely to have worldwide implications. This challenge is important because it addresses one of the ongoing challenges in the administration of any sporting activity: how to deal with the potential conflicts between tradition and innovation (see Chapter 6). In this chapter we explore the various breeding practices that are possible, bearing in mind the important question of what is best for the horse. We commence with the current situation of “natural” breeding, before moving to look at other reproductive techniques – all of which are now technologically possible and all of which are undertaken in other animalbased industries. These techniques could be undertaken in thoroughbred breeding and racing; the question of whether or not they should be undertaken is discussed below.

“Natural” breeding If thoroughbreds were genuinely allowed to breed naturally, they would roam in herds and the dominant stallion would breed with his harem of mares – similar to mustangs (USA) or brumbies (Australia). Colts would be chased away from the herd and would roam until they were strong enough to either form their own herd and be capable of defending it or to challenge a dominant stallion for an existing herd. Yet, nature is invoked to maintain current breeding practices within the thoroughbred industry, even when those breeding practices involve the use of medical technology (e.g. Caslick’s operation to sew the upper vulvas of mares to prevent infections, which may require additional cross-stitching for breeding – see Taylor, 1993), guiding the penis of the stallion with a stick and the use of protective devices for these valuable animals (hobbles on the mare, pads on the mare’s feet, a collar on the mare’s neck so she won’t get bitten). The decision about mating is made not by the dominant stallion in a herd, but by horse owners and stud managers based on computer-generated compatibility data, various breeding theories, price of the service fee, and other relevant considerations. The “natural” parts of the mating are the moment that the stallion has to impregnate the mare and the fact that the mare has to give birth to the foal (it cannot be transferred to another mare). As one internationally-oriented thoroughbred breeder in Kentucky noted: I think the thoroughbred industry is aware of the, is very aware of the technologies available to them but … the thoroughbred industry is self regulated and internationally has elected not to embrace a lot of the technologies that are available to it. That is, nowhere in the world can a

Reproductive issues

175

horse be registered as a thoroughbred racehorse that has been conceived by artificial means. If this form of reproduction practiced in the industry is natural (some commentators reject these breeding practices as natural, and call it rape – Grandin and Johnson, 2005), then it is apparent that thoroughbred breeders have trouble with questions that shift the boundary. The current division between natural conception and natural birth does not present challenges for most thoroughbred breeders but, as shown in Chapter 12, the question of whether “a cloned horse is still a horse” was not answered consistently by thoroughbred breeders, with a standard deviation of 1.28. Distinguishing what is natural because it looks like a horse, and what is natural because of the way in which it was conceived and born, presents challenges. This conceptual challenge highlights the inconsistencies in the current “natural” discourse of the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry, but such inconsistencies do not necessarily justify the adoption of other breeding practices. Rather, it is important to look at each of these reproductive processes in turn and address the important question of what it may mean for the animal.

Artificial insemination The most common form of “interference” in “natural breeding” is the use of artificial insemination (AI) techniques. While this sounds technically new, the Mongols were said to have used artificial insemination in the second century BC (Bartram, 2005). In previous times, the stallion and the mare had to be in relatively close proximity to each other so that the semen would not deteriorate or it could be chilled (easily achieved in a Mongolian winter) and kept longer before insemination. The semen is collected through the use of an artificial mare that the stallion mounts and ejaculates into – thereby having the advantage of not harming either the mare or the stallion, or of transferring venereal diseases (Bartram, 2005). When artificial insemination was first permitted in the 1980s as a reproductive technique for horse breeds other than thoroughbreds, the insemination method required the use of the full amount of semen that had been collected. Today, it is possible to collect the semen and use only a portion of each ejaculation, but this requires insemination techniques that are highly invasive to the mare. Today there are three main forms of semen used in AI – fresh, chilled and frozen. The advantage of frozen semen is that potentially it can last forever, but this is also a threat to the thoroughbred breeding industry because whoever owns the most successful stallion (based on siring winning horses) could extend that reproductive capacity beyond the normal aging cycle of a stallion. Currently, stallion performance tends to decline after about the age of 15 but, with the potential to collect the semen

176

Reproductive issues

all year round and to split the semen, the natural aging of a successful stallion could be postponed for many, many years. This would create a bidding war for the very top stallions and likely reduce the breeding opportunities for many other stallions, and may cause serious concerns about inbreeding. The efficiency of artificial insemination has improved to the point where only one-tenth of an ejaculation of frozen semen is needed to impregnate a mare, with a conception rate of 65 per cent for the most efficient insemination technique compared with about 70 per cent for a natural conception (Bartram, 2005). This technique, called Hysteroscopic Insemination, is expensive and requires that the mare be sedated so that an endoscope with a camera can be inserted into the mare’s vagina and cervix, and the semen eventually deposited onto the utero-tubal papilla (Bartram, 2005). This form of reproduction raises interesting questions about stallion potential. While currently thoroughbred breeders gamble on the potency of the colts that win major races (with impotency affecting a number of horses, including Cigar, who was twice Horse of the Year), the use of chilled or frozen semen adds another variable to be considered. The quality of semen of a stallion differs depending on the way it is treated – “many stallions with excellent fertility when used in natural service have semen which performs poorly or not at all when frozen” (Bartram, 2005, 51). The adoption of artificial insemination, including the use of frozen semen, could increase the importation of international bloodlines and reduce the use of some local stallions. It could reduce the amount of travelling during the breeding season, because currently stallions are shuttled around the world (and back again) and mares are transported to and from the farm or stallion station where they are served. In summary, there are many possible impacts, and it is likely that these impacts will overlap so that individual stallions and mares might be subject to multiple impacts simultaneously if the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry were to adopt artificial insemination as a breeding practice similar to that currently accepted by other registered horse breeds.

Embryo transfer This technique is controversial, but has been adopted for use with other horse breeds under strict limitations. Embryo transfer in animals commenced with experiments in rabbits in 1890, followed by transfers of rat and mouse embryos in the 1930s and sheep, pig and cattle in the early 1950s (McCue, 2009). The first successful equine embryo transfer resulted in the birth of a foal in Japan in 1974 (McCue, 2009). Embryo transfer involves the flushing from the uterus of a mare of a six–eight-day-old embryo, and transferring it into a recipient mare, or freezing it to be transferred at a later date. Technically, embryo transfer can be used either with a natural conception or following artificial insemination.

Reproductive issues

177

If sanctioned, the use of embryo transfer is likely to impact champion mares that are competing, or older mares that may have trouble carrying a pregnancy full term and giving birth to the foal. While this may be more humane for some mares, it is likely that mares would be reproducing while they are training and racing, whereas currently their breeding life begins after they have retired from the racetrack (although not all mares race, and some mares with good pedigrees are bred for the purpose of breeding). The concern for champion mares is that they will be bred to different stallions about six times during the breeding season (which in the northern hemisphere is from January to June, while in the southern hemisphere the season lasts from August to December). The eventual birth of six live foals of a champion mare per year would decrease her breeding value (breeders having overcome the limitations of supply, that is, usually a maximum of one foal from a champion mare per season after she has retired from racing), and would likely lead to less breeding opportunities for mares with inferior pedigrees and/or race records. The champion mares might be bred to five or six different stallions per season, a process that would change the dynamics within the industry. This practice certainly has the potential to lead to more foals being born, and an “oversupply” of horses, and has implications for what is to become of horses that do not win races. While artificial insemination and embryo transfer have advantages, they also have disadvantages. The requirement to limit the number of times that a mare may be impregnated in a season appears to be one of the most crucial concerns of this breeding practice, because technically there is a limitation based on ovulation (which occurs approximately every 21 days in mares), rather than on carrying the foal to full term and giving birth (the gestation period is 11 months). This concern about the health of the mare from multiple pregnancies, and the associated concern about increasing the number of thoroughbreds, are issues that also relate to the practice of cloning.

Cloning Cloning is the reproduction of life without sexual “fertilization”, specifically the creation of an exact genetic copy of the original (National Bioethics Advisory Commission, 1998). It involves two main forms: embryo splitting and the technique of Cell Nuclear Replacement, which was used to produce Dolly the sheep (Harris, 2004). The first experiments with cloning were undertaken in 1928 with salamanders, followed by experimentation with frogs from 1938 onwards (Harris, 2004). Cloning of animals was technologically possible in the early 1950s, since frogs were cloned in 1952 (Harris, 2004; Henderson, 2005). The most famous example of cloning is Dolly the sheep, which was born in 1996 and died in 2003 after developing early-onset of arthritis. Other animals to be cloned include bulls in 1997, goats in 1998 and a cat in 2002 (Henderson, 2005).

178

Reproductive issues

The first equines to be cloned were mules in 2002, when scientists at the University of Utah and the University of Idaho jointly cloned three mules, after about five years of unsuccessful attempt to do so, from a champion mule called Taz, using a 45-day-old foetus for the clones (Oke, 2011). While it was acknowledged in 2003 that “the process of cloning is far from efficient”, there was recognition that “it is ready for commercial clinical application” (Church, 2003). These three cloned mules were registered with The American Mule Racing Registry, part of The American Donkey and Mule Society, and could therefore compete in races against mules that were naturally conceived. In 2006 in Nevada, two mules cloned from Taz raced against mules born from natural conception, with both mules winning their heats and qualifying for the final in which Idaho Gem, the world’s first equine clone, finished third and Idaho Star finished sixth (or seventh, reports vary) in a race with eight starters (Heintzberger, 2006). The best racer of the three mules was Idaho Gem, who won six of his 22 professional races, finished in the money 16 times, was ranked third among the 80 competitors on the California Fair Racing Circuit, but was unlikely ever to beat the top two mules because he excelled at sprints (about 220 yards or 200 metres) but faded over the more common race distances of 350 yards (about 320 metres) or more (Loftus, 2009). The development of cloning has been very rapid. The first example of cloning a horse was undertaken in 2003, when a filly called Prometea was born in Italy (Highfield, 2005). This filly was “just a scientific experiment”, but it led to the cloning of a champion endurance gelding called Pieraz, achieved in a similar manner to Promotea but, according to his creator Professor Galli, “from an industry viewpoint, the new horse is the real thing” (Highfield, 2005). This is because Pieraz, the original horse, was the world champion of endurance races (races across open country with a distance of about 50 miles or 80 kilometres, or more) in 1994 and again in 1996 (Henderson, 2005). Since that time, a champion barrel racing gelding called Scamper who was registered with the American Quarter Horse Association (AQHA) was cloned in 2006, with the clone, a male called Clayton, standing at stud and producing offspring that are apparently healthy (Oke, 2011). Unlike thoroughbred racing, breed registration is not necessary in order for a horse to compete in barrel racing and other events at rodeos (Oke, 2011). Registration by other breeding associations has been granted to cloned horses, including Pieraz-Cryozootech-Stallion (or Pieraz 2, the clone of Pieraz) and Paris Texas (the first horse to be cloned in the USA). In September 2005 Studbook Zangersheide, a sport horse registry, issued passports for the two horses (Tolby, 2007). Not only have there been clones made of champion horses in a number of different breeds, but the genetic material of other champions is being stored for future cloning prospects. In short, the only thing preventing the cloning and registration of a thoroughbred is the regulation in the stud book of each country that

Reproductive issues

179

bans this form of reproduction (along with artificial insemination and embryo transfer). The acceptance of cloning as a technique for reproduction (in contrast to breeding where genetic material of both parents is transferred to the offspring) is open to extensive debate. Proponents of cloning, such as Brad Stroud of Encore Genetics, one of the partners in the cloning of Royal Blue Boon (a registered quarter horse who was a champion cutting horse, the dam of many successful cutting horses and the first commercial mare to be cloned, in 2006) compared cloning with artificial insemination: AI (artificial insemination), for example, was a big fear when it first came out, maybe bigger than cloning at the time … . And then along came IVF and obviously there was a bigger fear that we were creating life outside the womb. Now there are tens of thousands of IVF conceived calves all over the globe and the technology is growing rapidly. (quoted in Church, 2006) According to Stroud, “we’re essentially creating identical twins, only removed by time, and it’s really rather simplistic in nature. I think education is the key to the acceptance of this technology” (in Church, 2006). Thoroughbred breeders have been reluctant to accept the idea of twins born by natural reproduction methods, on the basis that they are unlikely to perform as well as a racehorse receiving the entirety of its mother’s biological support and the possibility of complications at birth. When a twin pregnancy is detected early, they have the vet “pinch” one of the twins. This approach explains the significant difference between the percentage of twins conceived (about 11 per cent of pregnancies) and the percentage of twins born, which is about 0.05 per cent of live births (Stansall and Tyler, 2006). The concept of “twins separated by distance” is unlikely to appeal to thoroughbred breeders. This, however, is not a sufficient reason to oppose cloning. As Richard Dawkins wrote about the prospect of human cloning, at a time soon after the cloning of Dolly and prior to the cloning of other animals such as mules and horses, “in the case of human cloning, if some people want to do it, the onus is on those who would ban it to spell out what harm it would do, and to whom” (Dawkins, 1998, 66). The same logic applies to the application of other reproductive technology in relation to thoroughbreds. If something is technologically possible, rather than a future vision of what may come to fruition, then the onus is on the so-called traditionalists to justify why they should not adopt the new technology. Cloning is controversial in thoroughbred breeding given the regulations governing the sport, and the potential for cloning to be extended to human beings. Within thoroughbred breeding, cloning may be a particularly useful technique for the reproduction of geldings that have had successful

180

Reproductive issues

racing careers. Cloning meets one of the stated aims of thoroughbred breeders, which is to improve the breed of horse. It does this by ensuring that the genetic material of the horses that are most successful on the racetrack (regardless of whether they are entires, geldings or mares) can be copied into a future generation – a twin in a different era. There is no guarantee, however, that the clone would perform as well as the original animal, as witnessed in mules, when the clones of Taz had varying degrees of success on the racetrack, but none of the mules could attain the performance levels of the original from which they had been cloned. If cloning became legal and affordable, cloning would also lead to the prospect of all colts being gelded because there would be no need for male horses to be involved in reproduction. This would then make it easier for humans to handle the geldings, rather than the at times temperamental and aggressive stallions. If horses are successful on the racetrack they could have extended racing careers, rather than being retired to the breeding barn at an early age. This would potentially increase betting turnover, as people became familiar with racehorses in much the same way that steeplechase horses are known to their fans because they have raced for a number of years. There is, however, a potential downside to the cloning of horses in that the very best horses become replaceable. As Dawkins (1998, 55) noted about the prospect of human cloning, it is not “nice people like you” who are likely to be cloned, but people with money (Rupert Murdoch was named) and people “with power and influence” such as Saddam Hussein. The prospect of multiple cloning was presented as “phalanxes of identical little Hitlers goose-stepping to the same genetic drum” (Dawkins, 1998, 55). The prospect of multiple cloning may encourage owners, trainers and jockeys to take greater risks with the training and racing of horses because, unlike today, they would be easily replaceable – a prospect that is likely not to be positive for the welfare of the animal.

The experience of standardbred breeders in Australia Thoroughbred breeding and racing permits only natural reproduction, whilst in many other equine industries artificial insemination, embryo transfer and cloning are permitted. The industry that is closest to thoroughbred racing is standardbred racing, which is also known as harness racing, and includes two gaits: pacing and trotting. The breed of horses differs, but the concept of a race over a fixed distance (generally exceeding 1,000 metres in thoroughbred racing and 1,609 metres in standardbred racing) is similar in the two activities, and both rely on gambling revenue to fund the industry. Artificial insemination and embryo transfer have been permitted in standardbred breeding in Australia since 1969–70. Initially there were limitations on the number of mares that could be served by artificial

Reproductive issues

181

insemination, but no limits on natural service. Over time these numbers increased, rising to 100 in 1977/1978, then to 125 in 1982/1983, increasing again in 1987/1988 before the limit was removed in 1996/1997 (Andrew Kelly, CEO Harness Racing Australia, pers. comm.). Artificial insemination is now “the predominant procedure used in the breeding process” (Pollock, n.d., 1). In 1996–97 Australia permitted the importation of frozen semen. Its use has increased both absolutely and proportionally since that time (see Table 13.1). Now, almost one in five standardbred foals born in Australia is conceived using imported semen. The standardbred breeding industry has declined in the absolute number of horses born each year, from 13,658 in 1978–79 to 10,285 in 1989–90 and

Table 13.1 The Australian Standardbred Industry Breeding Statistics, since the introduction of chilled and frozen semen in 1996 Service season

Local sires

Imported semen sires

Total live foals

Imported semen foals

% of foals sired using imported semen

1996–97 1997–98 1998–99 1999–2000 2000–01 2001–02 2002–03 2003–04 2004–05 2005–06 2006–07* 2007–08* 2008–09 2009–10

509 467 443 402 371 354 326 297 295 295 272 309 274 275

1 10 16 27 36 37 40 45 46 48 45 37 41 47

7,309 6,927 6,843 6,543 6,382 6,379 5,751 6,079 5,923 6,024 5,088 5,055 5,250 5,266

3 21 72 161 262 348 517 590 840 745 659 875 922 898

0.04 0.3 1.1 2.5 4.1 5.5 9.0 9.7 14.2 12.4 13.0 17.3 17.6 17.1

The thoroughbred breeding industry argues that the introduction of artificial insemination will lead to an increase in the number of thoroughbreds born each year, and a concentration of the gene pool to a limited number of sires. While artificial insemination has been used in the standardbred industry in Australia since 1969–1970, these recent breeding statistics suggest that this increase in thoroughbred numbers and a concentration in the gene pool may not eventuate. * Equine Influenza outbreak in Australia Source: Derived from Harness Racing Australia Inc. (2011a) and used with their written permission. Copyright Harness Racing Australia Inc and its Members. This data was derived from material in a directory which is the intellectual property of HRA. It may not be reproduced, copied, stored in a retrieval system, displayed publicly or transmitted without permission. The systematic retrieval of any Content to create or compile, directly or indirectly, a collection, compilation, database or directory without the written permission of the HRA is prohibited. For permission, apply to HRA. Whilst the HRA makes every effort to ensure the information in its directory is accurate, no liability is accepted for any errors of omissions. HRA was formerly the Australian Harness Racing Council Inc (AHRC).

182

Reproductive issues

now to a low of just over 5,000 foals per year (Harness Racing Australia Inc., 2011a). While the rise in the use of imported semen could initially appear to be an argument for the concentration of the bloodlines, it appears that this has not been the case. We suggest that overconcentration of the bloodlines of a particular dominant stallion would, relatively quickly, reduce the auction value of yearlings because the supply would be high. It would also produce a reaction from other breeders, who would implement strategies to promote other bloodlines, thereby reducing the risk of overconcentration. This behaviour can be seen amongst thoroughbred breeders who, like standardbred breeders, tried the use of shuttle stallions which serve mares in the northern hemisphere season and then travel to the southern hemisphere and serve another book of mares. While this was not very successful in standardbred breeding (the financial returns do not justify the costs, and now the semen can be imported at a lower price and a lower risk than importing the stallion), the requirements for natural breeding make the importation of the stallion necessary in order to get the semen. John Messara of Arrowfield Stud in the Upper Hunter region enjoyed success with the shuttle stallion Danehill in the 1990s, but it was also John Messara who later advocated “hybrid vigour” and imported Hussonet from Chile with the comment that he was free of Danehill blood. The Mitchell Brothers, owners of Yarraman Park Stud in the Upper Hunter, responded to the increase in shuttle stallion activity by promoting their two stallions at the time, Catbird and Magic Albert, as the “Wild Colonial Boys”. The inference was that imported stallions did not always have the ability to sire thoroughbreds suited to Australian conditions. The use of shuttle stallions, and the big breeding books of thoroughbreds even in one hemisphere, in many ways counter the arguments about overbreeding if artificial insemination were to be introduced. The evidence from both thoroughbred and standardbred breeding in Australia (and in many other parts of the world) is that the total number of horses bred today is lower than it was in the past. The downturns are particularly noticeable in times of economic recession, suggesting that these external factors, rather than the technological ability to simply breed horses, are the main constraints on the numbers of horses born and raced. The use of artificial insemination in standardbred breeding is pervasive throughout the world. The regulations of the harness racing stud book (in Stud Book Regulation 6) state explicitly that no distinction is to be made concerning the actual animal as to whether it has been bred naturally or through artificial insemination (Harness Racing Australia Inc., 2011b). The reproductive process has generally enabled the importation of highquality breeding semen at a reduced cost and risk of disease or injury to horses. The performance of standardbreds has improved (more so than that of thoroughbreds), but this could in part be due to lighter sulkies and

Reproductive issues

183

longer tracks, enabling horses to run at full speed without having to negotiate tight turns. The ongoing monitoring of standardbred breeding practices can be seen in the requirements around embryo transfer by the Ontario standardbred industry. These requirements for embryo transfers in 2011 resulting in foals born in 2012 are:  Embryo Transfer Donor Mare must be enrolled in the Program after conception and before the Recipient Mare has foaled, AND  Embryo Transfer Donor Mare and Recipient Mare must both be resident in Ontario at the time of enrolment, AND  Recipient Mare must complete the 180-day residency requirement and remain in the Province of Ontario through foaling in Ontario. (Ontario Racing Commission, 2004) In summary, the experience of the standardbred racing industry is indicative of what may happen in the thoroughbred breeding industry should regulations around breeding procedures change. Should it occur, for some people in the thoroughbred breeding industry the loss of emphasis on natural breeding within this industry, even when it is clear that the breeding processes are not entirely “natural”, would be unfortunate. Interestingly, when we surveyed both thoroughbred breeders and standardbred breeders about their breeding practices (among other issues) it was revealing that people in both industries saw themselves as maintaining a noble tradition. Nature and tradition are the hallmarks of the thoroughbred breeding industry, but it is open to discussion as to what these concepts may mean in the future.

Summary The adoption of various reproductive technologies in other agricultural and equine pursuits has left the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry as a lone voice advocating natural conception. This call, when the entirety of the thoroughbred breeding process is examined, sounds somewhat hollow. Forms of fertility enhancement, guiding a penis into the mare, the use of hopples, padded boots and a collar on the mare, and other practices, all mean that thoroughbred breeding is a far cry from what horses would do naturally. The inconsistencies with the concept of natural breeding do not, however, of themselves justify the use of other breeding techniques. There needs to be some other viable and acceptable rationale, and the potential dangers of adopting “new” practices need to be considered. In the case of thoroughbred breeding, there is a comparable example of the changes that have occurred within the standardbred industry. These two industries are not exactly alike, and the changes should be considered indicative rather

184

Reproductive issues

than a roadmap of what will necessarily happen in the thoroughbred breeding industry should changes occur. We argue that the position of what is good for the animal is the most important consideration. It appears that artificial insemination and the international transportation of semen have advantages over natural breeding in that they do not require the horses to be moved over long distances, and they are less exposed to risks of injury or the transference of disease. With strong regulation to prevent the worst possible practices that treat mares (in particular) like a breeding factory, it seems that the disadvantage of this approach could be the increase in the number of foals born because of the ability to split the semen and use only one-tenth of an ejaculation. This issue appears not to have been a problem in the standardbred industry, where the total number of foals born per year in Australia has halved since the introduction of these breeding methods. If there is “overproduction”, it is impossible to say in advance which horses will be “overproduced” (it may be the most expensive ones) and therefore we advocate a “full circle” approach to breeding. That is, the breeders have responsibility for horses if they are not able to race competitively (due to lack of ability, temperament, injury or age). In short, a “whole of life” approach should be taken, so that horses of all breeds are not simply valued for their economic potential and discarded when this potential no longer exists.

14 Jumps racing A sign of things to come?

If one ethical debate stands out above all others in the global horseracing industry it is the debate about whether jumps racing should be banned. This is a long and highly visible debate that pits notions of tradition and the professed love of animals against perspectives that consider jumps racing to be barbaric and archaic. In this chapter we explore this debate in detail, highlighting the cultural differences between jumps racing advocates and opponents and demonstrating differences and connections in this debate as it is played out in different thoroughbred racing jurisdictions. When viewed at a global scale, jumps racing is small compared with “flat racing”, but it is significant in particular countries (notably Ireland and the UK) and in parts of south-eastern Australia. This chapter looks at media and parliamentary debates about jumps racing in Victoria and South Australia, and highlights the links to other forms of racing and to the breeding industry. In particular, do the debates about animals, tradition, economic value and cultural identity apply to other forms of horseracing, or are they unique to jumps racing? If the study of sport is a window into society (Bale and Dejonghe, 2008), then the study of debates about the future of jumps racing takes us to some core social values and divisions that warrant detailed exploration.

Jumps racing – What is it? As demonstrated in the previous chapter about reproductive techniques, tradition is invoked by thoroughbred breeders, people within the racing industry and some punters (although their interest is largely about winning money through gambling on the outcome of a race). In some places tradition also includes the existence of jumps racing, known in the United Kingdom as the “national hunt” because of its connections to the activity of fox hunting (for which a ban came into effect in February 2005 for the whole of the UK). Hunting was, until recently, “both a nursery school for future steeplechasers and a retirement home for old or failed ones” (Holland, 2001, 25).

186

Jumps racing: A sign of things to come?

Jumps racing with thoroughbreds on a racetrack takes two main forms: hurdles and steeplechases (Duckworth, 2001), with some races run on the flat for jumps racing horses to build endurance. There are also point-topoint races, run across country rather than on a racetrack. Steeplechases are generally longer than hurdle races and have varied forms of higher fences, with the minimum height in the UK being 4.5 feet (almost 1.4 metres). Hurdles are brush obstacles of a consistent size (minimum in the UK being 3.5 feet or approximately 1.07 metres) and formation, with the original name coming from the hurdles used to construct sheep pens (Holland, 2001). The fences in steeplechases are usually much higher than the hurdles, and in the Grand National Steeplechase at Aintree the fences are noted for the drop down on the other side of some of the jumps as much as for the height of the fences. The most (in)famous of drops at Becher’s Brook was modified after two horses were killed during the 2011 Grand National Steeplechase, but the jump claimed the lives of two horses (Synchronised and According to Pete) during the 2012 race. Some commentators blamed the modifications for the carnage, arguing that the competitors no longer had to fan out across the track because of the dangers of landing and, when one horse fell, it caused an accident involving a number of horses and riders (Hotspur, 2012). However, as was argued in Chapter 11, the issue is essentially no longer about the design of the course and its individual jumps. Critics of horseracing in its jumps format argue that the injury and death toll is ethically unacceptable and that no amount of ‘reform’ will solve the jumps problem. The call for a complete ban on jumps racing is based on the recognition of the intrinsic value of horses and the need to revolutionize our relationships with them in such a way that we no longer deliberately put them in danger of catastrophic accidents and death. As Kant argued (see Chapter 11), the combination of instrumental value, cruelty and sport is one that is maximally unethical. While definitions of cruelty can be debated, and the question of what constitutes ‘sport’ is central to this matter, it appears that the thoroughbred industry in general, but especially the jumps form, has yet to fully appreciate this reasoning. Jumps racing is generally held in the winter months – with Edwards (2008) calling his chapter on jumps racing “The Winter Sport”. This is due mainly to the need for soft ground, as jumping obstacles at high speed with a rider aboard places significant stress on the legs of horses when they land. When there have been controversial amendments to jumps racing in countries such as Australia, one of the first initiatives was to ensure that the jumps racing season was confined to the wetter months of the year. The need for soft ground is also one reason why jumps racing is more popular in countries where the rainfall is higher. The track conditions required for horse and rider safety are the opposite of flat racing, which generally requires a surface that is a little soft (it “has give in it”) so as to not jar the horses’ legs, but is not so wet that it slows the speed of

Jumps racing: A sign of things to come?

187

the horse. Consequently, jumps racing is popular in some locations within particular countries, and not others.

History In 1752, the first steeplechase was run in Ireland, between horses ridden by Edmund Blake and Cornelius O’Callaghan as a point-to-point race over a distance of between 4.5 and 5 miles (7–8 kilometres) between St. John’s Church at Buttevant and St. Mary’s Church in Doneraile (Holland, 2001; Myers, 2006). The first race that involved more than two horses (which is the traditional match race format) was held in Leicestershire, England, in 1790 (Myers, 2006). Steeplechasing became popular in England in the first half of the nineteenth century. The first organized steeplechase took place at St Albans in Hertfordshire in 1830 (Edwards, 2008). The Grand National Steeplechase began, unofficially, in 1836 and received official status in 1839 when it was run at Aintree, near Liverpool in north-west England (Holland, 2001; Davies, 2006; Myers, 2006; Edwards, 2008). It was a calamitous affair, with 17 horses competing over fences that were much smaller than the present obstacles, and included hurdles (even in 1864, seven of the fences were hurdles) (Holland, 2001). The race gained notoriety when one Captain Becher sheltered in a brook to avoid being hit by other horses after he was thrown at what is now the (in)famous Becher’s Brook jump and by another incident in which a horse that had dislodged its jockey was led off up a lane by supporters of a rival horse so as to prevent it winning (Holland, 2001). It is easy to see why Myers (2006, 11) notes that “steeple chasing was heading in the wrong direction towards the second-half of the nineteenth century”, particularly as it was associated with other activities that included cockfighting, drunkenness, prostitution, illegal gambling and brawling crowds (Davies, 2006). According to Davies (2006, 1), “corruption was endemic”. The codification of steeplechasing, popularly known as “The Harborough Act” in 1860, preceded the formation of the National Hunt Committee by the Jockey Club in 1865 to ensure that jumps racing was a respectable sport. As noted in Chapter 6, part of this process involved the establishment of enclosed courses, with turnstiles and entrance fees, to deter the “more unruly elements away from the racecourse, and at the same time provide invaluable revenue” (Davies, 2006, 1). The first enclosed racecourse was Sandown, which opened in 1875 and accommodated both jumps and flat racing, thereby enabling it to operate throughout the year. The success of Sandown Park, 23 kilometres south-west of London, led to the establishment of other enclosed courses, including Cheltenham in 1902 where the Cheltenham Gold Cup, arguably England’s premier steeplechase race, commenced in 1924 (at a time when steeplechasing was at a low ebb), with the famous Champion Hurdle being first run there in 1927 under weight

188

Jumps racing: A sign of things to come?

for age rather than handicap conditions (Longrigg, 1975; Davies, 2006; Edwards, 2008). Hurdling was a compromise suited to horses that were in between the faster horses on the flat and the better jumping horses. The first acknowledged hurdle race took place at Durdham Down, Bristol in 1821, not long after its informal beginnings using hunters (rather than thoroughbreds) when the Prince of Wales and friends jumped their horses over the hurdles that were used as sheep pens (Longrigg, 1975; Holland, 2001). Hurdling very quickly attracted the faster thoroughbred horses, rather than the jumpers. It was considered inferior to steeplechasing during the nineteenth century and treated with contempt by hunting people, mainly because “it was never going to attract proper jumpers, for those with that aptitude were promoted into the real domain, that of steeplechasing” (Holland, 2001, 50). It was not until the 1870s and 1880s (Davies, 2006) or early in the twentieth century (Holland, 2001) that hurdling increased in popularity, prestige and prize money. From these beginnings, jumps racing soon became popular across Ireland, England and France. The first French steeplechase was held at Saint-Germain-en-Laye in 1829, after the organizer had seen races over obstacles while hunting in Leicestershire (Davies, 2007). By the latter part of the nineteenth century, both steeplechasing and hurdling had become well established at Auteuil (on the western outskirts of Paris), with races carrying more prize money than those in England and the feature race in 1885 (as a typical year of the period) being worth twice as much money as the Grand National at Aintree (Davies, 2007). The spread of jumps racing to other countries throughout the world often involved the efforts of local gentlemen farmers carrying on English traditions, or the military officers training their horses and seeking entertainment. Jumps racing commenced in Australia in 1832, in Sydney. It quickly gained popularity among the gentlemen of the colony, while crowds at flat racing courses in the Sydney area (at Camperdown, Parramatta and Randwick) consisted “of common sorts as well as upper-class colonists” (Painter and Waterhouse, 1992, 14). Steeplechasing began in Tasmania in 1838 and spread to other colonies – commencing in Coleraine (Victoria) in 1858 and among the graziers in Warrnambool in southwestern Victoria in 1873 (Penton, 1987; Freedman and Lemon, 1990). It spread to the wealthier sections of South Australian society at Oakbank in the Adelaide Hills in 1875 with the formation of the Onkaparinga Race Club and the first Great Eastern Steeplechase the following year (Penton, 1987; Freedman and Lemon, 1990). The demise of jumps racing commenced in the states of Australia where it is hotter and drier in winter, and jumps racing had never become as established as it was in south-eastern Australia. It ceased in Queensland in 1903, in Western Australian in 1941, officially in New South Wales in 1997 and in 2007 in Tasmania due primarily to a low number of starters and lack of competition in races, low

Jumps racing: A sign of things to come?

189

gambling interest and the potential for corruption (Painter and Waterhouse 1992). Freedman and Lemon (1990, 490) noted that in Sydney as early as 1921 “only the jumping races languished” and that the Australian Jockey Club (AJC) “pursued a forlorn battle to maintain hurdle races and steeplechases as part of the Sydney racing scene”. Outside Sydney, only those country racecourses in the Riverina (south-west NSW) which identified with Victoria maintained jumps racing, and in Sydney there were few jumps horses and “most of the best of them came from Victoria” (Freedman and Lemon, 1990, 490). In the USA, steeplechasing has ranked a distant second to flat racing. Steeplechasing arrived in the USA in the mid-nineteenth century, being associated with fox hunting. It commenced in Long Island (New York), Maryland, Virginia, and eastern Pennsylvania, before spreading to the Carolinas, Georgia, Massachusetts and other states (National Steeplechase Association, 2011). Early major races included the Rose Tree Hunt, located just to the west of Philadelphia, whose inaugural meet was in 1860, a year before the Civil War began, and the now defunct Meadow Brook Cup, which was first run in 1883 on Long Island (National Steeplechase Association, 2011). In February 1895, August Belmont (after whom the Belmont Park racecourse in New York is named) and colleagues from New York, Kentucky, Massachusetts, New Jersey, Pennsylvania and California formed the National Steeplechase Association (Anon., 2010a, originally 1895). This association was established to govern, promote and ensure that steeplechasing (and hurdling) was a reputable activity and to improve the breed of horse involved in this activity. The regulation of steeplechase and hurdle racing included a provision that any race meeting operating under their regulations had to have at least two steeplechase races on the programme, but stewards may “abrogate this rule when in their opinion the conditions of the meeting render it advisable” (Anon., 2010a, originally 1895, 7). There were also minimum requirements for distances of races and fence heights and configurations: “there shall be no steeplechase less than two miles, and no hurdle race less than one and a half miles” and no steeplechase or hurdle race could be run in heats (Anon., 2010a, originally 1895, 7). The requirements about obstacles included having at least six fences in every mile of a steeplechase and in hurdles there “shall be not less than four flights of hurdles in the first mile, with an additional flight of hurdles for every quarter of a mile or part thereof beyond that distance” (Anon., 2010a, originally 1895, 7). The height of the hurdles had to be at least 3.5 feet, and in steeplechasing the minimum height of fences had to be 4.5 feet, with a minimum width of 3 feet, and there had to be two ditch jumps (5 feet wide and 2 feet deep, with rails of a specified minimum height guarding them) and a water jump that had to be “at least twelve feet wide and two feet deep, to be guarded by a fence not less than two feet in perpendicular height” (Anon., 2010a, originally 1895, 7).

190

Jumps racing: A sign of things to come?

From these beginnings, jumps racing spread south into the Carolinas and Tennessee. Today jumps racing is more popular in states such as South Carolina, Maryland, Virginia and Tennessee, although it is conducted in at least 11 of the 50 US states. As seen in this brief history of jumps racing, the activity has endured fluctuating fortunes in the past, and continues to do so in various parts of the world today.

Jumps racing around the world today Jumps racing currently takes place in 16 countries around the world, not including Austria which held one race in 2008 (see Table 14.1). The most valuable jumps race is the Nakayama Grand Jump in Japan, an invitationonly event with a maximum of 16 competitors and carrying prize money of US $1,893,000 in 2009. Based on the number of races conducted, jumps racing is most popular in Great Britain, France and Ireland, with only six other countries holding more than 100 jumps races per year in any year between 2008 and 2010 (see Table 14.2). When compared with flat racing, Table 14.1 International status of jumps and flat racing, 2008–10 Number of races Country

2008 Flat

2008 Jumps

2009 Flat

2009 Jumps

2010 Flat

2010 Jumps

Australia Austria Belgium Czech Republic France Germany Great Britain Ireland Italy Japan New Zealand Norway Russia Slovakia Sweden Switzerland USA

17,065* 62 168 350 4,660 1,515 6,128 1,020 4,109 17,612 2,970 274 835 129 629 171 49,951

146 1 4 173 2,194 58 3,366 1,434 196 132 129 6 7 24 20 51 168

19,326 59 128 364 4,730 1,433 6,254 1,032 4,448 17,568 2,950 267 1,104 127 634 168 49,196

112 0 4 184 2,212 41 3,374 1,412 213 134 138 7 11 28 24 46 172

19,281 58 118 358 4,778 1,316 6,309 993 4,185 17,563 2,996 227 n/a 126 683 163 46,220

95 0 4 173 2,210 26 3,257 1,388 217 134 122 8 n/a 25 24 51 159

This table shows the number of jumps races held in each country over the period 2008–2010 where jumps racing took place in 2010. It also shows the relative distribution between flat and jumps racing in these countries. Source: International Federation of Horseracing Authorities (2011). *Australia’s abnormally low number of races in 2008 was due to the outbreak of Equine Influenza in August 2007 n/a = not available

Jumps racing: A sign of things to come?

191

Table 14.2 Jumps racing in the major countries: number of races, 2008–10 2008

2009

2010

Country

Jumps

% of total races

Jumps

% of total races

Jumps

% of total races

Great Britain France Ireland Italy Czech Republic USA Australia Japan New Zealand

3,366 2,194 1,434 196 173 168 146 132 129

35.5 32 58.4 4.6 33.1 0.3 0.8 0.7 4.2

3,374 2,212 1,412 213 184 172 112 134 138

35 31.9 57.3 4.6 33.6 0.3 0.6 0.8 4.7

3,257 2,210 1,388 217 173 159 95 134 122

34 31.6 58.3 5.2 32.3 0.3 0.5 0.8 3.9

The leading jumps racing countries are highlighted in this table, which shows the number of jumps races and these races as a proportion of the total number of races held in a particular country. Source: Derived from International Federation of Horseracing Authorities (2011).

however, it can be seen that jumps racing is most popular in Ireland, with over half the races being jumps races (see Table 14.2) and to a lesser extent the UK, France and the Czech Republic, with approximately one-third of all races being jumps races, although there are far fewer races in the Czech Republic than are held in the other countries. In Ireland, France and the UK, jumps racing horses are specifically bred, educated and trained for this purpose, while in countries such as Australia jumps racing horses tend to be geldings that have no breeding prospects, have a staying pedigree, but are relatively unsuccessful on the flat. This is controversial in that jumps racing places high physical demands on the thoroughbred, and the existence of prior injuries or vulnerabilities related to a career in flat racing from an early age has been identified as one possible factor in the high rate of injuries among jumps horses in Australia ( Jones, 2008). The average size of jumps racing fields varies significantly between countries (see Table 14.3), reflecting the pool of available jumps racing horses able to compete, the number of events and the prize money on offer. In countries such as the USA and Australia, jumps racing is a minor activity relative to flat racing (which partly accounts for the low average number of entrants per race), but in particular locations it is significant. In the USA these locations are away from the flat racing tracks of the big cities. In the USA, jumps racing has become a rural-based activity that is supported by wealthier patrons and, unlike flat racing events, is not reliant upon gambling revenue. In the USA, most steeplechase meets are conducted by non-profit organizations, such as the High Hope Steeplechase Association in Lexington, Kentucky, which conducts a five-race programme in May each year (with the largest field in 2011 being seven

192

Jumps racing: A sign of things to come?

Table 14.3 Number of jumps races and starts in the most important jumps racing countries, 2010 Country

Jumps races

No. of jumps starts

Average number of jumps entrants per race

Great Britain France Ireland Italy Czech Republic USA Australia Japan

3,257 2,210 1,388 217 173 159 95 134

31,209 22,729 18,665 1,668 2,075 1,178 730 1,754

9.6 10.3 13.5 7.7 12.0 7.4 7.7 13.1

Table showing differences in the total number of jumps races held in the nine major jumps racing countries, the number of starts and the average number of starters per race. Source: Derived from International Federation of Horseracing Authorities (2011).

runners in a Maiden Hurdle). The proceeds from the races go to charitable causes such as Cardinal Hill Rehabilitation Hospital, Central Kentucky Riding for Hope (for people with disabilities to enable them to develop riding ability and self esteem), the Kentucky Horse Park and the Thoroughbred Retirement Foundation Maker’s Mark Secretariat Center to save thoroughbreds from possible neglect, abuse and/or slaughter (High Hope Steeplechase, 2011). The situation is different in Australia where jumps racing is confined to two states but takes place on racetracks in Melbourne and Adelaide, and in Mt Gambier, Warrnambool, Hamilton, Bendigo and other regional centres. The number of runners in these events has, however, remained low due to the smaller pool of available horses, which in Australia declined from 677 in 2006 to 446 in 2008 and a low of 199 different horses having run in a jumps race in 2010 (International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). In the 2011 Grand Annual Steeple at Warrnambool, Australia, there were eight starters, with only two finishers. This contrasts with the Grand National at Aintree, England, where the field is limited to 40 runners with four reserves. There were originally 102 entries on 1 February, 2011 which was gradually reduced to 65 potential runners five days prior to the race (Aintree Racecourse Company Ltd, 2011). The decline in jumps racing in Australia, which included its termination in the state of Tasmania in 2007, raised the hopes of jumps racing opponents and the concerns of jumps racing advocates, including those based in New Zealand. Leading New Zealand jumps racing trainer, John Wheeler, did not send his team of horses to Australia in 2009 “because of the acceptance of the jumps game” (Dillon, 2009, 20), which aided the restructured New Zealand jumps racing scene but also highlighted the interdependence of the two countries in terms of quality runners and

Jumps racing: A sign of things to come?

193

prize money. Klein (2010, 26) stated that, “whilst jumps racing in Australia is grimly holding on to its chance of a future, there is a contrasting situation in the UK”, while Ryan (2010, 26) shared his concern stating that “jumps racing [is] under scrutiny in New Zealand and on the ropes in Australia”. This concern is reflected in the views of Racing Victoria Limited (RVL) Chairman Michael Duffy in 2009, when he said that “the RVL board is duty bound to always act in the best interests of … Victorian thoroughbred racing and to protect the industry’s image and reputation within the broader community” (Cormick, 2009b, 43). Clearly, in 2009 and 2010 jumps racing in Australia was at a very low ebb. Its continuation was premised on the industry being capable of meeting three key performance indicators (KPIs). These were: a reduction in the fall rate from 5 per cent to 3 per cent of starters; a 50 per cent reduction in the on-track death rate to 0.65 per cent of starters; and a requirement that 80 per cent of races must have no fewer than eight horses starting (see McManus and Montoya, 2012, accepted). Opponents of jumps racing highlighted the uniqueness of this “sport” having an acceptable death rate. In a number of countries the success or survival of jumps racing has been attributed to particular individuals, based on their energetic promotion of the activity and/or their financial backing (National Steeplechase Association, 2011). In Australia, a change in government in the leading jumps racing state of Victoria from the Australian Labor Party (ALP) to a Liberal-National Party coalition at the November, 2010 elections saw a revival in the fortunes of jumps racing (McManus and Montoya, 2012, accepted; Montoya et al., 2012). The Minister for Racing, Denis Naphine, who is a qualified veterinarian and the Liberal Party member for the seat of South-West Coast (with his electorate office based in the jumps racing heartland of Warrnambool), has secured an additional A$2 million over four years to support jumps racing in Victoria (and therefore indirectly in South Australia and New Zealand). The 2012 Victorian Jumps Racing Program has 70 jumps races (46 hurdles and 24 steeplechases), a 33 per cent rise in the minimum prize money to $20,000 per race, a rise in the number of races with $100,000 or more prize money from 11 to 15 and an increase in prize money of the two richest races (Grand Annual Steeplechase at Warrnambool and the Grand National Steeplechase at Betfair Park Sandown in Melbourne) to $250,000 each (Racing Victoria Limited, 2011). The revival of jumps racing at Moe, after a break of one year, and at Ballarat, after an absence of three years (both tracks will conduct five jumps races in 2012), is also significant in the revival of jumps racing in Victoria (Racing Victoria Limited, 2011). Given the opposition to jumps racing that led to the decline in this activity prior to the 2010 state election, there is likely to be much controversy in 2012 and beyond as advocates and opponents of jumps racing debate the ethical issues entwined in this activity.

194

Jumps racing: A sign of things to come?

Ethical issues Jumps racing is administered by Racing Victoria Limited (RVL) in Victoria and Thoroughbred Racing South Australia (TRSA) in South Australia. In addition, there exists a statutory jumps racing representative organization: the Australian Jumps Racing Association (AJRA) (Racing Victoria Limited, 2009a). These organizations administer the activity of jumps racing with the intention of limiting the number of deaths and injuries to horses. Jumps racing is similar to many other activities where animals are used for human entertainment. This makes jumps racing vulnerable to pressures that have been exerted on circuses to ban live animal acts, and similarly with other events such as rodeo and show jumping where the animals provide entertainment for humans. Jumps racing differs from some forms of “entertainment” where animals are used, including cockfighting, dogfighting, bear-baiting and bullfighting. These activities are either illegal, or have been banned in some regions; for example, bullfighting was banned in Catalonia, Spain, in September, 2011. In this case, the argument of maintaining cultural traditions sounds similar to arguments used by fox hunting supporters and by jumps racing advocates. In jumps racing, the intention is not to injure or kill the horse, but unfortunately, despite efforts to improve the safety of this activity, there are still many deaths and injuries. This raises the question about whether there is a difference between an intentional and an unwanted outcome if the outcome itself is similar and the horse suffers. Given these concerns, and the rising chorus of protestors, prior to 2008 the RVL had conducted four internal jumps racing reviews. Modifications implemented as a result of these reviews included limiting the season to the cooler months of the year, removing the last jump, changing the height and angle of jumps and allowing jockeys to pull up horses that were clearly beaten and risked injury by attempting to complete the race. On July 21, 2008, midway through the jumps racing season, the RVL commissioned the first external jumps racing review, as the rate of fatalities to starters doubled that of previous seasons. Three additional factors were instrumental in bringing about this review. First, pressure from animal welfare groups for a ban on jumps racing grew as the number of fatalities increased. Second, a letter from the Victorian Racing Minister Rob Hulls to the RVL, which was sent to the media prior to being sent to the RVL on 18 June, expressed concern over the number of fatalities and requested an update on the efficacy of safety measures implemented as a result of the 2002 and 2005 reviews. Third, of 13 starters in the Grand National Hurdle run at Flemington, Melbourne, on 28 June, four horses finished the race, and two horses were put down on the track. The 2008 review was the most comprehensive to date. An independent retired judge was appointed to lead the inquiry. The review concluded that jumps racing

Jumps racing: A sign of things to come?

195

could continue in 2009 on the condition that review recommendations were implemented (Jones, 2008). Despite the implementation of the 2008 review’s safety recommendations, the fatality rate increased in 2009. On 7 May, 2009, the RVL temporarily suspended jumps racing in Victoria and called for an urgent review of the future of jumps racing. This occurred due to the death of three horses at the Warrnambool May Carnival in early May. Although jumps racing resumed on 18 May, it had been put on notice by the Victorian racing minister, and an end-of-season review was planned. As a result of this review, on 27 November, 2009, the RVL decided to ban jumps racing after the 2010 season. The decision was made for three reasons: (1) horse and jockey safety; (2) the negative impact of jumps falls and fatalities on the image of racing; and (3) declining jumps racing economic indicators (see Montoya et al., 2012). This decision was later overturned with the election of the Liberal-National state government in late 2010. Jumps enthusiasts love the thoroughbreds they involve in jumps racing but also see the animals as commodities, sites of accumulation and as of instrumental value. Convery et al. (2005) demonstrated that a person can simultaneously hold multiple (and apparently conflicting) perspectives on the same animal. Jumps racing is perceived to save horses from the abattoir and is accepted by pro-jumps people because horses “love to jump”. Even when it is acknowledged that horses do not have free will to race, the anthropomorphic perspective of pro-jumps advocates is that, given a choice, limited by the knowledge of other possible fates, horses would choose to engage in jumps racing: Welcome to Victoria, where soon horses will be unable to race over obstacles, but men will still be able to enter a ring and bash each other’s brains in for the entertainment of others. … Boxing is barbaric, but boxers go into a ring of their own free will argue the protesters. Horses don’t, of course. But how many horses would decide that jumping over a few hurdles isn’t so bad when the alternative might be a one-way visit to the abattoir? (Riley, 2009, 21) As argued in Chapter 11, such a view is tantamount to saying that we can justify slavery on the grounds that slaves might live longer as slaves than if they were in their original home country or region. Jumps racing advocates see the activity as a sport, as entertainment in winter, as a display of skill and as the creative impulse of a feeling that other sports lovers are allowed to enjoy without protestors interfering. Klein (2010, 26) wrote of travelling from New Zealand to Cheltenham, England for the Cheltenham Festival: When you stand in the grandstand at Cheltenham and the horses edge towards the start line of the opening event, a 28 runner novice

196

Jumps racing: A sign of things to come? hurdle race, there is a roar from the crowd that carries the kind of passion you’ll hear from the most patriotic of football supporters. It lifts the hairs on your neck, bringing tears to the eyes of many grown men. There is no question about it, it is a wonderful feeling to be immersed, buried in a crowd of 85,000 people who love racing … jumps racing, as much as you.

Opposition, however, to the continuation of jumps racing has come from all sectors of the Australian animal welfare lobby. The RSPCA (Victoria) consistently called for an immediate cessation of jumps racing, while other animal ethics/welfare organizations formed a coalition – The Coalition for the Protection of Racehorses (CPR) – based on complete opposition to jumps racing on animal ethics grounds. The CPR is a national alliance currently made up of five animal rights/welfare organizations, Animal Liberation New South Wales, Animal Liberation South Australia, Against Animal Cruelty Tasmania, Animal Rights Advocates Western Australia and PAWS (Western Australia). Their position on jumps racing is that: jumps racing is intrinsically cruel and dangerous to horses. It is the combination of jumping and racing which cannot make it safe. The only remedy for jumps racing is for it to be banned. This is our clear and nonnegotiable position. (Coalition for the Protection of Racehorses, 2008) While anti-jumps activists have initiated letter-writing campaigns to daily tabloid papers in Melbourne and elsewhere, it is the impact of electronic media that appears to be particularly effective. The communication of images in unfiltered commentary, blogging and other activities has an increasingly important role in both education about the reality of horseracing and the shaping of ethics and values in response to that reality. With powerful, distressing images and strongly critical commentary based on animal rights and welfare arguments, the impact of anti-jumps campaigns is now far reaching. As indicated in Chapter 11, the issue of the deliberate infliction of pain, distress, and death on sentient animals has been widely discussed worldwide since the rise of the animal liberation movement in the 1970s. Attention to the pain and distress inflicted on racing and jumping horses is a logical extension of that movement. Death and injuries are not new to jumping, and the sadness at the loss of a champion is also not new. Perhaps the concern for lesser-performing horses is a change from previous generations. Freedman and Lemon (1990, 481) highlight the attitude of the crowd when one of their favourite jumpers fell: “the crowd at Flemington watched in horror and disbelief when in the 1935 Grand National Steeplechase their favourite, with his breathtaking leap and sure-footedness, made one mistake, fell, and had to

Jumps racing: A sign of things to come?

197

Table 14.4 Deaths of horses in jumps races in Australia, 2009 Date

Race

Location (Victoria, unless shown otherwise)

Distance (m)

Horse that died

25 Apr. 25 Apr.

Open Hurdle Trial Motorlab Pty Ltd Hurdle

Cranbourne Morphettville, South Australia

2,800 3,200

26 Apr.

Steve Brindle Quality Hurdle Galleywood Hurdle Sovereign Resort 0–117 Hurdle Grand Annual Steeplechase Australian Hurdle Ted Best Hurdle Hiskens Steeplechase Open Hurdle Trial The Shu Hurdle WestVic Insulation Open Hurdle Irish Day Hurdle

Yarra Valley

3,200

Shrogginet Taken At The Flood; Woolzone Hanging Rock

Warrnambool Warrnambool

3,200 3,200

Pride of Westbury Hassle

Warrnambool

5,500

Clearview Bay

Sandown Moonee Valley Moonee Valley Warrnambool Sale Warrnambool

3,400 3,200 3,700 2,400 3,250 3,236

Crying Storm Whatsourgo Geeorb Dark Disguise All Square Rough Night

Morphettville, South Australia

3,200

Keepara Lass

6 May 7 May 7 May 13 June 20 June 25 July 28 July 29 July 2 Aug. 19 Aug.

Fourteen horses died in steeplechase and hurdle races in 2009 in Victoria and South Australia. These horses included inexperienced jumps horses in hurdle trials and champion jumps horses such as Clearview Bay who was killed in a prestigious steeplechase race that he had won the previous year. Source: Derived from International Federation of Horseracing Authorities (2011).

be destroyed”. This death did lead to the introduction of brush fences to replace the fixed post and rail fences. Unfortunately, while many accidents involve novices, no horse is immune from the risks, as exemplified by the death of Clearview Bay, winner of the 2008 Grand Annual Steeplechase, who fell at the fourth-last fence and broke his neck in the 2009 Grand Annual Steeplechase at the Warrnambool Carnival. His death was one of 14 in 2009 from among the 254 horses that competed in jumps races in Australia (see Table 14.4). In other words, 5.5 per cent of horses, or about one in 18, that raced over jumps in Australia in 2009 died (derived from International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, 2011). Racing fans become attached to champion jumpers because they do race more often and over longer periods than many of the sprinting stars, although there is a 14-year-old gelding called Mustard that runs flat races over about 1,200–1,400 metres and, as of late January, 2012, had run 129 races. Most of Mustard’s early rivals have long since left the track for the breeding barn or possibly show jumping, dressage, a police horse, recreational riding or an early death. The jumps horses are usually geldings,

198

Jumps racing: A sign of things to come?

and racing fans become familiar with them. Klein (2010) relates the story of a poll of 1,000 people on the streets of England, in which more people knew the two favourites for the Cheltenham Gold Cup than knew the leader of the Liberal Democrat Party – the third largest political party in England. The death of a racehorse in jumps racing is treated very differently by jumps advocates and those opposed to jumps racing. According to Barich (2006, 67) “a death at the race track takes your breath away, but the Irish regained the color in their cheeks when they finally had a winner in the next race”. Clearly it does not take their breath away for too long. Having said that, it is also apparent that jumps advocates do care about the death of a horse: Trainer Len Xuereb said he lost a stable favourite with the death of his jumper in the Ted Best Hurdle. … ‘You get attached to certain horses and he was one of them. My sister, Lydia, was really attached to him’, the Moe trainer said. ‘It’s very sad, but that’s jumping.’ (Dunn and Habel, 2009, 21) As one Irish trainer, when discussing the death of one of his horses, Dorans Pride, which fell and died at Cheltenham, England said; “it’s terrible to lose a horse like that. Terrible! But that’s how it goes, doesn’t it? Can’t do feck-all about it” (in Barich, 2006, 51). This is where anti-jumps racing people clearly disagree. In their view, you can do something about it, namely ban jumps racing. The paradox is the serious question about jumps racing saving otherwise unwanted geldings from the slaughterhouse. Newcastle trainer Paul Perry added his voice to the supporters of jumps racing, saying horses would be culled unnecessarily with the end of the sport in Victoria. Perry was a part-owner of 2008 Great Eastern Steeple winner Conzeal, a moderate flat performer in NSW whose career was extended when he was sent south to be trained over jumps. “It’s a darn shame”, Perry said, “Most of those horses will find their way to the knackery now. Conzeal has a nice life now as a show horse. Would he have had that without going to Victoria for a jumps career?” (Cormick, 2009a, 40). In response to this argument, opponents of jumps racing ask whether it is better for a horse to be “saved” from the slaughterhouse only to suffer a painful death on the racetrack. They also question if jumps racing delays the inevitable, and assert that the horse is slaughtered a few years later anyway. These debates are played out in protests at the racetrack, and in parliamentary debates and in various forms of media.

Parliamentary debates and media representation of jumps racing in Australia By 2009, only Victoria and South Australia continued to hold jumps races. In 2008 Victoria held 118 jumps races and South Australia held 24.

Jumps racing: A sign of things to come?

199

In 2009, 94 jumps races were planned for Victoria, but only 77 were run, while South Australia again held 24, due to the implementation of recommendations of a jumps racing review, which commenced prior to the end of the 2008 Victorian jumps racing season and was released in December 2008 (Racing Victoria Limited, 2009b). Analysis of Victorian and South Australian Hansards revealed that jumps racing support generally corresponded to political party. The Liberal (right-leaning) and Labor (left-leaning) parties of Victoria and South Australia were both supportive of jumps racing, whereas the Greens were opposed to jumps racing. Labor support for jumps racing gradually dissipated in 2009. This political alignment is consistent with that seen in NSW in 1997, when the termination of all jumps racing in NSW was linked to the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals Amendment Bill, by the inclusion of amendments prohibiting steeplechasing and hurdle racing. These amendments were debated and passed by the Legislative Council on 26 July, 1997. The amendments were opposed by members of the National Party, a politically conservative party with strong rural support. Reasons for opposition included: (1) horses love to jump; (2) steeplechasing and hurdle racing are not cruel; (3) more horses are hurt racing on the flat; (4) the racing industry should decide the matter; and (5) the legislative amendment could eventually lead to a ban on show jumping (Montoya et al., 2012). In a study of the coverage of jumps racing in the 2008 and 2009 seasons in Victoria and South Australia, which included analysis of 12 daily newspapers and nine Sunday papers, Montoya et al. (2012) found that throughout Australia the daily and Sunday newspapers that had the most coverage of jumps racing were located in either Victoria or South Australia – the Age, the Herald Sun, the Advertiser and the Standard – or were national newspapers – the Australian. The two peak periods of newspaper coverage in 2008 corresponded with a high-profile incident at the end of June and the decision to continue jumps racing in December. In 2009 media coverage also peaked in correspondence with similar events: a series of high-profile incidents occurred in May, at which time the sport was temporarily banned; and a decision was made to end jumps racing after the 2010 season at the end of November. Their study found that support for jumps racing decreased as scale increased – the Australian was the only newspaper opposed to jumps racing, and the regional papers in areas where jumps racing was popular (the Standard in Warrnambool and the Border Watch in Mount Gambier) were the most supportive newspapers. The majority of letters published opposed jumps racing, even in newspapers like the Herald Sun in Melbourne that were generally highly supportive of jumps racing (Montoya et al., 2012). In a more detailed study of the media framing of jumps racing debates in a national, metropolitan daily tabloid and a regional newspaper where

200

Jumps racing: A sign of things to come?

jumps racing received significant coverage, McManus and Montoya (2012, accepted) highlighted the importance of five major framing devices in newspaper articles. Given that the study was conducted at a time when Australian jumps racing was in decline, one major frame was the “battle for survival”. This frame establishes jumps racing as a viable practice of great worth; a practice that needs to be defended. The language used to describe jumps racing is often combative – “overcame”, “hurdle”, “odds”, “save”; and legitimating – “jumps racing is a sport”. Deaths in jumps racing are sometimes blamed on opponents of jumps racing (by changing the hurdles so horses do not learn to jump properly). Supporters legitimize jumps racing as an “extreme sport”, as in: Jumps racing neither won nor lost the long and emotional struggle for survival yesterday, but as happens in times of trouble it found out who its friends are. The rest of the racing industry let it be known that the jumps fraternity will not be left to fight alone. (Reed, 2009, 21) A second media frame involves the cultural importance of jumps racing – a sport that is vital for identity and entertainment, is internationally recognized and forms part of the identity of towns, regions, and thoroughbred racing. This frame often centres on the jumps racing carnivals in Warrnambool (Victoria) and Oakbank (South Australia), which are considered “iconic”, “time-honoured” and “wrapped in tradition”. Related to this frame is a third frame about the economic importance of jumps racing, particularly to rural areas and regions, especially Warrnambool (Victoria) and south-west Victoria. Threats to jumps racing are often couched as threats to livelihoods as in: After all, the three-day carnival alone is said to be worth $15 million to the town [Warrnambool]. Pubs and restaurants swell in an annual blur of heartiness and hangovers. ‘If we lose it, the town is screwed,’ says one well-placed observer. (P. Carlyon, 2009, 20) Among the pro-jumps and anti-jumps frames, there were two frames that relate to the perceived treatment of the horses – a pro-animals frame and an anti-animals frame. These terms were defined by perceptions of how the thoroughbred industry (rather than animal activists) perceive and treat the horses. In the pro-animals frame, jumps racing is constructed as a positive activity in which the horses love to jump, jockeys are constructed as people who pamper jumpers and who despair most when a horse dies, and jumps racing is said to give horses a second chance at life rather than being slaughtered. This enabling of horses to do what is seen as natural, plus the love of the animal and the prevention of its slaughter, are

Jumps racing: A sign of things to come?

201

what gives this frame a “pro-animals” character. In this frame, jumps racing has the capacity to improve its safety record, and the blame for falls is placed upon either the horses themselves (when they make a mistake) or the new style of jumps that were introduced because of anti-jumps people (McManus and Montoya, 2012, accepted). Examples of this frame can be seen in coverage of Whatsourgo’s death at Moonee Valley (in Melbourne) in 2009 including, “upset jockey Paul Hamblin said the gelding seemed to change his mind coming to the jump. ‘It’s hard to explain, but he tried to put in another step, he’s inexperienced’, he said” (Dunn and Habel, 2009, 21). In the anti-animals frame, the activity of jumps racing is constructed as being against the interests of the animal because the focus is on the cruelty inflicted on horses by jumps racing. Trainers, jockeys and owners are sometimes portrayed as deliberately cruel and inhumane in their treatment of animals, hence the title of anti-animals because it relates to the treatment of the animals by the industry and the people within the jumps racing industry. The anti-animals frame is used by Patrick Smith in The Australian, as seen in his description of the death of Pride of Westbury in 2009: Pride of Westbury is dead. Snapped his neck falling at the last baton in Wednesday’s Galleywood Hurdle. They said he died instantly but he didn’t. He seemed to struggle to get to his feet but it was instinct and panic alone for he had been robbed of his facility to do anything but twitch. And he did until he stopped. (Smith, 2009b, 16)

Summary Jumps racing is highly controversial, and will continue to be so into the future. There is no question that jumps racing opponents have increased their level of opposition to this activity, while in response jumps racing advocates have made incremental reforms intended to make the sport safer for horses and riders. While some of these changes are subsequently considered by jumps racing advocates to be responsible for deaths and injuries to horses, these changes are seen by opponents of jumps racing as inadequate. The debate between these groups of people about the fate of horses involves very different perspectives on the nature of the animal, the safety and risk factors involved in this activity and the use of animals for human entertainment. Ultimately they highlight the ethical dialectic we discussed in Chapter 11, where instrumental value and Stewardship were pitted against intrinsic value and animal liberation. While a resolution of any type appears unlikely, the experiences of jumps racing outlined in this chapter indicate that its fortunes are likely to fluctuate in the future, and that the outcomes will vary from place to place. In some places it may

202

Jumps racing: A sign of things to come?

be legislated out of existence (as in NSW in 1997, and with the example of bullfighting in Catalonia in 2011), but the election of a politically conservative government in Victoria in late 2010 showed that governments can provide additional financial and other support to enable the continuation of this activity.

Part V

The future

15 Possible future scenarios

The preceding analysis of the history and current state of the global horseracing industry offers many possibilities for what the future may hold for this activity. While we recognize that trends are not destiny, there are some powerful trends already occurring that will influence the future of horseracing. In this chapter we explore six possible scenarios for the future of the global horseracing industry. The next chapter is an analysis of which of these scenarios are more likely to occur. The six scenarios are:      

anachronistic entertainment economic-led decline animal issues-led decline new frontiers expansion brave “new” world; and horseracing from elsewhere.

Anachronistic entertainment This scenario builds on the existing trend of horseracing functioning as one of an expanding array of entertainment possibilities. Whereas in previous centuries horseracing was popular because it was one of the few forms of entertainment available to people (along with cockfighting, pugilism and so on), in the future horseracing will have to compete with a growing range of sporting and leisure activities that are also modifying their offerings (for example, compressed formats for cricket matches, expanded football leagues, popularization of opera performances, and so on) to attract audiences and participants away from other activities. In this scenario, horseracing is considered anachronistic because, unlike in previous centuries where horses were part of everyday life for many people, the evolution of the thoroughbred horse as a specialized animal for racing has little relevance to contemporary transport needs. Many of the existing racetracks will be located in inner city or highly urbanized areas where people only see horses at stables at the track.

206

Possible future scenarios

In this scenario, horseracing in traditional racing regions of the developed countries (such as the UK, USA, Canada, Australia and New Zealand) is weaker than at present, but continues pretty much as it is currently conducted in terms of both breeding and racing. It is only in areas where horseracing is “an integral part of the culture” (McNamara, 2008, 3) that some of the smaller tracks and race meetings are likely to survive. Horseracing still thrives on big occasions such as Cups, Oaks, Derby and Guineas days because horseracing is part of an entertainment package, much to the concern of traditionalists who see less racing generally and more people at big events who otherwise have little affinity with racing. The actual horse races are little more than a catalyst to bring people together to drink and “have a flutter”, to dress up and to be seen on the big occasion. Racing clubs and private track owners are aware of this trend, and market horseracing accordingly.

Economic-led decline The prospect of an economic-led decline in the future of horseracing is ominous. As demonstrated in Chapter 5 the cost of keeping racehorses, racing facilities and their attendant staff has been rising while the revenue generated has, in many cases, declined due to the economic downturn and the competition from other forms of gambling, such as on football matches and in casinos. In this scenario, crowds dwindle and gambling revenue is down. The quality of the racing declines because of a lack of depth among the possible entrants. This is part of a vicious circle, turning people away from horseracing. This scenario is similar to what occurred with jumps racing in Tasmania, leading to its cessation in 2007. Under this scenario, race clubs are amalgamated and some tracks close. The demise of country race meetings in countries such as New Zealand and Australia highlights the potential for this scenario to occur. This scenario is more likely to occur when there is a general economic decline such as a global financial crisis or a sovereign debt crisis because resources are limited. Once clubs are amalgamated and tracks are closed, it is unlikely that they will re-emerge in their previous format. While many racecourses have struggled as a result of the economic downturn in the USA, closure is more likely when the track is old and particularly when it is located in areas where residential development is lucrative (Bay Meadows in northern California closed in 2008). It is even more likely that racing in rural areas, which in Australia has taken place almost since settlement, because racecourses were seen as a sign of prosperity and were/still are important community events, is likely to be impacted most severely. The economic-led decline scenario also includes declining attendance, due to tightening household budgets and, in some cases, a lack of interest in country racing by metropolitan racing authorities. Technology may contribute to this decline because it changes the way people gamble

Possible future scenarios

207

(increasingly using mobile phones and computers rather than attending race meetings) and who obtains the gambling revenue. Technology has changed the way people view race meetings with the introduction of television coverage of international race meetings, internet viewing and the ability to view races from mobile devices. As a result, fewer people attend race meetings. Under this scenario, racing is politically weaker because it has a narrower political constituency and geographic scope within particular countries, meaning that it struggles to survive.

Animal issues-led decline The changing ethics around the treatment of animals for human entertainment is a major challenge for the future of horseracing. In this scenario, horseracing is gradually phased out over a period of time, with the type of racing being phased out and the pace of the process varying between countries and states. Given the highly controversial nature of jumps racing (see Chapter 14), it is likely that jumps racing will be the first form of racing to go, as has occurred in various Australian states. This occurred most recently in Tasmania in 2007, officially due to economic factors, and almost happened in Victoria in 2009–10. If it did happen in Victoria, this would very likely extend to South Australia given that jumps racing in that state is closely linked to the stronger Victorian jumps racing scene. The demise in jumps racing is likely to be followed by staying events, due partly to the perceived cruelty of making horses run over long distances, and races for two-year-olds especially, as they are not physically developed enough to engage in intense competition without sustaining injuries. Technology is important in aiding the recovery of injured animals, but it also provides alternatives to the use of animals in the form of simulated (or cartoon) racing, as seen in many gambling venues today. Similar to the anachronistic entertainment scenario, traditionalists say that it is not the same as the “real thing”, but some punters do not seem to mind because the horse, to them, has always been little more than a betting tool (McNamara, 2008).

New frontiers expansion Thoroughbred breeding and racing has always relied on the exploitation of new frontiers, whether this be geographical (for example, the move to Florida and California within the USA, the development of horseracing in Asia and so on) or economic frontiers, such as the arrival of businesspeople from successive economic booms into the horseracing industry (see Conley, 2002; Squires, 2009). In the new frontiers expansion scenario, horseracing expands into the Gulf States, India, China, Brazil and other growing economies. This expansion is already underway, with Dubai corporations investing in the Tianjin Meydan Horse City in Tianjin, just east

208

Possible future scenarios

of Beijing (Anon., 2010b), and the Darley operation standing two stallions in north-east China in 2012. The changing geopolitical power in the world offers opportunities for thoroughbred investment in emerging markets, particularly given the potential gambling revenue that can be accessed. This provides markets for the breeding operations in Kentucky, Newmarket, the Upper Hunter and elsewhere, as racing clubs and individual owners/trainers in these emerging markets compete with more-established buyers from Japan, South Korea and Hong Kong, particularly at yearling sales. The new frontiers expansion scenario is also likely to see more international travel of racehorses, especially as the new venues offer substantial prize money in order to attract elite racehorses and to raise the profile and relative position of thoroughbred racing within their own country against other activities, and against other thoroughbred racing locations.

Brave “new” world Thoroughbred breeding is presented as a “traditional” activity that is “natural”. This position, as highlighted in Chapter 13, distinguishes thoroughbred breeding and racing from many other equine activities, and from other livestock activities where reproductive technology has been adopted for many years. Under this scenario, the thoroughbred breeding industry would be very different because, if horseracing authorities remove restrictions on “natural breeding” (joining dairy farmers, standardbred breeders, and others in the adoption of reproductive technology), this scenario would be “new” for thoroughbred breeders. Whether this is “brave” or foolhardy, as some racing aficionados would suggest, is debatable. Whether it is “brave”, or simply the enforced result of legal challenges, remains to be seen. This scenario, should it come to pass, will have significant ramifications for the structure of the industry in traditional breeding regions, particularly as the balance of power between horseracing countries shifts towards the larger developing countries.

Horseracing from elsewhere In this particular scenario, a combination of factors discussed previously lead to horseracing declining in the traditional racing countries due to economic downturn, gambling alternatives and animal issues, but expanding in large developing countries. This expansion is based, partly, on expatriate involvement in racing, as seen with the participation of many trainers and jockeys from Western countries in Hong Kong and Singapore today. The importance of technology has been highlighted in other scenarios. In this scenario, races from around the world are broadcast into, and gambling occurs in, the developed countries where horseracing is a minor activity, or in some cases, is banned. This satisfies many punters, who have

Possible future scenarios

209

already abandoned the racetrack in favour of electronic gambling or betting on simulated races, and avoids some of the controversies generated by changing human-animal relations and ethics. As with some other scenarios, traditionalists mourn the demise of actual horseracing in some developed countries.

Summary These six scenarios offer a range of possibilities for the future of the global horseracing industry. As previously noted, these scenarios are simplifications of complex processes, based on trends and analysis of other factors presented in this book. We accept that the future is always uncertain and that there may be important factors that we cannot foresee or even imagine that will influence the future of the global horseracing industry. With this in mind, the following chapter examines the likely future scenarios for the global horseracing industry.

16 Likely futures

The future of thoroughbred breeding and racing will look very different depending on what part of the world is being studied. It is very likely that none of the scenarios presented in the previous chapter will come to pass in the manner that we have described, but that different combinations of the scenarios with varying degrees of emphasis will manifest in particular places. The future of the global thoroughbred breeding and racing industry as a form of anachronistic entertainment is likely to emerge in many Western countries, particularly if there are no changes to the permitted methods of breeding racehorses. While many punters do not care about how the horse is bred, the environmental issues relating to the “natural breeding” of horses (see Chapter 10) will possibly encourage each breeding industry to strengthen quarantine measures and reduce the amount of unnecessary travel for breeding purposes. The importance of quarantine is likely to increase, given the movement of horses and the threat of a future where disease either wipes out a large number of horses (and the industry itself) or the industry is embroiled in a long battle to contain a particular disease. If current legal challenges to the concept of “natural breeding” are successful, the horseracing industry is likely to experience a major shakeout, with new entrants attracted by the “brave new world”, while other participants leave the industry in protest that one of the most hallowed aspects of thoroughbred breeding has been cast aside. In many Western countries, horseracing will be a form of entertainment, but not a major one, if the gambling revenue that is increasingly going online is siphoned away from the racing industry (Chapter 6). People are likely to attend the major horseracing carnivals, and horseracing is likely to continue in the form of a racino (because it increases other forms of gambling turnover) but, given the competition with other sports and leisure pursuits, the general popularity of horseracing is likely to decline. The increased use of simulated or cartoon racing is likely to increase the amount of money gambled on “horseracing”, but the requirement to have live horses running on an actual racetrack is likely to be reduced in the future.

Likely futures

211

This decline will have economic implications, particularly for many smaller racecourses, including those in rural areas of countries such as Australia, where there are currently many more racecourses than in comparable countries around the world. The economic decline will coincide with the changing animal ethics in some Western countries, resulting in the demise of particular forms of horseracing, notably jumps racing in those countries and regions where it is already relatively weak and where other forms of racing can continue without the controversy of jumps racing and animal ethics issues. The demise of other forms of racing (such as staying events on the flat) is less likely to occur, particularly as it will be argued that these races can be made safer and easier for horses by running them in the cooler months. Despite the concerns about the physical immaturity of young horses, the racing of two-year old horses is likely to continue unless legislated against, because this form of racing enables owners to obtain a quick return on their investment and it enables successful horses to begin a breeding career at a younger age, thereby potentially generating returns over a longer period of time than if they entered the breeding industry as an older animal. One change that is likely given the increasing influence of technology to support the campaigns of animal advocates is a revamp of the rules relating to the use of the whip. While the current approach in a number of Western countries has been to reduce the number of times a whip may be used, and the part of the body where a horse may be struck, it is foreseeable that eventually the whip may be banned as an instrument for “driving” the horse. Its use may be confined to steering the horse and to improve safety. Similarly to the current situation in Norway, a jockey will probably have to ride with two hands on the reins and “driving” the horse with the whip will likely be forbidden. This is a feasible scenario given the increasing use of technology (including timing, computerized records of previous performances and visual recording of races) to convince stewards and punters that the jockey was giving his/her mount every chance to win the race and perform to its best possible level. Another change that could be easily introduced, and is likely to be, given the emergence of animal ethics issues, is the “full circle” or “whole of life” approach to the breeding, ownership and death of thoroughbreds. At present, the breeder takes no responsibility for the thoroughbred once it has been sold, and breeding solely for the commercial market is a big part of the thoroughbred breeding industry. The horse is effectively treated as a chattel. This situation is likely to change, perhaps gradually and not without resistance. Legislation is likely to be necessary to support this change. The financing of this approach to horse welfare will also be controversial, but possibilities include the setting aside of a proportion of sales revenue from yearling sales and/or a small levy on gambling to cover the costs of caring for retired and injured racehorses.

212

Likely futures

One factor that may limit the extent of change is the ongoing internationalization of the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry, which means that new export opportunities will be opened up for breeders from the established thoroughbred breeding countries. This is, effectively, a continuation of the practices and the mentality that has informed thoroughbred breeding and racing for many generations. The major difference between this likely future and the past practices is the location of this likely expansion. Given that this future will be supported by thoroughbred breeders and many other participants in the industry, there is every likelihood that it will at least be attempted (as shown in Chapter 4) and come to fruition. The scenario of new frontiers expansion is the likely future of horseracing as a “global” industry. In the past these new frontiers have included new locations (Florida, California, Japan, the United Arab Emirates) and attracting the money of successful business people in “new wave” industries and economic sectors into the world of thoroughbred breeding and racing. In the future, this is likely to align with the changing geopolitical situation, with the rise of China, India and Brazil. If the Chinese government decides to concentrate on breeding and racing thoroughbreds (and manage the controversial issue of gambling in a unique way that is compatible with their political system and professed values), it is very likely that China will become a force in the world of horseracing. The large population base, plus the availability of suitable land (unlike in Hong Kong and Singapore) means that there is potential to develop a strong breeding industry in China. This is likely to support thoroughbred racing in much of the Asian region. Other countries where thoroughbred breeding could thrive, in conjunction with a stronger racing industry, are India and Brazil. The combinations of a large population base, a super-rich elite with disposable income, a growing middle class, increasing economic prosperity, available land and a range of possible locations for breeding with varied climates, soil types and water availability are likely to aid the emergence of these countries as part of horseracing’s new frontier. In these potentially important thoroughbred breeding and racing regions of the future, the control of disease is likely to be a major issue. Quarantine concerns are likely to be more stringent in general, but particularly in relation to these potentially emerging regions of the world. It is difficult to envisage thoroughbred breeding and racing thriving in the absence of expansion into these new frontiers. The existing breeding regions face pressures of urbanization, and eventually new regions may have to be located. The other major concern is the limited availability of buyers for the horses that are being bred. If there are no new buyers entering the industry from international sources, it seems implausible that sufficient numbers of buyers will emerge from the established thoroughbred racing regions to continue to support the industry in its

Likely futures

213

present form. The economics of owning a racehorse simply do not add up in many established regions and, while potential owners may enter the industry for reasons of maintaining or enhancing their social status, or as a way of making money elsewhere, if the costs become too excessive relative to revenue, then potential owners will simply sit on the sidelines or perhaps also put their gambling resources into poker machines instead of horses. In some established thoroughbred breeding and racing regions, it seems that the importance of tradition, social standing and the possibility that they can defeat the odds and obtain a winning racehorse, already influence ownership decisions, given that the average financial returns do not come close to covering the expenses incurred. In other regions, there is likely to be more innovative marketing of syndication possibilities, with the racing industry promoting “the dream” of owning the next Takeover Target or a similar low-cost horse that wins lots of prize money and enables the “connections” to meet royalty at Royal Ascot. The traditional attractions of horse ownership are likely to remain, but the promotion of syndication to people who may be more interested in the entertainment of racing, rather than the pedigrees of thoroughbreds, is going to be essential in order to boost participation in the traditional thoroughbred racing countries where the culture is not overly strong and the financial returns relative to costs do not make sense. In summary, the future of the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry is not predetermined and it is not entirely in its own hands. How the industry engages with new forms of technology (gambling, reproduction and so on) and addresses ethical issues, and how effectively administrators and others within the industry can encourage and support other participants, will be critical in maintaining a foundation that will enable the activity to continue. Climate change might prove to be a major change agent on the industry in ways that we can hardly even speculate about right now. Simultaneously, the extent to which the industry can develop in new and emerging markets is vital to the breeding and racing industry located in established regions of the world. Rather than a bleak future of decline, or a new golden era of prosperity for the industry, we suggest that the future will be very mixed and that those participants who succeed in the industry will be those who initiate and/or adapt to the changes that will inevitably occur in the future.

17 Conclusion

The title, The Global Horseracing Industry, may suggest that this industry is a homogenous entity, united in a single purpose and working towards a common destination. While there are, without doubt, affinities and common interests among the various participants within this industry, this book has shown that there are multiple perspectives and conflicting interests operating simultaneously. It is a dynamic industry that has changed over time, and will continue to change in the future, despite the emphasis on “tradition” within the industry. These changes are not always foreseeable, particularly for some people within the industry. Sugar with Richardson (2003, 148) wrote that “in 1971, New York racing was blindsided by something called OTB – more formally known as Off-Track Betting”. This initiative (see Chapter 5) hurt the on-track income of New York’s racecourses, “almost putting them out of business” (Sugar with Richardson, 2003, 149). An understanding of the finances of city government in New York, impacted by suburbanization, deindustrialization of the textile industry and the loss of maritime industries suggests that the city needed to tap into new sources of revenue to avoid bankruptcy. In doing so, OTBs became a new player in the game, similar to the arrival of the animal activists and online gambling operators discussed below. The heterogeneity in perspectives and objectives stems from a number of factors: factors that only become visible when thoroughbred breeding and racing is considered critically over time, around the world and across the spectrum of activities from breeding, to racing, to breeding and the death of the horse. As we noted in the introduction, most books about thoroughbred racing do not attempt to cover such terrain. We are, of course, indebted to the many authors who have written in detail about a particular aspect of the bigger picture, often drawing on personal experiences. These experiences include those of the jockey, trainer, owner, breeder, commentator, bookmaker and punter. Such a wide array of interests inevitably leads to varying perspectives and conflicting goals. The other major reasons for the variation in perspectives relate to the jurisdiction in which thoroughbred activities are conducted and the

Conclusion

215

positionality of the individual within the industry. Some Canadian breeders we interviewed talked of the industry being ruled by a “Kentucky mafia”, while small-time breeders in the Upper Hunter were concerned about the influence and the unsustainable activities (particularly in relation to the use of water) of the larger breeding operations in their region. While established breeding regions potentially have a lot to lose if the requirement for “natural breeding” is abandoned for thoroughbred reproduction, thereby bringing the industry into line with other equine industries and other agricultural practices involving “livestock”, there are thoroughbred breeders in other parts of the world who are keen to modify the regulations and engage in the possible new world of thoroughbred breeding. If such a change were to occur, we anticipate that it will influence breeding practices not only in the existing breeding centres such as Kentucky, Newmarket, the Upper Hunter, Ocala, Hokkaido and so on, but that it may create new breeding hubs in the emerging economic powers such as China, India and possibly Brazil. These potential changes are underpinned by two important elements in the global horseracing industry: the nature of the thoroughbred and the practice of gambling. As noted in Chapter 2, the thoroughbred is a mammal bred to run fast over varying distances; an animal that co-evolved with humans in eastern Europe while becoming extinct in other parts of the world and was then selectively bred over the last 250 years or so, predominantly for the attribute of speed. We have highlighted the ethical concerns that this emphasis raises, including the racing of immature horses, the use of whips to encourage horses to run faster and the activity of jumps racing, where horses run at full speed, jump and land on legs that are required to absorb enormous stress. The responses from the industry have ranged from the additional watering of racecourses in drought conditions to limit injury, to the adoption of all-weather tracks to prevent injuries caused by excessive rain and poor drainage and the redesigning of obstacles in steeplechase and hurdle races, again to limit death and injury. These changes, which are not always successful, are founded on the idea that the industry should innovate on the basis of what is good for the horse. This is a complex question, given that humans make decisions based on observation, scientific research and their own values about ethical human-animal relations. The conflicts between animal activists and various participants in the global thoroughbred breeding and racing industry highlight significant, and perhaps unbridgeable, divides between humans on various issues such as reproduction, jumps racing and the use of animals for human entertainment. Animals have been used for human entertainment for thousands of years, but values are changing. Previously accepted practices such as bear-baiting, dogfighting, cockfighting, and other activities that involve injury and death of animals as a core part of the activity were banned in

216

Conclusion

previous centuries. Recent changes to the legality of fox hunting in the UK, and bullfighting in the Catalonia region of Spain, highlight the trend towards limiting such activities. Thoroughbred breeding and racing is different from these activities because there is no intention to harm the animal, but death and injuries to horses and jockeys are part of the activity due to the fact that to race a number of animals within a confined area at very high speeds, sometimes over obstacles, is inherently dangerous. Racing administrations have definitely acted to improve safety. Such actions include modifications to guard rails, improvements in track conditions, abandoning meetings and races where the conditions are unsafe, enforcing the use of improved helmets and safety vests for jockeys and limiting the number of starters in races based on the distance of the race and the experience of the animals. Despite these changes, and the safety improvements in jumps racing, which include changes to jump design, reducing the number of jumps and allowing jockeys to pull up horses that have no chance of winning or obtaining a place in the race, jumps racing (in Victoria) is the only sport of which we are aware where one key performance indicator is an acceptable death rate for the animal. In summary, the foundation of the concept of “the thoroughbred” is increasingly being questioned by animal liberationists who do not accept that those people who are working closest to the animals “know” the animal, and what is good for it in ethical and practical ways. While participants within the industry construct animal liberationists as “outsiders” who are “interfering”, it is apparent that this involvement by animal liberationists is not a fad, and the future of the global horseracing industry will be shaped by the positions negotiated between the industry and animal liberationists, as well as other industry stakeholders, such as owners and punters. The other foundation on which the global horseracing industry is built is the practice of gambling. This foundation is also currently under attack due to the increase in online gambling, much of which emanates from nonthoroughbred breeding regions of the world and which siphons money away from the thoroughbred industry and from governments, who could otherwise use some of the taxation revenue to support the thoroughbred industry. The thoroughbred industry is trying, understandably, to obtain a share of this online gambling activity. If it cannot do so, then the future of the racing industry will be very different to how it appears today. It is likely that many smaller racecourses will close and there will be fewer owners of thoroughbreds because the economics of owning a racehorse will make even less sense in the absence of breeder incentives, sufficient prize money and other means of support. In this scenario, racecourses that survive will likely be those that have prestigious racing carnivals to attract people looking for entertainment (with racing as a sideline), those where government support is forthcoming to maintain employment and/or boost the potential export of locally bred racehorses and those attached to

Conclusion

217

a casino (see the discussion in Chapter 5 on racinos), where thoroughbred racing leads to an increase in revenue for other gambling activities at the venue. The likely future that we foresee for the global thoroughbred breeding and racing industry is one of very mixed fortunes. It is neither gloom nor boom, although in specific locations one or other of these moods is likely to prevail. Further research into the future of the industry should be based on this heterogeneity, ranging from a more detailed understanding about: the use of whips, and illegal devices and means to make thoroughbreds run faster; the likely impacts of different types of disease given climate change scenarios (especially given that inbreeding is an attractor for acute epidemics or infectious and chronic disease); competing ethical perspectives; and the importance of government policy in different parts of the world in fostering, hindering and influencing the character of the thoroughbred industry in specific locations. This research could also extend to issues covered in this book, including landscape, branding and identity (Chapters 7, 8 and 9). In much the same way that racecourses combine the functional elements of a track, grandstand and separation of spectators and animals (for safety and security reasons), but reflect particular cultures in the architecture and landscaping of the venue, we anticipate that thoroughbred breeding and racing in emerging countries will differ from that of the established thoroughbred regions. The emergence of thoroughbred breeding regions in China and/or India will be backed by “new money” and local traditions and will have to ensure the safety of the valuable thoroughbred, creating environments that support the thoroughbred industry but contrast with the existing and diverse centres of Hokkaido, Kentucky, Newmarket, Ocala and the Upper Hunter. Further research into the rate of development of these new locations, and the local influences present in the region and individual farms, will be important in maintaining the “global” aspect of thoroughbred breeding and racing. In addition to researching how the newer thoroughbred breeding and racing countries address issues of landscape, branding and identity, questions can be raised about what happens to the identity of the traditional racing countries once they are challenged by the “new world”? There appear to be similarities between the thoroughbred industry and the wine industry: countries such as Australia, South Africa, Chile and New Zealand were initially dismissed by the French as not being up to their standard. These newer countries were said not to care for terroir as the French did, but this claim itself is questionable and, in any case, they now produce world-class wine and secure significant market shares in most traditional French export markets. Unlike bottles of wine sold internationally, the thoroughbred breeding industry will likely build up, over time, a network of interdependencies involving these newer breeding and racing locations. Depending on the international rules of breeding and racing, the

218

Conclusion

specific quarantine requirements of particular countries and the availability of fuel, given scenarios of peak oil, it is likely that shuttle stallions, broodmares, packages of semen, thoroughbred farm employees and elite racehorses will move between the established and emerging thoroughbred centres. Further research is also needed into the understanding of the animal. Is the thoroughbred little more than a commodity or a “betting tool” (which requires only the maintenance of its “asset value”) or is it, as some interviewees have suggested, a natural animal of beauty and wonder, with needs? Cassidy (2007) noted the conflicting perspectives of different people within this industry around the “natural” thoroughbred, in contrast to the culturally constructed human world. We concur with Cassidy (2007) about the fallacy of this distinction and argue that both are culturally constructed (see Chapters 7 and 13 in particular), but recognize its importance for the industry to date and the industry’s tenuous relationship with technological change and legal challenges. Depending on the outcome of legal proceedings currently underway, the thoroughbred breeding and racing industry may have to adjust its story about what it does, why it does it, and how it does it. This is possible, given that the industry has reinvented itself to varying extents through the creation of the Breeders’ Cup in the USA, the development of new thoroughbred breeding and racing locations and the introduction of novel forms of betting in order to increase gambling revenue and to obtain a greater share of the total gambling revenue. There is no question that many people chose to participate in the global horseracing industry because they love the horse. As we noted in the introduction, if horses have been enveloped in human dreams and their stories are in fact distorted versions of our own desires (following Budiansky, 1997), then the story of the thoroughbred is probably the apex of human desire influencing the life of a horse. From planned mating based on computer-generated compatibility ratings, through to the transport of unwanted racehorses to distant, often unseen, abattoirs for “disposal”, the life of the thoroughbred is entwined with human aspirations and moral failings. As Budiansky (1997, 1) noted, these are “not always our most noble desires”. Before changing the global horseracing industry, or trying to “improve” the breed of the thoroughbred, it may be necessary to question our own motivations and examine how they inform the quality of our human-animal relations.

References

ABC News 2012, viewed 10 February, 2011, . Aintree Racecourse Company Ltd 2011, viewed 8 December, 2011, . Albrecht, G, McMahon, C, Bowman, D and Bradshaw, C 2009, “Convergence of culture, ecology and ethics: management of feral swamp buffalo in northern Australia”, Journal of Agricultural and Environmental Ethics, 22, pp. 361–78. Algar, S and Venezia, T 2011, “Thousands swarm Aqueduct racino on opening day”, New York Post, 29 October, viewed 22 December, 2011, . Allin, J 2011, “Horse racing: breeding by the numbers”, April 20, viewed 10 February, 2012, . Allison, K, Taylor, N, Upton, M and Wilsmore, T 2009, African Horse Sickness – Impact on the UK Horse Industry: The potential effects on businesses, horses and horse owners, Veterinary Epidemiology and Economics Research Unit, The University of Reading, Reading. American Gaming Association 2011, State of the States: The AGA survey of casino entertainment, American Gaming Association, Washington, DC. Anderson, K 1995, “Culture and nature at the Adelaide Zoo: at the frontiers of ‘human’ geography”, Transactions of the Institute of British Geographers, 20, pp. 275–94. —— 1997, “A walk on the wild site: a critical geography of domestication”, Progress in Human Geography, 21, pp. 463–85. Animal Aid 2012, viewed 8 February, 2012, . —— n.d., “Race horse death watch”, viewed 12 February, 2012, . Anonymous 1980, “In the years to come horse lovers to sing praise of Scone’s Horse Week”, The Scone Advocate, 7 May, p. 12. —— 1981, “Sculpture for Scone”, The Scone Advocate, 18 May, p. 21. —— 1986, “Scone’s just not horsing around”, The Scone Advocate, 8 May, p.1. —— 1995, “Welcome to Horse Week”, Scone Horse Week Magazine, May, p.1. —— 1997, “Scone: Horse Capital of Australia”, Scone Horse Week Magazine, May, p. 14.

220

References

—— 2004, “Race day”, Upper Hunter Horse Magazine, May, p. 5. —— 2009a “Time is running out”, The Horse.com, 1 December, viewed 10 February, 2012, . —— 2009b, “King of the ranges”, Upper Hunter Horse Magazine, May, p. 16. —— 2009c, “HTBA awards”, Upper Hunter Horse Magazine, May, p. 7. —— 2009d, “Worcester meeting off due to heat”, BBC Sport: Horse Racing, viewed 8 February, 2012, . —— 2010a, (originally 1895), National Steeplechase and Hunt Association, Bibliolife, Charleston, SC. —— 2010b, “Meydan joint venture aims to promote Chinese horse racing”, Thoroughbred Times, viewed 14 March, 2011, . Attfield, R 1983, The Ethics of Environmental Concern, Basil Blackwell, Oxford. Australian Coal Association 2011a, “The Australian coal industry – coal exports”, viewed 7 February, 2012, . —— 2011b, “The Australian coal industry – coal loading ports”, viewed 7 February, 2012, . Australian Medical Association and the Australian Conservation Foundation 2005, Addressing the Public Health Impacts of Climate Change, Australian Medical Association and the Australian Conservation Foundation, Canberra and Melbourne. Australian Racing Board 2010, Australian Racing Fact Book. A guide to the racing industry in Australia. Australian Racing Board, Sydney. Australian Turf Club 2012, Sydney Carnival Rosehill Gardens: The thoroughbred experience – 2012 AAMI Golden Slipper, Australian Turf Club, Sydney. Australia’s Fallen Racehorses n.d., viewed 10 February, 2012, . Austrin, T and Curtis, B 2004, “The desegregation of gambling media and the emergence of a single form of gambling”, Social Policy Journal of New Zealand, 21, pp. 41–48. Bale, J and Dejonghe, T 2008, “Sports geography: an overview”, BELGEO, 2, pp. 157–66. Barich, B 2006, A Fine Place to Daydream: Racehorses, romance and the Irish, Vintage, New York. Bartram, P 2005, “Breeding your mare with frozen semen”, Horse Magazine, 22, 7, pp. 50–53. Bath, D.R 1989, “Race club president answers critic”, The Scone Advocate, May 11, p. 12. Batman 1963, “The Cup. 1890 – now that really was a Cup year!” The Bulletin, 85, 4368, 2 November, pp. 13–18. Bekoff, M 2007, The Emotional Lives of Animals, New World Library, Novato, CA. Bennett, D 2008, “Timing and rate of skeletal maturation in horses” viewed 10 February, 2012, .

References

221

Bicknell, S and McManus, P 2006, “The canary in the coalmine: Australian ski resorts and their response to climate change”, Geographical Research, 44, 4, pp. 386–400. Biles, D 2008, “The Green Monkey retired”, Blood-Horse, viewed 16 June, 2011, . Birke, L and Brandt, K 2009, “Mutual corporeality: gender and human-horse relationships”, Women’s Studies International Forum, 32, pp. 189–97. Bookchin, M 1991, The Ecology of Freedom: The emergence and dissolution of hierarchy (revised edn), Black Rose Books, Montreal. Bossert, J 2011, “Trainer Rick Dutrow Jr.’s fate to be decided by New York State Racing and Wagering Board”, May 31, viewed 10 February, 2012, . Bourdieu, P 1984, Distinction: A social critique of the judgement of taste, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London. Bowen, E.L 2004, Legacies of the Turf: A century of great thoroughbred breeders, Vol. 2, Eclipse Press, Lexington, KY. Boyle, P and Halfacree, K (eds) 1998, Migration into rural areas: Theories and issues, Wiley, Chichester. Brassel, S and Brennan, P 1990, A Portrait of Racing: Horseracing in Australia and New Zealand since 1970, Simon & Schuster, Sydney. Breednet n.d., “Stallion covering statistics”, viewed 8 February, 2012, . Brown, M 2008, “How virus sickened an industry”, The Sydney Morning Herald, 13 June, p. 4. Budiansky, S 1992, The Covenant of the Wild: Why animals chose domestication, Weidenfield & Nicolson, London. —— 1997 (paperback edition published in 1998), The Nature of Horses: Their evolution, intelligence and behaviour, Phoenix, London. Cain, G 2004, The Home Run Horse: Inside America’s billion-dollar racehorse industry and the high-stakes dreams that fuel it, Daily Racing Form Press, New York. Carlyon, L 2009, “Foreword”, in Cummings, J.B 2009, Bart – My life, Pan Macmillan Sydney, pp. v–xii. Carlyon, P 2009, “D-day for jumps. After a brutal backlash, the carnival could be over”, Herald Sun, Melbourne, p. 20. Carruthers, F 2008, The Horse in Australia, Random House Pty Ltd, Sydney. Case, C 1991, Down the Backstretch: Racing and the American dream, Temple University Press, Philadelphia, PA. Cassidy, R 2002a, “The social practice of racehorse breeding”, Society and Animals, 10, pp. 55–71. —— 2002b, The Sport of Kings: Kinship, class and thoroughbred breeding in Newmarket, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. —— 2003, “Turf wars: Arab dimensions to British racehorse breeding”, Anthropology Today, 19, pp. 13–18. —— 2005, “Falling in love with horses: the international thoroughbred auction”, Society and Animals, Vol. 13, pp. 51–68. —— 2007, Horse People: Thoroughbred culture in Lexington and Newmarket, Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD.

222

References

Castañeda, H, Kline, N and Dickey, N 2010, “Health concerns of migrant backstretch workers at horse racetracks”, Journal of Health Care for the Poor and the Underserved, 21, 2, pp. 489–503. Chinn, C 2004, Better Betting with a Decent Feller: A social history of bookmaking, Aurum, London. Church, S 2003, “First equine clone is a mule”, The Horse, Article 4480, July 1, viewed 18 December, 2011, . —— 2006, “First commercially cloned mare born”, The Horse. Article 6734, viewed 18 December, 2011 . Clapp, W 1992, Horse Farms and Horse Tales of the Bluegrass, Sunshine Publications, Nicholasville, KY. Clayfield, M 2012, “Death in the Afternoon Revisited”, Weekend Australian Review, Jan. 28–29, 2012, p. 19. Cloke, P and Little, J (eds) 1997, Contested Countryside Cultures: Otherness, marginalization, and rurality, Routledge, London. Coalition for the Protection of Racehorses 2008, “Jumps Racing Fact Sheet”, viewed 2 July 2010, . Collison, G 2005, “Remembering man’s other best friend: U.S. horse graves and memorials in historical perspective”, Markers XVII, pp. 70–107. Commission on the Review of the National Policy towards Gambling 1976, Gambling in America, US Government Printing Office, Washington, DC. Conley, K 2002, $tud: Adventures in breeding, Bloomsbury, New York. Connor, L, Higginbotham, N, Freeman, S and Albrecht, G 2008, “Watercourses and Discourses: Coalmining in the Upper Hunter Valley”, New South Wales, Oceania, 78, 1, pp. 76–90. Convery, I, Bailey, C, Mort, M and Baxter, J 2005, “Death in the wrong place? Emotional geographies of the UK 2001 foot and mouth disease epidemic”, Journal of Rural Studies, 21, pp. 99–109. Cook, B 2003, Introduction to Australia’s Minerals: Coal (coal in a sustainable future), Osmond Earth Sciences, Adelaide. Cook, J 1996, A Map of the Newmarket Area Showing Historic Stud Farms and their Famous Stallions, Cook, Newmarket. Cooper, J 2010, Jump, Bantam, London. Cormick, B 2009a “Civil war to defend jumps racing – the gloves are off, say Racing Victoria opponents”, The Australian, p. 40. —— 2009b “Fury at decision to axe jumps racing”, The Australian, p. 43. Cronon, W 1983, Changes in the Land: Indians, colonists and the ecology of New England, Hill and Wang, New York. —— 1991, Nature’s Metropolis: Chicago and the Great West, W.W. Norton & Co, New York. —— 1996, “The trouble with wilderness; or, getting back to the wrong nature”, in Cronon W (ed.), Uncommon Ground: Rethinking the human place in nature, W.W. Norton and Co, New York, pp. 69–90. Cummings, J.B 2009, Bart: My life, Pan MacMillan Australia, Sydney. Curtis, B and Wilson, C 2001, “Everyday gambling”, in Bell, C (ed.), Sociology of Everyday Life in New Zealand, Dunmore Press, Palmerston North, New Zealand, pp. 210–33.

References

223

Daly, M and Brown, J 1966, The Hunter Valley Region, N.S.W, The Hunter Valley Research Foundation, Newcastle. Davies, P 2006, Steeplechasing in Great Britain, Thoroughbred Heritage, viewed 8 December, 2009, . —— 2007, Steeplechasing in France, Thoroughbred Heritage, viewed 8 December, 2009, . Davis, M 2008, “Horse flu report blasts quarantine incompetence”, The Sydney Morning Herald, 13 June, p. 1 and 4. Dawkins, R 1998, “What’s wrong with cloning?” in Nussbaum, M and Sunstein, C (eds), Clones and Clones: Facts and fantasies about human cloning, W.W. Norton, New York, pp. 54–66. Department of Climate Change and Energy Efficiency 2011, Climate Change Risks to Coastal Settlements and Industry, Australian Government, Canberra. Derrett, R 2003, “Festivals and regional destinations: how festivals demonstrate a sense of community and place”, Rural Society, 13, 1, pp. 35–53. Diamond, J 1997, Guns, Germs and Steel: The fates of human societies, W.W Norton, New York. Dillon, M 2009, “Premier jumps action … Trentham and Hawke’s Bay”, Thoroughbred Racing Monthly, April, 20. Dixon, D 1996, “Illegal betting in Britain and Australia” in McMillen, J (ed.), Gambling Cultures: Studies in history and interpretation, Routledge, London, pp. 86–100. Drape, J 2008, “Big Brown’s owners say stable to go steroid free”, June 23, viewed 10 February, 2012, . Dubai Racing Club 2009, viewed 2 February, 2012, . Duckworth, J 2001, They Shoot Horses Don’t They? The treatment of horses in Australia, Robins Publications, Melbourne. Dunlap, D 2011, “At OTB parlors, ghosts of wagers past linger”, New York Times, 28 February, viewed 6 February, 2012. . Dunn, A and Habel, T 2009, “The valley of death: crisis in jumps racing”, Sunday Herald Sun, Melbourne, p. 21. Dunstan, K 1973 Sports, Sun Books, Melbourne. Eddy, A 2007, “Jigger: the training device that dare not speak its name”, viewed 10 February, 2012, . Edwards, E.H 2008, Racehorse: The complete guide to the world of horse racing, Automobile Association Developments Ltd, Basingstoke. Edwards, G 2003, “The story of deregulation in the dairy industry”, Australian Journal of Agricultural and Resource Economics, 47, 1, pp. 75–98. Egoz, S and Bowring, J 2004, “Beyond the romantic and naïve: the search for a complex ecological aesthetic design language for landscape architecture in New Zealand”, Landscape Research, 29, 1, pp. 57–73. Elks, S 2007, “Camel ring-ins come a cropper in the wet”, The Australian, 7 November, p. 4. Elves, T 2010, “Lord Derby’s Hatchfield Farm plans rejected”, Racing Post, 2 June, viewed 23 September, 2011, .

224

References

Evans, N and Yarwood, R 1995, “Livestock and landscape”, Landscape Research, 20, 2–3, pp. 141–46. Eversole, R and Martin, M 2005, “Attending ‘sheepvention’: culture, identity, and rural events (trade shows)”, Rural Society, 15, 2, pp. 148–65. Fallon, M.A.C 2003, Fast Horses of Marion County, viewed 2 February, 2012, . Ffos Las 2012, “Ffos Las: introduction”, viewed 2 February, 2012, . Forest Heath District Council 2010, “Forest Heath District Profile”, Forest Heath District Council, Middenhall. Fox, K 2005, The Racing Tribe, Metro Publishing Ltd, London. Fox, R 2006, “Animal behaviours, post-human lives: everyday negotiations of the animal-human divide in pet keeping”, Social and Cultural Geography, 7, pp. 525–37. Freedman, H and Lemon, A 1990, The History of Australian Thoroughbred Racing, Classic Reproductions, 1987–90, Melbourne. Gibbs, L 2009, “Cultural, social and more-than-human geographies of nature”, Scottish Geographical Journal, 125, 3–4, pp. 361–69. Gibson, C and Davidson, D 2004, “Tamworth, Australia’s ‘country music capital’: place marketing, rurality, and resident reactions”, Journal of Rural Studies, 20, 4, pp. 387–404. Gibson, C and Stewart, A 2009, Reinventing Rural Places: The extent and impact of festivals in rural and regional Australia, University of Wollongong, Wollongong. Gibson, C, Waitt, G, Walmsley, J and Connell, J 2010, “Cultural festivals and economic development on nonmetropolitan Australia”, Journal of Planning Education and Research, 29, 3, pp. 280–93. Gibson, K 1990, “Internationalization and the spatial restructuring of black coal production in Australia”, in Hayter, R and Wilde, P.D (eds), Industrial Transformation and Challenge in Australia and Canada, Carleton University Press, Don Mills, Ontario, pp. 159–173. Gold M 1995, Animal rights: Extending the circle of compassion, Carpenter, Oxford. Graham, R 2007, “Who killed the bookies? Tracking totalisators and bookmakers across legal and illegal gambling markets”, unpublished master’s thesis, University of Canterbury, Christchurch, New Zealand. Grandin, T and Johnson, C 2005, Animals in Translation: Using the mysteries of autism to decode animal behavior, Scriber, New York. Grant, D 1994, On a Roll: A history of gambling and lotteries in New Zealand, Victoria University Press, Wellington. —— 2001, Thoroughbreds, Trainers, Toffs and Tic Tac Men: A cartoon history of horse racing in New Zealand, Dunmore, Palmerston North. Guilford, E 1985, “The Glendon Stud of Robert and Helenus Scott, and the beginning of the thoroughbred breeding industry in the Hunter Valley”, Journal of Hunter Valley History, 1, 1, pp. 63–106. Hammonds, E 2011, “Thoroughbred live foal report: foal crop slides another 13.5%”, Blood-Horse, viewed 8 February, 2002, . Hardy, T 2003, [1891] Tess of the d’Urbervilles, Penguin, London.

References

225

Harness Racing Australia Inc. 2011a, Annual On-line: National registration statistics – sires, services and foalings – 1967–2011, viewed 8 February, 2011, . —— 2011b, Australian Trotting Stud Book: Regulations governing the entry of sires, dams and progeny, Harness Racing Australia, Inc., Melbourne. Harris, J 2004, On Cloning, Routledge, London and New York. Hartmann, E, Sondergaard, E and Keeling, J 2012, “Keeping horses in groups: a review”, Applied Animal Behaviour Science, 136, pp. 2–4. Haskin, S 2002, Horse racing’s Holy Grail: The epic quest for the Kentucky Derby, Eclipse Press, Lexington, KY. Haughton, G and McManus, P 2012 “Neoliberal experiments with urban infrastructure: The Cross City Tunnel, Sydney”, Journal of International Urban and Regional Research, 36, 1, pp. 90–105. Haynes, J 2010, The best Australian racing stories: From Archer to Makybe Diva, Allen and Unwin, Sydney. Hayward, P 2012, “Iron Man McCoy back in the Hunt”, reproduced in The Sydney Morning Herald, 28 January, 2012, 15. Heintzberger, A 2006, “Cloned mules race into history”, The Horse, Article 7726, 1 August, viewed 18 December, 2011, . Heller B 2005, After the Finish Line: The race to end horse slaughter in America, Bow Tie Press, Irvine, CA. Henderson, M 2005, “Champion the wonder clone”, The Times, 15 April, p. 3. Hey, S 2008, “Our national love affair: a history of the betting shop”, The Independent, 5 April, viewed 4 February, 2012, . Highfield, R 2005, “Cloned foal is a racing cert for science”, The Telegraph, 15 April, viewed 27 April, 2005, . High Hope Steeplechase 2011, viewed 2 December, 2011, . Hill, C.R 1988, Horse Power: The politics of the turf, Manchester University Press, Manchester. Hinds, R 2012 “Queen of turf unlikely to be panacea for sport of kings”, The Sydney Morning Herald, 13 February, p. 13. Hislop J 1992, Breeding for racing (revised edn), The Kingswood Press, London. Hitchens P.L, Blizzard, C.L, Jones, G, Day, L.M and Fell, J 2011, “Predictors of race-day jockey falls in jumps racing in Australia”, Accident Analysis & Prevention, 43, 3, pp. 840–47. Hobson, K 2007, “Political geography? On animals as subjects in an enlarged political geography”, Political Geography, 26, pp. 250–67. Holland, A 2001, Steeplechasing: A celebration of 250 years 1752–2002, Little, Brown and Company, Boston. Hollingsworth, K 1985, The Kentucky Thoroughbred, University Press of Kentucky, Lexington. Holloway, L 2007, “Subjecting cows to robots: farming technologies and the making of animal subjects”, Environment and Planning D-Society and Space, 25, 6, pp. 1041–60.

226

References

Hong Kong Jockey Club 2012, Hong Kong Jockey Club: the Charities Trust, viewed 4 February, 2012, . Hornery, A 2009, “Happy horsey time all around at Scone”, Newcastle Herald, viewed 10 February, 2012, . Horseform 2012, viewed 4 February, 2012, . Hotspur (McGrath, J.A) 2012 The Independent, . Hulme, M 2008, “The conquering of climate: discourses of fear and their dissolution”, The Geographical Journal, 174, 1, pp. 5–16. —— 2009, Why We Disagree about Climate Change: Understanding controversy, inaction and opportunity, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. Hunter Thoroughbred Breeders Association 2011, “‘Stand alone’ Saturday for Scone racing”, viewed 11 May, 2011, . Inglis Bloodstock n.d., “Company overview”, viewed 13 February, 2012, . Inland Revenue Department 2006, “Duty on racing”, viewed 13 February, 2012, . Inman, P 2011, “Brazil overtakes UK as sixth-largest economy”, The Guardian, 26 December, viewed 28 December, 2011, . International Federation of Horseracing Authorities 2010, International Federation of Horseracing Authorities Annual Report, 2010, International Federation of Horseracing Authorities, Paris. International Federation of Horseracing Authorities 2011, viewed 12 October, 2011, . International Museum of the Horse 2011, viewed 15 February, 2012, . Jones, D 2008, Review of Jumps Racing in Victoria, Racing Victoria Limited, Melbourne. Kant, I 1963, Lectures on Ethics, translated by Louis Infield, Harper and Row, New York. Keaveney, S 2008, “Equines and their human companions”, Journal of Business Research 61, pp. 444–54. Keeneland 1936, “Keeneland: Lexington, Kentucky. A deluxe souvenir”, Keeneland, Lexington, KY. Kentucky China Trade Center n.d., Chinese Horse Industry Overview. Kentucky China Trade Center, Beijing. Kentucky State Data Center 2011, Population Projections. Table 1. Total Population, Census 2000 and 2010, Projections 2015–2050: State, ADDs, and Counties, viewed 5 December, 2011, . Kentucky Tourism 2012, “Thoroughbred park: Lexington, Kentucky”, viewed 17 February 2012, .

References

227

Kirkwood, I and Smee, B 2010, “State Government rejects Bickham Coal Mine” Newcastle Herald, 15 May, viewed 14 November, 2010, . Klein, A 2010, “Cheltenham … wall to wall jumps racing”, Thoroughbred Racing Monthly, May, pp. 26–27. Klingmann, A 2007, Brandscapes: Architecture in the experience economy, MIT Press, Cambridge, MS. Kremmer, C 2011, The Chase, Pan MacMillan Australia, Sydney. Ladd Hudson Architects 2008, Northwood Park Stud Farm, Submission to the Australian Institute of Architects, Architecture Gallery, viewed 2 March, 2009, . LaMarra, T 2010, “Tightened purses”, Blood-Horse, 6 March, pp. 872–74. LaPlante, D, Schumann, A, LaBrie, R and Shaffer, HJ 2008, “Population trends in internet sports gambling”, Computers in Human Behavior, 24, 5, pp. 2399–2414. Latimer, J and Birke, L 2009, “Natural relations: horses, knowledge, technology”, The Sociological Review, 57, pp. 1–27. Latour, B, 2004, Politics of Nature: How to bring the sciences into democracy, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, translated by C. Porter. Liebman, B 2008, “Horseracing in New York in the progressive era”, Gaming Law Review and Economics, 12, 6, pp. 550–62. Loftus, B 2009, “Where are Idaho’s cloned mules now? Programs and people”, viewed 18 December, 2011, . Longrigg, R 1975, The Turf: Three centuries of horse racing, Eyre Methuen, London. Lonsway, B 2009, Making Leisure Work: Architecture and the experience economy, Routledge, London and New York. Lowe, J 2007, “Record yearling Seattle Dancer dies at 23”, Thoroughbred Times, viewed 15 June, 2011, . —— 2009, “New York City OTB to file for bankruptcy”, Thoroughbred Times, viewed 6 February, 2012, . McCue, P 2009, History of Embryo Transfer, Colorado State University Equine Reproduction Laboratory, Fort Collins. MacKellar, D 2011[1908/1911], My Country. Poem published on official Dorothea MacKellar, OBE website, viewed 23 April, 2012, . McManus, P 2007, “They shift horses, don’t they?” The Sydney Morning Herald, 28 August, 13. —— 2008a, “Their grass is greener but ours is sweeter – thoroughbred breeding and water management in the Upper Hunter region of New South Wales, Australia”, Geoforum, 39, 3, pp. 1296–1307. —— 2008b, “Mines, wines and thoroughbreds: towards regional sustainability in the Upper Hunter, Australia”, Regional Studies, 42, 9, pp. 1275–90.

228

References

—— forthcoming, “The sport of kings, queens, sheiks and the super-rich: thoroughbred breeding and racing as leisure for the super-rich”, in Hay, I (ed.), Geographies of the Super-Rich, Edward Elgar, London. McManus, P, Albrecht, G and Graham, R 2011, “Constructing thoroughbred breeding landscapes: manufactured idylls in the Upper Hunter region of Australia” in Brunn, S (ed.), Engineering Earth: The impact of megaengineering projects, Springer, Dordrecht, Heidelberg, London and New York, pp. 1323–29. McManus, P and Montoya, D 2012, accepted, “Toward new understandings of human/animal relations in sport: a study of Australian jumps racing”, Social and Cultural Geography. McMillan, D, Leitch, K, Wightman, A and Higgins, P 2010, “The management and role of highland sporting estates in the early twenty-first century: the owner’s view of a unique but contested form of land use”, Scottish Geographical Journal 126, 1, 24–40. McNamara, E 2008, Cajun Racing: From the bush tracks to the triple crown, Daily Racing Form Press, New York. McShane, C and Tarr, J 2007, The Horse in the City: Living machines in the nineteenth century, The John Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, MD. Markland, J 2002, “Gaming policy in New Zealand” in Curtis, B (ed.), Gambling New Zealand, Dunmore Press, Palmerston North, New Zealand, pp. 23–44. Merchant, C 1989, Ecological Revolutions: Nature, gender and science in New England, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill. Mingay, G.E (ed.) 1989, The Rural Idyll, Routledge, London. Mitchell, E 2008, “One slice of a complex statistical pie”, Blood-Horse, July 26, p. 3682. Mitchell, F.J 2005, Great Breeders and their Methods: The Hancocks, Russell Meerdink Company, Neenah, WI. Montgomery, S 2010, “Tony McCoy: I am a jump jockey. I will end up in an ambulance from time to time”, The Independent, 12 December, viewed 20 November, 2011 . Montoya, D, McManus, P and Albrecht, G 2012, “Jumping to conclusions? Media coverage of jumps racing debates in Australia” Society and Animals. Available on early view, . Moore, G.E 1959 [1903], Principia Ethica, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. Moran, P 1997, “Great expectations: the legitimization of gambling in America 1964–95”, The Journal of Popular Culture, 31, 1, pp. 49–65. Morgan, D 1996, “Scone racing in the Colonial years”, Scone Horse Festival Magazine, May, p. 36. Morris, C and Holloway, L 2009, “Genetic technologies and the transformation of UK livestock agriculture: a research agenda”, Progress in Human Geography, 33, pp. 313–33. Mota, M.D.S and Gouveia Ferreira, D.M 2008, “Quantitative study for race times in thoroughbreds on dirt and turf tracks in Brazil”, Revista Cientifica UDO Agricola 8, 1 pp. 127–31. Mulvey, P 2011, “The Melbourne Cup: A unique tradition”, Australian Geographic, 1 November, viewed 6 February, 2012, .

References

229

Murphy, D 2011, “Dark horse sows seed of doubt over breeding”, The Sydney Morning Herald (Weekend Edition), 3–4 September, p. 10. Murray-Wooley, C and Raitz, K 1992, Rock fences of the Bluegrass, The University Press of Kentucky, Lexington. Muscatello, G, Anderson, G.A, Gilkerson, J.R and Browning, G.F 2006, “Associations between the ecology of virulent rhodococcus equi and the epidemiology of R. equi pneumonia on Australian thoroughbred farms”, Applied and Environmental Microbiology, 72, 9, pp. 6152–60. Myers, D 2006, History of Horseracing, Green Umbrella Publishing for Sutton Publishing, Stroud. National Steeplechase Association 2011, “History. National Steeplechase Association”, viewed 6 December, 2011 from . Neal, M 1998, “‘You lucky punters!’ A study of gambling in betting shops”, Sociology, 32, 3, pp. 581–600. Neibergs, J.S 2001, “A hedonic price analysis of thoroughbred broodmare characteristics”, Agribusiness, 17, 2, pp. 299–314. Neibergs, J.S and Thalheimer, R 1999, “An economic analysis of the effectiveness of thoroughbred breeder/owner incentive policies”, Journal of Agriculture and Applied Economics, 31, 3, pp. 581–92. Newcastle Port Corporation 2011, Trade Statistics, viewed 2 December, 2011 . New South Wales (NSW) Department of Planning 2005, Coal Mining Potential in the Upper Hunter Valley – Strategic Assessment, NSW Department of Planning, Sydney. NSW Department of State and Regional Development 2008, Hunter Means Business: Investment prospectus 2008, NSW Department of State and Regional Development, Sydney. New York Thoroughbred Breeders Inc. 2010, “Incentives”, viewed 10 February, 2012, . New Zealand Racing Hall of Fame 2012, “History of New Zealand racing”, viewed 10 February, 2012, . O’Connor, C 2011, “Triple crown billionaires: meet horse racing’s richest people”, viewed 8 October, 2011, . O’Hara, J 1994, “Horse-racing and trotting” in Vamplew, W and Stoddart, B (eds), Sport in Australia: A social history, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, Melbourne, pp. 93–111. Oke, S 2011, “A chip off the old block: equine cloning”, The Horse, Article 17753, viewed 18 December, 2011, . Olwig, K.R 1993, “Sexual cosmology: nation and landscape at the conceptual interstices of nature and culture; or, what does landscape really mean?”, in Bender B, (ed.), Landscape: Politics and Perspectives, Berg, Providence, RI, pp. 307–43. Ontario Racing Commission 2004, 2012 Foals Resulting from 2011 Embryo Transfer Procedures, viewed 14 November, 2011, . Øvrevoll Galoppbane n.d., “Rules for the use of the whip at Øvrevoll Racecourse”, viewed 10 February, 2012, .

230

References

Ownerbreeder 2011, . Painter, M and Waterhouse, R 1992, The Principal Club: A history of the Australian Jockey Club, Allen & Unwin, Sydney. Palmer, S 2011, Born to Punt: My betting year, Racing Post Books, Newbury. Palutikof, J.P 2010, “The view from the front line: adapting Australia to climate change”, Global Environmental Change 20, pp. 218–19. Parker, D 2010, “Toughness gene breeds racing success”, The Australian, 12 November, 2010, p. 8. Parsons, C and Smith, I 2008, “The price of thoroughbred yearlings in Britain”, Journal of Sports Economics, 9, 1, pp. 43–46. Passmore, J 1980, Man’s Responsibility for Nature, 2nd edn, Duckworth, London. Patton, J 2009, “Drop in wagering eats into Kentucky’s coffers”, Lexington HeraldLeader, 22 September, A1–A2. Patton, J 2011, “World Equestrian Games had $201.5 million impact in state, report says”, viewed 17 February, 2012, . Pearse, G 2010, “King Coal”, The Monthly, May, 20–26. Penton, N 1987, A Racing Heart: The story of the Australian turf, Collins, Sydney. PETA 2011, “PETA investigation: deadly horse trials” viewed 10 February, 2012, . PETA 2012, “Horse racing” viewed 10 February, 2012, . Philo, C and Wilbert, C 2000, Animal Spaces, Beastly Spaces: Geographies of humananimal relations, Routledge, London. Pickering, C 2011, “Changes in demand for tourism with climate change: a case study of visitation patterns to six ski resorts in Australia”, Journal of Sustainable Tourism, 19, 6, pp. 767–81. Pickering, C, Castley, G and Burtt, M 2010, “Skiing less often in a warmer world: attitudes of tourists to climate change in an Australian ski resort”, Geographical Research, 48, 2, pp. 137–47. Pickrell, J 2005, “95% of thoroughbreds linked to one superstud”, New Scientist, 6 September, viewed 2 May, 2011, . Pine, B.J II and Gilmour, J.H 1999, The Experience Economy: Work is a theatre and every business a stage, Harvard Business School Press, Boston, MA. Pittock, B 2009, Climate Change: The science, impacts and solutions, 2nd edn, CSIRO Publishing, Melbourne. Pollard, J 1971, The Pictorial History of Australian Racing, Paul Hamlyn, Sydney. Pollock, R n.d., Artificial Insemination and Semen Transportation: Successful animal husbandry elements in standardbred breeding, Australian Harness Racing Council Inc., Melbourne. Power, E 2009a, “Border processes and home-making: encounters with possums in suburban Australian homes”, Cultural Geographies, 16, pp. 29–54. Power, E 2009b, “Domestic temporalities: nature times in the house-as-home”, Geoforum, 40, pp. 1024–32. Quintana, B 2007, “Global vision on South American racing and breeding activity”, viewed 18 January, 2012, .

References

231

Race-courses 2012, Race-courses A-Z Courses, viewed 2 February, 2012, . Race Horse Death Watch n.d., viewed 2 February, 2012, . Racehorse Memorial Wall Worldwide n.d., . Racing and Sports 2007, “Irish stallion tax exemptions come to an end”, viewed 10 February, 2012, . —— 2011, . —— 2012, “Stud book reports decline in mare coverings”, viewed 10 February, 2012, . Racing Victoria Limited 2009a, 2009 Jumps Racing Information Manual, Racing Victoria Ltd, Melbourne. —— 2009b, “New season off and jumping”, viewed 1 June, 2010, . —— 2011, “2012 jumps racing program released”, viewed 1 December, 2011 . —— n.d., Licensing Policy: A step-by-step guide to applying for a trainers licence (annual), Racing Victoria Ltd, Melbourne. Raitz, K.B 1987, “Kentucky Bluegrass: the state’s gentrified farm country is idyllic to visitors and residents alike”, Focus, 37, 3, pp. 6–11. Raitz, K. and D. VanDommelen 1990, “Creating the landscape symbol vocabulary for a regional image: the case of the Kentucky Bluegrass”, Landscape Journal, 9, 2, pp. 109–21. Randalls, S 2011, “Broadening debates about climate change ethics: beyond carbon calculation”, The Geographical Journal, 177, 2, pp. 127–37. Reed, R 2009, “Jumping into the unknown”, Herald Sun, Melbourne, p. 21. Regan, T 1985, The Case for Animal Rights, University of California Press, California. Reilly, T 2011, “Big bills, few winners for Tinkler the breeding tyro”, The Sydney Morning Herald, October 29–30, p. 9. Riley, D.G 2011, “Marion County, from infancy to adulthood”, Ocala Star-Banner, 23 February, viewed 8 February, 2012, . Riley, M 2011, “‘Letting them go’ – agricultural retirement and human-livestock Relations”, Geoforum, 42, pp. 16–27. Riley, R 2009, “Ban is a disgrace”, Sunday Herald Sun, Melbourne, p. 21. Roots, C 2012, “Black Caviar within a lap of the greats”, The Sydney Morning Herald, 11–12 February, pp. 10–11. Rosecrance, J 1985, “The invisible horsemen: the social world of the backstretch”, Qualitative Sociology, 8, 3, pp. 248–65. RSPCA n.d., “Our Charter”, viewed 10 February, 2012, . —— n.d., “Whip use and performance in racing thoroughbreds”, viewed 10 February, 2012, .

232

References

RSPCA Australia 2008, “No accolades for horses that don’t make the grade”, 7 November, viewed 10 February, 2012, . —— 2009, “RSPCA policy CO4 horses in sport, entertainment and recreation”, viewed 10 February, 2011, . Ryan, D 2010, “Half a century of jumping hasn’t dampened Autridge enthusiasm”, Thoroughbred Racing Monthly, April, pp. 26–27. Safe, G 2008, “Horse flu put a lid on the hat businesses”, The Australian, 13 June, p. 6. Schmitz, D 2010, “New sires 2011: rising to the top”, Blood-Horse, 11 December, pp. 3710–15. Scone and Upper Hunter Horse Festival n.d., viewed 12 February, 2012, . Scone Race Club 2010, “SRC president’s report 2010”, viewed 10 February, 2012, . Sewell, A 1998 [1877], Black Beauty, Harper Trophy, New York. Sharwood, A 2012, “Pie eaters cheer, the Black Caviar has been served”, The Daily Telegraph, 14 February, p. 21. Singer, P 1975, Animal Liberation: A new ethics for our treatment of animals, Jonathon Cape, London. Slayman, A 2007, “A race against time for Kentucky’s Bluegrass Country”, ICON, Spring, pp. 14–19. Smiley, J 2004, A Year at the Races, Knopf, New York. Smith, P 2009a, “It’s more than the whip that goes on trial today, it’s the community”, The Australian, September 10, 2009, p. 35. —— 2009b, “Jumps racing is dead … now we have to muster the courage to bury it”, The Australian, p. 16. Smith, S 2011, “Will she finally be Elizabeth the first? The Queen is on the brink of fulfilling her life-long ambition of winning the Derby”, Mail Online, 16 May, viewed 8 October, 2011, . Squires, J 2009, Headless Horsemen: A tale of chemical colts, subprime sales agents, and the last Kentucky Derby on steroids, Times Books, Henry Holt and Company, New York. Stansall, D and Tyler, A 2006, Bred to Death: How the racing industry’s drive for profit and glory is ruining the thoroughbred horse, Animal Aid, Tonbridge. Stevenson, A 2009, “The fortunes that rise and fall on the backs of two-year-olds”, The Sydney Morning Herald (Weekend Edition), April 3, pp .4–5. Stewart, C 2005, “Fallen hero”, The Weekend Australian Magazine, Dec. 17–18, pp. 19–24. Stokes C and Howden, M (eds) 2010, Adapting Agriculture to Climate Change: Preparing Australian agriculture, forestry and fisheries for the future, CSIRO, Melbourne. Sugar, B with Richardson, C 2003, Horse Sense: An inside look at the sport of kings, John Wiley and Sons, Hoboken, NJ. Tarr, J 1996, The Search for the Ultimate Sink: Urban pollution in historical perspective, University of Akron Press, Akron, OH. Tasker, S-J 2011, “Nathan Tinkler has ambitious proposal to develop coal terminal in Newcastle”, The Australian, 30 November, viewed 5 December, 2011,

References

233

. Taylor, A 2008, “Electric sheep and the new arguments from nature” in Castricano, J (ed.), Animal Subjects: An ethical reader in a posthuman world, Wilfred Laurier University Press, Waterloo, Canada, pp. 177–93. Taylor, J.L 1993, Joe Taylor’s Complete Guide to Breeding and Raising Racehorses, The Russell Meerdink Company, Neenah, WI. Thalheimer, R 1998, “Parimutuel wagering and video gaming: a racetrack portfolio”, Applied Economics, 30, pp. 531–43. —— 2012, “The demand for slot machine and pari-mutuel race wagering at a racetrack-casino”, Applied Economics, 44, 9, pp. 1177–1191. The American Thoroughbred Review 2004, “Stallions entering stud between 1994 and 1997: where are they now?”, October, viewed 10 February, 2012,