The Famine of 1931–1933 in Central Kazakhstan: Collection of Archival Documents and Memoirs 9811985731, 9789811985737

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The Famine of 1931–1933 in Central Kazakhstan Collection of Archival Documents and Memoirs Edited by Nurlan Dulatbekov

The Famine of 1931–1933 in Central Kazakhstan

Nurlan Dulatbekov Editor

The Famine of 1931–1933 in Central Kazakhstan Collection of Archival Documents and Memoirs

Editor Nurlan Dulatbekov Karaganda Buketov University Karaganda, Kazakhstan Translated by Alfiya Kitibayeva Faculty of Foreign Languages Karaganda Buketov University Karaganda, Kazakhstan

ISBN 978-981-19-8573-7 ISBN 978-981-19-8574-4 (eBook) https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8574-4 © The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or hereafter developed. The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use. The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and institutional affiliations. This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore 189721, Singapore

Contents

1

Preface Ainash Mustoyapova and Zauresh Saktaganova

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Archival Documents Zauresh Saktaganova and Kymbat Abdrahmanova №1 №2 №3 №4 №5 №6 №7 №8 №9 № 10 № 11 № 12 № 13 № 14 № 15 № 16 № 17 № 18 № 19

9 9 11 12 17 18 19 20 21 21 22 23 24 25 29 29 35 57 59 67 v

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№ № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № № №

20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53 54 55 56 57 58

72 76 78 87 95 98 107 116 129 139 146 150 150 151 153 154 155 160 167 169 171 173 173 175 176 176 180 180 188 192 197 197 204 206 208 212 214 217 218

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№ 59 № 60 № 61 № 62 № 63 № 64 № 65 № 66 № 67 № 68 № 69 № 70 № 71 № 72 № 73 № 74 № 75 № 76 № 77 № 78 № 79 № 80 № 81 № 82 № 83 № 84 № 85 № 86 № 87 № 88 № 89 № 90 № 91 № 92 From the Memos of ZhanAarkf District

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220 220 221 222 223 226 226 229 231 240 244 255 265 267 268 269 271 272 273 276 278 279 281 282 291 295 298 313 314 316 319 328 339 340 340

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Memories and Interviews: Famine in the Steppe Ainash Mustoyapova and Zhenisgul Ibraimova Moldakash Belgibayuly (1894–1969), Ru: Argyn-Karakesek-Karakempir Ilyas Abduov (1906–1990), Ru: Karakesek-Alteke-Akbota Manash Mukashkyzy (Born in 1937), Ru: Kuandyk-Kenzhekara Bibigul Kalmaganbetkyzy (1911–2002), Ru: Argyn-Alsai Aben Aitzhanuly “Naubet” (1953–2017), Ru: Argyn—Boshan-Baibory Smagul Yesekeyuly (1878–1960), Ru: Argyn—Boshan—Baib Seal Zhanylgan Saduakaskyzy (1923–1983), Ru: Argyn-Karakesek-Kara Toishybek Mynbasov (1905–1993), Ru: Kyrgyz Zeynep Rakhimbay (1906–1998) Kuat Moldakhmetov (1917–1918. Born., Year of Death Unknown), Ru: Tobykty-Zhailau Kurgan Amirkhamzauly (Born 1927), Ru: Middle Zhuz-Torykypshak-Kara Toty Musataykyzy (Born in 1944), Ru: Tobykty—Kuttybay Appaz Toreuly Torenov (1928–2009), Ru: Naiman-Aktaz—Kuttymbet Suleymenova Korlan Halykkyzy (1928–2019), Ru: Toka Apian Idyrisov (1917–1998), Ru: Khoja Aralbay Seitenuly (1905–1967), Ru: Buranshi-Bakal Bibekesh Kalieva (1918–2009), Ru: Takabai Makesh (Maryam) Suleimenkyzy (Born in 1900), Ru: Zhanibek Kuspek Ybyraiuly Omarchanov (1925–1996), Ru: Argyn-Bertis Rymkesh Donkebayeva (1922–2015), Ru: Kudaiberli Lyailya Ilyaskyzy Mahabayeva (Born 1935), Ru: Argyn-Karakesek-Kerney Sapiolla Aldahiyaruly Nazarov (1910–194?), Ru: Khoja Nurkhaua Karibayeva (1888–1974), Ru: Naiman Kabdulsamet Abdikadyrov (1895–1984), Ru: Karzhas-Altyntori Sharzhan Kazhybaykyzy (Born in 1912), Ru: Kushikbay

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361 369 379 382 401 404 406 409 413 418 421 426 435 438 439 442 444 446 448 449 450 451 452 454 456

CONTENTS

Kani Karimkyzy (1932–2017), Ru: Karakesek-Zhanibek Makila Akhmetzhankyzy (1901–1981), Ru: Karakesek-Konyshtagai-Karamende Idris Abikeyev (1918–1993), Ru: Karakesek Gulbaram Kiyakbayeva (1909–2004), Ru: Shekshek Mariyam Zhumakayeva, Ru: Karakesek Mukhtar Tursymbayev (Born in 1948) Damesh Togyzbaykyzy (Born in 1948), Ru: Argyn-Karakesek-Karson Mansur Auesbayuly Iskakov (1916–1992), Ru: Argyn—Karakesek—Baibori Kazanbai Zhanbyrshiuly (1902–1982), Ru: Naiman—Aktaz—Badana Buldybala Bulekbaykyzy (1905–1977), Ru: Sredny Zhuz, Zhalantos Zhibek Abildina (Born in 1935), Ru—Karsan, Three Brothers Duzei Marziya Bolendikyzy Auelbek Baikozhaev Interview with Kamel Zhunistegy, Member of the Board of the Writers’ Union of Kazakhstan, Winner of the Order of Honor Interview with the Famous Writer, Journalist, Local Historian, and Member of the Union of Writers of the Republic of Kazakhstan Zhanbolat Bashar Alua Marzalieva (Born in 1936), Ru: Tortkara Kurmangali Kenzhebaiuly Alshynbayev (Born in 1941), Ru: Saidaly Zhanyl Amanzholova (Born in 1946), Ru: Alsai Kapira Amanzholkyzy (Born in 1948), Ru: Saidaly Karlyga Abentaykyzy Esenzhan (Born in 1959) Klara Mukazhankyzy (Born 1932), Ru: Toka Nesipbala Kusainkyzy (Born in 1959), Ru: Tinali-Amandyk Altyn Shortanbaikyzy (Born in 1936), Ru: Karzhas Kabdikarim Tilesov (Born in 1925), Ru: Naiman Ulbosyn Ushankyzy Tyrmatova (b. 1947) Abdirakhman Bildebayuly (1896–1980), Ru: Karakesek—Karson—Baimurat Toleu Zhunusbekov (1904–1983), Ru: Alteke—Baigara

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Rabiga Suleymenkyzy Zhanagulova (1907–1997), Ru: Kozgan Orymbai Donentayuly (1894–1971), Ru: Argyn—Karakesek—Alteke Smagul Mukhamedzhanov (1895–1980), Ru: Karakesek Ibrai Ramazanov (1915–1995), Ru: Atygay—Karaul Anipa Ynkarbekkyzy (1878–1980), Ru: Kudaiberli Saduaqas Manyzuly (1880s—Approximately 1935), Ru: Bori—Basentiin Mullah Kabysh (Approximately: 1894–1938), Ru: Argyn-Karzhas Abdrakhman Sakauov (Died 1954), Ru: Karzhas Smagul Rayys (1934–2016), Ru: Aydabol Rymtai Ermakashevna Balieva (Born 1936), Ru: Karzhas Khafiz Husainovich Valitov (1905–1978) Zeitin Akishevich Akishev (1911–1991), Ru: Argyn Descendants of Tazhekeuly Upi Kazhy, Ru: Karakesek Gabdiyazdan Yerzhanuly (1902–1993), Ru: Kypshak Tleugabyl Uskembaev (Born 1924) and Zura Sharipova (Born 1921) Karybay Akhmetov (1912–2002), Ru: Sarmantai Zhakan Smakhanov (1932–2018), Ru: Tobykty—Asylbay Batima Amanbaykyzy Ikhanbayeva (1919–1996) Kalybek Turbekov (Born 1936) Bitim Akhmetov 4

Migrant Nomads Ainash Mustoyapova and Zhenisgul Ibraimova Bikamal Kalkabay (1930–2015), ru: Naiman Abdikabai Calykbaev (1898–1982), ru: Alteke – Zharas Tnali Asainov (1890–1970), ru: Zholaba—Kypshak—Istyk Isiny Iskak (1885–1958), ru: Atygai, and Kadisha (1903–1970), ru: Karaul Abdrakhman Sartabayev (b. 1912), ru: Karakesek—Tleubai—Taishyk Kali Baimenuly (1890–1978), ru: Kyrgyz Satu Kakenov

521 522 524 526 527 529 531 533 533 535 536 537 538 540 541 541 542 543 543 544 545 545 546 547 550 553 557 559

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Special Migrants Larissa Kharitonova and Ainash Mustoyapova Bikmaev Yunus Husainovich (1905–1955) and Kashifa Sabirovna (1905–1988) Anikina Daria Stepanovna and Arefiy Timofeevich Philippova Matryona Petrovna (1888–1971) and Andrey Afinogenovich (1887–1954) The Ermolayev’s family The Mikhailov’s family The Shabanov’s family Butuzov Dmitry Antipovich and Praskovya Vasilievna Ivan Philippovich Malkin (1876–1932) Bushuev Efrem Vasilyevich (1886–1932) and Natalya Rodionovna (1890–1979) Kulikov Yakov Yakovlevich (1898–1983) and Vasilisa Ilyinichna (1900–1981) Savchenko Pelagia Yakovlevna (1878–1963) Bragin Ivan Semyonovich (1900–1980) and Maria Ivanovna (1900–1956) Shishova Anna Andreevna (1888–1954) Stepan Tikhonovich Grechkin (1882–1974) Papanova Anna Andreevna (1887–1977) Podvigin Nikolay Vasilievich The Kolesnikov’s family Kositsyna Lyudmila Grigorievna (b. 1946) Interview Elena Vladimirovna Strahova

Index

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561 564 566 568 571 572 576 577 579 580 582 583 585 588 589 591 592 595 597 600 605

Editor and Contributors

About the Editor Nurlan Dulatbekov, Doctor of Law, Professor, is a Kazakhstan scientist in the field of criminal law and criminology and a member-correspondent of the National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Kazakhstan. He is the author of more than 200 scientific publications, the head of project “Karlag: memory in the name of the future”.

Contributors Kymbat Kazalievna Abdrakhmanova, Candidate of Historical Sciences, Associate Professor, is the author of more than 150 scientific and educational publications, including the textbook “Demography and population statistics” (2018) and 10 monographs (co-authored), including “Daily life of cities of Central Kazakhstan in 1945–1953” (2010), “History of urban everyday life of Central Kazakhstan in 1946–1991” (2017), “The Great Patriotic War and women of Kazakhstan: women’s stories and everyday life” (2020), “Women of Kazakhstan during the Great Patriotic War: memoirs and interviews” (2020).

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Zhenisgul Zhalgasbayevna Ibraimova, Candidate of Philological Sciences, Assistant Professor, is the author of more than 80 scientific and methodological publications, including the work “Syntax of Special structured sentences” (2012), electronic textbook “Syntax of special structured sentences in the Kazakh language” (2015) and co-author of the collective monograph “Syntactic paradigms in modern Kazakh language” (2016). Larissa Mikhailovna Kharitonova, Candidate of Philological Sciences, Assistant Professor, is the author of more than 60 scientific and educational publications, including the monograph “The genre of the book of poems in Russian poetry” (2009) and co-author of the textbook “Philological analysis of a literary text” (2016) and the monograph “The Book of Memory of Karaganda University” (2021). Ainash Tokushevna Mustoyapova, Candidate of Philological Sciences, Associate Professor, is the author of more than 50 scientific and educational publications (Kazakhstan, Great Britain, Poland, Ukraine, Russia, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan) and more than 150 journalistic articles, including the monograph “The Irish Novels of Maria Edgeworth” (2006), textbooks “The Japanese novel of the second half of the twentieth century” (2009), “Actual problems of modern literary studies (interdisciplinary theories and critical approaches)” (2021), “The Modernist Novel” (2022). Zauresh Galimjanovna Saktaganova, Doctor of history sciences, is a Professor, Director of the Center for Ethnocultural and Historical Anthropological Studies, Research Professor of the Chair of archeology, ethnologies and Native history, Karaganda University named after E. A. Buketov. She is the author of more than 300 scientific publications, including 12 monographs, 6 documentary collections, 16 methodical manuals, including the monograph “Economic modernization of Kazakhstan. 1946–1970” (2017).

Abbreviations

AJCL AR USPA AREC AUCP (b) CEC CECKazSSR CPC DC DEC KAC KASSR KazFU MTS and MMC NKSA OMS PCE PCIA PHC RC ARCP (b) RC AUCP(b) RCC-WPI RFSR

Association for the Joint Cultivation of the Land All Region United State Political Administration All-Russian Extraordinary Commission All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) County Executive Committee Central Executive Committee of the Kazakh SSR Civil Procedure Code District Committee District Executive Committee Karkaraly Administrative County Kazakh Autonomous Socialist Soviet Republic Kazakh Fishing Union Machine and Tractor Station and Machine and Mowing Station North Kazakhstan State Archive Organizational Management System People’s Committee of Education People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs People’s Health Committee Bureau of the Revolutionary Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party of Bolsheviks Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks) Regional Control Commission and Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic xv

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ABBREVIATIONS

SPD USPA USSR

Socio-Political Department United State Political Administration Union of Soviet Socialist Republics

CHAPTER 1

Preface Ainash Mustoyapova and Zauresh Saktaganova

On the whole, one of the most tragic pages in history of Soviet and twentieth century was the period of the late 1920s–1930s, when Soviet society experienced a series of severe upheavals associated with large-scale socioeconomic and political campaigns carried out by the Communist Party and the Soviet government. The consequences of these campaigns were irreversible. The sorrowful events of this period were the results of the dispossession and debayization of the Soviet village and the Kazakh aul, the forceful Stalinist collectivization, the forced sedentarization (settlement) of migrant-nomadic Kazakh farms, large-scale cattle, meat and grain procurement. All these occasions led to the tragedy of the Kazakh aul and the Kazakh village—the famine of 1931–1933.

A. Mustoyapova (B) · Z. Saktaganova Karaganda University Named After Academician E.A. Buketov, Karagandy, Kazakhstan e-mail: [email protected] Z. Saktaganova e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 N. Dulatbekov (ed.), The Famine of 1931-1933 in Central Kazakhstan, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8574-4_1

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The famine of the early 1930s engulfed many regions and republics of the USSR, the most severe consequences were experienced by the population of Kazakhstan, Ukraine, the Volga region, the Central Chernozem region, the Southern Urals, etc. These events were disastrous in Kazakhstan. According to Kazakh researchers, it was revealed that the terrible consequences of famine and epidemics brought to Kazakh population death of about 49%, with the meaning of almost every second Kazakh died of starvation or disease in the peaceful 30s of the XXth century. Discussions among domestic and foreign researchers about the reasons that caused the catastrophe in the Kazakh village do not subside and on this issue articles, dissertations and monographs appeared. The process of declassifying archival funds is still ongoing and it allows researchers to find new documents—evidence of these terrible events. Publications of archival documents were carried out in one-volume documentary collections published in the 1990s, with materials from archives, memoirs of eyewitnesses and witnesses of the famine. Over the past decades, foreign and domestic historiography has been replenished with fundamental publications of archival collections: 4 volumes of a collection of documents and materials “The Soviet Village through the Eyes of the AREC-USPA-PCIA in 1918–1939” in 1998–2012; a five-volume series of documentary collections entitled “The Tragedy of the Soviet Village: Collectivization and Dispossession. 1927–1939” in the early 2000s compiled by Russian historians; a collection of documents in 3 volumes “The tragedy of the Kazakh village in 1928–1934 in 2013–2018”; 5 volumes of the documentary chronicle “Asharshylyk. Famine. 1928–1934 years. Compliation of documents” were prepared and published in 2021. Nevertheless, the history of these occasions of the early 1930s on a local, regional and district scale remains as an insufficiently developed problem which is the historians of Kazakhstan are still at the beginning of this path. There are very few research papers with great analysis of the problem. After gaining the independence, there was an opportunity to speak publicly about this, analyzing the documents of those years, collecting the memories of the witnesses of the famine preserved in the memory of the descendants. Hence, there is a possibility to create the most complete and truthful picture of that historical catastrophe, the consequences of which are felt till current day. The case of the famine remained tabooed for a long time. Throughout the reconstruction period, numerous people who suffered from famine

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were subjected to dispossession, exile, deportation, rehabilitated, found a voice and … fell silent again. After 30 years of the collapse of the USSR, we again turn to these events in order to restore the historical canvas based on documentary facts and memories preserved in the families of people who survived the famine of the early 1930s. Undoubtedly, those historical occasions, especially traumatic experiences, have a significant impact on the identity of a nation. Unfortunately, the tragic history of the XXth century (World wars, civil wars, the revolution, the crisis of 1929, genocides, the Holocaust, political repressions, concentration camps, deportations, etc.) led to the emergence of a considerable number of collective misery. National traumas are brought into existence by individual and collective reactions to exceptional events within a short period of time which lead to radical changes in the individual and society. The cases of the XXth century that took place in Kazakhstan caused a serious transformation not only in the way of life of the Kazakhs; likewise in the system of values, the nature of social relations, which affected significantly the moral health of the nation. Acknowledging the circumstance about the people of Kazakhstan, we should also mention the collective trauma experienced by different ethnic groups of our compatriots during the period of forced resettlement (after dispossession) and deportation of crowd. Moreover, these events occurred against a general traumatic background—war, political repression, exile in camps, etc. Do we perceive the voices of deported peoples’ representatives, descendants of the dispossessed and exiled to Kazakhstan, and others nowadays? Without their voices, we will be unable to understand their worldview, share their experience or achieve solidarity based on a shared history and values; more specifically, the interconnectedness of different ethnic groups’ histories, that further could become the phenomenon around which a public consensus is built. Therefore, we must write history and stories. Historical writing is the working through the trauma, particularly its awareness and mitigation in the present and future. One of the conditions is “reconciliation” of the past with the meaning of not escaping from a traumatic experience, a displacement of trauma into the subconscious, but a studying or exploring of occurred circumstances. The necessity of comprehensive and objective studies which reveal the causes and consequences of 1931–1933 famine in the whole republic and

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in the regions was significant to form a more complete picture of the XXth century’s history. This was the main aim of the compilers of this compilation of archival documents and memoirs. The tasks that are set and solved by the compilers of this book are as followed: • to publish archival documents that directly or indirectly reflect the events in the republic and in Central Kazakhstan (Karaganda region) at the turn of 1920–1930; • collect the stories of families who survived the famine of 1931–1933. Central Kazakhstan remained a livestock-breeding region until the late 1920s, when the Kazakh population prevailed, engaged mainly in nomadic and semi-nomadic cattle breeding. The forced sedentarization carried out in a short time predetermined the most radical nature of the breakdown of the traditional way of life and management and, as a result, large-scale human losses. This book reflects the events of the late 1920s–early 1930s, which took place on the territory of Central Kazakhstan. The administrativeterritorial division of Kazakhstan in the period from 1928 to 1936 was changed several times. Semipalatinsk province, which previously consisted of Zaisan, Karkaralinsky, Semipalatinsk, Ust-Kamenogorsk, Pavlodar and Bukhtarma counties, was abolished in 1928. Akmola, Karkaraly, Pavlodar, Semipalatinsk and Syr-Darya districts have been created on its territory. Akmola district was formed from parts of Akmola and Semipalatinsk provinces and existed from 1928 to 1930. Currently, separate parts of this territory are located in the Akmola and Karaganda regions. The Karkaraly county, formed from a part of the Semipalatinsk province, existed in 1928–1930 and included 7 districts: Abralinsky, Aksarinsky, Balkhashsky (Tokrausky), Berkarinsky, Kuvsky, Chetsky, Chubartausky regions. All districts of the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic were abolished in 1930, and their districts were transferred to direct subordination to the republican authorities. On July 4, 1934, Karkaralinsky district was formed from the outlying districts of Alma-Ata, East Kazakhstan and Karaganda regions with the center in the city of Karkaralinsk. The Pavlodar county was formed in January 1928 from the Pavlodar district, parts of the Semipalatinsk and Akmola provinces. It existed until 1930. Likewise, in January 1928, the Semipalatinsk district was formed from parts of the Jetysu and Semipalatinsk provinces. It existed until

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1930. All districts covering parts of the territory of Central Kazakhstan were abolished on December 17, 1930, during a period of increasingly severe famine, outbreaks of uprisings and mass migrations from Kazakhstan. Karaganda region was formed in 1932, which included the territory of Northern and Central Kazakhstan. Initially, its regional center was the city of Petropavlovsk. Since the borders of provinces, counties, and then okrugs, districts and regions were mobile during the period described, it is not possible to focus on the administrative-territorial division. The collection of materials of memories was carried out conditionally within the boundaries of the geographical Central Kazakhstan, which is located on the northwestern outskirts of the subcontinent and occupies the space of the Turgai plateau in the west and in the center and east Kazakh hills. In the north it borders on the West Siberian Plain, in the northwest—on the mountains of the Urals and Mugodzhar, in the southwest and south—on the plains of the Turan Plate, in the east—on the mountains of Altai and Tarbagatai.

*** The first part of the book contains archival materials concerning the documentary reflection of the processes associated with collectivization in the late 1920s and the famine of 1931–1933. It includes archival documents on the designated problem in chronological order. To prepare this part of the compilation, documents from the central and regional Kazakh archives were identified and selected: the Archive of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan (AP RK), the Central State Archive of the Republic of Kazakhstan (CSA RK), the State Archive of the Karaganda region (SAK), the North Kazakhstan State Archive. The compliation consists of sources from archival collections—92 documents, the vast majority of which are published for the first time. A small part of the re-published documents is related to the period of the late 1920s, since there are a small number of documents on Central Kazakhstan in the regional and republican archives for these years. The archival documents presented in the compliation are not geographically limited exclusively to the Central Kazakhstan region, for comparison, comparative analysis, completeness of the picture, documents containing generalizing information throughout the republic are given, there are documents reflecting the events of adjacent regions (counties, districts, regions). A certain part

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of the archival materials includes information on Northern Kazakhstan, since these areas were part of the Karaganda region in the early 30 s of the twentieth century. Until recently, many of the submitted documents were classified as “secret” or “top secret” and had not been published before. Particularly, the documents of the fund 141—Kazakh Regional Committee of the AUCP(b), containing materials on collectivization and settling, migrations and migrators, on directives, plans for cattle procurements and their implementation, reports and summaries of the USPA on protest moods and speeches of the peasantry, outrages and abuses of the authorized, etc., were attracted from the AP RK. These documents often represent the real situation on the ground, but the explanation of such a situation, as a rule, reflects the political and ideological conjuncture of the moment, writing off all negative manifestations either to the antiSoviet actions of the “Kulak-Bay element”, or to “excesses, mistakes and miscalculations of local party and Soviet workers”. Materials from party funds with fragments of protocols of party meetings of district committees, local party decisions and resolutions on agriculture, animal husbandry, procurement, dekulakization, etc. were selected from regional archives. Fragments of various reports on collectivization, grain, cattle and meat procurements, documents on dekulakization in a number of districts, which allow tracing microhistorical processes in Kazakh families, villages, etc., are presented from the State Archive of the Karaganda region. Memos and special reports of the USPA describe in more detail the political situation in individual collective farms and districts of the region. Reports on the processes of settling of Kazakh migrant-nomadic farms in the republic as a whole and in some areas, in particular, give an opportunity to see the problems and difficulties of sedentarization in this period. The information reports and summaries on the activities of the commissioners for collective farm construction in the counties and districts recorded facts of abuses and violations of the rule of law, which led to protest sentiments and insurgent movements in the region. Food difficulties as a result of mass seizures, deaths and slaughter of livestock are reflected in information and reports on the ground. Mass migrations, assistance provided/not provided to the migrants, their situation in the areas of arrival demonstrate the consequences of the collectivization campaign. More than a dozen documents

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reflect the epidemiological situation in the Karaganda region, cases of mass diseases and deaths from typhus, smallpox, etc. The documents from the fund 9P (Karkaraly district Committee of the AUCP(b)) contain information about the actions of members of collective farm boards authorized to conduct collective farm construction, from fund 13 (Telmanovsky district, 1931–1933), fund 3P (Karaganda City Committee of the AUCP(b)), etc. There are stories about the economic situation, health care in a number of districts of the region: Karkaralinsky, Telmanovsky, Nurinsky, Zhanaarkinsky, Karaganda, etc., the mood of the population, materials about cattle and grain deliveries, etc. They are reflected by narratives from the fund 18 (Karaganda Regional Council of People’s Deputies, 1930–1933). In the fund 76 (District Councils of Karkaralinsk), documents on animal husbandry in the Karkaralinsk district are involved. The documents of the 1189 foundation are involved from the NKSA—on the facts of swelling from hunger in a number of villages, epidemic diseases and measures to prevent large-scale epidemics, mass cases of cattle theft, etc. Archival documents of the collection give an idea of the main directions of the center’s policy on the ground for the implementation of forced collectivization, about the causes of famine in the early 30 s of the twentieth century. The texts preserve the stylistic features of this period. Spelling errors in archived texts have been corrected. Some of the documents are given in an abbreviated version, the missing fragments are indicated by an ellipsis in square brackets. In the published telegrams, missing prepositions, additions, etc. are introduced in square brackets for the perception of the text. The documents are provided with editorial headings. The second part contains the memories of witnesses of the famine, preserved in families and passed on to children and grandchildren. Taking into account the fact that nowadays there are no primary informants— witnesses of the events of the early 1930s—left alive, the compilers carried out the collection of memories in families whose ancestors survived the famine. This part of the book is structured according to the collected material, and includes three sections. The first section “Famine in the Steppe” contains narratives about those who suffered famine on the territory of Central Kazakhstan. It presents more than 70 memories of the descendants of those who survived the famine and kept the memory of it in the family.

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The second section “Migrant-Nomads” is devoted to the stories of families who migrated to neighboring territories in the late 1920s–early 1930s and returned to their homeland in subsequent years. There are 7 such narratives, and they reflect the picture of the migration of starving Kazakhs to the Russian regions. The third section “Special Settlers” tells about families who were dispossessed in Russia and Ukraine and exiled to the territory of Central Kazakhstan in the early 1930s. This section contains 20 memoirs of the descendants of those who survived the conditions of expulsion and starvation.

CHAPTER 2

Archival Documents Zauresh Saktaganova and Kymbat Abdrahmanova

№1 From Information on Stable Legality During Various Tax Campaigns in Karkaraly District Karkaraly, April 1928 At the apparatus of Poduzov, Masanov, Logachev General conclusions are conveyed briefly. There are a number of unacceptable perversions in the field of self-taxation, market regulation, and lawlessness. The question of expropriation was raised first at a closed meeting of the bureau as it is known, then in the course of a mass campaign it became the property of the population. Conversations about expropriation disoriented both district committee governance itself and county and township workers. In close connection with this, there are

Z. Saktaganova (B) · K. Abdrahmanova Faculty of History, Karaganda State University Named After Academician E. A. Buketov, Karaganda, Kazakhstan e-mail: [email protected] K. Abdrahmanova e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 N. Dulatbekov (ed.), The Famine of 1931-1933 in Central Kazakhstan, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8574-4_2

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excesses, perversions in the field of self-taxation, which has actually been turned into partial expropriation, the imposition of slavery. It is characteristic that the expression “self-taxation of bais” appears in all available protocols of gatherings. The speakers authorized at the meetings explain the campaign of self-taxation as the dispossession of the village, the expropriation of the bais. In the district committee circular, the task is also defined as the self-taxation of the household. A typical self-taxation procedure: the village assembly determines the amount, fixes a list of several fights, divides them into categories, distributes the entire amount between them, very often accompanied by a petition for additional large taxation of bais. The activity of some commissioners, especially of the county scale, in this respect has no limit. In the mass of the poor, Combat sentiments are being cultivated among the mass of the poor. Certainly, there is no need to talk about compliance with the norms of the law. The limit of 75% was accepted here as the average for the county, thus, individual volosts, as a task, received 86%. They established a number of gross perversions on the ground, illegal searches, the taking away of bread, cars, a lot of cases of bungling. Many people were rounded up in the city, and after the raids, many cases were terminated by the court for lack of corpus delicti. Household items appear in the acts of searches. Since the beginning of the fur-raw materials procurement, the bureau has never discussed this issue, the procureers were presented to themselves. The management has recently expressed itself in a certain rationalization. In connection with the imaginary jute (mass death of livestock from starvation), the threat of famine, the producers of Gostorg, Upsyrzaga were distracted by grain operations. Nobody was engaged in the distribution of manufactured goods from the point of view of strengthening raw materials. The lack of attention is explained to raw materials by the prevalence of parochial interests, the hype around jute, hunger. All the resolutions of the governing bodies are permeated with jute. There was not occured jute currently, there were overblown fears, hype. The commission has not provided any data justifying this hype. Informing about all these in order to give an idea of our next questions to you: our conclusions will be drastic, providing for organizational conclusions in relation to a number of people. As it is known for you, there is raised a question whether to put them on the ukoma bureau, bearing in mind the [collapse] of the campaign, on the other hand, there is no guarantee in the future in the right leadership. How to deal with self-taxation, to offer a radical or partial correction, as can be seen [from the above] is a difficult

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matter. Bais fell ill on the eve of our arrival, and has not come out until now. Today it is reported especially about Murtazin. The attitude towards us is strained, unhealthy, at the very first meeting of the bureau they began to discredit Masanov. Moreover, there was an unpleasant atmosphere for work, but we behaved with restraint, did not give a reason for misunderstandings. This should be borne in mind in the first question. Respond about the departure time of Poduzov and Logachev. Masanov strongly insists on simultaneous departure for obvious reasons. We are waiting for responses. The conclusions were adopted by the commission unanimously. Members of the commission Poduzov A. Masanov L. Logachev Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 1689. Sheet 3–3. Copy.

№2 From the Minutes of the Extraordinary Meeting Karkaraly District Committee of the AUCP(b) “On the Situation of Confiscated Cattle in the Kuva District” Kyzylorda, May 20, 1928 Attended: Comrades Baybosunov, Ordabaev, Kulenev, Zhankashiev, Nurzhanov Chairman: Kulcharov. Secretary: Alekseev Listened: 1. Information of Comrade Nurzhanov on the situation of confiscated cattle in the Kuva volost (information attached). Decided: After hearing an information message about the situation of confiscated cattle in the Kuva volost, the ukoma bureau decided: 1. Consider as established facts the hiding of cattle by the bais (by distributing to relatives, the poor and individual volost and aul workers) of the Kuva volost: horses – 745, horned – 423, camels – 10, rams, goats – 873, [including. hidden by Akayev Khasen horses – 384, horned – 238, camels – 7, rams, goats – 203. 2. The motivation of the bais, the death of cattle from jute is not justified by anything, because the existing acts are certified by the village

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councils without establishing the validity, to be considered fictitious, for which to propose the factions of the PEC and the upolgubsud T. Outenev urgently take measures to investigate fictitiously drawn up acts and bring the perpetrators to criminal responsibility. 3. In order to identify and register materials on the bais who have hidden their cattle, urgently send authorized T. Chupin and Utepov. 4. Based on the current situation, it is necessary and expedient to sell the remaining confiscated cattle, for which is proposed to the PEC faction to negotiate with the authorized Lenmasprodukt. 5. To ask the province for the urgent eviction of the Akayev bais from the borders of the Karkaraly district as socially dangerous elements. 6. For urgent orders of the directives of the Civil Code, inform today by direct wire. Chairman Kulcharov Secretary Alekseev Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 1857. Sheet 445. Certified copy. Asharshylyk. Famine… Volume 1. 1928– 1934… Pages 198-199.

№3 Information About the State of Village Councils and Farms of Kazakh Districts of Karkaraly District Karkaraly, September 4, 1928 Karkaraly RCAUCP(b) Copy: Kazakh Regional Committee AUCP(b) It is known that, according to the resolution of the district committee, visiting the districts, 3 tasks were pursued: a. clarification of the resolution of the July Plenum of the Central Committee and the relevant decisions of the District Committee and the Regional Committee regarding the correction of shortcomings discovered during the emergency campaign; b. checking the results of accounting for the objects of taxation, particularly, clarifying the reality of the control figure, taught from above, and the situation with individual taxation;

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c. preparing local party organizations, councils and the population for the first regular appeal of 1906 and, based on these three most important issues, we tried to find out to what extent it was reflected on the ground, in the work of the soviets and the mood of the masses, the slogan “Sovietization of the village” for the three years passed. We put the last question conditionally, since it involves a more detailed study. Starting with the first issue: from the questions and speeches at the gatherings, it turns out that the so-called “court order”, a fine according to the lists of village councils of 40–50 householders for concealing taxable objects is a mass phenomenon, and it mainly affected low-power and middle-class farms, and it is clear that the bais who got caught for concealment are not fined, but directly confiscated. There are numerous occasions of selling at auction. There are cases when a low-power farm is ruined to the ground as a result of a fine by the court, self-taxation, etc. (facts on villages № 2, 3 and 5 of the Abralin district). Moreover, the very method of actions of the narsudei was at least a complete lawlessness, for example: the village council represented by the chairman and secretary, make a list of farms in absentia based on the assumption that these farms hid cattle (usually for 30–40 or more farms). Upon receipt of this list, the court, without considering whether it is true or false that the cattle are hidden, without considering the economic situation of individual farms that have come under trial (whether poor, middle-class, etc.), issues one general order – to fine. […] Next, we met the most enslaving forms of exploitation of poor orphans by bais. One bai has according to his admission, 2 hired permanent laborers and 2 more semi-laborers which conditioned by verbal contracts. In the latter case, the bai is obliged to give kumys to drink and provide the family with means of transportation when migrating to these semi-tents. But for this, half-sheep must milk mares, guard sheep at night, often water cattle, follow guests arriving at the bai, etc. (the case in aul № 3). Another example, an orphan boy from the age of 10 was given to Bai. Bai is obliged to feed “saumal” and that’s it, but for this the boy is exploited as badly as possible. He is a sheep herder, collects dung, puts samovars, heats boilers, in a word, “an easy messenger for various jobs.”

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Relatives do not accept the orphan, because he feeds at the bai, and the pre-council certifies it officially. In general, it turns out that the pre-village councils issue such certificates to the bais generously, for example: one pre-school committee has 14 such exculpatory documents for the bais, the documents were issued by the village councils. The work of the soviets can be briefly characterized as follows: the previllage council is called the “foreman”, and in fact many village councils cannot be called otherwise. In most cases, the pre-village councils are Bay proteges, for example: 2 pre-village councils in the Berkarinsky district were removed, as direct defenders of the bais, during the agricultural tax, many pre-village councils of the Abralinsky district issued certificates to the bais that they (bais) do not hire farmhands, do not hide cattle from the unified agricultural tax, sometimes do not include in the lists of bais subject to individual taxation, etc.… CATTLE BREEDING The largest loss of livestock, according to the district executive committees, falls on the Abralin district. The population is mostly nomadic. This is not accidental, they do not have convenient lands – there are only separate patches of them. Most farms do not have hay stock for the winter. The possibility of expanding hayfields is associated with the presence of water, watering. Separate farms spontaneously began to water individual patches of land, which in the sense of obtaining hay gives excellent results, but the trouble is that this most spontaneous desire of the population is not serviced by anyone organizationally. The question of hay, the availability of grassland is a matter of “life and death” for the cattle breeder, from the point of view of his production activity. The presence of hay is a prerequisite for settling. In addition, the availability of hay for the poor is connected with the fight against the dependence of the poor and low-power farms on bais for movement (migration). The local agricultural cooperatives did not lift a finger for the development of production activities. Imported agricultural machinery was sent along the lines of satisfying prosperous individual farms. Low-capacity farms and the poor directly stated that “the treasury does not look at them.” What else “the authorities did not look back at the poor”, and this is true: (a) they do not receive cars, bread, tea, textiles, this poor is denied; (b) Bai supporters in the councils.

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RESULTS OF ACCOUNTING OF TAXABLE OBJECTS Two districts, despite the campaign to identify taxable objects, failed to meet the target figure. Obviously, in addition to the presence of concealment in some farms (and it is difficult to claim with all certainty after the excesses of the winter campaign, fines, confiscation), there are other reasons. A. 20% of the natural increase could not be in the presence of jute and any administrative penalties (in winter), directly or indirectly affected the growth of the economic well-being of individual farms. B. Not everyone was able to sow, some of the seeds were obviously eaten. Nevertheless, there are a lot of complaints about incorrect accounting of taxation objects. It was failed to check the fairness and it was said that they retrained last year, that this year the mechanical accrual took place in excess of the testimony of the owners themselves. It is necessary to thoroughly check on the example, assuming that, 3–4 villages of different districts. Afterwards, at all meetings, a list of people to individual self-taxation was announced and after clarification at all meetings, it was indicated that individual middle peasant farms had been hit (they even called them by their surnames). At the same time, at two meetings, in aul № 7 Berkkars and № 1, 2 auls of Abrals, it was pointed out that the owners, equal in property status, remained not included in the list subject to individual taxation. It is necessary to check how widespread this phenomenon is and confirm once and for all that the law on the unified agricultural tax is fully complied with, rejecting any aspirations to fill in the control figure or get more budget opportunities. It is especially necessary to emphasize in this sense, so as not to offend the middle class, and so that, with individual taxation, the relevant legal signs are precisely established and justified. ABOUT THE CALL OF CITIZENS BORN IN 1906 From the mood of the cattle breeders, it could be concluded that: (a) the call by the Kaz government of young people to the Red Army was deliberately approved. Panic and despondency were not seen anywhere. The questions are purely business. There are even those who want to go voluntarily, especially from Komsomol members. If to compare this

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appeal with the appeal of 1916, it would seem that this appeal is quite natural and expedient for the population. That’s our impression. We met much desire to get a benefit, therefore, not quite a willing response in the Abralinsky district, which it seems to us, is most of all due to the fact that there are no elements of Sovietization and development of the Soviet public in this area at all (in the first section we characterized the activities of the aul cooperative, the bonded form of exploitation of the poor, etc., which is a mass phenomenon in the Abralinsky district). GENERAL CONCLUSION (CRITICAL) The middle peasant is downtrodden, intimidated, hence his lack of confidence in the government, and above all, the local one. There are a lot of questions about the average person at the gatherings. The poor people have hope for Soviet power, but the aspirations of the poor have not yet been fulfilled. The poor directly declare that “the treasury does not look at them.” “The government has not yet turned its face to the poor.” There is a healthy distrustful attitude of the poor towards local workers of councils, cooperatives, etc. There are no councils in a number of villages yet. There is the support of the Bais from the Soviets, ignoring the interests of the poor, the most enslaved form of exploitation of the poor and farmhands. There is no protection of labor, especially the poor semipoor. Mass administration, insufficiently attentive approach to individual self–taxation – the average person is partially hurt. This is the general conclusion. Eliminating the shadow sides is our most important task. It is needed to reflect them in our plans and daily work. Secretary of the General Staff of the AUCP(b) Sultangaliev Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 2008. Sheet 13–17. Script.

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№4 Resolution № 17 of the Akmola District Executive Committee Akmola, December 30, 1928 About the measures of shipment of harvested bread to the railway line: 1. Considering that in a number of bulk areas of the Akmola district, large stocks of bread harvested for the state are stored; 2. That the formed stocks are the result of insufficient development of the rate of shipment of harvested bread; 3. That the bulk of the population, seeing huge grain stocks, partly located in rooms that do not ensure the preservation of bread from spoilage, or even just in the open air, in order to prevent them from spoilage, willingly goes to meet measures to increase the rate of shipment of such to the railway line, manifesting this in the form of the organization of public shipments of bread; 4. That recently Kulaks, bai and other anti-Soviet elements in the village and aul, especially with the opening of the campaign for re-election to the Soviets, have intensified their hostile activities in general, in particular, in every possible way prevent the shipment of state bread to the railway line, showing this not only by noncompliance with the resolutions of the general meetings of the citizens of the village and aul on the organization of public shipment, but, sometimes, and active opposition to such undertakings; Akmola District Executive Committee DECIDES: 1. To invite all village and aul councils to conduct extensive explanatory work to mobilize public opinion on the issues of organizing the shipment of state grain stocks to the railway line. 2. Resolutions passed at general meetings of the citizens of the village and aul by a majority of votes on the organization of public shipment of state bread at fixed prices set by the County bargain shall be considered unconditionally binding for all citizens of this village and aul. 3. Upon the issuance of resolutions by the general meetings on the organization of public shipment, the village councils must immediately resolve the following issues: (a) on the amount of participation

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in the public shipment of individual citizens of the village (on the number of carts to be put up by an individual participant in the convoy), (b) on the date of departure of the convoy and (c) on exemption from participation in the public shipment of individual citizens, both for low power and for other valid reasons. 4. Individual citizens who evade without valid reasons from participating in a public shipment organized by the resolution of the general meeting of citizens of the village and aul, subject to an administrative fine of up to ten rubles or forced labor for up to two weeks, and persons who evade participation in a public shipment in a group order, by prior agreement with each other, to attract to be criminally liable under Article 61 of the Criminal Code. 5. Supervision of the implementation of this resolution is entrusted to the District Executive Committee and Village councils. 6. This resolution comes into force from the moment of its publication and is valid on the territory of the Akmola district for the entire time of shipment of bread blanks of the current year. Chairman of the District Executive Committee Kozlov Executive Secretary Denisenko State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 677. Inventary 1. Case 1. Sheet 15. Copy.

№5 Growth of Livestock in Karkaraly County Kazakh, Russian and Other Population from 1916 to 1927 Karkaraly, 1928 Conventional signs Kazakh population Russian and other population

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1.8

1.5

Millions

1.2 Kazakh population

0.9

Russian and other population

0.6

0.3

0 1916

1920

1922

1923

1924

1925

1926

1927

State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 1. Inventary 1. Case 26. Sheet 48. Copy.

№6 Letter from the Chairman of the Industrial DEC, Directed to the Chairman of the Minkov Village Council on the Immediate Ban on the Sale of Livestock to the Kulak Part of the Village October 1, 1929 To all village councils and Commissioners of the DEC In confirmation of the earlier given directives on the mandatory implementation of the grain procurement plan, the District Executive Committee, on the basis of telegraph orders of CEC and County trade № 1453 and 454/1493 proposes: 1. Fulfillment of household plans for procurement by kulak farms to be completed by October 5 of this year. 2. To immediately prohibit the sale of livestock to the kulak part of the village until the final implementation of the grain procurement plan. 3. To pay special attention to preventing the leakage of bread into the border districts of Karkaraly and Pavlodar. In the event of

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the appearance of non-resident procurers, immediately hold them accountable. 4. Once again we remind you of the accurate presentation by the soviets of five-day information on grain procurements, which to this day has not been presented by any village soviet. Executive CEC Petrenko Brigadier Chairman of DEC Riemer Secretary Baklyuk State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 677. Inventary 1. Case 1. Sheet 19. Copy.

№7 Letter from the Chairman of the Industrial DEC, Directed to the Chairman of the Minkov Village Council About the Beginning of Complete Collectivization in the Industrial Area November 26, 1929 To all regional councils of the industrial region Authorized On the basis of the telegraph order of the County trade dated 26/XI29 No. 1845, we propose immediately to examine the mills available in your village council for the presence of handed over bread, grinding of bread, and to establish its ownership by receipt books, as kulak and wealthy farms, so as not to hand over the grain to the state, resort to the deliberate retention of their grain in the mills. In the event that grain belonging to kulak farms that have not fulfilled the firm task of their household plan is found, seize it. We warn you that in imposing an arrest on bread, a clear class approach is needed, and the last thing is to apply exclusively to kulaks who have not fulfilled the household plan. Report the result immediately. Chairman of DEC Potanin Secretary Ovtcharov State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 677. Inventary 1. Case 1. Sheet 48. Copy.

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№8 Letter from the Chairman of the Industrial DEC About the Immediate Ban on the Sale of Livestock to the Kulak Part of the Village December 1, 1929 To all village councils of Industrial area In connection with the holding of a grain procurement campaign and the resulting repressions against the kulaks – the malicious non-deliverers of bread, there is a sale of working cattle and property in general by kulak farms in order to hide their social status and evade labor conscription. Therefore, we suggest that the village councils monitor such maneuvering of the kulaks and prevent the malicious sale of their property by this social group of farms. Chairman of DEC Riemer Secretary Ovtcharov State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 1. Inventary 1. Case 1. Sheet 58. Copy.

№9 Letter from the Chairman of the Industrial DEC, Directed to the Chairman of the Minkov Village Council on the Immediate Ban on the Sale of Livestock to the Kulak Part of the Village December 3, 1929 To all village councils of Industrial area The letter is accompanied by an extract from the minutes of the meeting of the Presidium of KCEC dated October 19, 1929. № 24 instruction of the PCJ of the PCIAKSSR attached to it on the procedure for applying this decision by the kulak, prosperous and bay economy, evading payments of state taxes and disputes and from the performance of state and public duties. What should you be guided by when observing the cases indicated in the resolution and widely notify the population that kulak, bay and prosperous farms leaving for resettlement and liquidating their property in order to evade payments and state duties will be deprived of their

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land allotment and immediately report on the possible resolutions indicated District militia, in the event that these farms have already left for resettlement, report to their place of residence in order to bring them to justice. Chairman of DEC Riemer Secretary Ovtcharov State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 677. Inventary 1. Case 1. Sheet 72. Copy.

№ 10 An Agreement on Socialist Competition Between Zeleno-Balkovsk and Tikhonov Village Councils on the Opening of 20 Pits with Hidden Kulak Bread December 4, 1929 On behalf of the working peasants of the village of Z-Balka (in the amount of 320 people), the undersigned representatives of the peasantry of the Z-Balkin village council, following the precepts of our great Teacher “Ilyich”, mobilizing the broad masses of the peasantry to fulfill the tasks facing the USSR for 100% completion of grain procurements, which are associated with the implementation of the five-year plan, in order to achieve the most successful implementation, we announce socialist competition between the village councils of Z-Balkinsky on the one hand, Tikhonov on the other. Between these village councils, until December 10, 1929, for the most successful fulfillment of the tasks of the party in the government, we undertake to open 20 pits in the Z-Balkinsky village council, with hidden kulak bread, and call the Tikhonovsky village council for 25 pits with kulak bread. Collect until December 6, 1929, all types of debts to the state. Confirming this obligation to fulfill all the points specified in this agreement, we give our promise! Unconditionally carry out all measures aimed at the existence of the tasks set by the party to the Soviet authorities. We accept the challenge of the village of Minkov and, in turn, call the peasants of the village of Tikhonovskoye to follow our example. Forward to new victories for bread: For the general line of the party (We give bread) to the working people of the Soviet Union.

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Chairman of the Village Council Brigade Headquarters Secretary of the DEC State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 677. Inventary 1. Case 1. Sheet 87. Copy.

№ 11 A Letter from the Chairman of the Operative Triple of the INDUSTRIAL DEC, Directed to the Chairman of the Khlebny Village Council, on the Procedure for Distributing the Proceeds from the Delivery of Procurement Organizations found In the Pits of Bread Telman district, December 16, 1929 To all village councils of the industrial region On the basis of the Operative triple telegraph order, in addition to the previously given instructions, we propose to take into account and steadily implement the following procedure for distributing the proceeds from the delivery of grain found in the pits to procurement organizations: 1. 50% of the value of the bread found in the pits is immediately given to the teams that opened these pits as bonuses upon its acceptance. 2. The remaining 50% of the cost of this bread is sent by the procurers to the Regional Executive Committee to cover the costs incurred in sending brigades to other villages, districts and counties. We oblige the procurers to keep a strict record of the issuance of bonuses for the opening of pits, reporting the amount of bonuses issued in District Operative triple by 18/XII-29. Announce this instruction against receipts to the producers. Chairman of Operative triple Sherstnev Member of Triple Potanin State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 677. Inventary 1. Case 1. Sheet 87. Copy.

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№ 12 Report on Organizational and Mass the Work of the Minkovsky Village Council 1929 The general state of class forces in the countryside The Minkov village council unites one village of 168 households with a population of 1031 people. The population currently consists of the following groups: By sowing Number of farms with crops Up to 1 tithe per farm

Up to 2 tithe

From 2 to 5 tithe

5

58

2

From 5 to 10 From 10 to 15 tithe tithe 89

13

From 15 to 20 tithe 1

By livestock Number of livestock farms 4 farms

Livestock on the farm From 1 head to farm

From 2 to 3 heads

From 3 to 5 heads

From 5 to 10 heads

From 10 to 15 heads

From 15 to 20 heads

From 20 to 25 heads

3

18

48

65

18

1

1

Class stratification for the given reporting period The developing poor are becoming aware of their class line. For example: the implementation of the 3rd state loan, the poor took an active part in the implementation of this. Currently, 47 households are listed in poverty. Middle peasants – 113 yards, wealthy – 2 yards. In the last reporting period, i.e. in 1927–1928, there were 10 households of farm laborers, 119 households of poor peasants, 38 households of middle peasants and 3 households of wealthy peasants. The economy of one group or another is difficult. Nevertheless, the growth of poverty in economic terms is significant. The influence of

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public events on class stratification is explained by the fact that […] the sowing is reduced, livestock is sold with certain economic and political measures. There is no outstanding kulaks, but there are elements that do not stand out so sharply from among the masses in their power, but at the same time go against the measures of the owls. authorities, not in general, but only measures, such as grain procurement, the implementation of a loan, the contracting of sowing. Open speeches against Soviet authorities and activities were also observed, and as a result, 1 person was put on trial and sentenced to 1 year 6 months in prison. The public behavior of the kulakists, as well as the deceiver from the poor, poured out in a very sharp form, which served to disrupt the ongoing campaigns, to eradicate which, intensified agitation work among the poor was required in order to fully create class stratification, which in the end develops, and the poor begin to realize your class line. Chairman of the Minkovsky Village Council Secretary State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 677. Inventary 1. Case 1. Sheet 30. Copy.

№ 13 From Information on the Contamination of Collective Farms in the Chubartau District Karkaraly, February 5–May 4, 1930 The composition of the board of the collective farm “Jana-Talab”: 1. Abyshev Mukhtarkhan is the chairman of the board. Abyshev’s grandfather is Yelemes, who was a well-known Khazhi, mullah and bay. Father – Elemesov Abysh was not a wealthy bai, but he lived better than the average peasant, had a permanent farm laborer, despite the fact that he is a member of the collective farm. Abisha’s older brothers, the Elemisovs Seitkan and Seitzhan live together, the latter is still young, they have a Bai farm, subject to individual taxation. In addition, Seitkan is a mullah. […] According to the same Zhakypov Daniker, the camel of Bai Bakin Tonyrbergen was found near the chairman of Abdykarym village № 9 which was hidden from the inventory (surname unknown).

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Authorized Bayzakov found in one of the graves and confiscated the property of bai Kobzherov Toleu (village № 11), including an expensive fur coat with black-brown fox fur. Baizakov, in another place along the coast of Lake Balkhash, discovered a box of gold, hidden from the unsubscribe by Bai Bakin Tanyrbergen. At the beginning of the collection of the semfond from the 9th aul, Bai Meyzakov Kozheke, who had recently been somewhere in the Ayaguz region, disappeared. Characteristics of the collective farm management: The chairman of the board of the collective farm “Madanyat” – Dzhalbagaev Yerezhep – 41, comes from a well-born Bai family, which at one time had great social influence. […] Prosperous Ozhakbaev Madigali with an income of over 200 rubles. and Balpanov Esembek, with an income of over 300 rubles, tried all the time to become members of the Madanyat collective farm, but they were not accepted. […] The applicants quickly figured out: Oshakbaev gave Yerezhep a goat, and Baitanov a fat ram, and now both are members of the collective farm. 2. Appropriation by authorized officers for a 3-month sowing campaign and brigadiers in the Chubartavsky district of the described property. In February, Tuskeyev Karim, Sagatov Nygmet, Dzhankashev Khasen and Bayuzakov Khasen, authorized for a 3-month campaign, seized the hidden property of bai Narymbaev Kiysykbas, discovered from the middle peasant Sadykov Toleu (Keysykbasov’s relative), among the discovered things there was a certain supply of tea, from which all 4 The commissioners took in their favor 1/2 of a brick. The laborer Sasenov Serkeldy will confirm. The authorized Sagatov Nygmet and the chairman of the board of the collective farm “Byrlyk” Oskambaev Toleusary, from the things found in the steppe, hidden from the inventory of Bai Narymbaev Keisykbas, appropriated 4 meters of chintz, most likely that Sagatov took the chintz entirely. The poor Dzhiembaev Nurgaliy and Olgambaev Dzhumagaliy will confirm. On the evening of March 8, Sagatov Nygmet and Baiuzakov Khasen stopped to spend the night at the chairman of the board of the collective farm “Byrlyk” Oskambaev, the guests wished that the owner of the apartment would treat them to “live meat”. Oskambaev brought the Komsomol member Kh[…] and the daughter of Bai S[…] (surname

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unknown), whom the commissioners used against their will. Amalchin Kondybay (bay) can confirm. Authorized Dzhankashev Khasen described everything to ashes at the bay of aul № 10 Amalchin Kondybai, including the personal belongings of daughter K[…] – a girl, the latter, in order to return the things she needed, persuaded Dzhankashev to flirt, after the very first night spent together in wintering middle peasant Turgambaev Mareka, Dzhankashev returned to the girl a significant part of her property, including her black coat, about which she most of all condoled. Except Turgambaev – this fact is known to Sadykbaev Khaidold. With the mediation of Djigit Ismagambetov Dzhanybek, on March 10, Dzhankashev had sexual intercourse with the daughter of the bai D[…]. On March 11, daughter D[…] submitted a statement to Dzhankashev with a request to return all the silver saddle described and transferred for storage to the Omurzak collective farm. Dzhankashev fulfilled the request, i.e. saddle returned the next day 12/III. Dzhankashev put a corresponding resolution on the statement, but where it remained – on the collective farm or at Dzhankashev’s – has not been established. Dzhankashev is often drunk and in a drunken state insults the farm laborers and the poor by publicly swearing at them. For example, the other day, in the presence of Bai wives (surnames not specified), he cursed a shepherd of rams of the Omurzak collective farm, because a toktushka fell in his herd. The shepherd’s mother, Dzhankashev, among other things, emphasized: “If you were Lenin’s son, I would have finished with you.” The Bai wives told Dzhankashev: “Comrade Dzhankashev, they will appoint such fools as heads of collective farms like this Dzhumakan, but they don’t know anything, wouldn’t it be better to make us members of the board?”. Commissioners for the 3-month campaign – Tuskeyev Karim, Dzhankashev Khasen, Sagatov Nygmet and the chairman of the village council No. 10 of the village Miyzambaev Shoken in February this year. not far from the wintering place of the described bai Tlespaev Shontai, hidden things were found, among which a brick of tea was found. The commissioners and Miyzambaev, having removed from the winter quarters, where the found things of the witnessed laborer Sasenov were copied, divided the indicated brick of tea among themselves by 1/2 for each.

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The authorized Sagatov Nygmet and the chairman of the aul council of aul No. 10 Miyzambaev Shoken discovered and seized part of the property described by Bai Kiysykbasov Katykey, hidden at Imamberlin Sadyk, from among these things Sagatov and Miyzambaev appropriated 4 meters of chintz. Confirmed by: Oskambaev Tleusary, Ulkambaev Dzhumagaly. The authorized Dzhankashev Khasen, through the jigit Ismagambetov Dzhanybek, established an intimate relationship with the daughter of the described bai D[…] and on this basis, on March 12, returned to her a significant part of the things described and previously transferred to the Omurzak collective farm for storage, in particular, a saddle under silver. On the basis of sexual intercourse with the daughter of bais A[…], the authorized Dzhankashev returned her boots and a black coat from the previously described property. Sadykbaev Khamidulla was the broker, and Dzhankashev’s nightly meetings with his daughter A[…] took place in the winter quarters and with the knowledge of the middle peasant Turgambaev Mereke. On March 14, authorized Dakibaev sent brigadiers Dzhalbazaev Dzhumakan, Aubakirov Koshuubay, Burkutbaev Orumbay and Aigyrov Aitzhan, who, as a result of their work, found a hole in which two large pillows and 1 small, 1 carpet, blanket, tuskygiz, tekemet, 3 wooden cups, tiycheke, which was recorded in the act on the way back. The brigadiers stopped in the aul-kystau of bai Kyrzhibaev Kuljambek, where they were met with tears by a girl – the daughter of Karzhibaev Kuljambek Saran and said: “Leave us at least soles for boots.” The brigadiers remembered that there was no leather among the things they found, and therefore, realizing that the things were not found completely, they immediately returned and found in the pit near the same place: 3 black and 2 gray robes, stirrups and a belt under silver, a headdress), lady’s dress, fox fur coat covered with black satin, silk shawl, 5 meters of chintz, tablecloth, 2 pairs of shoe blanks, 1 pair of soles, half-leather, black-satin trousers, red colored blanket, dressing gown from these the brigadiers returned the belongings to Nogarbekov’s wife – a robe, a kimechek and a dress, and 2 pairs of shoe blanks, soles, a seat belt, 5 meters of calico, a tablecloth and another 3 ½ meters of satin that were discovered, they appropriated to themselves, the rest – to Dakibaev. State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 9. Inventary 1. Case 92. Sheet 17–21. Certified copy.

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№ 14 Information About the Release of Mobilized Forensic Investigators Karkaraly, March 5, 1930 Karkaraly SPUSPA In view of the mobilization of a number of judicial and investigative workers in the districts for operational work through the SPA, the consideration of cases of the sowing campaign (slaughter, squandering of livestock, failure to timely pay the loan by the bays, etc.) is delayed. Therefore, it is given the need for the combat work of the judicial and investigative agencies and based on the directives of the Regional Committee, the District Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks proposes to immediately give directives to the district departments on the release of judicial and investigative workers mobilized for operational work. Secretary of the RCAUCP(b) Bektursunov State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 9. Inventary 1. Case 92. Sheet 4. Copy.

№ 15 From Reports About on Collectivization in the Berkary and Khoroshev Districts of Karaganda Region Karkaraly, March 29–April 4, 1930 Alma-Ata ARUSA Kolkhoz sowing summary for March 29 Telegram 23 March. We give information based on sample data from two districts: Kazakh – Berkary and Russian – Khoroshev. Berakary district: 7642 farms were collectivized. In 70 collective farms or 100% of the population, excluding the Baisko-kulak farms. All collective farms have socialized livestock: 10,864 horses, 29,033 cattle, 20,588 sheep, 15,226 goats and 964 camels. Draft power of them are 2,099 oxen, 2,021 horses, 964 camels. Agricultural implements: plows – 450, harrows – 147, triremes – 2. According to the plan, 5,000 hectares are supposed to be sown. There are 17,246 poods, a subsidy from the Regional Center is 9,000 p., [of which] 300 are sent [to] other cities, there is no road, the flood will interrupt communications [until]

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mid-April. Sowing [in] the last days of April. Seeds may remain in the city, hence undersowing – 1,940 hectares. Seed cleaning is delayed [because of] the shortcomings of the triremes. Meanwhile, the repaired trier [from] March 1 to March 27 lay near the workshop, despite the requirements of the district agricultural site. There are no production plans [in] the majority of the collective farms, the measures taken are poorly taken, the draft force is depleted, the confiscated cattle handed over to the collective farms, without being guarded, perishes. The machine-and-horse station, designed for 300 draft units and 65 plows, is not organized: there is no harness. County Livestock Union proposes to assemble the collective farms in the calculation of the work of the collective farms of the ox draft force. [Under] our pressure, a trier was sent to the region on March 27, additional forces were sent [to] draw up a plan, check the safety of livestock, especially draft power, and monitor the sowing campaign. The seeds are sent. Collectivization in this area took place spontaneously during the period of dispossession, explanatory work was not carried out, the collective farms do not know the main provisions of the charters, there was no activity of the poor and middle peasants, but there is no leadership. Collective farms along the Zharly River came to the regional center several times, demanding clarifications from the agronomist, but left without any. In addition to these and other reasons, [hindrances] to the development of collective farms have not been established. AUCP(b) thrown into the area additional senior officials. There was no mass exodus [from] collective farms. Khoroshev village council collectivized 222 households [in] 5 collective farms or 84% of the population, excluding the kulaks. All collective farms have socialized livestock: 339 horses, 1,018 cows and 1,016 small livestock, of which 314 horses have a draft power, oxen are unknown. Agricultural implements: 165 plows, 168 harrows, 1 trireme. According to the plan, 4,000 hectares of sowing are supposed. Seeds are available [from] the seed fund of 8,000 poods, transferred [in] the form of subsidies 7,000 harvested during the period of grain procurements located on the spot. 3,000 are supposed to be sent to the cities. 2,000 to assemble additionally on site. Characteristically: the County trade Department issued an order to resend the grain harvested for grain procurement to the city and already sent 36 carts, despite the demands of the peasants and an indication of the lack of seeds, [under] our pressure the order was canceled, 26 carts returned with the same load back. Seed cleaning was

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carried out by 10–11 percent. [According to] sowing, 4,000 hectares are planned according to the plan, the fulfillment of which is under the threat of a lack of draft power, plows. The 10 plows and 2,000 rubles issued by the County Livestock Union for the purchase of draft power are insufficient. The [sowing] campaign is in danger of being disrupted, since 314 draft units when working on 165 plows and 168 harrows are completely insufficient. There are no production plans for the collective farm. Surveys of the situation and improvement of its County Livestock Union, County Land Office are not accepted. We put [in] the information of the AUCP(b) and County Land Office, we have no results. Collectivization took place spontaneously during the period of dispossession, explanatory work was carried out extremely poorly. Thus: Vinogradov, the representative of the collective farm section, made a report on the collective farms of the Khoroshevsky village soviet so badly that after the report 10 farms immediately left the collective farms and only after a new explanatory report applied for admission to the collective farm again. The agitation of the kulaks against collective farm construction continues, a number of cases of kulaks speaking at meetings through their sub-kulaks have been recorded. There is no threat yet. Through the County Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, they managed to send responsible workers, the results are good: the poor and middle peasants are willing to seek additional seed funds and make a decision that the sowing plan must be fulfilled, despite the lack of draft power. Detailed coverage of collective farm construction was given in special reports. Kazansky ALMA-ATA PR USPA Five days on April 4 Collective farms: Due to the agitation of the kulaks, 15 farms left the Kalinin collective farm; after an explanation and arrest of the agitators, all 15 entered the collective farm back. The County Livestock Union did not carry out explanatory work to distinguish between the creation of collective farms and industrial cooperation, which was used by the opponents of collective farm construction. On March 23, in the Kuvsky district, the administration of the Leninsky collective farm, wives of collective farmers in the amount of 37, filed an application to separate them from their husbands, citing [that they were not able to engage in agriculture due to] black

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labor, they could not, they wanted to enter the livestock production cooperative. The statement was written [under] the influence and forces of the middle peasants, who are not members of the collective farms and are opposed to collective farm construction, who also agitated the members of the Enbek collective farm to leave the collective farm, indicating [that] “the members of the Leninsky collective farm will soon be confiscated.” The poor man of the 14th aul of the same district, Skakov, refused to join the collective farm, saying: “There will be no development of animal husbandry on collective farms, it is better for us Kazakhs to go into livestock production cooperation.” There are cases of distribution of the semfond imposed and not contributed by individuals to the poor. “In the Kuvsky district of preaul soviet 2, Kypshabaev decomposed the semfond, which was not contributed by individuals, [to] the poor, saying: “The regional center ordered to collect the semfond in three days.” The poor, having sold their livestock, were forced to buy grain, paying 50 rubles [per] pood. After Kypshabaev said: “There was a mistake, they will not take grain from the poor.” The poor remained dissatisfied, protesting that they had sold their cattle, and they were not taking grain. In the Chetsky district of the poor Taembaev, who has 6 family members, 3 heads of cattle were imposed 35 fl. semfond, like a collective farmer. He was forced to buy wheat for 15 rubles half a pound, sold his livestock. The same applies to the poor Shokaev, who sold his sister’s things. Poor Shokaev, who has 4 heads of cattle, is taxed with one pound of 8 pounds, for which he is forced to sell one bull for half a pound of wheat. Individuals, bai Sapakov Doschan, who had a crop of 1 tithe, was taxed with 18 p., Takpaev Akhmediya, who had a crop of 1 tithe, was taxed with 13 pounds, and others who could contribute a large amount. The collective farm Karl Marx of the Kuvsky district, due to the short supply of seed grain, was forced to sell 208 head of cattle, send special commissioners to buy grain in the city, as the authorized sowing company Aldokeyev said: “You need 10,000 rubles, [so] sell 130 cows, 35 bulls, 700 sheep”. These facts were reported to the County Committee for taking appropriate measures, but we have no results. The authorized districts give conflicting instructions on the allocation of indivisible capital as follows: in the Chetsky district, the authorized representative of the CEC Isagulov explained in the collective farms to collect the indivisible capital of the collective farm [in] 50%, Predrik Enimaganbetov [in] the same collective farms explained to contribute

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[by] 15%, authorized Tezhin, relying on CEC’s decision, held the adoption of an indivisible capital [in] 25%, the fourth commissioner Zhienbaev proposed to allocate only 15%. The same confusion regarding the contracting of livestock: Tezhin, an authorized representative of the Livestock Union suggested that the representatives of the aul contract horned cattle from heifers up to 10 years old, rams, not including tokhtushek, without contracting the cattle of the poor, having one or two heads, and allowing the sale of contracted cattle only with the permission of the village council. Following Tezheny behind this aul, County Committee propagandist Zhiinbaev, who calls himself the County Committee authorized to correct excesses, gives the order to stop contracting and wait for instructions. As a result of such instruction, the authorized villages write: “They and the population are dizzy, they don’t know who to listen to.” In individual collective farms, there are cases of individual farms leaving the collective farms due to disagreement with the socialization of livestock: two cases were registered in the Kuva district, and one in Berkarinsky. 2 cases were registered in Kuva district. The mood of the collective farmers in connection with dispossession is satisfied, according to the statement of the poor peasants of the collective farms, dispossession is timely, since the bai would have sold all the cattle to the side. SOWING CAMPAIGN: The collection of the seed fund from the general control figure of 105,000 was completed on March 25 for 99,820 pounds, but not a single organization knows how much seed fund there is in the socialist sector and in the individual sector. The sowing committee does not consider, does not analyze and does not have an accurate record. Seed grain cleaning is unsatisfactory, catastrophically low: as of March 25, only 12 triremes 35,063 pounds, that is, the third part, have been cleaned. The sowing will begin [in] the middle of April, and the cleaning campaign will certainly be frustrated. The etching of the seed material is not prepared, the amount of abandoned etching material District Land Office and Livestock Union do not know. There is information [on] the transfer only [to] 3 districts, although a complete slush has already set in, and the transfer will be forced to stop. Machine supply and inventory repair is going extremely poorly: out of the total number of plows, Kasekhosskidom abandoned 307, 240 [in] the way. The transfer to the regions is extremely slow. So: 85 plows [and] 81 harrows received [in] the decade [from] March 20 to April 1; 22 plows, 26 harrows were sent to the places. The organization of the repair of inventory on the spot is not covered, the exception [is] the reports of the organization of

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3 districts, 48 forges without a report, their work [due to] the lack of coal forges in the majority stand. The repair shops proposed by organizations in four districts remained in the project, as equipment and materials did not arrive. The organization of the machine and horse stations was disrupted, the 70,000 allocated by the Livestock Union were not used, according to the statement of the foreman of the Berkarinsky district, he did not receive a penny, and the 5,000 rubles previously issued to the district [for] the organization of the machine and horse station were taken away by the Livestock Union. Meanwhile, the Berkarinsky station gave obligations to the collective farm associations of Sholpan [and] others to plow the land outlined by the plan. Now the collective farmers are saying: “We have enough working cattle for the inventory of labor power. If we had been warned earlier, we would have taken out the harness, now we don’t know what to do.” [According to] information from the County Livestock Union, only 50 horses were bought at the local [at] machine and horse stations, this is in one district and 180 plows were sent, while 800 horses are needed at 3 stations. There are absolutely no harnesses, in total 9 collars have been purchased, thanks to which the sowing campaign in the area solid collectivization is in danger of failure. The situation has been reported to the Okrug Committee and we have no results yet. There is no information about the contracting of crops, [in] the contracting of livestock there are big abnormalities in view of the discrepancies in the explanatory work of the Livestock Union and other contracting organizations. So: Livestock Union directively suggested contacting cattle aged 8 to 18 months [for] 9 rubles. 93 kopecks; from 18 to 30 months [for] 20 rubles. 20 kopecks, for which the farm receives a 50% advance payment. The consumer union gave a directive to contact young animals based on the assessment of the first age – [for] 22 rubles. the second – [for] 44 rubles, the third – [for] 54. An advance payment to the middle peasants 40%, to the poor – 50 and the issuance of money in their hands, while credit partnerships do not give money in their hands for lack, hence those who contracted [through] the Livestock Union line re-contract [along] the line of the Consumer Union, which causes distrust [and] discontent of the population, disrupts collectivization. No measures have been taken on the ground to carry out land designation, part of the land management personnel has broken away from the ricks, working independently (surveyors Kanin, Nurpeisov). What they are doing, where they are, DEC does not know, the attempt to contact was

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unsuccessful, while the land surveyor Nurpeisov told DEC: “We will not be engaged in land designation, we consider this work to be secondary, although he himself is the political leader of this work, some surveyors carry out land designation while sitting in the room of the collective farm, without leaving the field. Of all 253 collective farms, 56 received land designations. Social competition among the collective farms of individual groups of poor middle peasants has not been developed. There are cases of damage to agricultural machinery. So: in the warehouse of the Animal Breeding Union for almost a month, under deep snow, winnowing machines were dug out only [recently] [under] our insistence. Due to the onset of mudslides, the transfer of semen courts to the localities was delayed, only 3% were sent, which threatens to disrupt the sowing campaign. All the shortcomings have been raised by the County Committee, and will be resolved these days. Rumors [about] uprisings in the Syrdarya, Kustanai, Semipalatinsk and lately Alma-Ata districts circulate in the city, districts, information is received from visitors, in particular, Alma-Ata. The mood according to these rumors has not been established, since due to the mudslide, no information is received from the regions. Rumors [about] a declaration of war by China [against] the USSR are circulating in the Balkhash and Chet regions, in connection with which the population is campaigning to slaughter cattle. Drozdov State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 3. Inventary 1. Case92. Sheet 9–13. Certified copy.

№ 16 Information Summary of the People’s Commissariat of Justice of the KASSR with Data on Criminal Cases Related to the Sowing Campaign and Collectivization April 6, 1930 […] SOWING The results of judicial and administrative repression in the KASSR in cases related to the sowing campaign, for 20/3–30.

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From 1 to 10 March Fined under 1 part 61 of the Criminal Code in the administrative order Convicted of 2 and 3 h of item of 61 CC Convicted under item 79–1 of the CC Convicted under items of 58–7, 58–8, 58–10 CC Convicted for office crimes Filmed in administrative order Convicted under item of 169 part 2 of the CC Convicted under item of 107 CC Convicted of other crimes subjected to expulsion Total convictions in Kazakhstan Including: A) Kulak and Bai B) Wealthy B) Middle peasant D) Poor D) Other Total property recovery (fine and confiscation) for the amount Besides: A) horses and cattle B) Small livestock and sheep C) Bread in pounds D) Different buildings and yurts

483 p.

1,495 p.

From 10 to 20 March

Since the start of the campaign

1,755 p.

2,866 p.

1,559 p.

5,291 p.

344 p.

749 p.

142 p.

51 p.

439 p.

82 p.

145 p.

361 p.

34 p.

25 p.

98 p.

72 p.

25 p.

331 p.

86 p.

12 p.

109 p.

79 p.

46 p.

125 p.

989 p. 2,300 p.

1,650 p. 75.5% 354 p. 16.2% 124 p. 5.6% 26 p. 1.1% 31 p. 1.6% 615,082 r.

2,263 h. 7,002 h. 576 57

1,224 p. 2,587 p.

1,847 p. 81.3% 277 p. 12.2% 117 p. 5.1% 11 p. 0.4% 20 p. 1% 1197,143 r.

3,990 h. 19,002 h. 2,147 167

1,924 p.

4,427 p. 8,580 p.

5,786 p. 76.9% 1,200 p. 15.9% 405 p. 5.4% 74 p. 1% 60 p. 0.8% 2903,533 r.

8,602 h. 28,883 h. 6,191 285 (continued)

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(continued)

D) s.x. machines and tools E) rice G) Carts of carts and sleighs H) mills I) gardens J) farms without indication of property …

From 1 to 10 March

From 10 to 20 March

Since the start of the campaign

–

18

46

469 kg. –

– 32

469 kg. 32

– – 123

2 1 35

2 1 315

By county: 1. Aktobe – in total 1,446 people were convicted. Fined in the administrative order – 279 people. Property penalties – 338,847 rubles. The class composition of the convicts: kulaks – 84.1%, wealthy – 14%, middle peasants – 1.4%, poor peasants – 0.2%, others – 0.3%. 2. Alma-Ata – in total 1,044 hours were convicted. Fined in the administrative order – 533 people. Property penalties – 127,702 rubles. The class composition of the convicts: kulaks – 70.7%, wealthy – 22.2%, middle peasants – 5.7%, poor peasants – 1.3%. 3. Petropavlovsky – in total 606 people were convicted. Property penalties – 84,714 rubles. The class composition of the convicts: kulaks – 79%, wealthy – 12.2%, middle peasants – 8.5%, poor peasants – 0.2%. 4. Uralsky – in total 1,521 people were convicted. Fined in the administrative order – 349 people. Property penalties – 576,951 rubles. The class composition of the convicts: kulaks – 82.8%, wealthy – 8.4%, middle peasants – 7.1%, poor peasants – 0.5%, others – 1.3%. 5. Akmolinsky – 829 people in total. Fined in the administrative order – 46 people. Property penalties – 256,138 rubles. The class composition of the convicts: kulaks – 61.8%, wealthy – 30.8%, middle peasants – 5.8%, poor peasants – 1.6%. 6. Kustanaisky – a total of 412 people were convicted. Property penalties – 16,400 rubles. The class composition of the convicts:

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kulaks – 72.2%, wealthy – 18.6%, middle peasants – 5%, poor peasants – 4%. 7. Syr-Daryinsky – in total 414 people were convicted. Property penalties – 152,393 rubles. The class composition of the convicts: kulaks – 66.6%, wealthy – 22.2%, middle peasants – 3.7%, poor peasants – 0.5%, others – 2%. 8. Semipalatinsk – in total people hours were convicted. Fined in the administrative order – 1,539 people. Property penalties – 572,106 rubles. The class composition of the convicts: kulaks – 78.8%, wealthy – 11.7%, middle peasants – 9.2%, poor peasants – 0.3%. 9. Guryevsky – in total 198 people were convicted. Property penalties – 59,610 rubles. The class composition of the convicts: kulaks – 94%, wealthy – 1.6%, middle peasants – 1%, others – 3.4%. 10. Kzyl-Ordinsky – 153 people in total. Property penalties – 10,900 rubles. The class composition of the convicts: kulaks – 72%, wealthy – 2.2%, middle peasants – 2.1%, others – 23.7%. 11. Pavlodar – in total 791 people were convicted. Fined in the administrative order – 106 people. Property penalties – 490,866 rubles. The class composition of the convicts: kulaks – 82.6%, wealthy – 11.6%, middle peasants – 2%, poor peasants – 0.4%, others -3.4%. 12. Karkaraly – 144 people in total. Fined in the administrative order – 5 people. Property penalties – 205,580 rubles. Class composition of convicts: unknown. Note: there are no exact figures for KAC. As can be seen from the above figures, about 93% of those convicted in the current campaign are kulaks and wealthy, however, we can already say that these figures, to put it mildly, are not accurate. Checking a number of cases considered by the people’s courts of the Alma-Ata District, and often turn out to be middle peasants and even poor people. This is also evidenced by this fact. In the reports of the Aktobe district for the entire campaign, 19 middle peasants and poor peasants were shown convicted, while in the report on the correction of excesses, cases considered by the plenum of the District Courts were shown in relation to 105 poor and middle peasants. One must think that the plenum had time to consider only a part of the cases that passed through the People’s Courts, and, thus, the true number of condemned poor and middle peasants is no less than 10 times higher than shown in the reports. The

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People’s Commissariat of Justice proposed that those responsible for artificially summing up the middle and poor peasants under the rubric of kulaks and prosperous should be held accountable. District prosecutors and district courts must carefully check the information received by them, immediately suppressing any attempts to distort the actual state of affairs. DISTORTION OF DIRECTIVES IN THE FIELD OF DISKULAKIZATION One of the common mistakes of local authorities in carrying out the liquidation of the kulaks as a class is the use of exclusively judicialadministrative methods of dispossession. These methods in some Districts not only met with objections from the judicial and prosecutorial authorities, but were encouraged by them. If, according to the meaning of the letters of the Pavlodar District Prosecutor to the secretaries of the District Committees of the AUSP(b) and to the people’s investigators, it turned out that 30% of kulaks who did not have time to put in the FLH in the grain procurement campaign should be planted in the sowing campaign and that this is precisely the main task of the judicial and investigative bodies who are entrusted with the responsible work of eliminating the kulaks as a class, no less confusion reigns in the heads of the Guryev workers. In his memorandum dated February 23, the Guryev prosecutor quite seriously reports that “in order to eliminate the kulaks as a class, with the participation of the court and the prosecutor’s office, a campaign is being carried out to harvest wool using grain procurement methods.” Here is another method of liquidation that the Guryevites came up with. It is not surprising if, as the same prosecutor writes, “the liquidation of the kulaks under the guise of wool harvesting is not proceeding quite smoothly.” There are isolated cases of pressure on the middle peasants and other excesses. Similar mistakes, according to the Petropavlovsk District Prosecutor, were made in a number of districts of the Petropavlovsk District, where, to the detriment of the preparation for sowing, all attention was focused on dispossession, although these areas were not areas of complete collectivization. Dekulakization was carried out through the judiciary under the guise of repression for non-payment of the semfond, and tasks were given that were obviously impossible (beys, cattle breeders, clergymen, employees). Some of the middle peasants also fell under confiscation and deportation.

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The Kustovsky Village Council, Trudovogo District, issued the following certificates to the dispossessed: “given […] that he is being liquidated as a class and expelled from the Okrug.” A number of cases of beatings of peasants, including middle peasants, and other outrages during dispossession were noted. For example, the chairman of the Pochinovsky Village Council of the Trudovoy District, Chirkov (candidate of the AUSP(b) decided to conduct a raid to catch the “liquidated” kulaks. Seeing a group of drunks walking down the street, Chirkov grabbed a gun and, together with the “activists”, went out into the street, shouting: “Stop, I’ll shoot.” The drunks, who turned out to be sheepskin workers who had come to work, rushed to run, and one of them tried to climb over the fence to hide from the attack. Chirkov shot and wounded this sheepskin. In some districts of the Alma-Ata District, the liquidation of the kulaks was carried out under the guise of fighting the squandering of livestock and implements, without the participation of the poor and middle peasant masses of the peasantry. What distortions this administrative “liquidation” has led to in practice is evidenced by the following facts from the activities of the Kalinin District Executive Committee, Alma-Ata District. In the first days of February, lists of persons “squandering livestock and property” were compiled for all village councils of the Kalininsky district. The lists were drawn up hastily, without discussing them at meetings of the poor, without indicating the signs by which the persons included in them could be attributed to kulak farms, and without indicating the facts of squandering property. According to these lists, on the basis of the decision of the Central Executive Committee of the USSR of January 16 and February 1, 1930, the property of kulaks was confiscated. It was formalized as follows: “On February 2, 1930, we, the undersigned, the chairman of the Village Council Nikolay Sollogub, a member of the acceptance and evaluation commission of the Krasny Kombinat Collective Farm, Ivan Koslyak, Petr Veretelnikov, drew up this act as follows: When carrying out complete collectivization and accounting for the property of citizens, located on the territory of the Kamensky Village Council, it was noticed and established that the below-named citizens deliberately squandered the property of inventory, livestock, fodder, fuel, felled trees, damaged buildings (24 names are listed). To ask the Kalinin District Executive Committee for the confiscation of property by the above-named kulaks for squandering property.

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Such petitions were approved on the same or the next day by the DEC field session without any verification, purely mechanically. As a result, among the “liquidated” there were many middle peasants, families of Red Army soldiers and Red partisans, whose property often, even before the approval of the decision of the C/Council by the DEC, was taken to the last thread and transferred to the Kolkhoz without any accounting – in bulk. When employees of the Prosecutor’s Office checked the lists of 53 dispossessed farms in the village of Leninskaya, Kalininsky district, only 16 were found individually taxed and only 16 were deprived of voting rights. It is curious that when, after 2 weeks, the Village Council raised the issue of evicting already dispossessed farms for discussion by the collective farm meeting, the meeting decided to admit 4 families to the collective farm and consider the property confiscated from them to be socialized. In addition, three families are not to be evicted, not to be accepted into the collective farm, and the property, since it has already been sold, not to be returned. These are the results that the goofyap “liquidation of the kulaks” brought to. Among the protocols of Kalininsky DEC, who traveled on behalf of the KPCJ, a representative of the Alma-Ata Regional Prosecutor’s Office found protocols in which there were such decisions: him to category 3 and evicted to remote lands in the same area). The Pokrovsky s/council at a meeting on February 28, based on the report of the Commissioner from the District of a certain Sablin, decided to evict 19 families, of which – “Goncharov Peter to the highest measure of socialist. Protection by execution, and expel his sons Andrei from the Red Army, Yakov with the entire Goncharov family. The same council confiscated 7 middle peasant farms, and among the characteristics that served as the basis for the confiscation, there are the following: “an insult at general meetings of representatives of the District and DEC, in the fall during the report of former Chairman Stepanenko said – you’re lying like a gray gelding. On another way “a church elder (was in the past), an ardent defender of religion, soldering with the kulaks, and leaving his son Emelyan under control, a collective farmer, a candidate of the Komsomol.” Similar facts of distortion of directives in the field of dekulakization and the fight against the slaughter of livestock and the squandering of

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property are revealed in a number of districts of the Alma-Ata district. As the inspection carried out by the Prosecutor’s Office of the Republic established, these perversions largely depended on the incorrect directives of the District Leading Bodies and, together with them, the Regional Prosecutor’s Office and the District Court, which allowed judging under Article 79-1 of the Criminal Code for the sale of livestock and equipment of the poor and middle peasants, both included and not included in the collective farms, and not even apply to them item of 271 of the CPC (see the minutes of the meeting of the collegium of the KPCJ of March 24, 1930). PERVERTS IN COLLECTING SEMFOND A large number of perversions were also committed when collecting the rights of the semfond. Here often repression under item 61 of the Criminal Code, contrary to the directives of the KPCJ, extended to the middle peasants and even the poor. It is not uncommon for those involved under item 61 of the Criminal Code of the poor and middle peasants, all property was confiscated by court, up to wooden spoons, suspenders and bras. In addition, in the Alma-Ata District, a number of facts of confiscation of the property of the middle peasants and in the administrative order were uncovered. The following facts that took place in the Kzyl-Orda and Ural districts are especially unpleasant: 1. In the village of Teren-Uzyak, members of the commission for the collection of the seed fund, under the leadership of a district representative, a certain Kokaev, ordered the poor people Ermanov and others to hand over sem-grain for 4 p. 15 f., and when the poor did not comply with their proposals, they searched their houses, with the help of specially made iron, they dug up all the corners of the dugout, the floor, and opened the chests. In addition, when this did not help, since nothing was found, they described all the rubbish, and the poor themselves were put in the basement. The same people searched all the huts and took away the last two pounds of wheat from one farmhand, Khairkulov, and also put him in the basement. The property of these poor people was intended for sale, but no buyers were found. 2. In aul № 6 of the Teren-Uzyak district, a commission led by District Commissioner Koshenov taxed the poor. According to the decision

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of the Commission, 13 poor people who did not turn in seven grains were recognized as counter-revolutionaries and put in the basement. A day later, the arrested were sent under escort to the regional center. One citizen, a certain Beksagambetov, was also brought to justice for the fact that the arrested poor lived in his village and taken into custody along with the same poor people. Of these 13, the persons who signed the surrender of the imposed grain were released. The released, as well as the wives of those imprisoned, wandered around the villages, begging for a cup, a spoonful of wheat, which they handed over to the semfond, but still could not fulfill the task of the Commission. 3. The facts found in the Kyzyl-Orda region are similar. The difference is that the “heroes” of the Kzyl-Orda used, on a par with arrests and searches, dousing with cold water, intimidation with a red-hot iron, etc. In the Taipaksky district, the Urals district, bullying was noted against the families of those convicted for failing to deliver the grain: women were beaten, walked barefoot in the snow, and were afraid of being burned. The property confiscated from the convicts, the commissioners themselves bought up for next to nothing. Here, peculiar “meat preparations” were practiced, closets were searched, the found meat was taken away, and if it was not found, then cattle were taken into account. In the Kustanai District, the District Court and the Regional Prosecutor’s Office did not provide leadership to the grassroots judicial and investigative bodies, due to which the use of repressions for non-payment of seeds, contrary to the directives of the PCJ, was extended to the middle peasants and even the poor. Fines of 200, 300 and even 600 rubles were imposed on the middle and poor peasants. The middle peasant Ryabtseva, a member of the collective farm, was administratively fined 200 rubles. and then put on trial. The middle peasant Alistratov, who has 1 horse and 2 cows, was fined 600 rubles. Narsudya Boldyreva, who went to the district with a judicial brigade, was especially “distinguished”. Of the 25 cases considered by her, the DC was forced to cancel 20 (80%). The poor and middle peasants were sentenced to deportation and confiscation of property, and the sentences were immediately carried out. Mr. Mahler, middle peasant, sentenced to 3 years of exile, with confiscation of 20 pounds of berries, 3 ducks, 13

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hens, 20l. meat, 20 lbs. hemp. The middle peasant Gavrilov was sentenced to 5 years of deportation and confiscation of seeds. 45 poods of seeds were imposed on the poor Krivonosov, a member of the Kolkhoz. For not surrendering them, he was sentenced to 1 year in prison with confiscation of 2 sacks of bread and 1 cow. In Kustanai itself, due to the lack of supervision by the Prosecutor’s Office, the grossest perversions were allowed. Seeds were collected from handicraftsmen, employees, random sowers. At the same time, savings bank depositors were accounted for in order to levy fines on deposits. The people’s judge of the 1st district condemned an employee of State trade, a member of the union, who had never sowed. DISTORTIONS DURING COLLECTIVIZATION There are especially numerous distortions during collectivization. Here the main evil lies in the violation of the principle of voluntariness and the planting of collective farms exclusively by administrative measures, often accompanied by monstrous violence. In the village of Chemolgan, Kalininsky District, the following resolutions were issued: “to collectivize by 100% (it was Z/P-1930), and as a result of such “one hundred percent” collectivization, now the middle peasants and some of the poor peasants are filing applications for leaving the collective farm in batches. The chairman of the Kaskelen C/Soviet, in order to force the poor and middle peasants to join the collective farm, did not give them any certificates, and threatened those of them who wanted to join the Krasny Vostok fishing artel with dispersal of the artel. The Chairman of the Board of the Kaskelen Collective Farm, Arefiev, presented to the authorized MPD a list of 13 people who wanted to leave the collective farm with a request to arrest them for this. In the village of N. Rossiyskoye, Kalinin District, Anisimov, an authorized representative of the District Executive Committee, arrested and sent 10 people to the MPD for leaving the collective farm. In the same village of Chemolgan, where it was decided to “collectivize by 100%, the workers from the council declared” whoever does not go to the collective farm will be written into fists. Comrade Kaibaldin, the Prosecutor at the PCJ, who traveled on behalf of the PCJ to the Ili district of the Alma-Ata District, tells in detail about the goofyap methods of collectivization and their consequences in a memorandum. Let’s give him the floor: “The district is 91% collectivized.

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The pace of collective-farm movement in the district is characterized by the following data: in mid-January, the district was collectivized by 18%, and already on February 20, i.e. in a month – 91%. The result of such a truly dizzying success is the present situation, characterized by a massive departure of the dehkans from the collective farms. I personally managed to visit three bush associations of one (Yarmukhamedov) collective farm: out of 55 households of the “Kainar-Karasuy” cluster association, 36 households depart, but “Kenenbai” out of 53, 47 households depart, 55 of Dzhana Dauruiz depart 38. Unfortunately, this is not a property of these collective farms alone – a similar situation characterizes the state of all the collective farms in the region – hastily sintered collective farms fall apart, not without success. Even more than that, the mistakes made in the leadership of the organization of the collective-farm movement, which will be discussed below, have created fertile ground for the mass anti-collective-farm movement. As a general rule, the discussion at gatherings of the question of leaving the collective farm turns into a discussion of the question of the acceptability of the collective farm form of farming in general. Moreover, the opponents of unification, on the basis of admitted perversions, easily substantiate this unacceptability, and in these cases the collapse of the collective farm and the discrediting of this idea are generally ensured. Certainly, such antics from anyone they did not come, in our opinion, fall under the scope of 58–10, but extending it to all existing cases of agitation against collective farms would mean, as the representative of the MPD put it in a conversation with me, “to plant more than half of the district”. Nevertheless, it is impossible not to talk about those individual representatives of the wealthy stratum of the population who, for the sake of their anti-Soviet sentiments, successfully speculate on the mistakes made, take under their influence not only the middle peasants, but also corrupt the poor. In this regard, I cannot help but cite the following case: wealthy Tilesov Torgunbay, citizen of village № 1, paid 29 years of agricultural production. A tax of 104 rubles, having seasonal workers, being on a collective farm, together with 4 middle peasants – fellow collective farmers, twice convened an illegal meeting with the involvement of the poor, where they discussed the issue of leaving the collective farm. The general meeting of the collective farm called by the board was disrupted by Telesov 3 times. Moreover, the majority always stood for him, and in those cases when, being in disagreement with the board, he defiantly left

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the meeting, the majority left the meeting with him. At the address of a local asset, he repeatedly made a threat. In the same village, a rumor is spread that in the near future the Soviet power will be overthrown and that the day of the overthrow is set for May 1st. It is very characteristic that in this village at the meeting I held, the majority of those who spoke out against the collective farm were women. By the way, before my arrival in this aul, he Telesov, along with others, was brought to prison. When sending him to the police, they decided to go with him to demonstrate protest against the arrest of more than 20 of his people, and the process of gathering them and catching horses for the trip represented the nature of excitement. He cited this case as the most characteristic in the anticollective farm movement, but at the same time it was not an isolated case in the region. The usual picture of a split in one or another collective farm is as follows: Individual initiators convene meetings of their supporters, draw up a protocol on leaving the collective; intercessors are chosen primarily from among the poor. The collective farm, subjected to decomposition in this way, posed a threat of disruption of sowing, therefore, in the region they are trying in every way to reassure them with a promise to resolve the issue after sowing, to which the village, for the most part, agrees, and as yesterday showed – the day of plowing the Red Furrow, there is reason to believe that sowing will take place in the order of collective plowing. Thus, the collective farms of the district at the present time consist of a significant part of their farms, living in the hope that they will be allowed to become individual farmers after sowing. In the process of struggle to create a stable situation on the collective farm, local workers committed unrestrained, sometimes illegal actions, presented in the following cases: 1. Leaving for aul № 1 halfway, I met 13 people, accompanied by three escorts. It turned out that they were driven by the district center at the location of the Raymilitsiya on a collective farm business. Arrested by social status: 1 – prosperous, 3 middle peasants, the remaining 9 poor. I released them at the meeting place, and for some reason they gave me a promise that they would no longer violate the collective farm rules. 2. 3 applicants – 1 middle peasant, 2 poor peasants came to the DEC to apply for withdrawal from the collective farm, the Chairman of the

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DEC Altysbaev immediately arrested them and imprisoned them. Those arrested by me have been released. 3. In village № 8 of the chairman of the board of the collective farm, Baishagirov imprisoned 4 poor people for several hours, which is the case. 4. No less outrageous is the case of the arrest of 9 poor people in aul C 6, about which you already partially know. The case is being handled by the authorized MPD comrade Sprukul, who in a conversation with me said the following: at the poverty meeting of aul № 6, the issue of merging 2 collective farms was raised. Agronomist Abolgevich made a report on the merger on behalf of local decisionmaking bodies. When the issue was put to a vote, 9 poor people from the Kazakh collective farm association voted for the merger. At the end of the meeting, board of collective farms comrade. Daubaev ordered them to be arrested, which was done – they were taken into custody, each of them was searched – the bread that was available in small quantities was taken away, and they themselves were sent to the region. Those arrested were released on the 7th day, and a criminal case was initiated against Daubaev. During the investigation, it turned out that the collective farm was led by a group of anti-Soviet people – bai, atkaminer and former. Policeman who mocked the poor in a branded way. So, for example, the next day after the arrest of 9 poor people, the brother of one of the arrested came to the collective farm in order to find out about the situation of his brother. Daubaev also imprisoned him. But in view of the fact that he tried not to obey Daubaev’s illegal demand, the latter tied his hands and sent him to the village council. He was the last to be released. The next day, Daubaev, having learned that he had been released, detained him and forced him to fight dogs, i.e. skinning dead dogs. The top of the collective farm 5 people, taken into custody. An investigation is underway. Today we received a complaint that these nine laborers have been deprived of membership in the collective farm. Tomorrow a representative of the MPP will leave for the scene to complete the investigation. 5. In village № 2, the Chairman of the Board of the Yernazarovsky collective farm imprisoned a poor man for a day because he did not hand over the semfond.

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There are several other unverified complaints about similar actions by local workers. With the above information, uploading a description of the current situation in the area, I proceed to the imposition of the reasons that logically determined the situation that has arisen. First of all – how collectivization was carried out. The corresponding explanatory work began at the end of January. In fact, there was not enough explanatory work. The collective farm that I personally visited has the following history of its origin: on January 31, I heard at a meeting the question of organizing a collective farm, where it was decided: “to organize a collective farm with the socialization of livestock and property by 100%, and it was assumed that 100% socialization does not include includes buildings, household items and clothing. There was no question of any voluntary entry into the collective farm, on the contrary, they said that those who did not enter the collective farm would be evicted from the borders of Kazakhstan, and at best for “Balkhash” with confiscation of property. The fact that this is so, we were told by the speaker himself – ex. Chairman of collective farm. With the foregoing, the formalization of the collective farm ends, and then comes the establishment of collective farm life among those who have united. How the latter proceeded, we quite clearly characterize the following passages of my entry from the report on the report of the former. prev. board of the Yarmukhamedov collective farm comrade. Amanzhulova Muk.: 1. Cutting or selling any kind of livestock was allowed in exceptional cases; if allowed, then with the obligation to hand over the skin and intestines to the board. There were 6 such cases. 2. Poor Koschigulov A. lost a foal. The board of the foal was slaughtered and distributed among 12 poor people, despite the protest of Koschigulov. 3. Recorded 3 citizens as subscribers to Enbekshi-Kazak, although they were not literate. Money for 8 rubles. collected, for which they are still dissatisfied. 4. He declared to several dekhans (Kurmanbaev and others) that the one who observes fasting and prayer will be covered with wheat, collectivization is not compatible with religion. They were forced to leave their posts.

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5. When collecting public debt (money for a tractor column, semfond, etc.), since it was not allowed to sell livestock, it was proposed to sell dishes, clothes, and other household items. 6. Everything was regulated by control figures and the principles of apportionment: for example, a house-to-house norm of salvage was established (2% of a pood of bones and 1 dog skin each), contracting of wool, milk, etc. The principle of voluntariness was violated in everything, and those who were not the owners of the contracted item were often besieged. These points, I repeat, are quoted from the report of the head of the collective farm himself; here I do not cite everything that is given in the complaints of collective farmers, who were received in written form in significant numbers. Having cited these indisputable moments, which certainly speak of the complete distortion of the party line, one circumstance should be noted that was incomprehensible to the peasant and which revolted him most of all, namely that everything on the collective farm was socialized, various taxes and allocations went on as usual and exacted. The collection of the latter, since they had no property at their disposal, led to extreme difficulties and revolted the masses. The fanatical part of the dekhkans was no less outraged by the tactless antics of individual workers in relation to religion. It can be said without exaggeration that this is the case in the region in general. That is why now the collective farms in the region are falling apart everywhere. Just that they brought me information that 333 farms came out of two collective farms, 8th a and Churash, this somewhat changes my initial conclusions that sowing can occur in the order of collective cultivation. In addition to the foregoing, it must be borne in mind that explanatory work was carried out quite poorly, and even the charter of the artel in the above-mentioned collective farm was subject to discussion by the meeting a month and 10 days after the collective farm itself arose. What was the leadership of the collective-farm movement on the part of the regional center, I have not yet found out for myself. Incidentally, the secretary of the District Committee said in a conversation that the collective-farm movement was passing us by, it was going on spontaneously. I also looked into the Regional Executive Committee, where the chairman, apart from sending workers to the localities, could not tell me anything about the management of collective farms.

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The direct reason for the mass exit from the collective farms is the decision of the Central Committee. I have an interesting document. It is dated March 14th. In the minutes of the collective farm meeting it is written, listened to: “Report in the newspaper of March 17 (that is, post. Central Committee). Decided: “Voluntarily leave the collective farm.” I was told how the Kazakhs specially went to the city to buy this newspaper. Taking advantage of such demand, some fellow sold one newspaper dated March 17 to one of the Kazakhs for 5 rubles. Administrative “collectivization” took the same ugly forms in the Karakalpak Autonomous Region. It was established that in one of the districts, the representatives for the sowing campaign at the meeting of the dekhans carried out “agitation” for joining the collective farm in the following way: if the dekhans refused to join the collective farm, then their clothes were taken away, and for greater influence, the commissioners uncovered swords and threatened those who disagreed with them. “collectivization”. A policeman came to the aid of the commissioners, who arrested all those who refused to join the collective farm and opened a case against them. A completely anecdotal fact took place in the village of Iskanderevo, Bostandyk district, Syr-Darya district. The meeting discussed the issue of merging two collective farms – Kazakh and Russian. During the discussion, it was said that there would be a common 100-meter blanket on the collective farm, under which everyone would sleep. Some of the Kazakhs, for religious reasons, began to object to such an association. Then they were arrested and charged under item 58–10 of the Criminal Code. In the Kustanai district, collectivization was accompanied by the dispossession of the middle peasants, who were artificially brought under item 28 Reg. Unit. with/x. tax. All old felt mats, skirts, shirts were selected. Those who objected from the poor were called “sycophants”, “sub-kulakists”. As a result of this leadership, out of 270 households in one village of Polovnikovskoye, about 130 farms (48%) fled to other districts. In the same village, at a general meeting on February 18, according to the report of the secretary of the party cell, Kolle, it was decided: “To propose to all citizens to join the collective farm no later than February 20, those who have not entered are considered malicious, and they should not be accepted into the collective farm.”

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Numerous distortions in the area of contracting. Along with the extremely weak contracting of livestock in some areas, especially suburban areas, there is a kind of leapfrog of contractors who work without any system. In the Alma-Ata District, contractors are intimidating collective farmers. Everyone commands both the collective farm and the s/council. They ride on collective-farm horses, demanding that they be supplied with numerous pieces of information. One of the workers, sent to the collective farm of the Issyk region, reports the following facts: A commissioner arrives – he contracts eggs for 40 pieces. from every chicken. The next day, another one arrives – he contracts cows, pigs, chickens and again eggs. Requires 30 pcs. chicken eggs. A third one arrives and contracts oil, chickens and eggs. Give him 30 pieces too. from chicken. As a result, each chicken should produce at least 200 eggs. At least 3–4 contractors come for milk. They start with 45 pounds and go up to 100 pounds of milk from one cow. To the questions of collective farmers, is it possible to leave milk for the kids, “smart heads” answer – it is impossible. The collective farm has 14 pregnant pigs, Contractors tried to contract them all. It was hard to keep up. Such facts are not isolated. Apparently, the intervention of the People’s Commissariat of the WPI is necessary to streamline the activities of overly zealous commissioners. VIOLATIONS OF THE PCJ DIRECTIVES ON THE UNLOADING OF PLACES OF CONFINEMENT Recently, the Prosecutor’s Office of the KASSR began to receive information that the directives of the PCJ on unloading places of detention, according to which workers, in particular the poor and middle peasants, could not be deported to other districts, but should either be released completely or transferred to forced labor, were violated by some districts. Thus, in the Kzyl-Orda district, according to the People’s Commissar of the DEC comrade Bogdanov, out of 420 people expelled from the Semipalatinsk District, more than 80 people turned out to be former Red partisans and Red Army soldiers in their families. Most of them are lowpowered middle peasants, one-horse and one-cow farmers. Being attached to certain areas and deprived of the right to move, these persons naturally express strong dissatisfaction. Cases were also noted when the exiled

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kulaks were attached to the middle peasant farms, at their full dependency. All Prosecutors were asked to immediately review the composition of those expelled, to release the poor, middle peasants, partisans and Red Army soldiers, and to use the rest for work. KULAK SPEECH 1. In the village of Gorny, Industrial District, Akmola District, kulaks KUZIN and AGEEV, having persuaded 3 hooligans – Shumakov, Kudinov and Zebrov, broke into the yard of the confiscated house where members of the collective farm, activists Makarov and Myachikov, tore the lock off the doors at home, broke in, broke things, took 65 rubles. money and left. Detained with/advice, staged a riot and beat Makarov and Myachikov. All five were arrested. 2. In the Akmola District, the kulaks are campaigning under the slogan “there is no bread, because it does not fall from the sky, we will not fulfill the plan, but there is nothing to be afraid of the court, anyway, the kulak is being liquidated as a class.” 3. A number of actions of the kulaks were noted in the Petropavlovsk District. In the Shuchevsky district, after their dispossession, 3 kulaks tried to commit a terrorist act against the chairman of the village council and an activist who participated in the dispossession. One kulak from the same district tried to torture representatives of the Komsoda who came to him to confiscate bread. In the Trudovoy district, the kulaks set fire to the estate of the commune – the “sample” of the suspects was detained. WEAKENING REVISIONAL LEGALITY It is extremely significant that, along with the violation of collectivization directives, there is a general tendency of local bodies, especially grassroots ones, to get out of the influence of the center, accompanied by an increase in disregard for the law and the development of local “legislation”, often taking extremely ugly forms. If in some village councils of the Kalininsky district only decisions were made on the physical liquidation of kulaks, but were not carried out, then in other districts there are cases when grassroots bodies replaced the court, passed sentences and carried them out. In the Zyryanovsky district, the Semipalatinsk district, well-known

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party workers not only carried out unauthorized searches and arrests, but under the guise of fighting banditry, they shot four people. Arbitrary arrests of the poor and middle peasants are a widespread phenomenon. Arrest the chairman of the collective farms, various representatives of “everyone who is not lazy”, as the workers of the Kalinin region themselves said about this. Arrested for not joining a collective farm, for leaving a collective farm, and even for being on a collective farm. People are arrested for expressing doubts aloud about the expediency of organizing a commune at a given time where there really is no ground for such an organization. The ugliest fact of the arrest and prosecution of Komsomol member Pogrebnyak, his brother and father was revealed by us at the very last minute. Pogrebnyak was the secretary of the District Committee of the Komsomol, his brother was the chairman of the Podgorninsky C/council, and his father served in the agricultural. t-ve. All of them were imprisoned for the mere fact that the Komsomol member Pogrebnyak looked at things more soberly and warned the district workers against mistakes in the field of collectivization. The case was about a month with the investigator of the Kalininsky district of the Alma-Ata District, without movement, and the Pogrebnyak family was in prison all this time. Only by order of the Prosecutor of the Republic were those arrested released. We will report in detail about this case in our next information summary. The deprivation of voting rights is carried out in violation of the law. In some cases, the percentage of disenfranchised reaches monstrous proportions. So, in the village of Pavlovka, Chui district, out of 92 households, 68 were deprived of voting rights. In the Kalininsky district, the lists were compiled by an unknown person. No consideration was given to them. If anyone objected to being included in the list of dispossessed, the chairman of the c/council simply crossed it out. Cases of ignoring the decisions of the Kazakh Branch of the Supreme Court (Chimkent) and the absolutely correct protest of the Prosecutor of the Republics against the dispossession of the red partisan (Alma-Ata) were noted. Nevertheless, we achieved the restoration of the rights of the partisan. Along with massive violations of the revolutionary law, in some districts (Petropavlovsky, Aktobe), local workers are resisting the correction of

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excesses. Stalin’s article “Dizziness from Success” and the Decree of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks not only do not spread, but in some cases are hidden from the collective farmers. In the Issyk region, Alma-Ata District, one candidate of the AUCP(b), having seen Stalin’s article “Dizziness from Success” in a nonparty peasant, took it away, saying that only communists could read the article. Numerous facts of monstrous aversions of Party and Soviet directives testify to how dangerous this tendency of individual hotheads to get out of subordination to higher bodies is. After all, it is not an anecdote, but a fact, the speech of one Komsomol member, who quite sincerely declared that Comrade Stalin’s article “Dizziness from Success” is a counter-revolutionary article, and for it Comrade. Stalin must be shot. The organs of the Procurator’s Office are obliged in no way to weaken the struggle for revolutionary legality, which not only has not been removed from the order of the day, but, on the contrary, is taking on a special significance. WE CORRECT ERRORS AND PERVERTS For the time being, only telegraphic, fragmentary information is beginning to come in from the localities about the correction by the organs of the court and the prosecutor’s office of excesses in the fight against the laxity of the apparatus. In the Guryev district, 2 visiting sessions of the DC went to the places. Employees of District Land Office were replaced for poor performance. In the Kustanai district, five people were sent to the districts to instruct and check the judicial and investigative work, 2 judges and 2 investigators were brought to criminal responsibility, six investigators and seven judges were reprimanded. In several areas, an investigation is underway about excesses. The cases of the poor and middle peasants are reviewed and terminated, the property is returned. The District Prosecutor at the head of a special commission went to the regions. For the widespread use of repression against the middle peasants, Narsudya Boldyreva was removed from office and put on trial. In the Syr-Darya Okrug, in the exercise of supervision on cases considered in the sowing and cotton campaigns, the sentences against 58 poor peasants, 14 middle peasants and 1 worker were canceled.

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For the condemnation of the poor and middle peasants, five People’s Judges and three People’s Investigators were prosecuted. 18 People’s judges were reprimanded with a warning. Special commissions went to the places to check the lists of the dispossessed and correct the excesses. For distortions of the class line and slovenliness, the board of the Livestock Union was put on trial; Chairman of the Board of the Bush Association of Collective Farms; assistant station Shymkent: agronomist, 2 instructors in tractor business, chairman of and sergeant of the district police. The Plenum of the Aktobe District Court closed cases against 104 poor and middle peasants. The confiscated property was returned to 10 middle and poor peasants. 19 middle peasants and 13 poor peasants were released from custody with the termination of cases. 164 convicts were released for field work. The grain procurement business is also being reviewed. In the Semipalatinsk District, 4 visiting sessions of the DC were sent with the participation of the Prosecutor, who were charged with the duty to take decisive measures to correct excesses on the spot. These workers have already lifted fines from 108 middle peasants, terminated 15 middle peasant court cases, released 42 people from custody, and initiated criminal prosecutions against four perpetrators of excesses. In the Zyryanovsky district, the case of the execution of two middle peasants was considered, 5 people were convicted, 2 of them to be shot. In the Urals Okrug, 10 districts were investigated, mismanagement, embezzlement (collective farms), distortion of the class line were found in some. The perpetrators have been held accountable. 6 people were convicted for excesses, 2 members of the councils were taken away. Cases about the middle peasants, the poor and the prosperous were claimed by the order of supervision. Six representatives of the DC and District prosecutor’s office work in the districts. Field sessions have been formed. The regional prosecutor went to the district. The Guryev District Court changed 15 sentences affecting the middle peasants and the poor. In the Karkaraly Okrug, during a check in the village, a number of distortions of the party and government were found on the part of the commissioners and foremen. In one of the districts, the commissioners, having beaten the women, appropriated the confiscated property from them. The perpetrators were prosecuted under Article 110 of the Criminal Code. Similar phenomena were found in the Berkarinsky and Chetsky districts. An investigation is underway. For the analysis of cases, the Session of the DC is sent to the localities. In the Petropavlovsk District, 3 people were convicted for excesses.

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In KAD, 25 poor peasants, 24 middle peasants, 9 small merchants were released. Policemen were involved for the arrest of 30 dekhans. Removed from trial by the people’s judge for illegal arrest. 4 members of the brigades were put on trial. In the Kzyl-Orda District, in connection with the revealed arbitrary arrests and searches of the poor, middle peasants and farm laborers, the Assistant Prosecutor was sent to the Teren-Uzyak and Kzyl-Orda districts, and after him the session of the DC left. So far, 3 cases have been considered on charges of commissioners and members of Komsoda. In the Alma-Ata District, for the systematic distortion of directives, the District Prosecutor Temirbekov was removed from trial. In the Kalininsky district, the chairmen of the Kaskelensky, M. Alma-Ata and Kamensky village councils and district commissioners Tkachenko and Anisimov were brought to criminal responsibility. In the Iliysky district, the deputy prev. RIK, a police officer and his deputy and a number of other workers, for systematic illegal arrests of collective farmers. In the village of Novo-Rossijskoye, Kalininsky District, CEC Commissioner Davydov was sentenced to 3 years in prison with strict isolation for organizing a black boycott, black boards and looting. All work to correct the excesses is carried out under the constant supervision of the PCJ and with the direct participation of its employees. In addition to the examination of the Alma-Ata Prosecutor’s Office and the Court, which revealed a number of distortions in the directives that led to the bringing to trial of the District Prosecutor Temirbekov, the PCJ sent its employees to the Syr-Darya, Kzyl-Orda, Aktobe and Kustanai Districts. Comrade Udris, a member of the Supreme Court of the RSFSR, who is in Akmolinsk, was entrusted with the work of correcting excesses in the Akmola district. On the direct instructions of the PCJ, as part of the commissions that went to the districts of the Alma-Ata District, the Prosecutor under the PCJ works as an assistant to the district prosecutor. Based on the materials received by the PCJ, more than 10 people were brought to trial. The work of correcting excesses, combating distortions of party and Soviet directives must be unremittingly carried out by the district prosecutor’s office and court, however, it must not be forgotten that the fight against the kulaks and the bayism, the further strengthening of collectivization on the basis of the party line, the holding of spring sowing – as before are the central tasks of work in the countryside and aul. The fight

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against excesses should in no case be carried out to the detriment of these tasks. We demand systematic information from the District Attorneys and the Pre-Court on all matters of the spring campaign. […]. Interim of People’s Commissariat of Justice and Prosecutor of the Republic Zhalnin State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 501. Inventary 2. Case 2. Sheet 10-26. Copy.

№ 17 From Information on the Activities of Those Authorized to Carry Out Collective Farm Construction in the Karkaraly District Alma-Ata, April 14, 1930 Alma-Ata PR USPA Five days on April 14 COLLECTIVE FARM CONSTRUCTION. [In] the Berkarinsky district [in] individual collective farms, authorized [for] collective farm construction included [in] the collective farm persons who were absent, unable to cope [with their] desire, or forcibly included them against their will. It is also observed [in] the Chetsky district, and the authorized DEC Baibekov intimidated the population, saying: “If you don’t join the collective farm, you will be against the Soviet [Soviet] power,” and he drew up a protocol against the poor Nurmagambetov as unwilling to go [to] the collective farm, he also intimidated the population and the second commissioner of the rik, Koskin Ahmet. There are similar cases in other regions. [In] other collective farms [according to] personal accounts they do not accept the poor, as a typical case, the poor man of the 11th aul of the Berkarinsky district, Zhadaev Makai, who received several heads from cattle confiscated in 1928, was not accepted [to] the Enbek collective farm, since he did not treat the chairman of the board of Sadikov. CEC and DEC did not give exact instructions on what to do to the collective farms [with] the cattle obtained [during] confiscation, so the collective farms do not know what to do. Livestock is not guarded perishes. There are cases of squandering livestock before joining [a] collective farm [in] all districts. There

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are cases when livestock was squandered by 60–65 percent, working livestock [in] most collective farms was exhausted by lack of food and the use [of] trips by brigades. Reported [for] taking action to the district committee. SOWING CAMPAIGN. When collecting the seed fund, large excesses were established: [in] the Berkarinsky district [in order to] replenish the missing seed fund, it was proposed that all the poor should pay 10 pounds [in] a three-day period, due to which the poor were forced to sell livestock. The poor man of the 11th village Akhmetov Rakoba, taxed with 4 pounds, was forced to leave to get wheat and missed the deadline, the Commissioner of the village council Kalkamanov and Kosyakov began [in] Akhmetov’s absence [to] an inventory of his property. On the statement of the poor at the meeting about the incorrectness of the inventory of the property of those who could not contribute the semfond, the district representative did not allow to speak, saying that he would confiscate everyone who objected. The poor were forced to remain silent. [In] the Chetsky district [in] 5 villages, the population is outraged by the large layout of the poor peasants’ fund as follows: 35 the same number of cattle and those paying tax up to 10 rubles were imposed 25–40 p. Thanks to this taxation, the poor were forced to sell the last cattle. So: Konarbaev Kairbek, who had two large and two small heads of cattle, four large, two small horses, one large, one small camel, 36 rams, 11 goats, paid an agricultural tax of 17 rubles 85 kopecks, was taxed at 40 pounds. For which he was forced to sell all the cattle, since he bought a pood of wheat for one head of cattle, Kiyembetov, Azhibekov, Abishev, Kusainov and others are also forced to do. [In] some collective farms there is not enough seed. [In] the Berlyk collective farm of the Chetsky district there are only 67 poods, but according to the plan of the available arable land, 200 poods should be sown, and the collective farms do not know where to get seeds under what conditions. The seeds of most collective farms will not be completely cleaned, also [with] dressing, [in] the Chetsky district they do not know at all about dressing and where to get formalin, sowing will begin in 7–10 days. ACTIVITIES OF THE AUTHORIZED: the outrages committed by the regional authorities for campaigns continue. [In] Chubartavsky district [in] village 9 (where the appearance of gangs was noted), the authorized member of the AUCP(b) Mynzhasarov Jagfar literally mocked

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[above] the population: Urazgalieva, a citizen of village 9, was forced to reveal the hidden property of bai Baibagarov, after that he ordered to take off his pants and punished with rods. The poor man, who received [for] storage the property of bai Tusupbekov (cups, etc.) – Turabek was beaten and arrested along [with] the bai. Citizen Bogaev was beaten with the butt of a rifle, which caused a miscarriage, other women, wrapping [in] a felt mat, drove on a camel as the highest measure of punishment. Citizen Sartybaev was punished with rods, citizen Malaev Maken wanted to rape, other women were forced to strip naked. The population is outraged. [By] agreement [with] the district committee, the latter sent a prosecutor. The task was given to the chief divisions to bring [in] such actions authorized [to] responsibility. Execution [according to] 40,107 excesses: [according to] inaccurate data [according to] the party line 18 were reprimanded, removed [from] work 5, [according to] the judicial line brought [to] liability 14, [through] our line were brought [to] liability 5. Drozdov State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 9 Paragraph. Inventary 1. Case 92. Sheet 26-28. Certified copy.

№ 18 From Information on Collective Farm Construction in Chet and Abralin and in Other Areas Alma-Ata, April 19–May 4, 1930 PR USPA FIVE DAYS ON APRIL 19 FARM CONSTRUCTION There were not any cases of exit from collective farms [in] the past fiveday period have been established. [In] connection with the spread of rumors about the appearance of gangs in the Chubartavsky district and in the neighboring Berkarinsky district, there are cases of sending collective farms to switch to a new charter, and on the Oyan collective farm a poor man […] Nurmagambet said: “In the Chubartavsky district [in] connection [With] the new charter a revolution is going on and we don’t need to adopt the charter now.” With the transition [to] the new charter [in] a number of collective farms in the Berkarinsky district, there are cases of splitting farms that have entered the collective farm into parts in order to

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give [for] personal use excess cattle. In the same area of the Temerchinskaya volost, collective farmers declare: “The new charter is beneficial for small families, while those with many families will have to die of hunger, since the cattle are left on the farm, regardless of the number of eaters.” SEEDING CAMPAIGN [In] the Balkhash region [in] connection [with] the expansion [in] this year of the sowing plan for the import of agricultural implements, there is a great shortage of plows. The collective farms located in Tokaru, according to their statement and the agronomist, will not be able to fulfill the plan, but the machine and horse station that is being organized has not deployed its work, there are no horses, harness has not been brought in, plows. In addition, the meat union has not yet decided whether horses will be bought as draft power or camels, sowing in the southern parts begins in 2–3 days. [At] the same time [in] the neighboring Berkarinsky district, where, according to the statement of the collective farms, there is no need for a machine and horse station, the latter has been formed, but is inactive, the Okrzhivotnovodsoyuz has not yet worked out the issue of transferring the station to the Balkhash district. In the same Berkarinsky district, there is an excess of plows in the nearest collective farms, in the city, and a shortage of plows in the collective farms further away from the city. Collective farms raised the issue of the rational use of excess plows, but the issue has not yet been worked out. Seed dressing [in] connection [with] the onset of thaw on the one hand, the lack of formalin on the other, will be carried out in separate collective farms and districts closest to the city. County Land Office formalin was replaced by Parisian greens, the treatment of which the population does not know. According to the County agronomist’s statement, the sending of Parisian greenery in some places threatens to lose part of the seeds. We have no other information in view of the impending thaw from the detachment of the operational sections. Kazansky By direct wire through the response of the MPD on dutyAlma-Ata PR USPA Danilovsky Copy to Okrug All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, member of the commission CECKazSSR Koshumbaev Five days on April 24

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Collective farm construction. Administrative planting of collective farms. [In] the aul of the Chetsky district, the chairman of the district, Begembetov, arrived [in] the Tlekshi tract, [during] the organization of the collective farm, said: “The population cannot live without the organization of collective farms, there is no private property, as it was before and will not be. It is necessary at all costs to organize [into] a collective farm.” To which those present said: “If private property is abolished, we will organize a collective farm.” [As a result] two collective farms were organized, and the Yegendy collective farm has 49 farms, 247 eaters, 86 large horses, 82 small horses, 72 cows, 81 small ones, 79 camels, 36 small ones, 877 rams, 269 goats and not a single agricultural tool. The collective farm does not know what it will do, Akimbekov, chairman of the collective farm, declares: “The population is not interested, the collective farm entered in fear, declaring that we do not know what to do. We can’t organize ourselves, we can’t settle down in one place, there is no arable land around, there is no water.” The same cases were [in] Abralinsky, Berkarinsky and other districts, and [in] the Abralinsky district the population protested against the forced inclusion [in] the collective farm, demanding dissolution, workers of the district committees of the AUCP(b) and the Komsomol and DEC left [to] fight against “active” opponents of the forcible planting of the collective farm, the secretary of the district committee, Taibekov, demanded armed force, and four brigadiers went [to] him. Reported to the Okrug [for] taking action. Mass slaughter of livestock by collective farmers [in] connection [with] the socialization [on] collective farms of livestock by 100 percent [in] the Chetsky district after the report [at] the meeting of the collective farm of the foreman of the Komsomol member Iskakov Kaliya and Uisimbet Ibrash, who stated: “Half of the cattle is socialized, half is contracted by cooperation”, [in] the debate, the chairman of the village council, Kydyrbaev Adimbaev, said: “It’s over, one half is taken by the collective farm, the other by the cooperation. Now you have to think about how to live so as not to die [from] hunger.” Collective farmers, the poor after the meeting began to slaughter the cattle, leaving half: [on] one day on March 26 [in] two collective farms Zhana-Talab and Zhulduz 102 heads were slaughtered. [In] the Abralinsky district [in] connection with the complete socialization of livestock, the poor peasants of the collective farm are starving. The board and the village council do not pay attention. The poor are forced to slaughter livestock in secret.

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POOR PEOPLE’S DISSATISFACTION WITH LIVESTOCK SOCIALIZATION: [in] the Chetsky district, the poor man of the 8th aul, Dosanov Ansur, said: “How the authorities protect us poor people, if all the cattle, property was recorded [in] the collective farm.” The poor man of that village, a member of the collective farm Kalibai Seisenov, declared 100 percent on the ongoing socialization of livestock; “All the cattle of the Kazakhs now goes [to] the treasury of the state, we have nothing to live on.” Reported to the Okrug [for] taking action. MASS EXIT FROM COLLECTIVE FARMS: [in] Chetsky District [in] 9 villages from the Kopshalyk collective farm, which unites 65 farms, [in] connection [with] the transition [to] the new charter, 53 farms announced [about] leaving [from] the collective farm, [in]] in the same village [for] the same reasons [in] the Enkbendy collective farm, which unites 49 farms, 34 farms filed [about] the exit. Utemisov, authorized by the District Committee of the collective farm, who carried out work [according to] the new charter [in] these collective farms, said: “I can’t exclude [from] the collective farm, submit an application [to] the board of the collective farm.” Those leaving said: “We [entered] the collective farm after dark and now we want to leave” and demanded expulsion. Reported to the county AUCP(b) [for] taking action. [In] the Abralin region [in] 5 auls, 70 farms of the poor and middle peasants were discharged from the collective farm, motivating the exit by the complete socialization of livestock and the outrages perpetrated by the collective farm board. So: the board members of the collective farms of 14 and 15 auls, traveling to places for the socialization of livestock, themselves rode [on] the socialized horses, driving them to death. To the protest of the collective farmers, they said: “Now all the cattle is under the control of the government, we can use as much as we like.” This caused dissatisfaction among the poor and middle peasants, who left [from] the collective farm. The perpetrators are brought [to] accountability. REPRESENTATIONS OF AUTHORIZED REPRESENTATIVES: [In] the Chubartavsky district, the commissioner of the CC AUCP(b) Dzhakpar Dzhanybekov beat women and the poor during interrogation. We verify the fact, upon confirmation we will bring [to] responsibility. There were no other cases of exit [from] collective farms [and] excesses. SEEDING CAMPAIGN: There is no information [in] regions. [In] connection [with] a large cold snap, the start of sowing was delayed. [In] connection [with] new installations [with] the arrival of the authorized Kazzik, [in] the case of the sowing campaign, there is no clarity yet. [….]

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A FOREIGN ELEMENT OF COLLECTIVE FARMS: [in] the Berkarinsky district the pre-collective farm is Abdinov Nurbek, [in] the past a big buy, now the middle peasant, who [when] purchasing equipment instead of 5 rubles takes [from] the farm 6 rubles, declares (to the poor Kilubaev): “Fool, you bring it in quickly, otherwise it’s all the same, the money will soon be destroyed, as some bandits are coming and the Soviet power will perish.” POPULATION MOOD: [In] connection [with] rumors [about] banditry in the Temerchinsk part of the Berkarinsky district, located [in] the neighborhood [with] Chubartavsky, the population [in] panic tries to sell state signs by buying stale unusable goods or migrate deep into the area. [To] carry out explanatory propaganda work, the authorized representative of the district committee, Sarybaev, left. ACTIVITIES OF PROCUREMENT ORGANIZATIONS: Soyuzmyasoprodukt, having bought sheep in winter, left them [until] spring [at] the owners. Now agents collect cattle and send [to] the city, regardless of [with] young animals that die [on the way]. So: the agent Baymukanov Nurkan, having collected the purchased sheep, drove [to] the point, since the lambs could not follow [the] sheep, the agent loaded them [on] the camels, [as a result] 75 percent of the young animals died. Agent Kurmanov Shamil, in order to increase his procurements, made the last [preparations] [on] the territory of the Alma-Ata district, where, having been detained [with] 1000 sheep and 500 cattle, he fled, leaving the cattle [to] the mercy of fate. The head of the meat product, Kuvanov, did not take any measures [on] these agents. I inform the WPI [to] take action. Zhakysh, chairman of the board of the Dostarskaya cooperation, [in] his report [at] a meeting of citizens of 5 and 6 auls of the Balkhash region [on] the issue of harvesting raw hides, explained: “Who will donate a dog skin to the cooperation, wheat will be sold 10 pounds [for] each skin”. According to this explanation, several farms that were [at] this meeting started at night [to] slaughter dogs: [in] one night about 150 dogs were killed, but when they were handed over, the latter refused [to] issue wheat, paying 40–50 kopecks in money [for] piece. Some farms that did not have time to kill a dog voluntarily bought 5 rubles each and [at] a big loss they sold [to] the cooperatives. So: Abdygaliev Toletai, a poor man in aul 6, who was exempt from the agricultural tax, bought 3 dogs for 13 rubles, Shakilov Kambala, a poor man in aul 5, bought 4 dogs for 5 rubles, etc. The poor, killing dogs, sought to obtain wheat [to] pay

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off the seed debt. Reported to Okrug and WPI for] action. We have no information [from] other regions due to the mudslide. Drozdov April 28, 1930 To the Head of KarUSPA Copy to the Chairman of the Chubartavsky DEC In village № 9 of the Chubartavsky district, 180 poods of seed wheat have been harvested, but in the whole village there is not a single plow and not a single harrow, the village council, represented by the chairman Rakhmetchin, declares that the district center all the time promised to send several plows and harrows, but did not send anything. The crops in the 9th aul are not irrigated, and therefore the time to plow has, one might say, passed, as the land dries out quickly. The village council is at a loss as to what to do with the wheat. There are no instructions from the District Center on this matter. Head of Operational section № 3 of KarUSPA Chupin PRACTICAL MEASURES TO ELIMINATE ABNORMALITIES Explain to the DEC that the ban on the sale of livestock by the population, which (the ban) was provided for during complete collectivization, be lifted. 1. It is urgent to inform DEC that the cattle bought by the poor and middle peasants from the bais for bread during grain procurements and at other times are not subject to be taken away in any case. 2. Check the correctness of the application of the citizens of the village of the Chubartavsky district of the village № 1 and make an order to DEC to immediately restore the semfond in the village to the size in which it was originally formed. 3. Appoint an immediate investigation of the abuses by sending a special investigator, employees whose names and surnames so noisily float to the surface of mass popular indignation: Zhagippar Zhanybekov, Abylkasym Tattembetov and Kapan Amanjanov. […] immediately remove from work and isolate from the Chubartavsky district for the duration of the investigation. 4. Establish a district commission to review cases of dispossession. 5. Completely abolish the free use of carts by the population, by anyone and in all cases of traveling, without a special order for that from CEC.

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On the routes of mass travel, mainly along the roads connecting the city with the rick, and in winter along the winter quarters along the way, with a certain number of horses and a set fee for their use. Make it mandatory for employees to use only pickets when traveling, and not roll around the villages for pleasure. Introduce a procedure for supplying employees with appropriate certificates for the right to use carts for paid use from the population – at the established rate. To oblige district and aul workers to use exclusively their own horses when traveling on their […], in no case allowing use from the population. 6. Order the DEC to stop using free meals from the population once and for all, under pain of strict liability. Purchase food from the population only for a fee and by voluntary agreement. 7. County Trade should immediately take measures to notify all grassroots co-operatives about the situation with the delivery of goods to the field. Report approximate orders for goods for each individual cooperation. To agree with representatives of grassroots cooperation on their participation in the organization of transport, for the delivery of goods from the nearest railway stations to the city of Karkaraly. 8. In the future, take measures to avoid business trips of commissioners from the district to districts and village councils, and conduct campaigns, if possible, through the existing grassroots apparatus, improving its quality. 9. Revise the composition of the rik and village councils and eliminate weak workers immediately. 10. Urgently inform the DEC to announce to the population about the appointment of livestock confiscated during dispossession. To Alma-Ata PR USPA Danilovsky Five days on May 4 COLLECTIVE FARM CONSTRUCTION. [In] the village of Otombaev [at] a meeting of 10 households [on] the issue of transition [to] the charter of the artel, under the influence of the chairman of the board of the collective farm Kasymov, the approval of the charter was rejected, motivated by the unwillingness of the transition [to] settled life.

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Commissioner of the Chubartavsky DEC Nurtaev, who organized the collective farm [in] aul No. 5, before the meeting [in] a separate room, questioned each person separately [upon] joining [the] collective farm. The pressure did not give any results, the collective farm was not organized. BENDS. The secretary of the AUCP(b) cell of the Chubartavsky district, Tombekov, [with] the aim of forcing them to join [the] collective farm, arrested groups of 5–6 people. A similar method was used [to] organize a collective farm [in] aul 11 by the chairman of DEC Zholsharin. [For] taking measures, the district committee was informed. Two citizens of aul 18 Alimbekov and Amanbek, conducting an unauthorized search of Bay Zhazykov, having received a bribe of 80 rubles, gave advice to hide valuables. A collective farmer in the village of Bodaika, Plotnikov declared: “[In] 1928, the Savchenkov brothers terrorized us, two of them were arrested, the remaining two are disintegrating the collective farm, they must be expelled or we will leave.” Kuvanov, head of the meat product union, is dissatisfied with the correction of excesses and the dissolution of administratively created collective farms, the return of confiscated livestock. MASS EXIT [FROM] COLLECTIVE FARMS. [In] Balkhash region [out of] seven collective farms, examples of three. First, “Madanyan” – out of 180 households, 10 households remained. Second, “Zhansaktar” – out of 150 households, 100 households remained. These farms were divided [according to] clans [and] refused to produce a common plow. Third, “Burma” – out of 100 farms, 13 remained. The collapse of collective farms is going on [under] the slogan “confiscation of the property of the poor through collectivization.” Sarsembay Belsembaev, former secretary of the 13th village council, who has great influence [among] the population, is actively campaigning against the collective farms. [On] the basis of rumors spread by the bai, a herd of horses, previously confiscated from the bai, was taken by the population. The same [in] the area of the collective farm of the Kindykty tract: for the refusal of the chairman of the collective farm to give seeds for individual sowing to the members of the collective farm, the last chairman was beaten. The refusal [to] hand over the seeds is due to the fear of using part of the seeds [in] food due to the lack of food. Measures have been taken [for] the shortcomings mentioned.

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Late submission of the report [due to] damage to the telegraph. Drozdov State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 9 Paragraph. Inventary 1. Case 92. Sheet 29–30, 45, 56–59, 61–63. Copy.

№ 19 Report Authorized Government Commission in the Kazkraykom of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks About the Events in the Balkhash Region Village Ak-Kul, April 21, 1930 Dear Philip Isaevich! I would like to inform you about the activities of our commission as follows. April 15 this year safely we arrived at st. Iliisk. Here we were supposed to be expected by our supposed guards and a boat, but, unfortunately, neither the guards nor the boat turned out to be, with the exception of the squadron of the Cavalry Division. We were forced to have a direct talk about our route and means of transportation with Comrade Danilovsky. Comrade Danilovsky told us to leave with a squadron on horseback, having received a preliminary message, although not quite correct, about changing the situation in Balkhash towards improvement. We decided to speed up our journey to Balkhash in order to settle the matter as peacefully as possible without the use of force of arms. Station Iliysk hosted a parade by a squadron of the Cavalry Division and local party and social-professional organizations, Turksib workers, at which I spoke with an explanation of the policy of the party and government in the village. After the parade at 4 p.m. on April 15, having mobilized a semiton of a motor vehicle, we immediately left without any guards in the direction of Balkhash, we did not take guards on the one hand, in order to avoid panic among the population, and, on the other hand, given the impossibility of moving it with a car. On the way, we stopped in the 15th and 14th auls of the Ili district. In these villages, according to the materials at our disposal, the population is engaged exclusively in nomadic livestock farming, the collective farms are organized in an administrative manner, despite the fact that these villages did not sow, they were subjected to grain procurement and the collection of semfond, and the grain procurement plan and the collection of

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semfond were not only brought to the middle peasant household, but also to the poor peasant household, and therefore the population fulfilled its debts by selling livestock for next to nothing, and thus the available number of livestock dropped to 50%, but [the data] is not at all verified. The middle-peasant economy is impoverished, the poor peasantry is wasted. The poor, middle peasant population in a half-starved existence. All kinds of procurement of raw materials, starting with wool, ending with chondrilla, scrap materials are harvested by grain procurement methods, their plan is brought to the poor household, it does not even have an element of voluntariness, therefore it takes on the compulsory nature of a tax in kind. The village council does not work by the methods of the councils, the administrative arbitrariness of the representatives of the village councils prevails. The village council of the 15th aul even decided to bring to justice those who file complaints against the aul authorities. The party cell exists formally, in fact, it does not carry out any work. The cell of the 15th aul accepted the mullah’s wife into the party, and she was elected chairman of the collective farm. All these outrages that are happening in the 15th aul of the Ili district before our eyes forced us to take a number of radical measures to correct things in these villages. We have disbanded all the collective farms of the above-mentioned auls, according to the decision of the Regional Committee, the poor peasants and the laborers were provided with material assistance from the seed fund of these auls with the obligation to return them in the fall. All procurement organizations have been strongly warned to prevent coercive measures against citizens in procurement work. In addition, after finishing work on Balkhash, we are thinking of driving through the cattlebreeding part of the Ili district and taking appropriate measures to correct the excesses in accordance with the decision of the Regional Committee of April 5 this year. April 18 this year at 5 p.m. we arrived at Balkhash, here we found a detachment of the MPD, which arrived 2 days before us. Before them, the events were to some extent settled, thanks to the corruption among the participants in the events themselves, when sharing the plundered property and food, the lion’s shares were captured by the bays, thanks to which the poor and middle peasants of the region categorically refused to wage further struggle under the leadership of the bays against the Soviet power.

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They elected temporary rulers of the region instead of the fled riks and representatives in Alma-Ata for negotiations with the government and for asking for an amnesty for the workers of the 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 10th auls misled by the bayism. These representatives were met by a detachment of the MPD. 355 works on Balkhash, we are thinking of driving through the cattle-breeding part of the Ili district and taking appropriate measures to correct the excesses in accordance with the decision of the Regional Committee of April 5 of this year. April 18 this year at 5 p.m. we arrived at Balkhash, here we found a detachment of the MPD, which arrived 2 days before us. Before them, the events were to some extent settled, thanks to the corruption among the participants in the events themselves, when sharing the plundered property and food, the lion’s shares were captured by the bays, thanks to which the poor and middle peasants of the region categorically refused to wage further struggle under the leadership of the bays against the Soviet power. They elected temporary rulers of the region instead of the fled riks and representatives in Alma-Ata for negotiations with the government and for asking for an amnesty for the workers of the 1st, 2nd, 3rd and 10th auls misled by the bayism. These representatives were met by a detachment of the MPD. The detachment of the MPD was admitted to Ak-Kul without any fight or resistance. The so-called “provisional government” of the district, the headquarters of the detachment, was dissolved and the former representatives of the authorities were restored in their rights and the population was announced to hand over all the looted things as soon as possible, but, however, the population of the above auls before our arrival did not begin to hand over their weapons and other looted things, kept on waiting positions. On April 18, after our arrival, a rally of all citizens of the 10th, 1st, 2nd auls was gathered at which the government’s appeal and my report on the political state of the Kazakh village were read out. At this meeting, a change in the mood of the masses, who were afraid of repressions, was created, the poor and middle peasants openly opposed their yesterday’s leaders, asked for forgiveness for participating in the event out of unconsciousness and promised to help the government within 3 days, hand over all the looted property, the capture of the leaders of the uprising and weapons. Even now, the poor peasantry and farm laborers have begun to implement their decisions, they are handing over all the looted property and

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helping to detain the real leaders of the uprising, about 20 leaders have been arrested. A FEW WORDS ABOUT THE SITUATION IN THE BALKHASH REGION BEFORE THE EVENTS. The population of the region is 25 thousand people, 5 thousand households, the region was considered and is considered to be a purely nomadic pastoral region. The district, in essence, was little Sovietized in form, the councils were organized since 1928, and these councils worked by the methods of the former volost, aul rulers. In spite of everything, those activities that were carried out in the grain settled areas also took place on Balkhash. Voluntarily, DEC decided to procure bread in the region of 10,000 poods and a semfond of 15,000 poods. They collected 12,000 poods, according to the plan for grain procurements and the semfond, 17,000 poods, and the plan was sometimes brought not only to the middle peasants, but also to the poor. How correctly this apportionment was done in a social context – a typical example is the exemption from grain procurements, semfond and agricultural. tax as a poor man – the leader of the uprising of a major bai, the ancestor of Kusherbay. Bread and semfond were procured at the expense of the destruction of livestock farming; bread played the role of money in the region. A ram was exchanged for 15 pounds of bread, a cow – for 1.5 poods, a mare – for 2 poods, a camel – for 3 poods, a good horse – for 4 poods. Thus, the Kazakh livestock breeder in the region was forced to change the last cow for bread in order to comply with the order of local authorities. Such a depreciation of the livestock product could not but affect the development of livestock in the region. Before January 1, 1930, there were 97,000 sheep in the region, 42,000 goats, 30,000 cattle, 6000 horses, and 1,200 camels; this number, according to the still not quite verified materials at our disposal, has decreased by 35%. All types of procurement of raw materials in the region were carried out not by the methods of voluntary contracting of the manufacturer, but by the methods of apportionment by yards. All kinds of bonds were distributed in an administrative-compulsory manner, and the money for the bonds was received, and not handed over to subscribers. All these economic measures took on the character, in essence, of a tax in kind. The party organization in the district is only 50 people, among them there are very dubious elements, without exception technically and politically illiterate; party influence and work were not felt, there was no

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professional organization, no work was carried out among the poor and farm laborers. In the aul, the founders, atkameners and bai had a great influence, even many aul communists were under their influence. The working people were not at all involved in the work of the soviets. This policy could not objectively serve as a reason for the withdrawal of the poor and middle peasants from Soviet influence. Bai and atkamener, aksakals, offended by political and economic measures, used the state of affairs in the region to provoke the broad masses against the Soviet state. Bayami threw out a slogan, allegedly that the policy of the government means “Baydy batpakka”, “ortashany orga”, “kedeydi – kenirdekke”, the translation means that the government’s policy – “bay pushes into the mud”, “the middle peasant – into the cliff”, “the poor strangled by the policy of the Soviet power.” In addition, a provocation was spreading, allegedly that the Entente had seized all the central regions of the Union, up to Alma-Ata, it was time, they say, to act in advance and seize the region and restore the power of the rulers of former times. On April 6, the frightened, provoked masses, led by the founders and beys, marched to the district center, but there was none left in the district, everyone fled, the deserted district center was smashed and destroyed all agricultural machines, houses, dismantled the seed fund and goods from the cooperative organizations. It is very characteristic that the rebels destroyed agricultural machinery and buildings, and the captured Soviet workers were not touched. Apparently, the bai knew very well that the destruction of the socialized sector is more sensitive for the state than the destruction of individual workers of the region. Here is a brief history of events in Balkhash. We will provide more details in subsequent letters. Now a few words about our further work. We are thinking of visiting all the dubious auls of the Balkhash region and truly studying the state of affairs there in order to correct the excesses. In addition, the 2nd aul of the Chokbarsky district is still belligerent, afraid of reprisals and therefore raises the question: “All the same, repressions cannot be avoided, and therefore it is better to die with arms in hand,” we sent 100 copies of our appeal and We are taking all measures to resolve the Chokbar case peacefully. If the Dzhandosovskaya commission

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does not arrive, we are thinking of changing our route to the Chokbarsky district. With communist greetings Ernazarov Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 3297. Sheet 109–111. Autograph. Asharshylyk. Famine. Volume 2. 1930– 1931… pages 353–358.

№ 20 From a Memorandum on Political State of the Karkaraly District Karkaraly, 1930 The political state of the Karkaraly district in the last 4–5 months is mainly based on those shortcomings and excesses that were made, both by individual workers and by entire apparatuses of Soviet institutions and party organizations, when they implemented the decisions of the Communist Parties and the measures of the Soviet power: (1) for the collectivization of the aul, (2) for the sowing campaign, in connection with this, the collection of the seed fund, (3) for the elimination of the kulak as a class, and so on. Hence, in order to more accurately determine the political state of the district, it is necessary to conduct at least some analysis of these campaigns and activities carried out in the district. 1. COLLECTIVIZATION OF THE POPULATION: Due to the special natural specific features (the ruggedness of the district by mountain ranges, and in the south by waterless bare steppes, lack of rainfall, early frosts, etc.), the population of the Karkaraly district in the majority (98%) is engaged in cattle breeding and only in recent years in some places of the districts, along the banks of the rivers, it began to enter, as an auxiliary occupation, agriculture. If we add to this that the everyday life of the aul, even until very recently, is based on old tribal traditions, thanks to which the population is mostly concentrated in separate tribal groups, and the experience of past years has shown the difficulty of collectivization of the population of this district, when in 4 years, despite all County Land Office’s attempts, only 143 primary ones were organized in the district, which did not have an economic base, which organized

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artels and land reclamation associations almost exclusively on state assistance, then it will be clear with what caution, prudence and weighing all the data of aul economic everyday life it was necessary to approach the implementation decisions of the Communist Party on collectivization in the given district. Meanwhile, neither the party members nor the Soviet authorities thought out this issue sufficiently – weighed it, thanks to which the decision of the Communist Party on collectivization was accepted and accepted by the majority as a decision on mandatory collectivization. In this regard, the statement of the executive secretary of the Chetsky district committee of the AUCP(b) comrade is characteristic. Dosmakova: “My district will be almost the entire area of solid collectivization, meanwhile this area will be exclusively nomadic, with not only nomadic households, but also administrative centers,” moreover, when carrying out any activities or campaigns of the Soviet power that are unprofitable for the population (accounting and collecting taxes, harvesting, etc.) dozens of households and entire admauls (16 and 17) migrate from their village councils for 200–300 miles, returning at the end of the campaign or not returning at all. The question of where, with what bias to organize collective farms and partnerships, was not sufficiently worked out, thanks to which the population, engaged exclusively in cattle breeding, organized itself into an agricultural collective farm. In this respect, the statement of 37 wives of collective farmers, the collective farm named after Lenin of the Kuva district, who, referring to the inability to work in agriculture and in general with the economy, demanded to separate them from their husbands and accept them into production and livestock cooperatives, and the same statement of 20 wives of collective farmers of the collective farm are characteristic “Enbek” of the same area. The “Egendy” collective farm in the Chetsky District was organized without taking into account the availability of arable land suitable for collective farms, and the collective farmers say: “We don’t know how to be, organize ourselves, we can’t settle in one place, around, they say, there is no arable land, no water.” Thanks to this understanding of the decisions of the Communist Party on collectivization, throughout the district we have a number of cases of perversion of this decision and excesses towards the administrative and forcible planting of collective farms. Characteristic ones:

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1. The representative of the district Turalykov, organizing collective farms in the Berkarinsky and Abralinsky districts, made an entry into the collective farms at the threat of a revolver. 2. The executive secretary of the Abralinsky District Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, Taybekov, in view of the unwillingness of the population to sign up and be a member of the collective farm, demanded armed force to arrest those actively protesting against forcible involvement in the collective farm. 3. Biimagambetov, the chairman of the Chetsky district, having arrived at the Alekshi tract, said: “The population cannot live without the organization of collective farms, there is no private property, as it was before and will not be, it is necessary to organize a collective farm at all costs.” 4. The commissioner of the same district, Baibekov, during a meeting on organizing a collective farm, intimidating the population, said: “If you don’t join the collective farm, you will be against the Soviet power,” and drew up a report on the poor Nurmagambetov, who did not want to join the collective farm. A number of such kinks have been established both in these and other areas. There was almost no propaganda and explanatory campaign, and there was no one to conduct it correctly, since the district workers themselves did not know the correct setting, thanks to this, the administratively planted collective farms did not have the most elementary concepts of collective farm construction. Thus: the majority of the collective farmers of the Berkarinsky “complete” collectivization of the region had the idea that everything on the collective farms would be socialized, even wives and wearable clothes. The speech at the meeting of the urban Kazakh poor on the organization of a collective farm by the instructor of the collective farm section Livestock Union Vinogradov is characteristic, who said: “If you are organized into a collective farm, we will evict you to free lands in the Kuvsk region”, and to the question of the poor – “What funds will be evicted and help whether to build in a new place,” said: “We don’t have the funds, and to which collective farm we attach you, he will have to relocate you and build winter quarters. Also characteristic is the statement of a member of the board of County Livestock Union Suleimenov at a meeting of 4, proposed by him, Suleimenov to merge into a “powerful”

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collective farm: “All collective farms, having merged into one, will have to take on all the debts of the Aktoprak collective farm pouring in with them in the amount of 3000 rubles, you must merge, otherwise you will be dissolved. The issue of the socialization of livestock on collective farms was also not thought out, and not only district and aul representatives, but also those traveling to the district districts, did not have a clear idea of socialization, due to which in some areas the cattle was socialized completely (Chetsky), in others by 50% (Berkarinsky), and in some (Kuvsky) 8 rams and 1 cow per household were given. The population, therefore, is extremely dissatisfied with socialization, and even the poor say: “All the cattle go to the state – we have nothing to live on”; “The authorities protect us badly when all the cattle are taken to the collective farm”; “Collectivization is the same confiscation.” The question of the formation of indivisible capital was worked out even worse, and we had cases when, in the same district and on the same collective farms, different representatives interpreted the formation of indivisible capital in different ways. Characteristic in this regard is the Chetsky district. The authorized district Mergembaev spent indivisible capital on collective farms 50% and introductory 50%, in the same collective farms authorized DEC Elenbaev determined the indivisible capital 25%. In the same district, the authorized representative of the Isagulov district in the collective farms of other auls spent an indivisible capital of 50%, and the authorized deputy chairman of the board of the County Livestock Union in the same districts in which Isagulov was, spent an indivisible capital of 25%. Due to the excesses and completely different explanations, the collective farmers are literally twitchy and do not know whom to listen to and what to do. In a panic, they either run away from the collective farms or destroy their livestock, which is confirmed by the following characteristic facts: in the Chetsky district, after the report of the foreman of the Komsomol Iskakov, who declared: “half of the cattle is socialized, and half is contracted by cooperation”, collective farmers [and] the poor began to slaughter cattle. In one day (March 26), 102 heads were slaughtered on the two collective farms “Zhana-Tolap” and “Zhal-Dus”, and in the same

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region, from the collective farm “Kapillik” out of 63 farms, an application was submitted for the withdrawal of 53 farms and from the collective farm “Ekbendy” out of 49 farms came out 34 farms. In addition to all these excesses and distortions, great dissatisfaction among the collective farmers is caused by the use of collective farm horses by commissioners, foremen and members of the collective farm board on the road. All horses are literally worn out and are not capable of work. The following fact is characteristic in this regard: the members of the board of collective farms of 14 and 15 auls of the Abralin region, traveling around the auls for the socialization of livestock, themselves rode not their own, but socialized horses, driving them to death, and to the protest of the collective farmers they declared: “Now all the cattle is under the control of the board, and we can use it as much as we like.” Thanks to this, 70 households were discharged from the nearest collective farms at the same time. State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 9 Paragrapgh. Inventary 1. Case 92. Sheet 65-69. The original.

№ 21 From the Reports of the ARUSPA on the Political State of the Karkaraly District Karkaraly, May 7–9, 1930 To the Head of Karkaraly SDUSPA In addition to our attitude for № 008 of May 5, 1930, I report the following: a group of bais of aul № 2 organized the poor and raised an uprising, which is completely confirmed. Detachments sent by us, consisting of 10 people, who collided with the above groups of bais at the Chubartyube tract, about 40 versts from the center of Balkhash, the Daunchi tract. The leaders of the bay groups, bai: (1) Zhumabek Orazbekov aul No. 2, (2) Abilkhanov Kembek, also the 2nd aul. They wear white flags. The rebellious Kazakhs consist of one clan. Citizens of another aul (3, 4, 5 villages) take part in these uprisings, in total about 400 horsemen. After the collision, the Bai group opened fire on our group from 3 o’clock to 7 o’clock in the morning. On May 6, the skirmish continued for 4 hours. Our detachment did not allow the group to cooperate. The Karabulak cooperative was not robbed. After a skirmish, our detachments sent one negotiator to the rebels to find out why they were

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on strike, who was told that (1) they needed bread for sowing, (2) the beys were confiscated incorrectly, (3) authorized to carry out agricultural comrade. Zhazybaev and Akhmetov at the meetings said that whoever has 3 heads of cattle will be taxed and because of this they revolted. After an explanation from our detachment, the poor peasants calmed down a little, but they didn’t give out the bais, but said: “Call them, they themselves, who have weapons with them, will turn up at the place indicated by you, they will hand over two comrades in two days. Amirov, who is negotiating between the two sides, did not agree to hand over the bais with their own hands. The strikers asked our detachments to go home, as they were afraid of [them]. According to available information, the strikers have 15–16 [pieces] of weapons, of which 1 revolver or brownig, about 5–6 rifles, the rest are shotguns. Our detachment took three poor people into captivity, who were taken away during the battle, as they were from ours at a long distance with one guard. After the negotiation, when they came to calm, at the request of the poor – the strikers, the detachment came back. At the same time, I inform you that the one sent by us to the Chubartavsky district with a report returned back, saying that he was beaten by bai, but no traces of the beating were found. Today our first sent signalman arrived from Chubartav, who did not bring any messages from Comrade Chupin. There are no wounded from our side, but from the side of the strikers, it seems, there are, but it has not been established for sure. Salikhov May 9, 1930 To ARUSPA Danilovsky MASS EXIT FROM COLLECTIVE FARMS. First, in the Chetsky district, in the first aul, 13 out of 70 farms left the collective farm “Marks”, they motivate them to leave to work at the factory. Secondly, the collective farmers of “Kurgan” aul 6 in the amount of 52 farms are dissatisfied with the order. When collective farmers buy plows, the Belogrudovoye Agricultural Association without fail offered to take badges worth 50–30 kopecks for 22 rubles each, to the protest of the collective farmers, the authorized representative of the partnership stated that the authorities themselves add badges to the plows. As a result, everyone applied to Rick to leave the collective farm. Kazansky

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State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 3 Paragraph. Inventary 1. Case 92. Sheet 55, 63. Certified copy.

№ 22 From Information on Collective Farm Construction in Chet, Kuv, Chubartav, Karkaraly and Other Areas Karkaraly, 1930 COLLECTION OF SEMFOND AND ITS USE Not to mention the fact that the collection of the semfond was started extremely late (in January, February), it must be stated that this issue was not worked out at all, both in terms of class principles, and in the correctness of its collection from certain farms and further use of it, thanks to which a number of excesses have been established on the ground, causing discontent not only of the Bai and middle peasant strata of the aul, but also the poor. The following facts are typical: 1. In the Chet district, a seed fund was collected in villages and farms that had never sowed wheat, due to which farms, including the poor, were forced to travel 10 km to buy seeds, paying 1 horse or 1 head of cattle for a pood of grain. 2. In the Kuv district, village № 14, the poor, who had never sowed wheat, were asked to contribute 10 f. wheat, and the poor were forced to buy it for 1 ruble a pound. 3. In the same region, the poor Karimov was ordered to contribute 1 p., and he was forced to sell almost all his livestock, since 1 f. wheat was estimated at 1 ram. 4. The merchant Abysh Dzhurtabaev, who had 27 poods of wheat, was also taxed and brought in 1 pood, selling the remaining 26 poods at 50 rubles per pood or for one pound of wheat, he took 1 ram. 5. In the Berkarinsky district, in view of the shortage of the semfond, from the bais, whose property was described, it was proposed to all the poor, who sowed and did not sow, to contribute 10 pounds of wheat from the economy, due to which the poor were forced to sell the last livestock. Poor Akhmetov Rokoba, who was entitled to 4 poods, was forced to leave for wheat in another region and could not return in time. The representatives of the village council, Kolkomanov and

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Kosyakov, in the absence of Akhmetov, described his property, and the protests of the poor at the meeting about the incorrectness of the inventory, the district representative did not allow to speak out, saying that he would confiscate everyone who would object. 6. The population of the Chet district of the 5th village, extremely indignant at the large layout of the semfond for the poor, as follows: for Igilikov Tusupbek, who had 3 heads of cattle, 2 horses, 1 camel, 1 ram and not paying tax, 25 p. the same economy and paying tax up to 10 rubles, imposed from 25 to 40 points, due to which the poor were forced to sell their livestock last: the poor Konarbiev Koirbek, who had 2 large and 2 small heads of cattle, 4 large and 2 small horses, 1 large and 1 head of a small camel, 36 rams and 11 goats, who paid agricultural tax of 17 rubles. 36 kopecks, being taxed at 40 points, he sold almost all the cattle, since for 1 point of wheat he gave 1 head of cattle. The poor Kiyembetov, Azhibaev, Abishev, Kusainov and others had to do the same. 7. In 13 villages of the Chubartav district of the semfond, from 1 to 15 points, 14 poor peasants are taxed, bais and middle peasants are taxed from 3 to 10 points, and even then under the pressure of the poor, and the representative of the Shalambaev district gave relatives and for bribes a reduction in the bays imposed in semfond. 8. In Chet and other districts, there are cases when the seed stock collected in one aul was transported and given for sowing to another aul. 9. In the Khoroshev settlement there was a shortage of seed material and the latter was supposed to be given in the form of a subsidy from the city. At the same time, in the same village there was grain from the grain procurement campaign. The peasants asked to leave this grain in the village so as not to go after it to the city, but the County Trade Department ordered to bring this grain to the city and already sent 26 carts, which, however, were returned under our pressure back. The peasants are amazed at such bungling, as they drive the draft force needed for sowing 200 miles away, [which] is extremely unprofitable. Due to the concentration of all the attention of the Party and Soviet organizations on collective farm construction, and, hence, the collection of seed funds for collective farms, the individual sector is completely

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neglected, and not a single organization, even in the localities, knows whether there are seeds for sowing in this sector. If we take into account last year’s crop failure, the 27% increase in sown area solely due to the socialist sector, and hence the possible leakage of seeds (in view of their enormous value) from their individual sector to the socialist one, we can assume that the seed fund in the individual sector is extremely insignificant and not enough for sowing. We have been studying this issue lately and will be covered especially in the five-day meetings. The question of the correct distribution of the collected and subsidized seed fund among the farms diverging from collective processing, its irrational use by each farm separately, which arose as a result of the dissolution of the majority of collective farms, has not been worked out by any organization; whereas the fulfillment of the plan for this year’s sowing campaign will depend on the correct resolution of this issue and the giving of appropriate instructions. SEEDING CAMPAIGN Although agriculture, as mentioned above, is an auxiliary occupation in the Karkaraly Okrug in most farms, however, the growing market demand for field crop products, the desire in some areas of the population to switch to settled life and engage in agriculture with the sowing of grain crops, set the task for the district and grassroots organizations serious, thoughtful preparation and sowing campaign. Meanwhile, we have a number of facts that characterize the failure of many issues related to the sowing campaign and, at certain points, a misunderstanding of the tasks facing organizations. As can be seen from the following characteristic facts: In pursuit of an increase in the sown area of this year against the past by 22%, without taking into account the available seed material, draft power, agricultural implements and the possibility of cleaning seed dressing, has led to the fact that the sowing plan of 25,000 hectares is under great threat. Specifically: the seed fund, as mentioned above, is a collection of the remains of grain crops that the population had, hence, it cannot be recognized as seed material, but used in the form of subsidies to the seed fund. The grain reserve was intended to feed the population and, imported from other districts, consists of a different composition, where there are both soft, and drought-resistant, and grains that are not suitable for the

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climate, [which] are certainly 20–30% unsuitable for sowing. Typical in this regard is the statement of the Russian peasants of the village of Khoroshevsky, who received part of such a “seed” fund: Yaki, after all, fools sit in the circle, that they send seeds, so that they will fit us for food, but we are what you sow them, like you sow, so nothing will be born. It is also typical that County Land Office sent an order to receive 4,000 points of seeds in the form of a subsidy in the form of a subsidy of seeds without specifying to whom the seeds are intended, DEC, I don’t know to whom the seeds are intended, he did not receive the seeds, and the sowing campaign has already begun. Obviously, there will be undersowing in the Chetsky district. Although draft power and agricultural equipment are taken into account, the issue of the most rational use by district and regional organizations has not been worked out, thanks to which we have the following facts: a machine and horse station has been organized in the Berkarinsky district, while there is enough draft power in agricultural implements in the region and the collective farmers declare: “What will this station do, we will cope with the crops ourselves, they are only wasting money in vain.” And at the same time, in the Balkhash and Chubartav regions, where there are two passive nests “Tokraun” and “Bakanas”, and there is a lack of draft power, agricultural implements, machine and horse stations are unorganized and the plan is in danger of being disrupted. So: according to the plan, the collective farm “Madaniyat” of the Chubartavsky district is supposed to sow 700 hectares, there are only 41 plows and 4 harrows, the draft power is depleted, on the collective farm “DzhakSaktar” of the same district it is supposed to sow 500 hectares and there are 26 plows and 4 harrows and the same depletion of draft power. The district organizations did not respond to the collective farm’s demand to send inventory, and the collective farmers declare that they will not fulfill the sowing plan. In other areas, there is an acute shortage of agricultural equipment, which is explained by the underfulfillment of the plan of the plant by 50% and late accounting in some areas. So: accounting for the required amount of agricultural equipment in the Kuvsky district was carried out 20 days before the start of sowing, and it turned out that the inventory of the collective farm was missing by 40–50%. To find out about the possibility of obtaining inventory, a courier was sent to County Livestock Union, where he was informed that there was no inventory in the warehouse, but there was in Bayan-Aul. The County Livestock Union refused

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the request of the courier to give permission to receive equipment from Bayan-Aul, arguing that there might not be enough agricultural equipment for all the sowers. This inventory is still in Bayan-Aul, although the sowing has already begun. Much worse is the situation with cleaning and seed dressing. According to the latest data, seed cleaning has been carried out in the regions from 30 to 60%, dressing is carried out only in some areas closest to the city. The situation with the artificial retention of snow was no better, although this event in the Karkaraly district, in view of the lack of moisture, is extremely valuable. Snow-retaining works were carried out in 2 districts (Berkarinsky and Kuvsky), as the squares closest to the city, according to County Land Office [on] 1480 hectares: But these works were carried out at the end of March after the last snowstorm, when there was no more snow, and, from here, small, bare, snowless shafts made of pine branches stuck out in the field with such misery until the very beginning of the sowing. The citizens of the 16th aul of the Kuvsky district declare: “It would be better not to destroy the forests and not waste energy.” In connection with the dissolution of the administratively planted collective farms and collective farms in nomadic areas, it is also not possible to reorganize the remaining associations into the simplest partnerships and artels, to determine the capacity of the individual sector and its readiness for sowing, or rather, it will require a certain time, sowing has already begun. There is no information dividing the organized (collected) seed funds for individual districts into funds of collective farms and public (land societies). The districts in their summaries show this information as a general result, therefore it is not possible to say to what extent the sowing of fields of individual farms is ensured and in what area. With regard to the management by the County Land Office of the individual sector, except for the instruction given to DEC and agronomists in the first days of April that this sector should also be paid attention to and not to forget these farms, there was none. All this taken together causes dissatisfaction among the population, distrustful attitude towards campaigning for the full implementation of the sowing plan and carrying out agricultural activities, which is characterized by the following indignation of citizens: “They campaign that the plan was fulfilled, and the horses were all driven, what will you plow on” (Chubartavsky district), “They talk well about increasing the area under crops, but they don’t give plows, pick the ground with whatever you

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want” (Kuvsky district), “It’s good for them to ride and talk – increase the sowing, clean the grain, but here’s how to plow and sow when the horses are all driven, there are no plows, the seeds are worthless anywhere” (poor collective farmer of the Chetsky district Ibraev). EXCESSES AND ABUSES If the above facts of excesses and distortions of the main guidelines of the Communist Party on collectivization, the collection of seed funds and the sowing campaign had a huge impact on the political state of the aul population in the direction of directing it against the Soviet power and the Communist Party, then the excesses and, even more correctly, counterrevolutionary abuse of his position, in carrying out the decision of the Party and Sov. The authorities on the liquidation of the kulak as a class had an even greater influence on the change in the political state of the village in the direction of certain counter-revolutionary actions against the Soviets of power (banditry), beatings of grassroots advisers and party workers, the insurrectionary movement, etc. Hence, it is necessary to dwell on these excesses and outrages in more detail. First of all, we have to state that the district organizations approached the practical implementation of the party’s decision to eliminate the kulak as a class without proper understanding and without taking into account the specific features of the district, such as: nomadic economy, hence the difficulty of collectivization of the population, cultural backwardness did not only non-party, but also party masses, Zhuzh, not yet obsolete traditions of the Kazakh aul, the distance of the districts from the district center with poor communication, and, hence, the inflexibility and untimeliness of the party leadership to get rid of certain blunders, excesses, perversions of basic attitudes, abuses etc. Based on these specific features of the district, the elimination of kulaks as a class in the Karkaraly district should have followed from the needs and possibilities of collective farm construction and further expansion of the socialist sector, meanwhile, the opposite happened: collective farm construction and the expansion of the socialist sector were planted and carried out as a result of the liquidation of the kulak -bye, as a class. Due to such an understanding of this decision of the Party by the district organizations, the latter could not give a correct orientation on the ground; conduct an appropriate briefing of their representatives who went to the field, and the latter could not do the same with respect to the

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relevant district and aul organizations and their representatives. All this taken together was the reason for the rollback of individual district and aul party members and activists who are carrying out a practical solution to this problem in the direction of abusing their position and, moreover, with the full realization that they are pursuing a genuine revolutionary party line, and not a counter-revolutionary one. For characterization, the following characteristic facts can be cited: 1. Representatives of the Berkarinsky district (brigadier), member of the AUCP(b), farm laborer Musbalakov, while making an inventory of the property of bais, raped bais wives, daughters and their laborers, and appropriated the most valuable things without entering them into the inventory. Being convicted of this by his collective farmers, who raised the issue of excluding him, Musbalakov, from the collective farm for this, Musbalakov at a meeting of collective farmers on this issue stated: “After all, I did not rape the wives and daughters of the poor, but the bais, why should I be expelled.” 2. Torgeldin, a member of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, authorized by CEC for the sowing campaign, being in the Abralinsky district, was used by the head of the operational section as an assistant, while inventorying the property of the bai […], raped his wife, having received an assignment from the chief of the district to seize a machine gun hidden from the bandit element, committed violence over the arrested person and in order to force him to confess where the machine gun was hidden, he inserted an iron rod into his genitals, which was how he managed to indicate the place where the machine gun was hidden. Being interrogated on this occasion on the remark of Nach. the police department about the inadmissibility and criminality of such actions, said: “You are an eccentric, you don’t know anything, is it possible to do well with bandits, so they won’t say anything.” 3. Commissioner CEC for the sowing campaign, having arrived in the 18th and 19th auls of the Berkarinsky district, arrested, without having any right to do so, all the bais of individual farmers, in the amount of 41 people. beat the arrested with butts, whips and stripped to their underwear, explaining this arrest and their actions by the fact that these bais “could sell the cattle and resist collective farm construction.”

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4. Members of the brigade of the Chubartavsky district Tuskeyev, Sagatov, Nukzhetov, Dzhankashev, Bayuzakov, Bezambaev, Zhalgobaev, Burkutbaev, Aubakirov, during the inventory of the property of the beys and upon the discovery of hidden property, partly appropriated to themselves, partly returned to the beys for sexual intercourse with their daughters. 5. The representative of the Chubartavsky district, a member of the AllUnion Communist Party of Bolsheviks, Mynzhasarov Jagafyr, while conducting an inventory of the property of the bai, literally mocked the population of the 9th aul subsequently affected by the insurgent movement: (a) pants and flogged with rods; (b) the poor man, who received the property of the bai from bai Tusupbekov (cups, and other small things) for storage, was beaten and arrested along with the bai; (c) he beat Count Bogaeva with the butt of a rifle, which caused her to miscarry; (d) other women, undressed, wrapped in a felt mat, drove around the village on a camel, saying that this was the highest measure of punishment; (e) flogged Mrs. Satynbayeva with rods; (f) wanted to rape Mamaeva; (g) stripped other women naked. The population was extremely outraged by these actions. 6. Dzhagofar Dzhanybekov, authorized officer of DCC in the Chubartavsky district, beat women and the poor during interrogation. 7. Biimagambetov, the chairman of the Chetsky district, being in the 10th aul, spent the night with the daughter of the bai […], who was arrested by the head of the police department of the Karkaraly district. After spending the night, Biimagambetov gave an order to return the property to the bai, which was described by order of the head of the operational unit. Biimagambetov’s order with the intervention of the Head. The operation was not completed. 8. In the Chubartavsky district, aul № 1 (later hit by an insurgent movement), the teacher Amanjanov, Komsomol member Dzhanybekov, Matembyshev, arrived in the village, alerted the population with rifle fire and shot the aul dogs. During the inventory, wooden pegs were inserted into the women’s uterus, the poor were flogged, asking the latter “where the Bai cattle are hidden.” Based on this, an insufficiently conducted analysis of the activities of the district and grassroots party and Soviet organizations, individual members of these organizations, should draw a definite conclusion that

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the political state of the Karkaraly district, due to the excesses and distortions of party guidelines, naturally, could not be stable and should have been to break out in the form of a certain distrust of the Soviet power and its executors in the localities, and in some places to open action against the Soviets. power, which is confirmed by the following facts: 1. The poor man of the Chubartavsky district, criticizing DEC’s order, expresses the following views: “The poor gave the last pood of their bread and tried to get cattle for slaughter, bought this cattle and fed the winter, and when the time for slaughter came, DEC ordered that this cattle be taken away and there is even a rumor that it will be returned to the bays, and our bread, therefore, was lost for nothing. Yesterday we turned to district judge Utenev for clarification, he told us that there were no decisions in the district on this matter, and could not be. Utenev yesterday sent a courier to Karkaralinsk in Kuvsak about the issue and gave the order: the cattle taken from the leaders should be handed over to them until the final order of the district. Utenev did this only a day ago, and our secretary of the district committee just now announced to the population that Utenev did wrong, the cattle should be taken away, and therefore the distribution back to the poor should be suspended. God knows who to listen to.” 2. The insurrectionary mood of the 1st aul of the Chubartavsky district, which proposed to defeat the regional center, appeared after the brigadiers committed a number of atrocities in this aul (see excesses). 3. The insurrectionary mood and movement in the 9th aul of the Chubartavsky district appeared after the atrocities committed by the authorized Chubartavsky district members of the AUCP(b) Mandzhasarov Dzhagofar (see excesses). Summarizing all of the above and without denying the possibility of some ideological influence and leadership from the local k/revolutionary element and other districts that appeared in […] Karokrug, we must state that: 1. The political state of the district is extremely alarming, and in some areas it has an anti-Soviet-insurgent character.

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2. Such a political state mainly rests on those excesses, distortions of party guidelines and abuses that have been committed by party and Soviet organizations in the implementation of the decisions and decrees of the Communist Party and government over the past 4–5 months. Genuine with proper signatures. Confirmed: Employee of the SDUSPA Kazansky State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 3. Inventary 1. Case 92. Sheet 70-82. The original.

№ 23 From Materials on the Progress of Work on Settlement in Migrant Nomadic and Semi-Migrant Nomadic Areas Alma-Ata, 1930 1. The state of leadership of the work on subsidence by the Republican Committee of Subsidence. The Republican Committee of Settling is organized by the decree of Kazakh Council of People’s Commissars dated 8/I-30 and works in accordance with the regulations approved by CEC KazSSR on 19/II-30. As the directing headquarters of all subsidence work in Kazakhstan, the Republican Subsidence Committee under the Council of People’s Commissars has justified its appointment. Raising the idea of the Kazakh nomadic and semi-nomadic working population settling to the proper height, popularizing this idea among Soviet, cooperative and public organizations, as well as among the Kazakh population itself, the Republican Committee in the first six months of its activity was inevitably forced to perform, in addition to directive functions and supervision over the implementation of its instructions, as well as the function of planning work on subsidence. In addition, during the same period of time, the Republican Committee was forced to be the operational headquarters of all the work. This scope of work of the committee until August 6, 1930 was determined by the fact that the novelty of the problem of subsidence, the grandiose scope of a concrete plan of work on subsidence, disbelief on the part of a number of organizations and responsible workers in the

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practical solution of the problem of subsidence, as well as inertia and bureaucracy in a number of organizations that failed to restructure their work to fulfill the newly set task, resulted in inactivity on the part of all departments and organizations, both in the regional center and in the field, in some cases, hidden resistance to planned and ongoing activities on the part of individual employees in the apparatus of these departments and organizations and the agitation of the riot against subsidence as a class event. In the struggle to fulfill the plan, in the struggle against the manifestation in practice of right-wing opportunism, chauvinism and local nationalism, the Republican Committee of Settlement in the current situation could not remain at the height of only the directive and planning affairs of the settling body and was forced to directly resolve issues of practical and operational leadership, being the most operational headquarters of all work. However, as the work of the people’s commissariats and regional institutions is gradually reorganized to fulfill the set tasks of subsidence as a result of the committee’s continuous signaling of breakthroughs on this new front of socialist construction, further work of the committee in this volume would help to free the operational bodies from the sense of responsibility for the implementation of the plan and the state of work and in some cases – would lead to the depersonalization of people’s commissariats and organizations. The continuation of the work of the committee in the above-mentioned volume in the future would hinder the development of initiative, initiative, operational independence in the operational bodies and would harm the success of the case. As a result, by the decrees of the Regional Control CommissionPeople’s Commissariat of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection dated 5/VIII-30 and Kazakh Council of People’s Commissars dated 6 and 15/VIII-30, the functions of planning and operational management of all work on subsidence carried out by all people’s commissariats and organizations were transferred to the People’s Commissariat of Land in the person of the newly the Sector of Settling created within its apparatus, since all settling measures radically reconstruct the agriculture of nomadic and semi-nomadic regions, and since the cadres of workers in industrial enterprises and organizations are also recruited from the population currently employed with. economy. The novelty of the case, the obstacles encountered by the committee at the very first time of its work in the form, for example, of the stubborn failure to present plans for both events on the part of the main bodies,

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which are called upon to practically carry out subsidence (Kraykolkhozsoyuz), naturally could not but cause shortcomings in the work of the Republican Committee for subsidence, which the plans of individual departments were not sufficiently linked to each other in terms of time and scope, which was noted by the Committee itself at a meeting on August 22, 1930. Giving instructions on the need to involve the nomadic and seminomadic population in state farms and industrial enterprises, the Settlement Committee did not give clear guidelines and could not achieve concretization and implementation of its instructions on the part of interested organizations, focusing on achieving a turning point in the work of those departments whose action plans were sufficiently specified and stimulated settlement on the basis of agriculture. […]. The state of leadership in the work of settling in 1930 by the people’s commissariats, regional organizations, as well as the former district and district party-Soviet organizations and the main difficulties and shortcomings of this work. The aforementioned leadership has repeatedly received a proper characterization and assessment from the Republican Committee of Settling, Regional Control Commission – People’s Commissariat of the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspectorate of the Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party (Bolsheviks). This guide is illustrated and conditioned by the following main shortcomings and difficulties in subsidence work: 1. A significant underfulfillment of the plan for the settlement of the current year is a consequence of the fact that, along with the novelty of the work, not only the regional and former district organizations, but also the majority of regional organizations and their individual leaders did not realize the full political significance of the settlement of the Kazakh working population, failed to connect this major event with the current economic and political tasks and include the work of settling in the program of their daily actions and failed to mobilize the masses around this big issue of political and economic importance. As a result, settlement activities were not popularized among the masses, in many areas they were not even brought to villages, the population turned out to be far from being fully prepared for settlement and therefore almost did not take a direct part in its real implementation.

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2. There was no single organizational and production plan agreed between all departments, which is why there was no active and joint work. The plans of individual departments and organizations were not sufficiently coordinated with each other, neither in time nor in the scope of the planned activities, and besides, they were completed with a big delay only in June. Along with this, some of the people’s commissariats and regional organizations presented completely unrealistic plans (PCE, PCT, KRU), others simply issued extracts from general departmental plans that were completely not designed to serve the process of subsidence (PCH, Kazakh water industry) or even at all no plans were drawn up (People’s Committee of Internal Affairs, Kazakh road transport). The very elaboration of questions of the practical implementation of subsidence measures was carried out only in the process of deploying and implementing these measures, which is why, due to a lack of experience in the past, this elaboration was far from satisfactory. 3. There was no clear understanding of the ways and methods of the settlement of the Kazakh population, hence the complete underestimation of the settlement of farm laborers and the poor as state farm and industry workers. Despite the fact that these ways of subsidence were provided for in the directive instructions of the Republican Committee, no practical instructions were given by the Central Council of National Economy for the implementation of the mentioned directives, and the state farm organizations did not pay attention to this issue. 4. The peculiarities of the process of settling in livestock areas, which should take place on the basis of improving and strengthening livestock breeding by improving the quality of the herd and providing it with hay fodder through a number of measures, were almost completely not taken into account. 5. In a number of departments and organizations, there was passive resistance to the cause of subsidence and attempts to cover up their inactivity with a screen of objective conditions, for example, inactivity in construction was justified by references to the lack of imported building materials and at the same time nothing was done to procure local building materials. A number of regional organizations, justifying their inactivity by relying on the sequence of subsidence events, pinned all their hopes in practical work on the

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Republican Committee and the Settlement Sector of the Kazakh People’s Commissariat of Health, practically engaging in subsidence only from time to time. The offices of the KPCH and the Settling Committee also failed to organize the work in a timely manner. 6. Cells of workers for settling are organized in the apparatuses of not all departments and organizations, and the existing ones are not formalized and there is considerable laxity in their work. In general, work on subsidence was regarded as a common thing, but by no means as a combat mission; 7. Many regional organizations found themselves completely isolated from the settlement areas and the work being done in them. Most of the krai organizations have not established live communication and leadership in places, as well as the necessary information about the progress of work. Social-mass organizations within the institutions and organizations did not take any part in the work of settling (in the form of a team survey of this work, etc.). 8. There was extremely little attention to attracting outside assistance to the cause of settling, especially in the first half of the year. There was no organizational and production linkage between the settling collective farms and adjacent state farms and industrial enterprises. At the same time, despite the plans presented by the state farm trusts for their production, organizational, technical and cultural assistance to the settling collective farms, nothing was done to put these plans into practice, with the exception of some technical assistance from the Pakhta-Aral state farm and part state farms of Grain Trust. No real measures were taken to help the settling population on the part of patronage and trade union organizations, as well as on the part of the European population surrounding the settling collective farms. Likewise, no measures were taken by public and, in particular, Komsomol and women’s organizations to involve the latter in the socialized work of collective farms. 9. The provincial press very late launched work to popularize the idea of subsidence and ongoing events, while the district and district newspapers were stubbornly silent almost until recently and were unable to mobilize the attention of the general public around the subsidence events.

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10. Due to the poor preparation of the settling contingent, insufficient briefing of seconded workers on the principles and procedures for carrying out a set of measures, and, finally, thanks to the inept organization of work, a dependent mood was created among the settling farms (to involve in the construction of agricultural buildings and residential buildings for themselves the settlers were looked upon as a duty.). Thus, the organized self-activity of the settling population for the full and timely implementation of measures was insufficient and in places reached the level of self-interest with excessive demands. 11. One of the most important shortcomings in the practice of the first year of settling is the presence of bureaucratic inertia and hidden resistance to holding events within the regional and former. district apparatuses, caused by the contamination of our Soviet and economic bodies with elements alien to the interests of the working people, the manifestation in practice of great-power chauvinism, which even objectively reached sabotage in places. The heads of departments and organizations did not always give a proper rebuff to this and sometimes they themselves trailed behind the “difficulties” and “objective reasons” suggested by individual carriers of this evil from the depths of the apparatus. 12. Along with this, the practice of settling further exposed in our grassroots bodies the right-wing whiners, carriers of the ideas of preserving the existing forms of economy in the village, the inability of the Kazakh to a settled way of doing business and farming skills. The direction of loans to settle in the European regions was explained by their unprofitability in the Kazakh regions (Kustanai, Petropavlovsk). “Ideas” were put forward for a staged transition to settled life by gradually (for 4–5 years) stretching the settlement, leaving excess land “guaranteeing the preservation of livestock”, one must understand the existing forms of economy, therefore, beneficial for the top of the aul. There are a number of facts opposing subsidence to state farm construction, devaluation of surplus land without taking into account the rational distribution of the population and state farms, and vice versa, infringement of the interests of the settling population by leaving it on profitable lands interspersed with valuable land when land is allotted to state farms, without taking into account the development of these farms and reconstruction tasks.

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13. Work on the collectivization of the settling population was carried out extremely poorly. It is necessary to note the lack of formalization of the settling collective farms, the absence in them of the organization of labor, the accounting of work and labor discipline, as well as the verification and regulation of their social composition. The districts did not achieve consolidation of small dwarf collective farms, did not take measures to strengthen the old collective farms, to draw new members into them on the basis of settlement measures. 14. Sowing and hay harvesting campaigns are not sufficiently used as one of the most effective methods of stimulating settling on the basis of collectivization, which is one of the main reasons for the underfulfillment of the settling plan of the past year and the failure to carry out the complete collectivization of settled farms. 15. The supply of machinery to the settling population was carried out without a differentiated approach to individual areas (hay harvesters were brought into agricultural areas and vice versa). Many areas of subsidence were not aware of the special preferential terms of credit, which significantly delayed the timely sale of machines. 16. The work on the organization of the territory in most areas was far from satisfactory, especially in the timely establishment of settlement points due to the fault of the land authorities who looked at subsidence as another land management work. The choice of settlement points changed several times, and the need for hay and arable land, as well as other elements of the production base (gravitation to large economic and administrative centers, connection with state farms, etc.) was almost not taken into account. The land management of settlement points and the planning of settlements were often carried out without agreement with the settling population, without sufficient identification of the ratios of land, and sometimes the choice of estates was made without any preliminary survey of the territories. 17. Zootechnical, veterinary and agronomic activities in the areas of subsidence were carried out insufficiently, and in some places they were not even brought to the area. Measures to organize fodder bases were not carried out in many areas, while in some areas there was a desire to plant a purely agricultural economy without fail, without taking into account natural and historical conditions.

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18. The construction of residential buildings was carried out in most cases to the detriment of the construction of cattle yards and other agricultural buildings, which are the basis of economic settlement. In the matter of construction, the localities relied on imported building materials, without showing the proper initiative to use local ones. Organizations interested in construction (collective-farm-cooperative systems, bodies of PCE, PCH, consumer cooperatives, PCH) showed an extremely formal attitude towards construction. 19. Soviet collective farm construction is which undertook the enormous work of building settlement areas on collective farms and on state farms, at the same time, without taking into account its own strength, began construction in cities. The workers of Soviet collective farm construction in the field were largely alien to the interests of settlement, with extremely low qualifications, and Soviet collective farm construction did not take measures to staff its technical apparatus and did not provide the work with proper guidance. The construction itself was carried out according to expensive projects, without taking into account local conditions, often does not meet the elementary requirements of technology and does not differ at all from the construction of primitive winter quarters. 20. Very little attention was paid to the issue of staffing the settlement areas with the necessary specialists. The regional collective-farmcooperative and other organizations did not provide even the minimum requests for servicing the settling collective farms, which could not but affect the quality of the economic development of the measures taken. 21. Financing of activities was carried out by the Collective farm bank with significant interruptions, weak mobilization of funds on the ground. The necessary flexibility on the part of Collective farm bank was absent. Local workers showed an inattentive attitude to the needs of the settlement when meeting the requirements from the mobilized funds, and in fact the loans for the settlement were not used for their intended purpose. Some DECs and rayselbanks dispersed funds for lending to collective farms by issuing them to individual farms in meager amounts (Kzyl-Askersky district – 5 rubles per farm).

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Positive results and achievements of the first year of work on subsidence. Along with the noted shortcomings in the first year of work on subsidence, there are certain achievements: 1. If earlier spontaneous settlement occurred mainly due to the decline of the extensive Kazakh nomadic economy, now we embrace this spontaneous process, turning it into a planned process of socialist reorganization of the aul with the help of a set of state measures that gave it a more stable character and linked it with the growth of the leading branches of agriculture economy (state farms) and industry. If earlier the Kazakh population lived separately, leading a small individual economy, then this year in the areas of subsidence it was possible to create a prerequisite for complete collectivization and the liquidation of the bai as a class on this basis. 2. On the basis of settlement measures, 60.1% of the population was collectivized on a completely voluntary basis. The population in many districts (Kzyl-Tuu, Ispul, Kzylkuginsky, Turkestan, Kurchum) spontaneously switch to settling, self-organizing in collective farms, collective farmers themselves organize themselves into brigades and conclude agreements for socialist competition. The mass of the population began to understand that the settlement, promoted by the Soviet government, was an event that provided the entire working mass of the population with the opportunity to put the economy on a rational basis, to organize it on the prepared territory […]. Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 4839. Sheet 25–30. Copy.

№ 24 Based on the Materials of the Protocols Bureau of the Karkaraly District Committee of the AUCP(b) Alma-Ata, January 9, 1931–June 1931 To Karkaraly district Committee of the AUCP(b)

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As a result of checking the decisions you made in January, the Regional Committee came to the following conclusion: 1. You are right that you estimated on January 3 as an inflection the seizure (aulaktivom) of Bay cattle (bais confiscated in 1928), without leaving them a labor norm. But your decision of January 3 (prot. № 1), where you propose to bring to criminal responsibility and arrange a show trial over the aul asset (in aul № 14), which allowed an inflection in relation to previously (1928) confiscated farms, is politically incorrect and harmful. Why are you wrong? Firstly, because by a show trial over an asset (which, although it made a mistake regarding these bais) or even an ordinary trial over this asset, you have dealt a blow to the political activity of the farm labourers, the poor and the middle peasants; Secondly, with the trial of the asset, you have politically armed bai, since he uses this court to fight the asset. You could correct this inflection promptly. 2. In the decision of 24 January you write: “…noting the failure of the District Committee of the District Trade Union Council to comply with the decision of the bureau on the organization of shock brigades to combat the fox cuff (malakhai, etc. … to propose to the District Committee and the District Trade Union Council to immediately organize foremen to combat this […]”. This decision from beginning to end is wrong and politically harmful. Why? Because to create brigades to combat headgear (cuffs, malakhai, etc.) is to arm the bai in his agitation against fur harvesting. You need to organize teams to deploy work around the tasks of fur billets, against the Bay agitation, and speculation in fur raw materials, as well as finished fur products, explaining to the masses the role of fur billets in exports as tools of socialist construction. 3. In the revolution of January 23, you state a number of facts of the manifestation of great-power chauvinism, as well as local nationalism in the workplace, but, at the same time, you did not give strict directives on the punishment of the guilty, the mobilization of workers’ responsibility around the tasks of combating these phenomena to the cells, which blurred the role of those signals that you gave to

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the district organization, and it brought you down to the position of conciliators, both to great-powerism and nationalist sentiments and facts. You must immediately correct these political mistakes you have made. In particular, with regard to the demonstration trial of the aulaktiv (aul №. 14), the Regional Committee proposes to immediately send all the materials characterizing this case and, if the trial has not yet taken place, suspend the trial until the appropriate instruction of the prosecutor of the KASSR. You must most decisively strike at the main danger (in national deviations) – great-power chauvinism, as well as local nationalism. About the measures taken on this letter, send a special summary. Deputy RC Golyudov Res. instructor of the Regional Committee I. Abramovich Review of the protocols of the Karkaraly district Committee of the AUCP(b) for January Date and protocol number

The nature of the decisions taken

3/1 – № 1

Bring to criminal responsibility and arrange a show trial over the aul asset № 14 of the aul, which allowed an excess in relation to the previously confiscated baisk farms. The inflection lies in the fact that the asset seized the livestock and property from these bais, leaving them with no labor standard The District Committee established a number of flagrant abnormalities in the production of Kentyube-Tyuuraiskaya and Karagaylinskaya; stated a vivid manifestation of Great Russian chauvinism and local nationalism, expressed in the wrong distribution of apartments, food, overalls and retribution from drivers between European and Kazakh workers. The moments of administrative removal of Kazakhs from production, pressure on Europeans at meetings – in the regulatory part, did not take a tough decision in the sense of posing at workers’ meetings to identify and bring to justice the carriers of this evil and eradicate, thereby, national inequality among workers

23/1 – № 34

Kulbaeva, Baichizhaev Abilmazhinov, Kiikov Ospanov, Mazhitov

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Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 4510. Sheet 69–71. Certified copy.

№ 25 From the Special Report № 1 on the Cattle-Harvesting Campaign of 1930/1931 in the KSSR Alma-Ata, January 10, 1931 Based on the materials of the IPP of the USPA in the KSSR The course of the cattle-harvesting campaign in Kazakhstan is characterized by the following data as of January 1, 1931: the plan for harvesting cattle was fulfilled by 132.6%, for small-scale by 89.7%. Shooting of the contracted: the close-up plan was completed by 40.7%, the small 33.7%. For shipments, the plan of the special quarter was completed by 90.4%. SHORTCOMINGS OF THE GRASSROOTS PROCUREMENT APPARATUS The weak rate of cattle procurements in a number of districts is explained by the laxity in the work of grassroots procurement organizations, the manifestation of demobilization sentiments by grassroots workers, the lack of pressure on the Kulak-Bay part of the village and aul, incomplete coverage of the population with blanks, late deployment of procurement work and lack of accounting for contractors. The confiscated cattle from the bais have not been transferred to the District Union, as it should be, but until now it is with the members of the Village Council. DEC doesn’t take any action. The under-fulfillment of the cattle plan is explained by the negligence of the board of the District Union In the Chelkarsky district, the Ural district, which started shooting contracted cattle. The contracting is very late. The board does not have an accurate accounting of the advanced contract grants. Due to the lack of pressure on the Bay farms, the Bay plans for cattle procurements are carried out extremely poorly In the Chelkarsky district, the Ural District. The survey of contract cattle in villages № 22, 23, 24 and 25 is particularly weak. The villages of Koppara and Sarasat are not serviced at all by the District Union in the Chelkarsky district, the Ural district, cattle agents have not appeared.

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The District Union has not any information about the number of livestock removed before contracting in Chelkarsky district, Ural district. The plan of a special quarter for the harvesting of cattle has been exceeded by 260 heads in the Dzhangali district, and under-fulfilled by 1240 heads for small ones. Local workers show a demobilizing mood, saying “the plan has been fulfilled enough.” CLOGGING OF THE SOYUZMYASO APPARATUS The Soyuzmyaso apparatus is extremely clogged from top to bottom with an alien anti-Soviet element. The regional office of Soyuzmyaso is saturated with former white officers, large cattle producers, landowners and other counter-revolutionary elements, which negatively affects the work of Soyuzmyaso. The clogging of the Soyuzmyaso Regional Office is characterized by the following data taken from the sample: The Deputy Manager of the Regional Office Artemyev is the son of a cattle industrialist. The staffing of the apparatus was carried out by former people who are hostile to a member of the AUCP(b) party. Bogolepov, the head of the planning and economic department, the son of a priest, graduated from the theological seminary. The head of accounting for the planning and economic sector Domozhirov is the son of a nobleman, an officer of the tsarist army, who deliberately signals about the breakthroughs of the preparations. The son of a large cattle industrialist Andreyev who is the responsible executor for the removal was previously purged from the state apparatus in the 2nd category. The contractor of the Regional Office of Soyuzmyaso is an officer of the white gang of General Bakich-Goryachev. The senior accountant of the Regional Office is an officer of the Kolchak army Voishchaev and an accountant-inspector Vydrin as well. The chief inspector is accountant Yakhontov, the officer who is the son of a merchant. Aboitov is an accountant-controller and military official. Ex-adjutant of the white regiment is Kolokolchikov, ex-landowner of the Penza province is Martynov, ex-colonel is Aschetlov. MAJOR ABNORMALITIES IN THE SOYUZMYASO DEPARTMENT To a large extent, due to the clogging of the apparatus of the Regional Office of Soyuzmyaso, an alien, anti-Soviet element, in the activities of the Regional Office there is not only a lack of proper governance of grassroots organizations, but also a number of moments that clearly disorganize cattle procurement. Particular attention is drawn to such inherently destructive actions as the phenomenon: incorrect distribution of grain

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stock intended for livestock harvesting by districts, blatant mismanagement, disruption of lending to the office at the time of the unfolding cattle-harvesting and incorrect deployment of cattle-harvesting plans by districts. During the deployment of livestock procurement plans for areas with a small number of livestock, the plans were taught unbearable, as a result of which only 7–10% were fulfilled, and areas with a lot of livestock received insignificant plans and fulfilled them by 400–500%. Due to the deliberate omission of the counting part in the Soyuzmyaso Regional Office, a loan was closed for the Office at the time of procurement within one month. The Soyuzmyaso Regional Office receives a grain fund of more than 4 million poods for cattle harvesting in this year and the Office is not aware of which areas to use it. Since August 5 and up to this time according to separate orders, Soyuzmyaso in the districts, former Semipalatinsk district uses up to 250 thousand poods of wheat, whereas the cattle procurements are disrupted for lack of bread in other areas. The office at the Ushtyube station began slaughtering cattle. The slaughtered meat in the form of heat was immersed, as a result of which it was spoiled. In Akkemir district, former Aktobe district, the Regional Field Union of the Dzhurinsky Branch, on 13/X1-30, received a plan for contracting livestock from Aktobe liquidation committee, which indicated that the contracting should start from 15/X, and you would receive instructions from their region. The Regional Office was asked several times by telegraph to send instructions, but the Regional Office does not answer and does not send instructions, which delays the contracting of livestock. OUR EVENTS Deputy Manager of the Soyuzmyaso Regional Office Artemyev, head of the planning and economic department Bogolepov, responsible contractor for procurement Doryanovsky and head of the accounting sector Domozhirov arrested, an investigation is underway. MISMANAGEMENT In a whole number of regions, in procurement organizations, mismanagement bordering on sabotage is observed. At some procurement organizations, livestock is still in the field for pasture, due to the onset of cold weather, livestock is losing fatness, and mortality is observed due to exhaustion. During the driving of herds, there is no care for the cattle,

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often food is not provided, as a result of which the cattle fall ill on the way and are left on the roads, without any supervision, to the mercy. Due to the lack of adapted premises and the lack of fodder from the producers, the last cattle for overexposure are given to anyone, often to farms that have no fodder at all. The rough-equipped livestock bases available to the purveyors are extremely overcrowded, there is no proper care for the livestock, mass diseases develop among the livestock, sick livestock are not isolated from healthy ones. There are cases when the heads of procurement organizations ignore the organization of scientific fight against mass diseases of livestock and do not take serious measures to combat mass diseases. 278 heads of sick cattle were isolated from the affected herd of epizootics in the village of Stepanovka, Shchuchinsky district, Petropavlovsk District. Agent Madaliev drove distilling sick cattle to peasant yards and ignored the protest of the deputy manager about this occurrence. In the Tabynsky district of the former Aktobe District, the Temir office of Soyuzmyaso harvested 1661 sheep were not sent in a timely manner due to the lack of warm rooms, feed and fell ill with smallpox. An investigation is underway. In the village of Shchuchye, Shchuchinsky district, former Petropavl District, on the basis of mismanagement of the situation at cattle bases and the lack of proper veterinary supervision, the bases are extremely overloaded, no serious measures are taken when diseases appear. In the Ural region, former Urals District, by order of the chairman of the Regional Field Union, a newly organized artel with no food at all, 1,000 rams were transferred for overexposure. In the Karaspan region, the former Syr-Darya Okrug, when Regional Field Union drove cattle from the village of Fogelevka to Karaspansky district, due to the lack of fodder along the route, up to 50% of the 500 heads driven were lost. In the Bostandyk region, Syr-Darya District, the Sary-Agach office of Soyuzmyaso left up to1,500 heads of cattle for overexposure, while it has absolutely no fodder reserves. On the basis of starvation, cattle are losing fatness every day. During the transfer of 600 heads of cattle by the Guryev Office of Soyuzmyaso to the Ural Refrigeration plant, due to fast transfers and poor care of the cattle, 187 heads of emaciated cattle were thrown on the way

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without any inspection. Arrived 413 cows, due to extreme exhaustion, are not suitable for slaughter. ABUSE Due to the clogging of the grassroots cattle-harvesting apparatus with an alien, criminal element, in a number of places, facts of abuse by employees of procurement organizations, which squander harvested cattle, by fabricating fictitious acts of case, have been noted. Quite often, cattlecollecting offices deduct for missing cattle from drovers only in 30–40 percent of the actual value of the missing cattle. In the Akkemir district, Aktobe district, the gurtopravs of the Dzhurin Soyuzmyaso office have mass cases of shortage of rams during fitting and loading of herds. For the missing rams, the office deducts 40 rubles per ram from the gurtopravs. Whereas the market price is 120–140 rubles. In the Akkemir district of the Aktobe district, the head of the Jurin office of Soyuzmyaso, Rumarov submitted to the office 2 fictitious acts on the death of two heads of cattle, when checking the fallen cattle were not found. In the Ural district, the Ural county, during the driving of a herd of sheep, gurtopravom Kanatov compiled fictitious acts on the case of sheep for 309 heads. An investigation is underway. In the same place, the manager of the Correspondent office Soyuzmyaso Bezhanov himself increased his salary by 50 rubles a month. WEAK PROMOTION OF MANUFACTURED GOODS In some areas, on the basis of dishonesty, inactivity of district organizations, despite sufficient stocks of manufactured goods in district centers, they do not advance to the places of procurement, or they are imported to those points where there are absolutely no cattle procurements, as a result of which the population drives several tens of kilometers to those points where there are manufactured goods. In Le[…]nsky, former Ural district, citizens of the village of Antonovka do not hand over their cattle on the spot, but hand them over in the Taipyn district, where they give more manufactured goods. The similar situation exists in the village of Lbishchenskoye. In Akkemir district, Aktobe county, despite the fact that there are enough manufactured goods in the district consumer society, they are not imported by the board to the offices at the places of procurement, as a result of which many collective farms and sole proprietors who hand over their cattle have not yet received manufactured goods. This situation has a negative effect on the course of workpieces.

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In the Trans-Ural district, the Ural county, manufactured goods are located in those places where there is no harvesting of livestock, and work on harvesting livestock has been launched there, manufactured goods are not imported at all. ABNORMALITIES AT CATTLE COLLECTION POINTS There is a systematic hanging by receivers at some cattle receiving points of cattle collectors for the purpose of personal gain. There are also such cattle receiving points where there are absolutely no scales, and cattle are accepted by the receivers from the cattle collectors by definition “by eye”, which gives a wide opportunity for the receivers to abuse. At the same time, such a statement causes dissatisfaction of cattle collectors. There are no scales, cattle are taken by eye, on the basis of which discontent is growing among the population In the Ural district of the former Ural county, at the cattle-processing point of the Soyuzmyaso Office. In village № 14 of Chelkarsky district, Ural district, the agent of the Livestock Union Yesetov systematically reduces its actual weight when receiving livestock. On the weight gain formed from hanging, Yesetov receives the due rate of bread and manufactured goods for himself personally. SHIPMENTS In a number of regions, as a result of the railway administration not fully satisfying the applications for cars of procurement organizations, the untimely driving of cattle to the places of loading, as well as the criminally slow loading of the delivered railway carriage by the producers, shipments are extremely slow. In the Slamikha district, the former Ural district, the Soyuzmyaso Office sent 220 heads of cattle for shipment to the Algan station at the end of December, the workers returned the cattle back halfway, citing the lack of food, as a result, 4 heads fell. The perpetrators have been held accountable. In the Akkemir district, Aktobe district, due to the indiscretion of the administration of the Soyuzmyaso office, laxity among the workers, when loading dead cattle into wagons, one wagon is loaded for 2 days or more. By December 1, 1930, the Office of Soyuzmyaso was supposed to ship 1,250 heads of cattle from the Merkensky district, the Syr-Darynsky Okrug, to supply the working centers. Despite the timely applications of

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the Soyuzmyaso Office, the railway administration does not provide the required number of railway carriage. CATTLE PURCHASING BY SPECULATORS At the time of the unfolding cattle-harvesting campaign, cases of purchase and slaughter of cattle by speculators are observed in a number of districts. Local organizations do not fight against private buyers of livestock. There are occasions of assistance by individual workers in buying up and slaughtering cattle to speculators. The chairman of the village council Zhumankulov and the secretary of the village Council Bukenev in aul № 12 of Chelkar district, Ural district help the bais of their aul to evade the fulfillment of firm tasks on cattle procurement and the bais’ plans shift the middle peasants and the poor. The district veterinarian issued a permit to speculators to slaughter 1,477 cattle in Akublak district, former Aktobe county. In village № 16 of Bostandyk district, former Syr-Darya county, a meat trader Mambetov bought 30 pieces of sheep and sent them to Tashkent. Mambetov was arrested. In the Akbulaksokm district of the former Aktobe county, there is a mass of meat traders. No measures are taken by the district authorities. In the village of Mamayevka, Karaspan district, Syr-Darya county, Vinnikov is a meat trader, systematically engaged in buying and slaughtering livestock at home, not excluding dairy cattle. There is not paid any attention to this case by local organizations. PURCHASE OF LIVESTOCK FOR SUPPLY TO PROCESSING ORGANIZATIONS FOR THE PURPOSE OF OBTAINING BREAD AND MANUFACTURED PRODUCTS In connection with the grain procurement campaign and the insufficient supply of the population with manufactured goods, in a number of places there are cases of buying up livestock by the European population in the markets even from the Kazakh population in villages and handing it over to procurement organizations in order to obtain bread and manufactured goods. For the same purpose, the poor are used by the poor to sell their livestock to procurement organizations. There are cases of obtaining bread for the delivered cattle with a speculative purpose. In the village of Chuvash, Teplov District, the former Ural County, the board of the Zelenoye Pole agricultural artel sells the flour received from the procurement organizations for the delivered cattle at speculative prices.

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In aul № 23 of the Chelkar district, the former Ural County, bai Izbasarov, Denesenov and others, in order to obtain bread and manufactured goods, rent their livestock through their poor relatives. In the same place, in village № 22, Chelkarsky district, Aktobe district, Bai Belomanov, through a relative of the poor, handed over 4 heads of cattle and received wheat. In addition, he bought a cow in the market and sold it through the poor man Utegenov. In Akbulak region, former Aktobe County, the European population of the village of N-Maryevsky, in order to purchase scarce manufactured goods, buys livestock from the Kazakh population and rents it to state procurement organizations. In the Chelkarsky district, the former Ural district, the population buys livestock in droves on the market and, in order to obtain bread, is handed over to procuring organizations. PERVERSIONS OF THE CLASS LINE Especially in some areas of the former Ural county, there was permitted perversions of the class line in the process of cattle-harvesting individual workers who directly carried out cattle-harvesting on the ground in the form of bringing cattle-harvesting plans at the expense of collective farms, often with dairy cattle. Some DEC have unrealistic cattle-harvesting plans for individual villages. Piskunov who is the commissioner for cattle procurement together with the assistance commission, brought meat-harvesting plans to each yard without observing the class principle in the village of Shaposhnikovo, Teplov district former Ural county. In Dzhangolin district of the former Ural county, the cattle-harvesting plan was accomplished mainly at the expense of collective farms. Collective farms handed over dairy cattle on account of the implementation of the plan, while sole proprietors sold their cattle on the market/in the bazaar. In the village of Miroshkin, Teplov district, former Ural county, as a result of improperly conducted cattle contracting when shooting cattle, all dairy cattle were taken from collective farmers, poor and middle peasants. In obedience with the plan of harvesting by DEC has been taught 96 heads of cattle; however, there are 145 heads of cattle in the village of Borov, Shchuchink district, former Ural county. In the Chelkar district, former Ural county, the board of the District Union 20/XI-1930 proposed to the commissioners working in the field,

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on cattle procurement, to strengthen the shooting of contracted cattle, not paying attention to anything, even if the contractor had 1 head, or fell – still to recover. OPPOSITION TO KULAKS AND BAIS In a number of kulaks and bais districts, the taking advantage of the laxity of grassroots procurement workers and the weakness of the work of local agricultural organizations, stubbornly resists and does not fulfill cattle-harvesting plans. Cattle are killed for their needs. There is being campaigned for the slaughter of livestock among the population. Bai Imanov among the Kazakh population in aul № 10 of the Dzhangalin district of the former Ural county is campaigning for the disruption of cattle procurements: “The government only promises you flour for the cattle being handed over, but does not give you, and what you will eat, the Soviet authority will soon fall and therefore you do not need to hand over the cattle.” In aul № 9 of the Merken district, Syr-Darya county, the chairman of village council Bektemirov with atkaminers (atkaminer is a servant of the ruling elite in pre-revolutionary Kazakhstan, who takes an active part in public administration for personal interests or an ostensible activist) is campaigning among the population and members of the collective farm for the squandering of livestock: “You don’t hand over your cattle to the indivisible fund of the collective farm, it’s better to sell it yourself and eat meat.” Bai Kongobasov is campaigning among the population for the slaughter of cattle in village № 24 of Merken district former Syr-Darna county: “Recently there was a congress in Moscow that it was decided to take away all cattle from the population of Kazakhstan by January 1, 1930. Whoever has cattle must cut and eat meat, because they will be taken away anyway.” In the village of Charbak, Bostandyk district, Syr-Darya county, bai Shanpankulov slaughtered a decommissioned horse, in order to use a collective farmer for his protection, he gave part of the meat from this horse to the chairman of the artel Imankulov. In the village of Khojakent, Bostandyk district, Syr-Darya county, bai Serzhanov 1/XII-1930 killed 4 heads of cattle. In aul № 9 of the Bostandyk district, former SyrDarya District, Khanmuratov, in order to evade the implementation of the cattle-harvesting plan, hid 50 sheep and 10 cattle in the steppe.

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In the village of Sovet, Akbulak district, former Aktobe county, cattleharvesting plans have been brought to 32 Kulak farms that have not handed over more than one head. In the same place, in the village of Ilyinka, cattle-harvesting plans have been brought to 10 farms that have not handed over more than one head. Similar facts were noted in other villages of the Akkemir district. In the village of Novo-Pokrovka, Akkemir district, Aktobe county, cattleharvesting plans have been brought to 11 farms, which have not yet handed over more than one head. The Regional Committee of the AUCP(b) has been informed about all the noted abnormalities. ARUSPA of KASSR Danilovsky Interim HEAD OMS Belonogov DEPUTY Head of IPP Sergeyev Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 5048. Sheet 1–9. Copy.

№ 26 Theses. Settling of the Kazakh Migrant Nomadic and Semi-Migrant Nomadic Working Population. Report of Comrade Ernazarov at the Congress of Soviets Alma-Ata, February 1931 1. The issue of settling of migrant nomadic and semi-migrant nomadic Kazakh workers is a purely political, purely economic event, and it is the main one among the major events of the party and the Soviet government in the practical implementation of Leninist national policy in Kazakhstan. Therefore, the Kazakh Regional Party Committee made a special decision in November 1929 on the opening of planned settling works. The 2nd session of the KazCEK in January 1930 discussed in some detail the issue of settling the Kazakhs, soon a Republican Settling Committee was created under the SPK and directives were given to the districts on the creation of district committees in them. 2. What causes such a great importance of this question? The majority of the population of Kazakhstan still leads a migrant nomadic and semi-migrant nomadic economy. This system is a

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source of preserving the exploitation of the poor and middle peasants by the bais on the basis of semi-patriarchal and semi-feudal forms of social relations within the village, we could not finally get rid of this semi-feudal system through such measures as the division of hay and arable lands, as the confiscation of the property of the bais of semi-feudal lords. Migrant nomadic economy and life is the biggest obstacle to the rise of the economic and cultural level and the involvement of the Kazakh working masses in the general process of socialist construction. 3. The enormous successes achieved during the ten years of socialist construction of Soviet Kazakhstan, colossal social shifts, both in the field of general cultural growth and economic recovery of the Kazakh working masses, and the growth of revolutionary activity of the broadest farm labourers, poor and middle–class masses will create all the necessary prerequisites for the transition to more cultured socialist forms of farming – to practical resolution of the tasks of socialist reconstruction of agriculture of Kazakhstan set by the 16th Party Congress and the 7th All-Kazakh Party Conference. 4. If earlier the spontaneous subsidence of the Kazakh population occurred as a result of the decline of the nomadic economy and a number of historical facts of the colonial policy of the tsarist system, then in the conditions of the practical implementation of the general program of the party and the government for the industrialization of the country and the socio-technical alteration of the national economy of the entire union, subsidence turns into a planned process of socialist restructuring of the life and economy of the Kazakh aul, based on a high raising the socio-cultural and economic level of the Kazakh labor masses, the growth of the broad activity of these masses with state aid and the assistance of the working class of the Union. […] III. Experience and positive aspects in settling work 13. The results of the first year of subsidence demonstrate the tremendous work that was done last year.

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Extensive economic and industrial works are machine supply, sowing and hay harvesting campaigns, land management, land reclamation, irrigation, construction of agricultural buildings, etc. There has been created a base for further deepening and expanding social and cultural activities in the settling areas. We have in these areas the beginning of the planned construction of socio-cultural institutions, schools, hospitals, paramedic stations, baths, nurseries, etc. The work of the very first year of settling laid a firm foundation for the implementation of the great, world-wide, problem of transferring the migrant nomadic labor masses of Kazakhstan to settlement, it proved in practice the indisputable reality, vitality and necessity of the planned settling of migrant nomadic and semi-migrant nomadic Kazakhs on the basis of collectivization. 14. If earlier in the areas included in the settlement plan of last year, the Kazakh labor population lived separately, running a small individual farm. Afterwards, by carrying out settlement activities the population organized into collective farms last year, thereby raising the percentage of collectivization to such an extent that all the prerequisites for continuous collectivization of these areas and liquidation on this basis are created based on the membership as a class. 15. The Kazakh migrant nomadic and semi-migrant nomadic population for the most part began to understand that the settling carried out by the Soviet government is an event that provides the entire working mass of the population with the opportunity to put the economy on a rational basis, organize it on a prepared land territory and that settling leads to the cultural and economic development of the migrant nomadic population. 16. If earlier spontaneous subsidence occurred mainly as a consequence of the decline of the extensive migrant nomadic economy of the working Kazakh population, now we are embracing this spontaneous process, turning it into a planned process of socialist reconstruction of the village, linking it with the growth of the leading branches of agriculture – industry and state farms. 17. On the basis of settling measures last year, the settling collective farms, having received a relatively large number of agricultural

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machines at their disposal, were able to start developing agricultural land and increased the acreage by 440% in one year, having fulfilled the plan of the spring sowing campaign by 92%. For the first time this year, Kazakhs of migrant nomadic areas have engaged in the autumn sowing campaign on a large scale in a planned manner. If earlier Kazakh cattle were destroyed on a huge scale from feed deficiencies, then having carried out haymaking in a planned manner last year, the Kazakh settling population created a real base for the development of animal husbandry and its reconstruction. 18. There were permitted through the construction of cattle yards, the ordering of veterinary services, the construction of veterinary posts in socialist reconstruction of nomadic animal husbandry, except for supplying the population with hay harvesting equipment, planned haymaking. These activities require further deepening due to insufficient attention to them last year. 19. The experience of the work on settling last year exposed the manifestation in practice of the right bias, the “leftist bend”, greatpower chauvinism, local nationalism. This experience put an end to all the talk that Kazakhs are migrant nomadic cattle breeders by nature, that the Kazakh people should have their own special ways of development, etc. Through subsidence, the Kazakh poor and middle peasants, freeing themselves from the weight of the yoke of Bay exploitation, move from backward forms of economy and life, bypassing capitalism, directly to the highest forms of social production. IV. Shortcomings in the work on settling 20. The significant under-fulfillment of the settlement plan of the current year is a consequence of the fact that, along with the novelty of the work, not only district and county organizations. Nevertheless, the majority of regional organizations and institutions and their individual leaders did not realize the full political significance of the settling of the Kazakh working population, failed to link this largest event of the Soviet government with the current economic and political campaigns. In addition, they include the work of after settling into the program of their daily work and

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they were unable to mobilize the masses around the implementation of this big issue, which has a huge political significance on economic importance. As a result, settling events were not popularized among the masses and in many areas they were not even brought to villages. 21. There was no single organizational and production plan agreed between all departments. The plans of individual people’s commissariats and organizations were not sufficiently linked to each other either in time or in the scope of the activities that carried out and the elaboration was completed with a great delay, only in June. Along with this, some of the People’s commissariats and regional organizations presented completely unrealistic plans (PCE, PCT, Kazakh Regional Union). Others simply issued extracts from general departmental plans that were not designed at all to service the settling process (PCH, Kazakhstan Committee for Water Management), or no plans were drawn up at all (PCIA, Kazakhstan Road Transport Committee). The issues of practical implementation of settling measures were worked out only during the deployment and implementation of these measures due to a lack of experience in the past and this study was far from unsatisfactory. 22. There was no clear understanding of the ways and methods of settling of the Kazakh population, hence the complete underestimation of the settling of farm laborers and the poor as workers in industry and state farms. 23. The specifics of the settling process in livestock areas, which should take place on the basis of qualitative and quantitative improvement of the herd, were almost completely ignored. 24. In a number of departments and organizations, there was resistance to settling and attempts to cover up their inactivity with a screen of objective conditions, such as: inactivity in construction was justified by references to the lack of building materials, and at the same time nothing was done “to procure” local building materials. A number of regional organizations, justifying their inactivity by betting on the priority of settling events, pinned all hopes in practical work on the republican committee and the PKL settling sector, practically dealing with settling only occasionally. The apparatuses of the KPCA and the settling committee also failed to organize work in a timely manner.

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25. The cells of settling workers are not organized in the offices of all departments and organizations and the existing ones are not decorated and there is a significant laxity in their work. In general, they looked at the work of settling as a common thing, but by no means as a combat task, they did not consider it necessary to instruct local workers, they failed to rebuild their apparatus, to give the work of settling a particularly combat shock pace. 26. Many regional organizations have found complete isolation from the settling areas in the work carried out in them. Live communication and management of places, as well as the necessary information about the progress of work was not established by most regional organizations. Mass social organizations as part of institutions and organizations did not take any part in the work on settling (in the form of a brigade survey of this work, etc.). 27. There was extremely little attention paid to attracting outside assistance to the cause of subsidence, especially in the first half of the year. Organizational and production linking of settling collective farms with adjacent state farms and industrial enterprises was not carried out. At the same time, despite the plans presented by the state farm trusts for their production, organizational, technical and cultural assistance to the settling collective farms, nothing has been done to the practical implementation of these plans, except for the provision of some technical assistance from the state farm “PakhtaAral” and part of the state farms of the Grain Trust. There were no real measures to assist the settling population on the part of patronage and trade union organizations, as well as on the part of the European population surrounding the settling collective farms. Similarly, measures were not taken by public, in particular, Komsomol and women’s organizations to involve the latter in the public works of collective farms. 28. The regional press launched work very late to popularize the ideas of settling and the events being held, and the district and district newspapers stubbornly remained silent almost until recently and were unable to mobilize the attention of the general public around settling events. 29. By the reason of the poor training of the settling contingent, insufficient instruction of seconded workers on the principles and procedure for carrying out a set of measures and, finally, due to the

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inept organization of work, a dependent mood was created among the settling farms (to attract to the construction of farms. buildings and houses for themselves, the settling looked like a duty). Thus, the organized amateur activity of the settling population for the full and timely implementation of measures was insufficient and in some places reached the point of fervor with excessive demands. 30. One of the most important shortcomings of the practice of the first year of settling is the presence of bureaucratic inertia and latent resistance to hold events both inside the regional and former district apparatuses, caused by the clogging of our Soviet and economic agencies with elements alien to the interests of the workers, the manifestation in practice of great–power chauvinism, even objectively reaching wrecking in places. The heads of departments and organizations did not always give this a proper rebuff and sometimes trailed in the tail of “difficulties” and “objective reasons” themselves which was suggested by individual carriers of this evil from the depths of the apparatus. 31. Along with this, the practice of settling has further exposed the presence of right-wing whiners in our grassroots bodies, carriers of the idea of preserving existing farming standards in the village, the Kazakh’s inability to settle down and farming skills. The direction of loans for settling in European regions was explained by their unprofitability in Kazakh regions (Kostanay, Petropavlovsk). The “ideas” of stage-by-stage transfer to settlement by gradual (for 4–5 years) were put forward stretching, settling, leaving surplus lands that guarantee the preservation of livestock – it must be understood – existing forms of farming – therefore beneficial for the top of the village. There are a number of facts of contrasting subsidence with state farm construction, devaluing surplus lands without taking into account the rational placement of the population and state farms. On the contrary, infringing on the interests of the settling population by leaving it on profitable lands interspersed with valuable one when allocating land to state farms in absence of taking into consideration the development of these farms and reconstructive tasks. 32. The work on collectivization of the settling population was conducted extremely poorly. The Meeting notes the non–formation of settling collective farms, the absence of labor organizations

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in them, work accounting, labor discipline, as well as the verification and regulation of their social composition. The districts did not achieve the consolidation of small dwarf collective farms, did not take measures to strengthen the old collective farms, to involve new members in them on the basis of settling measures. 33. The sowing and haymaking campaigns have not been sufficiently used as one of the most effective methods of stimulating settling on the basis of collectivization, which is one of the main reasons for under-fulfillment of the settling plan of the past year and it was the failure to complete collectivization of settled farms. 34. Machine supply of the settling population was carried out without a differentiated approach to individual areas (hay harvesters were imported to agricultural areas and vice versa). Many areas of subsidence were not aware of special preferential credit conditions, which significantly delayed the timely sale of machines. 35. The work on the organization of the territory in most areas is far from satisfactory, especially in the timely establishment of subsidence points due entirely to the fault of the land authorities, who looked at subsidence as another land management work, the selection of subsidence points changed several times, with almost no consideration given to the need for hayfields and arable land, as well as other elements of the production base (attraction to large economic and administrative centers, connection with state farms, etc.). Land management of settlement sites and settlement planning was often carried out without coordination with the settling population, without sufficient identification of land ratios, and sometimes the choice of homestead sites was carried out completely without a preliminary survey of the territories. 36. Zootechnical, veterinary and agronomic measures in the settling areas were not conducted enough, and in some places they were not even brought to the district. Measures for the organization of forage bases were not carried out in many areas, while in some there was a desire to plant a purely agricultural economy without taking into account natural and historical conditions. 37. The construction of residential buildings was fulfilled in most cases to the detriment of the construction of cattle yards and other agricultural buildings, which are the basis of economic subsidence. In the construction of a place for imported building materials in

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absence of showing proper initiative to use local ones. Organizations were interested in construction (collective farm-cooperative systems, bodies, bodies of the PCE, PCH, consumer cooperation, PCA) showed an extremely formal attitude towards construction. Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 4839. Sheet 8–16. Copy. V. The next settling tasks Summing up the results of the first year of work on subsidence, there were not noticed any shortcomings and achievements in this work. Therefore, it must be accomplished on the basis of the gained experience and in accordance with the general objectives of the deployment of socialist construction in Kazakhstan, outline the next tasks in settling and ways to implement these works. 42. Moving from semi-feudal relations to socialist ones, bypassing capitalist ones, the elimination of the semi-feudal, the destruction of tribal relations (Tribe (Zhuz) is a general name for tribal associations and Kazakh nations form by Uly, Orta and Kishi Zhuzs), the real rise in the economic well-being of the working Kazakh population and the development of a culture “national in form and socialist in content” are possible only through planned settling on the basis of continuous collectivization, with financial assistance from the state and on the basis of involvement of the Kazakh population in state farms, industry and transport. Settling down on the basis of continuous collectivization and liquidation of the bai as a class on this basis is a class event of the party and the government. It took place and will continue to occur in conditions of fierce class struggle within the village. 43. The settling of the Kazakh migrant nomadic and semi-migrant nomadic working population is one of the main conditions stimulating the rapid process of agricultural reconstruction and a crucial link in resolving the national issue in Kazakhstan. 44. Subsidence solves not only the task of reconstruction of agriculture, but also as inextricably linked with all measures for the reconstruction of the entire national economy of Kazakhstan and the development of socio-cultural construction in it. In addition, it is a factor of involving the working Kazakh population in all processes of socialist construction.[…].

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Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 4839. Sheet 8–16.Copy.

№ 27 Resolution of the Bureau of the Karkaraly District Committee of the AUCP(b) and the District Committee of the AUCP(b) of 2–6/IV-1931 on Cattle Procurement Karkaraly, April 26, 1931 I. The reports of Comrades Ataniyazov and Mazhitov on cattle procurement issues were listened by the Bureau of the Karkaraly District Committee of the AUCP(b) and the Presidium of the Regional Committee of the AUCP(b) states: 1. That on the first of April this year, 57% of the nine-month plan was completed in the district. Instead of a special quarter’s stockyards. This is 60% of the annual plan; only 2,771 tons were harvested according to the ten–month plan, in the heads of: large – 8,093, rams – 18,044; under contract – 759 tons, in the heads of: large – 2,909, rams – 4,524; 503 tons were harvested according to the Bai-Kulak-prosperous sector, or 8% of the nine-month plan or with billets of a special quarter – to the annual 12.2%; for collective farms – 1,917 tons, sole proprietors – 351 tons; under contract: collective farms gave 708 tons, sole proprietors – 51 tons. 2. The Bureau of the RK and the Presidium of the District Committee of the AUCP(b) clearly see with what perversions the cattleharvesting campaign took place from the previous report. Since the plan for the Bay-Kulak-prosperous sector is still very far from being implemented, whereas this plan was to be carried out first of all in the month of February. Carrying out a sustained class line in the blanks was connected with its implementation. The fulfillment of this plan presupposed the need for unprecedented mass organizational and political work among collective farmers, farm labourers, poor and middle peasants on the basis of organization, mobilization and social impact of which it was necessary to carry out an offensive against capitalist elements in the village and auls with the ability and in time crushing all their resistance and sabotage.

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However, as it can be seen now, this condition was not sufficiently taken into account and observed at the very beginning of the meat harvesting campaign; 3. Some shifts in procurement in the last five days of March in the Bai-prosperous sector (182 tons were harvested from them) and under contract (481 tons were contracted) did not provide the pace necessary for the full fulfillment of the tasks of the Regional Party Committee, and almost half of the administrative units (11 village councils) did not submit summaries by the deadline (April 1st). Lack of billets for the Bai-prosperous sector in a number of places (villages № 2, 3, 6, 8, 9, 12, 18, The Khoroshev Council) is nothing but connivance and complete disregard for the directives of the District Committee of March 24 and 26 of this year and have no justification for themselves. This demonstrates how strong right-wing opportunism is still in practice, and how the organization is not prepared to carry out directives with an opportunistic attitude to cattle procurements on the part of a number of authorized representatives of the RK and DEC. This further shows that the leadership of the campaign was insufficiently clear and specific, there was no verification of execution, political explanatory work among the masses was not up to par. Bare administration methods prevailed in a number of places. The organizational role of the party organization in a number of villages (№ 3, 10, 15, 16 and 11 villages) turned out to be not up to par, the village cadres of the organization were clearly insufficiently and indistinctly instructed and guided by the commissioners, who were often confused before the plan, before various kinds of rumors, agitation, provocation and subversive work of the Bai and Kulaks and their agents in especially in connection with the performance of baiting in some areas. By carrying out procurement almost exclusively in collective farms and among the sole proprietors of the poor and middle-class and completely not applying pressure on the Bai-Kulak-prosperous elements, the authorized and party organizations thereby distorted the class line in the procurement in a number of villages (№ 3, 6, 8, 9, 13, 15 and 16) and subsequently did not turn out in a timely manner created a fracture by straightening the class line in the blanks.

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The right relationship with the broad masses depends on this turning point, but this has not yet been fully assimilated. Taking advantage of the slow turn of the organization in this direction, Bai and Kulak maneuvered, intensified a lot of agitation, used all the weaknesses of the billets and local workers and carried out work on the decomposition of collective farms in some places, crawling there themselves and through their agents. In some places, this counter-revolutionary sabotage of the Baikulaks and their rejection of the plan did not receive a decisive rebuff, and the capitalist elements strengthened their positions and even individual communists and Komsomol members as their agents (№ 3, 15 and 16 auls). In addition, the unsatisfactory situation of the neighboring districts made it difficult for the villages of the Karkaraly district to work, depriving the organization of the best forces not only from the district, but from the village asset. 4. As a result of this situation, with the clearly unsatisfactory leadership of the collective farm movement by the collective farm movement, in the absence of the necessary intra-collective farm work, with the admission in a number of places at the beginning of the campaign of harvesting from single-cow poor and middle peasants, with harvesting at the expense of the socialized herd on collective farms (№ 4, 3, 15 and 16 auls) in the absence of a plan for the prosperous sector in the first place, in the absence of manufactured goods and bread to stimulate procurement, not properly staging cash settlements with livestock deliverers found in some auls and abuses of workers and alien elements that crawled into zagotorgany, who carried out wrecking work – the bays, the kulaks and their agents managed to strengthen their positions in some places (involving some layers in open action). Campaigning for the distribution of collected semfonds, strengthening tribal groups, inciting village activists, etc. (№ 9, 10, 16, and 3 auls). This situation calls for an immediate, decisive and appropriate reorganization of the ranks of the Party organizations and, under their leadership, a restructuring of the work of the Soviet, collective farm, cooperative and procurement organizations. Despite this, until the end of March there was a panic mood and confusion even among the party activists. These shameful phenomena have not yet been eliminated. They must be urgently and steadily eliminated. These hardships must be overcome. It is

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necessary to crush all and all resistances of the Bai-kulaks and their agents, and with tenfold Bolshevik efforts to work on a decisive offensive against the capitalist elements. There have been and have reappeared “communists” who “forget” that we are working in a period of developing collectivization throughout the Soviet Union and the liquidation of the Bai and Kulaks as a class. In a number of auls it turned out to be forgotten that the plan for cattle procurement was not completed, that the bay-kulakprosperous elements had not yet fulfilled the assigned tasks that they were continuing counter-revolutionary sabotage, raising their heads. There are elements in the party organization who do not understand that the party and the Soviet government will never make concessions in relation to sworn enemies and capitalist elements. All this and the inactivity of a number of commissioners for livestock procurement, their cessation of all work in this regard, testifies to the degree of ignorance of the enormous economic and political significance of livestock procurement in the socialist reconstruction of animal husbandry and in the socialist industrialization of the country. But all this does not impose on our entire Party organization an unprecedented responsibility as never before. 5. It is a mistake not to work out, explain and carry out the decisions of the December (1930) Plenum of the Central Committee and the February (1931) Plenum of the Regional Committee, in particular, on the issues of socialist reconstruction of animal husbandry. Not only the broad masses of collective farmers, the poor and middle peasants, but also the broad masses of the Party proved to be uninformed on these questions. Therefore, a number of such mistakes were discovered that could have been prevented in the elaboration and implementation of these most important decisions of our Party. All this, given the backwardness and low level of the aul cadres (not to mention the non-receipt of literature, newspapers and party decisions), having strengthened the influence of right-wing opportunist elements in the organization, unleashed their hands, since the necessary struggle was not waged against the increased manifestations of opportunism and no decisive rebuff was given. 6. The Bureau of the Republic of Kazakhstan of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks at the beginning of the campaign had hesitations on the questions of the plan. These fluctuations (Tairov, Kazansky, Abilmazhinov and some others) were expressed in

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the manifestation of a right-wing opportunist attitude towards cattle logging. These comrades exaggerated the slaughter, the squandering of livestock, clearly underestimated the possibilities in fear of possible excesses, not being, in opportunistic confusion, able to distinguish where there are real excesses and where they are not. In addition, instead of a firm and concrete correction of the mistakes made, not only preparations, but also in all organizational-mass political work, they talked about excesses in general. There were excesses and perversions, however they were not carried out in a timely manner, in a real Bolshevik way. This situation was aggravated by the fact that, in the struggle against the plan, opportunist elements (Tairov, Seisenbekov and some others) went as far as recording livestock by questioning citizens, reducing the availability of livestock among the beys instead of making preparations and correcting the planned outlines of the area on the go. All these right-wing opportunist mistakes, as well as “leftist” excesses (assignments to the middle peasants in some places, bare administration, etc.) did not receive a timely rebuff. The cases of the prosecuted commissioners were not considered in a timely manner. Criminal cases in procurement agencies were not investigated and the perpetrators were not involved. The mistakes of individual members of the Bureau did not receive a sufficiently clear definition, although they were condemned (decisions of the Bureau of the District Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks of March 5, 1931) In this regard, especially in connection with the decisions of the December Plenum of the Central Committee and the February Plenum of the Regional Committee. Plenums of the District Committee and the District Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks were not convened. Comrade Urmanbayev, as the Secretary of the RC of the AUCP(b), vaguely raised questions regarding the openly opportunistic mistakes of some workers, including individual members of the Bureau, which is a manifestation of a conciliatory attitude, as a result of which the party organization was not, as necessary, mobilized for the combat execution of cattle procurements, especially in the Kulak-prosperous sector (from the decision of the Bureau of the Republic of Kazakhstan dated 3/IV-1931). The district Committee and the District Committee of the AUCP(b), having analyzed all past work, recognizes the need to declare openly to the entire

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district party organization. It is necessary to fight with all the great Bolshevik energy for a radical change in the situation and open a crushing fire against the right-opportunist elements, as well as against the “left” bends of conciliationism and double-dealing. It is essential to put and strengthen this struggle in a way that it has never been. It must be understood that opportunist elements strengthen the position of the Bai-kulaks and other counterrevolutionary elements. It is necessary to come to the second district party conference with the elimination of all mistakes made, with the full implementation of the tasks outlined in this resolution of the RC and the District Committee of the AUCP(b). Furthermore, to strengthen for this unprecedented criticism and self-criticism in the ranks of our party organization and among the broad masses of workers, farm labourers, collective farmers, the poor and the middle peasants are needed to consider. 7. The Bureau of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Presidium of the Regional Committee of the AUCP(b)states that, contrary to the decisions of March 24 and 26, completely abnormal phenomena were found in the further course of procurement, (the last 25/III1931 five-day period): first of all, the failure to fulfill the plans given to Bai-Kulak-prosperous farms, which is directly criminal, non–fulfillment of tasks and contracts, which is also intolerable; lack of fodder for Soyuzmyaso cattle, cattle breeder, lack of supervision and proper care for harvested cattle, as a result – death; lack of scales and receivers, procureers in some villages (village № 4, etc.); untimely settlements with the population, even in the presence of money released to the procureers, cases of paper contracting, the irresponsible attitude of the procureers to setting up accounting and reporting, to receive timely reports, non-verification of procurement data on the spot on blanks, confusing figures, accounting in some places of blanks from wealthy farms together with collective farms or sole proprietors, etc. II. 1. The Bureau of the Republic of Kazakhstan states the recognition of Comrade Urmanbaev fully admitted his mistakes in the application submitted by the Bureau dated 3/IV-1931, as well as before considering this issue.

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Based on this, the Bureau of the Bureau of the Revolutionary Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party of Bolsheviks decides: (a) to take note ComradeUrmanbayev’s statement; (b) release comrade Urmanbayev from the duties of the Deputy Secretary of the Bureau of the Revolutionary Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party of Bolsheviks. 2. For right-opportunistic mistakes on the issues of cattle procurement (non-implementation of party directives, resistance to the party, keeping a report instead of blanks), Comrade Tairov should be sacked off in the RK Komsomol and removed from the Bureau of the Bureau of the Revolutionary Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party of Bolsheviks. The question of his further party position should be referred to the upcoming District Party Conference. 3. To state the recognition of Comrade Kazansky L. at the meeting of the Bureau of the Republic of Kazakhstan from 3/IV-1931, he made mistakes on the issues of cattle procurement, which are of a right opportunistic nature. Taking this into account, declare Comrade. Kazansky was severely reprimanded. 4. Generally with the conduct of the comrade Nurmakin in cattlehunting to discuss in connection with his arrival after he finishes cattle-hunting in 4 and 5 villages. 5. The question of behavior with Comrade Rudikov F. to submit for consideration the District Committee of the AUCP(b). 6. Myasnikova former the chairman of the District Union for openly pravo-punistic practice and leadership in cattle-hunting, for criminal accounting and reporting, to exclude from the ranks of the AUCP(b) and bring to justice. 7. The carelessness and negligence in the management of the reporting on procurement and contracting of the comrade Gulevsky (raivsoyuz) to reprimand. 8. To recognize necessarily to hold accountable the statistician of the District Union Mustafin for the criminal record keeping on the blanks, as a result of which the Regional Committee and the Government and Kuvanov, deputy, were misled. The manager of Soyuzmyaso for criminal mismanagement and negligence in the process of meat shipments and overexposure of livestock, as a result

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of which significant damage was caused to the state. Instruct the judicial investigative authorities to urgently investigate these cases. 9. Recall from village № 4 for non-implementation and perversion of the directives of the authorized comrade Bekisheva. The question about him and about Iskhanov, the commissioner for aul № 20, who did not submit reports on the blanks and downplayed the previous data and transfer it to the Komsomol District Committee for urgent consideration. 10. Reprimand the commissioner for aul № 3 comrade. Baubetov for failure to comply with the directives of the Revolutionary Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party of Bolsheviks of March 24 and 26 and failure to submit reports for the last five days, warning him that in case of further inactivity, the measures specified in the decisions of Revolutionary Committee of the AllRussian Communist Party of Bolsheviks will certainly be applied to him. 11. To dissolve the Bureau of the AUCP(b)cell in village No. 3, for not following the party’s directives on procurement from the Kulak-Bai-prosperous sector for the lack of a struggle against the groups existing among the Communists. Despite the fact that these groups, at the time of such an important campaign as cattlehunting, feed on the greatness of the Bai, which has greatly increased in this village. Consider it necessary to urgently examine the work of the cell and purge it of opportunistic elements and along with the re-election of the Bureau, to hold elections for the District Party Conference. 12. To warn all authorized lagging villages that in case of nonfulfillment of plans for the baysko-prosperous sector in the coming days, the District Committee and the District Committee of the AUCP(b)will apply to them the measures specified in the decision of the RK of 26/II-1931. 13. Recall Comrade Rakhimzhanov from the Prigorodny Village Council to expedite investigations related to livestock procurement, To assign comrade Nurmakin to aul № 4 as an authorized representative until the arrival of a new one and until the end of the preparations in aul № 6. Instruct the organizing center to urgently find a worker for aul № 4. To recognize as absolutely necessary a special strengthening of work in villages № 9, 10, 15 and 16. Instruct the apparatus of the District Committee

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to identify responsible workers for restructuring and strengthening the party, Komsomol, Soviet and collective farm bodies in these villages, clearing organizations of opportunist, hostile and alien elements and to mobilize the masses to fight against the bai’s influence and all sorts of resistance of the capitalist elements to Soviet measures. III. 1. Based on the analysis of the results during the cattle procurements before April 1 and in connection with the general situation of the district, the Bureau of the Revolutionary Committee and the Presidium of the District Committee of the AUCP(b)considers it necessary to once again indicate to the entire party organization and to all authorized persons, that the main thing now is to fulfill and exceed the cattle procurements plan taught to the Bai-Kulakprosperous sector, at the expense of adult cattle. We repeat to exceed the auls, where up to 35% of the total aul plan is less and where the tasks are no longer completed, due to which to correct the mistakes made in relation to individual poor people, as well as middle-class (single-class) and where solid tasks for the wealthy elite are understated, to increase and accordingly reduce the plans for contracting the collective farm and the sole poor-middle-class sector. We repeat once again, the reduction of contract plans depends on the implementation of these measures, i.e. due to firm tasks and their implementation, it is necessary to reduce the severity of contracts. Along with this, to bring the work on the restoration of improperly harvested cattle from the generalized fund in collective farms at the expense of the uncommunicated one on the basis of decisions of all collective farmers. In this regard, to develop mass explanatory work to correct the mistakes made, while persons who deliberately carried out the distortion of the class line should be immediately excluded from the pariah with trial. The correction of these errors should be accompanied by a final increase in the rate of procurement from Bai-Kulak-prosperous farms, as well as to contracting for the implementation of the resolution of the Plenum of the Central Committee and the directives of the Regional Committee of the AUCP(b).

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The District Committee of the AUCP(b)warns for the last time that it is absolutely urgent, steadfastly and firmly to correct all opportunistic mistakes in cattle procurement, to fight mercilessly against all manifestations and carriers of all opportunism. At the same time, it should be remembered that the right bias is the main danger and its manifestations have especially manifested themselves in connection with the resistance of the bai and their increased influence. It must be remembered that “the grossest opportunistic mistake is the juxtaposition of animal husbandry, the tasks of socialist reconstruction of animal husbandry and the whole of agriculture. It is the implementation of the cattle procurement plan that should accelerate the formation of herds of collective farms and state farms.” (From the decision of the February Plenum of the Regional Committee). 2. When carrying out procurement and contracting, communists, Komosomol members and Soviet activists must and are obliged to first of all hand over for contracting from their lamb, only then will they be able to rise to the occasion and lead the village, setting an example for the broad masses how to fulfill the plan. However, this is not the case everywhere. This must be checked immediately and this shameful phenomenon urgently eliminated. When carrying out contracting, take into account the provision so as not to shift the burden of it onto the collective farms, transferring it from the individual farmers, while strictly studying the farms of the collective farms and, on the basis of their decisions, strive for the contracting of adult cattle. When implementing all these directives, it is necessary to take into account the following decision of the Regional Committee of the Party: “The Regional Committee considers it completely wrong and generating opportunism, the spread that the development of animal husbandry is associated exclusively with the growth of livestock, moreover, regardless of the distribution of livestock by social groups, the marketability of the economy and livestock production. In reality, the task of reconstructing Kazakhstan’s animal husbandry, the task of increasing its marketability, is solved, firstly, only by socialist means (state farms and collective farms) with a decisive attack on the kulak and bai, and, secondly, not only by increasing the number of livestock, but also by raising the feeding standards, improving livestock breeds, an increase in fatness, milk production, wool production. (From the decisions of the February Plenum of the Regional Committee of 1931).

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3. The opportunistic elements do not understand that only the implementation of the cattle procurement plan, which is at the same time a plan for completing the herd of the social sector, ensures the growth of marketability of cattle breeding in the village and thereby creates the basis for the fastest implementation of the socialist reconstruction of animal husbandry (from the decisions of the plenum of the Regional Committee). Proceeding from this, it should be immediately put the decisions of the December (1930) Plenum of the Central Committee and the February (1931) Plenum of the Regional Committee on wide discussion and elaboration, especially popularizing in detail the tasks and practical measures for the socialist reconstruction of animal husbandry. These decisions should be discussed and worked out among the broad masses of collective farmers, the poor and the middle peasants, as well as in state farms and enterprises located in the district. To carry out this work and this decision of the RC, urgently send a group of members of the RC and the RCC and responsible employees. Instruct the DEC faction and the regional department, together with the relevant organizations, to outline practical measures for the implementation of the directives of the Plenum of the Central Committee and the Regional Committee within 5 days. To recognize it necessary to link the reporting reports of the RC and the RCC before the conference at cell meetings with the tasks set by the Central Committee and the Regional Committee of the AUCP(b). To instruct Comrade Moldagaliev to compile practical materials on the elaboration of these solutions on the cells of the AUCP(b) in 2 days. 4. When carrying out the plans given to the Bai-Kulak-prosperous farms, the party cells should mobilize the broad masses of collective farmers, the poor and the middle peasants and with their help, with active participation, achieve the implementation of the party directives on this issue. It is necessary to realize that a number of mistakes have been made so far due to the fact that the work was carried out over the heads of the masses, not with the masses, but through naked administration and bureaucratic perversions to guide the masses. Therefore, it is urgently necessary to hold mass meetings of collective farmers, poor and middle peasants to explain the party’s policy on procurement, socialist reconstruction, animal husbandry and the sowing campaign.

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It is necessary to give a decisive rebuff to all manifestations of the Kulak-Bai ideology within the collective farms, purging the collective farms and their Boards of Kulak-Bai elements leading subversive work. The fulfillment of the procurement plans and tasks for the preparation of the Bolshevik sowing are the two main immediate tasks that we face before the upcoming district party conference. As a counter plan, we need to process and sow 4014 hectares. To accomplish this task, it is necessary to mobilize resources from suppliers, to collect the missing semmaterial on the basis of the conscious participation of collective farmers, the poor and the middle peasants. The Kulak-Bai elements in this company will also show furious resistance, spreading rumors, provocations and agitation in their interests. Skilful preparation from the very beginning is necessary to break this resistance and, together with the collectivefarm poor-middle peasant masses, to give tasks of sowing to the Kulak-bai-prosperous elite within 3–5% of the total number of farms and the obligation to provide semmaterial, keeping special records and control on these tasks. 5. At the end of the remaining part of the contracting of livestock, it is necessary to take into account the conditions for the production of collective farms, reduce the tasks when they are given without taking into account the possibilities of contracting from individual farmers and especially procurement for the prosperous sector, and also, if necessary, on the basis of the decisions of the collective farmers, to replace rams with large cattle and, on the contrary, to strive for the contracting of adult cattle, without mechanically applying the planned marks of the area for contracting. Oblige Regional Livestock Union to achieve accurate reporting, provide livestock with fodder and supervision, establish inspections of the work of procurement centers, and identify all sorts of abuses on the basis of the involvement of the masses. Inspectors, commissioners and village councils who gave inflated figures on procurement and contracting should be held accountable. 6. In view of major shortcomings in mutual settlements with the population, to suggest to the State Bank and the District Finance Department to check all the state of debt and mutual settlements, to carry out measures for the correct monetary circulation, preventing such counter settlements, when the cattle dealers do not know about it, and all this is not formalized with proper documents. In

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some cases, there is also a provision for fund-raising (savings bank, cooperation, etc.). Therefore, it is urgent to eliminate all abnormalities in monetary settlements, establishing the mandatory issuance of documents (savings book, co-payment book, monetary documents for deposits, etc.). Instruct the Prosecutor to investigate the actions of Shaikhaidarov in village № 4 and in general all abuses and violations of revolutionary legality on the ground. To ensure an urgent investigation and trial of these cases, giving them a broad public character. 7. Oblige the heads of Raipo and Soyuztrans to take urgent measures to deliver manufactured goods to the places. Having warned them that in case of further delay, the 24. District Committee and District Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) – District Committee and District Regional Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) will apply measures to them as to persons disrupting public procurement. Once again, to put before the Regional Committee of the AUCP(b) and the Government [the question] of taking measures to promote grain cargoes intended for the Karkaralinsky district by rail to art. Nura. 8. Bureau of the Regional Committee and the Presidium of the Regional Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) of the District Committee of the AUCP(b) once again emphasize the enormous responsibility that lies on our party organization in connection with the failure to comply with the directives of the Plenums of the Central Committee and the Regional Committee on cattle procurement by the deadline (April 1) and call on the entire District Party Organization to rally around its leadership, mercilessly fighting all manifestations and carriers opportunism, regardless of the position it occupies. The Bureau of the Republic of Kazakhstan and the Presidium of the District Committee are confident that having realized all the mistakes made, our entire organization will emerge victorious on the front of cattle procurements. Having shown our Extreme Central Committee that having made the biggest mistakes on this front, we managed to correct them in a Bolshevik way on the basis of the help and the only correct directives of the Central Committee and the Regional Committee of the AUCP(b).

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Secretary of the Karkaraly Republic of Kazakhstan of the AUCP(b) Ataniyazov Chairman of the District Committee of the AUCP Assaubaev Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 4510. Sheet 86–99. Certified copy.

№ 28 A Brief Overview of the Course of Subsidence Alma-Ata, May 20, 1931 According to the data of districts and regional organizations. 1. This year’s plan covers 84,340 farms in 1930. Additionally included in the 1931 plan are 80,000 farms for settling on the basis of collectivization and 16,593 farms on the basis of state farms, industry and transport. Thus, totally in this year – 180,933 farms. 2. Our plan covers: (a) 10 areas of industrial construction with coverage of 19,910 farms according to the plan; (b) 12 districts of the Turksib zone of influence with coverage of 54,139 farms according to the plan; (c) 8 districts of Central Kazakhstan with coverage of 12,445 farms; (d) 5 districts of industrial crops covering 10,290 farms; (e) 4 border areas covering 3,643 farms; (f) 5 areas adjacent to large bodies of water (fisheries) covering 3,000 farms; (g) 20 areas of construction of state farms, MTS and MGS covering 63,913 farms. 3. Our intended net investment without machine credit: On the line of agriculture On the line of agriculture buildings and housing construction On the line of education On the line of health care In the line of road construction Over the communication line

11,765 thousand rubles 7,324 thousand rubles 6,642.5 thousand rubles 2,013 thousand rubles 554.2 thousand rubles 350 thousand rubles (continued)

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(continued) Through the People’s Supply Committee and Fishermen’s Union Total

1,516.9 thousand rubles 29,345.6 thousand rubles

Plus 4,271 thousand machine loan and 24,668.8 thousand rubles funds of the population = Total: 58,284.4 thousand rubles. 4. The entire planned contingent covered for settling on the basis of collectivization is 164,340 farms, which they were prepared for settling on May 20 and the areas of their permanent settlement were determined for 94,426 farms – 89% of the 1931 plan. 5. According to the State Land Trust, the number of certain subsidence points is 578, which in 35 districts the points are still not justified in agroeconomical and hydrotechnical terms. The size of collective farms of auls ranges from 28 to 400 farms. Last year’s practice is repeated here: the points still raise doubts about the quality, they are not planned everywhere yet. It was requested from State Land Trust and PCA by 15/VI that all points be justified, coordinated with the population and planned. 6. Collectivization. According to the accepted installation, by the beginning of spring sowing, the entire settling contingent should be 100% collectivized. On 20/V, 84,074 farms were collectivized in 1,269 collective farms in 44 districts out of 65, or 62% of the plan (data from the Regional Collective Farm Union). The overall average % of collectivization in these areas is 51%. According to the degree of collectivization, there are: 9 districts – 100% 15 districts – from 70 to 100% 7 districts – from 70 to 50% 8 districts – from 50 to 30% 5 districts – below 30% (Vilsky – 12%, Beynetkorsky – 15%). In accordance with the reports of the districts themselves, 100% has been achieved in 23 districts. On the forms of organization of collective farms, the size of each collective farm by type, on the degree of socialization, the transition

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to piecework, the Kraikolkhoz Union does not have information, despite the fact that there were enough instructions in this area. A number of directives were sent directly through the Regional Collective Farm Union and the Republican Committee, especially to pay attention to the forms and sizes of collective farms, depending on the economy of the direction to the specialization of the district, to the size of the collective farm, depending on the availability and level of technology, means of production, in order to maximize the productivity of labor, and create convenience for the rational organization of production. Make every effort to consolidate dwarf collective farms, especially preventing the organization of such on a generic basis, the fastest transfer of organized collective farms to a piecework form of accounting, remuneration, etc. However, as can be seen, the results do not provide this, we do not know the true socio-economic face of the settling collective farms in the full sense of the word. 7. Machine supply. According to the plan, the release of agricultural machinery in the amount of 4481,510. For 20/V in 35 districts was implemented: Plows – 3,269 or 51% Boron – 1,567 or 41% Seeders bread – 370 or 26% Cotton seeders – 206 or 40% Sorting – 71 or 31% Triers – 47 or 28%. 1. This information is incomplete, regular reports of the cooperation system and branches of agricultural supply do not provide. 2. The unsatisfactoriness of the implementation process is also explained by the late presentation of benefits to lagging collective farms of the PCA of the USSR (they began to apply locally only in the 2nd half of April). 3. Absolutely weak places popularize the granted privilege among the settling and in some places do not apply (Kzylkum district). 4. There is no information about the sale of hay harvesting machines from places other than 7 districts. Likewise, there is not provided

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any information about the implementation of brick moves, besides the industry does not satisfy the application for them (the need for moves and bricks according to the plan is 5,070 pcs.). Seed availability. On 20/V, the seed supply of those settling to the sowing plan is 80% or 291,929 cst, of which state aid is 77,600 cst (without insurance fund). By crops security in seeds: Wheat – 67%, oats – 53%, barley – 58% and millet – 236% (brought to the plan for crops). In addition, an instruction was given to the places along the PCA line to cover the missing seeds of the settling ones by regrouping funds within the district and partially at the expense of insurance funds (there is no information about the settling insurance fund). The course of sowing. On 25/V, 274,654 hectares or 67.4% of the plan of these districts were actually sown in 33 districts, and for the same administrative districts, the average % of sowing to the general plan is 63%. These data are clearly outdated, as for example: out of 33 districts, 12 districts were given only 15/V, 3 for 10/V and 11 by 20/V. The accounting of this work in the PCA is put out of hand badly and it is absolutely impossible to follow the course of sowing among the settling ones. There is no plan from the region for contracting. For the 28 districts accounted for by the Grain Union, 265,532 hectares or 27% of the total contracted area for the same districts as a whole were contracted from the settling ones. MTS In the areas of subsidence of 28 MTS, according to the plan, they should cover 102,572 hectares of 11,823 settling farms; as of May 1, 10,342 farms with an area of 86,592 hectares were covered by the contract. Kaztractor cannot give information about the course of sowing and actual maintenance in practice. MGS In the areas of subsidence of 70 MGS, which according to the plan should cover 1,400 thousand hectares on May 20, about 400,000 hectares were covered by 21 machine-built stations.

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Haymaking. The plan for the hay harvest – 23 million quintals was lowered to the districts for approval and descent on settling farms. There is no information about the acceptance of these figures and bringing them to the village-collective farm. It must be said that the preparatory work is unacceptably weak; especially, as mentioned above, with the delivery and sale of machines. There is no special summary of the preparation process. The Kaz hay center is currently conducting a contractual campaign, covering 21 stations in the settling areas, approximately 400,000 hectares. This is certainly a great achievement, but it can be further increased with the strengthening of public and mass work, with the strengthening of the organization of the same in livestock and semi-livestock areas. Conclusions: to oblige the PCA to systematically, promptly manage the course of haymaking in settling farms; to use haymaking as a collectivization of settling in order to complete the course of collectivization of settling according to the plan of 1931. Animal husbandry. A plan for animal husbandry was drawn up and launched by the district. But now the PCA is changing again. It has not been finally accepted yet. PCA violated the limits on settling. Directives were given for the livestock month and the breeding company, but there are no reports on the degree of implementation in the PCA for the settling contingent. Conclusions: The PCA should adhere to the limits of subsidence financing without changing without reason in the direction of reduction. Social and cultural events PCE should cover with its activities the coverage of comprehensive children 133,289, overgrown – 82,083, adults – 48,972. PCH has outlined a plan – the opening of a medical network: 104 outpatient clinics, 54 paramedic stations, 8 consultations, 134 nursery. (The following paragraph is about the construction in particular). Plans for these People’s Commissariats have been lowered. Nevertheless, there is no differentiated information about the implementation of these measures among the settling farms. Operational guidance in this regard on the part of People’s Commissariats is clearly not enough. Cooperation: Kazakh Regional Union “Tutym” has lowered the supply plan for the settling population to places. But about the opening of a trading network of outlines, at least the place has not given yet. Guidelines for cooperation are provided. There is no special information about the

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course of cooperation on settling. There is almost no work in the context of subsidence in Kazakh Regional Union. Communications Department, Dortrans and Kazakh Fishing Union. The plans of these organizations have been released, the directives have been given. But there is no information about the progress of the implementation of the plan, and there is not enough specific operational leadership in these regional bodies. There is no systematic work on settling. It is especially bad in Kazakh Fishing Union, which today cannot say to what extent the settling contingent is involved in the fishing season. Construction a. It is planned to build a total of 7,196 objects for agricultural buildings for the settling collective farms this year, including 932 cowsheds, 1,409 sheepsheds, 1,000 stables, 1,465 granaries, 1,996 inventory sheds, 394 forges and 12,000 dwellings for collective farmers. In addition to investing, the hard–settling collective farmers contribute money: the poor – 15 rubles, the middle peasants – 139 rubles. Approximately, these objects were given to places so that they would make their own adjustments to the number of objects on the ground. In addition, there is 1,981 wells. b. 155 schools for 80 children each are being built through the PCE. PCH is building 27 outpatient clinics, 1 paramedic station, 3 hospitals. Kazkraisoyuz has 22 shops and 15 canteens. PCA is building 28 agricultural points, 16 veterinary points. Collective farm construction is entrusted to the Collective Farm Union; social and cultural buildings are to be built by the Kaz construction union. Estimates and projects have been sent out, with the exception of the estimates of the PCH. c. The District Collective Farm Union is poorly provided with construction personnel: there are not enough 13 technicians, about 50 foremen; the available foremen are very poorly qualified. Kaz construction union personnel provided satisfactorily. d. These constructions are not fully provided with scarce building materials in relation to the forest, and other materials, such as nails, iron, glass, etc., have not yet been distributed by the Central Council of the National Economy. The forest is provided in the following form: Kazakh region union – 85%, while he needs to harvest 85,250 cubic meters himself, PCE – 75%, PCH – 100%, the PCA Veterinary Department – 100%, Goszemtrest – 30%, KazTrans – 70%, Kaz Region Union – 100%. The shortage is supposed to

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be covered by the release of the forest for the 2nd half of the year. The disadvantages of construction are: weak personnel, weak progress in concluding risk contracts with Kaz construction, weak progress in collecting local building materials, weak attention of local organizations to the construction of subsidence. Kazstroy and the Collective Farm Union are satisfied with the People’s Supply Committee; but these products – rations are often not available on the spot in the district, workers are supplied with long breaks. Satisfaction with rations monthly. The People’s Supply Committee, despite our demands, has not yet released workwear and tools for workers. e. rations for the workers of Kazak construction and Collective farm Union are satisfied with HKSnab; but on the spot in the District Consumer Society these products – rations are often not available, the workers are supplied with long breaks. Satisfaction with rations monthly. People’s Supply Committee, in spite of our demands, has not yet released clothing and tools for the workers. Financing For the exception of financing for machine supply, irrigation and social and cultural activities under the local budget, it is necessary to consider the provision of other activities, mainly the construction of agricultural buildings and dwellings, in relation to the actual release of money extremely weak. Excluding small receipts, a total of 2,060 thousand rubles were received, of which 720,000 for land management and land reclamation and 1,340 t. rubles for collective farm construction. For the normal deployment of construction, in order not to disrupt it according to the example of last year, it is now necessary to have at least 4000,000 rubles. state budget funds to pay for the cost of the forest, pay for workers in workshops, transportation. Due to the lack of money on the ground, construction is treated with coolness. Telegrams are pouring in daily demanding money. The PCF and the State Bank from Moscow do not pay attention to all petitions about this. Conclusions: by mobilizing all its resources, it is needed to get a construction leave of at least 4,000 thousand rubles. The governance of the PCFIN on the financing of subsidence measures is not visible; on the contrary, it is evident how the PCF apparatus responds to categorical direct proposals of the Council of People’s

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Commissars, People’s Commissariat of Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection, Regional Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party of the AUCP is delaying the financing of the activities of the PCH and PCE, despite the fact that the 2nd quarter is already underway. This should be firmly indicated to the head of the PCF. As a temporary measure, about a million rubles should be allocated to the budget of the RSFSR, so as not to suspend work. Settling of farm laborers in state farms, industrial enterprises and transport The corresponding plans for involving farmhands from the settling population were sent to the places, with the exception of the Grain Trust, which stated that without the permission and approval of the Centpalbnogo PpavleniR tpecta Central Board of the Trust, it could not send plans. In total, at least 20,000 workers should be involved. However, there is no information about the progress of work from the field, neither a Sheep farmer, nor a Cattle breeder, nor a Turksib, etc. Measures have not been taken enough. Underestimation of the work on settling is obvious here. Likewise, there is not provided any information about the progress of patronage assistance to lagging collective farms, reconstructive assistance to the settling farms, and cultural work. Case in Areas of Subsidence As a rule, information from the field about the progress of work on subsidence is poorly received. Directives in this regard, as well as on the deployment of work, repeatedly sent to the field by the SPK, the District Committee of the AUCP, the Regional Committee of the AUCP, the Republican Committee of Settling in the field are not being implemented, as our surveyors report. Subsidence is taking place in 65 districts, however, there is not provided any information about how the plan is being fulfilled from 30 districts: Karkaraly, Kounrady, Chubartay, M.Gorky, Irtysh, Nurin, Zharmin, Tarbagatay, Zaisan, Kegen, Ankatyn, Mendygarin, Aksu, Karatal, Mangistau, Ayaguz, Janybek, Kustanay, Kzyl-Kum, Dzhetygarin, Balkhash, Ubagan, Wil, Semiozerny, Turgay, Shchuchin, Bulayev, Keles, Karabalyk, Hobdin. Partial surveys demonstrate that there is almost no work there. More or less, the work is going satisfactorily in Aktobe, Akbulak, Urzhar and Bish-Karagai, while in the rest the main settling activities are: sowing, collectivization (especially quality), preparation for construction, mass work is weak.

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Derivations: There are enough directives given. Visits from the regional authorities to the field are necessary for direct assistance in settling work. Conclusion: 1. The work on settling this year is crucial, because the whole problem of settling in the future will depend on the degree of implementation of the planned activities; we must not forget that last year we did not cope with the settling plan. Therefore, it is necessary to completely switch the regional bodies and the district party-Soviet leadership to work on settling as a daily task. The most stringent measures are needed, without stopping before imposing the strictest order against the leaders of the People’s Commissariats and district party-Soviet bodies. In the second year of settling, there should no longer be party organizations or state bodies working on settling as a secondary matter, and this is already the case. 2. The brigades sent by the Regional Committee of the AUCP(b) to the districts should take under special supervision and guidance the implementation of settling measures. We have not seen this in the current sowing season. 3. The Regional Committee of the AUCP(b) and the SPK need to hear the progress of work on settling, because this year we have all the negative symptoms of last year. 4. It is necessary to put the matter of settling into the daily supervision of the agitmass department of the Regional Committee, personally instructing Comrade Voskanov, so that the main People’s commissariats, when working out measures and reporting on them, allocate to the Regional Committee the work done on settling. 5. It is necessary to instruct the State plan that when considering the plans of departments and control figures of all the activities of the region, the settling measures must be reflected. 6. In some parts of the settling areas, where planned subsidence is taking place, where we will have continuous collectivization, at least within one admaul, with the total % of the collectivization of the district as a whole below 75, it is necessary to raise the issue of eliminating the bai as a class here, and the district leadership should be closely switched to this. This is also caused by the fact that the baiting on this site, especially in backward areas, is resolutely fighting for the disruption of events.

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7. After the reorganization of the management of the settling business in the region, it was necessary to expect the necessary turning point in the work of the People’s commissariats and regional administrations and trusts in the direction of strengthening their operational work. There is no such thing for today. The Settling Committee (meaning its working apparatus) unfortunately, it is not recognized as a governing and decision-making body on settling issues by the People’s Commissariats. Our decisions, directives and orders are not only not being implemented; but also in the depths of individual People’s Commissariats do not create the impression of the need for implementation. Obviously, the “organizational position” of the leaders makes them look at our demand (of the Committee’s staff) as secondary. This sometimes hides gaps in leadership, clarity in work and, most importantly, control of execution. Hence the reassignment and transfer of this most important work to individual officials of the apparatus, the lack of permanent political leadership on the part of the People’s Commissars and their deputies directly. It is necessary to draw such a conclusion here that individual leaders of the People’s Commissariats, especially the Kazakhs, as seen by the course of things, opportunistically underestimate this case and perhaps do not believe in its implementation; it would seem necessary to hit on this mood. 8. Meanwhile, in the field of sedimentation measures, we have undoubted successes in comparison with the course of sedimentation last year: (a) on the whole, high % of collectivization versus the degree of collectivization by administrative districts; (b) an expanded brigade system of agitmass work and agricultural production services. (c) Strengthening the main reconstructing bases: 28 MTS, 70 MGS, 16 grain, 10 sheep-breeding and 40 cattle-breeding state farms. (d) Strengthening the supply of machinery with the provision of greater benefits (issuance without deposits). (e) Satisfactory preparation for sowing of the settling areas – 80% seed supply, provision of traction power and tillage equipment,

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and, finally, satisfactory sowing indicators of 67% of the plan for 20/V with 63% for work as a whole. These achievements, which consolidate the measures of subsidence as an economic process, require the strengthening of the party-soviet leadership and the responsibility of the leaders of the main decisive people’s commissariats, a decisive change in connection with the upcoming agricultural campaigns – a combination of subsidence by all processes of the implementation of the socio-cultural national economic plan for the Territory. Republican Committee for Settling SPK Syrgabekov Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 5055. Sheet 1–12. Script.

№ 29 Protocol Presidium of the Telman District Executive Committee Telman district, June 12, 1931 Attended: Imanov Chairman of DEC, Smirnov, Rumyantsev – the District Committee of the AUPC(b), Sergeev, Kenzhen – RC DEC, Mironenko – State Bank, Uglitskikh – Regional Land Departments, Nizkodub – District Collective Farm Union, Velanov – universal working agent, Dushek – District Collective Farm Union, Kiimov – District Consumer Union and Representatives of the Karaganda Village Council. Chairman Imanov Secretary Fayzrakhmanova The agenda: 1. On the transfer of 4 village councils to the Karaganda Village Council. Listened: 1. Information of economic and cooperative institutions about the economic condition of 4 transferred village councils. Decided: More-Mikhailovsky, Novo-Uzensky, Zeleno-Balkinsky and Tikhonovsky village councils – to transfer to the jurisdiction of the Karaganda Village Council. a. In connection with the transfer of all administrative Soviet and cultural educational institutions belonging to these village councils in the future, it is advisable to entrust the implementation of

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measures related to these village councils, given by the party and the government by the economic bodies; b. Consider it necessary in order to successfully conduct a household policy company (oil harvesting, wool harvesting, grain harvesting, egg harvesting, meat harvesting, livestock contracting and cattle harvesting), to leave the storage facilities of the workpieces carried out in these agricultural councils under the jurisdiction of the Telmanov DEC temporarily; c. Assign all measures for settling Kazakh collective farms in the Zeleno-Balkan village Council to the Karaganda Village Council, thereby providing practical guidance in settling 380 farms belonging to the Zeleno-Balkan Village Council; d. Instruct the Regional Finance to allocate a share of the budget of these 4 village councils and the plan for the mobilization of funds of the population; e. Oblige economic organizations to transfer their buildings to the Village Council; both erected and purchased at their own expense at cost. In addition, the school in B-Mikhaylovka, compensation of funds to the Village Councils made by other councils. f. Later on the implementation of all plans of the economic policy of the company should be fully entrusted to the Karaganda Village Council; g. Instruct RIKu to inform all the People’s Commissariats of the Region about providing direct leadership on the party-Soviet line to the Village Council; h. To propose to the District Consumer Union to work out the issue of the possibility of rural settlements and their branches from the territory of these village councils and the campaign of construction funds erected by means of the cooperative in village councils; i. Propose to the District to take into account the technical work of accounting for the objects of the location of agricultural tax and upon completion, transfer it to the village council. Chairman of DEC Imanov LIST Collective farms that have departed from the Telman District Executive Committee under the jurisdiction of the Karaganda District Council

Stalin Bedniyak Mars Carl. Liebknecht Trudovik Sasyk kol Zhangeldy Zhana-Turm Zhartas

Collective farm

Stalin Bedniyak Mars Carl. Liebknecht Trudovik Sasyk kol Zhangeldy Zhana-Turm Zhartas

T.Tikhonovka B. Mikhailovka N. Uzensky ==== Zel.Balka aul № 5 ===== ===== aul № 2

Village council

T. Tikhonovka B. Mikhailovka N.Uzensky ==== Zel.Balka aul № 5 ===== ===== aul № 2

Name

Collective farm

Village council

Name

0 60 56 38 26

Socialized

Dairy cows

62 121 40 30 51 153 123 62 59

Total farms

36 121

57 101 56

121

57 161 56 38

Total

58 146 46 30 19 161

57 135 43 37 50 138

Female emplayee 31 89 35 33 83 69

Horses

91 37 6

Socialized cows

8

12

Unsocialized

16 26

70

7 4 4 2

Sociol horses

1

Camels

15 50 22

Oxen

Working cattle

Young animals from 1 till 33 months

Male employee

From them

Unsocialized

291 580 222 165 14 647

Consumers

8

19 95 41 8

Total

95

47 139 57 33

Total

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Collective farm

Stalin

T. Tikhonovka

Mars Carl. Liebknecht Trudovik Sasyk kol Zhangeldy Zhana-Turm Zhartas

Village council

Name

Zel. Balka aul № 5 ===== ===== aul № 2

Stalin

T. Tikhonovka B. Mikhailovka N. Uzensky ====

Bedniyak

Collective farm

Village council

Name

Continuation

130 42

164

20

Old

Lambs

87 59

60

10

1

Disk

Seeders Coulter

29

Carts

Mowers

10

Windbreaker

72

65

Old

1

8

7

Horse mowers

12 7

24

12

2plughshare

Haymaking

17

10 5

16

8

1plughshare

Threshers

66

Lambs

Agriculture inventory Plows

Socialized

Unsocialized

Sheep

Agriculture inventory

51 153 123 62 59

40 30

121

62

Total farms

2

2 1

18

2

Grain clean machine

17

10 6

1

5

Wooden

(continued)

Iron

Winnowers

4

Many plug

Harrow

142 Z. SAKTAGANOVA AND K. ABDRAHMANOVA

2

Mars Carl. Liebknecht Trudovik Sasyk kol Zhangeldy Zhana-Turm Zhartas

Zel. Balka aul № 5 ===== ===== aul № 2

2

Bedniyak

B. Mikhailovka N. Uzensky ====

Disk

Collective farm

Seeders

1

Coulter

29

19 16

64

Carts

Mowers

Agriculture inventory

Village council

Name

(continued)

3 4

13

Windbreaker

2

1

Threshers

3

3 2

5

Haymaking

2

2 2

3

Horse mowers

3 3

10

Winnowers

1

Grain clean machine

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2nd a / s. Jar-tas 5th a / s. Sasyk-Kul 5th a / s. Zhana-Turm 5th a / s. Jean-geldy

2nd a / s. Jar-tas 5th a / s. Sasyk-Kul 5th a / s. Zhana-Turm 5th a / s. Jean-geldy

– – – –

– 4 5 7

Unsocialized – – – –

– – – –

– – – –

Mares

56 121 45 70

Unsocialized

Horses

Socialized

30 67 38 40

Mares

Socialized

9 26 8 34

Camels

Dairy cows

12 – – 2

Oxen

Socialized

– – – –

Socialized

Sheep

– 13 4 17

Camels

Cattle from 1 to 3 years old

Heifers 1 - 3 years

48 69 38 48

Horses

Working cattle

– – – –

5 50 35 38

Horses

34 24 12 18

Unsocialized

Calves

– – – –

Socialized

Lambs

– 4 – –

Mares

Unsocialized

56 121 45 70

Calves

28 24 12 18

Unsocialized

– – – –

Camels

The presence of cattle in collective farms to be transferred to the Karaganda Settlement Council on June 1, 1931

144 Z. SAKTAGANOVA AND K. ABDRAHMANOVA

B-Mich. single == “Bedniyak” Tikhon. single == “Stalin” N-Uzen. one == “Mars” Z-Balk. “Trudovik”

Name of the v/council

B-Mich. single == “Bedniyak” Tikhon. single == “Stalin” N-Uzen. one == “Mars” Z-Balk. “Trudovik”

Name of the v/council

– 61 – – – 28 – 24

10 – – 3 – – – –

Unsocialized – 61 – – – 56 – 51

– 4 – – – 4 – –

Oxen

50 101 7 57 2 – 34 90

Unsocialized

– 4 – 7 – 4 – 9

Horses

Socialized

Socialized

24 139 4 47 – 57 6 69

Total

Socialized

– – – 4 – – – –

Camels

Dairy cows

4 50 – 15 – 22 2 40

Oxen

– 164 – 20 – 130 – 75

Socialized

Sheep

– – – – – – – –

Camels

Cattle from 1 to 3 years old

Heifers 1–3 years

20 89 4 31 6 35 4 29

Horses

Working cattle

– – – – – – 1 –

Horses

12 – 4 65 – = – –

– –

– –

– 60 – 10 – 87 – 35

Socialized

5 – – 9 – – – –

Bulls

11 – 2 66 – – 2 –

Unsocialized

–

–

Lambs

–

Camels –

Oxen

Unsocialized

Unsocialized

– 27 – – – 9 – 14

Bulls

Confirmed: Agronomist Basin The presence of cattle in the villages of B. Mikhailov, Tikhonov, Novouzen and Zeleno-Balkin, transferred to the Karaganda Village Council on June 1, 1931.

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Confirmed: Agronomist Basin List of village councils and settlements attached to them and transferred to the Karaganda Workers’ Settlement Council for 1931 Name of village councils

B-Mikhailovsky Z-Balkan Tikhonovsky N-Novouzensky № 2 Village council № 5 Village council

Number of Name of settlements settlements attached to village councils

1 1 2 1 2 1 1 2 3

B. Mikhaylovsky Z.Balka Tikhonovsky Companeysky N-Uzensky Volynsky collective farm Zhartas collective farm Zhangeldy Zhanaturmys Sasyk-Kul

Total

Number of farms

Population

199 80 99 19 37 27 50

1,005 418 496 92 188 149 230

123

534

62 145 841

275 616 4,003

Statistician Bogdanov State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 13. Inventary 1. Case 5. Sheet 2,5,16. Certified copies.

№ 30 Information Summary of the Operational-Search Department of the District Police Department for the KASSR Alma-Ata, August 15 – September 15, 1931 I. Class crimes

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1. Presnovsky district, Zheleznoye village. For non-delivery of milk, a cow was taken from Mylnikova a relative of Mylnikov Ivan, having class hatred for some workers of the agricultural council who got drunk. He came to the apartment to a member of the presidium of the agricultural council, Komsomol member Lyagushin, who performed the removal of a cow assigned to him, which he tried to kill. But the landlady of Lyagushin’s apartment, seeing the knife in Mylnikov’s hands, warned Lyagushin, who had slipped out of the apartment unnoticed through the window. The inquiry established that Mylnikov was drunk, but acted according to a premeditated plan. Mylnikov is arrested Agitation for the disruption of 1. Guryevsky district. Bai the events of the Owls. the Tauguzov, Bessonov, etc. authorities and others are categorically refused to fulfill criminalized the task of the hay harvesting campaign, showing even physical resistance and threats against the village council Destruction of collective farm 1. Juvalinsky district, village property Samsonovka. An arson of collective farm fodder was committed, as a result of which 150 hay carts and 2 houses burned down. The investigation found the criminals, who turned out to be local kulaks 2. In the same place, village Vysotskoe. The second arson of collective farm property was committed, as a result of which an unknown amount of hay was burned. The arson was committed by local kulaks

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The case has been transferred to the court

The investigation is underway

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II. The most outstanding crimes Banditry. 1. Karkary district. On July 25, a gang of 25 people appeared in the mountains of the Kokbel village, the leader of who was Jamalnaz Mergebai, among them 10 people went to China for weapons, and the rest fortified themselves in the mountains, armed with 8 rifles, which stole 50 horses from the village. 2. In the same place, 32 horses were taken away from the Sartagaev collective farm by the same gang. The patrol that left with the participation of the police did not overtake the gang, the latter joined the gang of 50 people, who are in a vice on Syrty, the leader of which is Genghisbayev Sarbiyev. 3. In the same place, 5 horses were taken away from Karkara by a gang armed with revolvers. The horses were beaten off by the policemen who left and the bandits left. 4. In the same place, on 20/VI of this year, 12 farms left the KyzylArassik aul and joined Zhamaikazev’s gang, which took 24 horses from the Livestock Union and 1 horse from the komotryad. Several workers from Soyuzmyaso also went there, and 8 farms left the Dzharmanovsky district. 5. In the same place, in the area of Tigirmen, a gang appeared, a lookout and junior policemen went to the place of its location, which the gang met with fire. As a result of the shootout, 16 horses and 8 men and women were recaptured from the bandits. 6. A gang appeared in the village of Kystyk, seized 2 horses and 1 shotgun 32 caliber. A police squad and a local police officer followed the gang. During a clash with the gang, a shootout occurred, as a result of which one of the squadrons was killed and 10 horses and one shotgun 32 caliber were recaptured from the bandits. 7. On 20/VIII of this year a gang arrived in the Kokbel aul and having taken 10 farms with them, left without touching anyone, the leader of the specified gang, Chingisbaev Omarbek. 8. In the same place, on 31/VIII of this year, the head of the Narymkol outpost with a detachment of 40 people followed the gang of Jamalkozov Merkliza, the latter slowly moved towards the mountains and seeing the detachment in the gorge. Furthermore, they cut off all exits and only thanks to the accidentally stragglers of

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4 Red Army soldiers, who opened fire behind the gang, the detachment was able to break out of the ring, as a result of the shootout our machine gunner was killed, a Red Army soldier disappeared and one Red Army soldier was wounded. 9. In the same place, the gang of Dzhamankozev Mergalibai has increased to 400 people, many people flee from villages and collective farms and join the gang. A detachment of 140 people was organized from the surrounding outposts, which acted to eliminate the gang and surrounded the reconnaissance of the detachment, as a result of a shootout, one Red Army soldier was wounded, one was killed. Afterwards, the gang crossed the border, but the border of China was detained and more than 100 farms were returned. The most ardent bandits remained with the leader Mergalibai, who had fortified themselves in the Chibartal mountains. 10. In the same place, three gangs are operating, with which there are frequent clashes of both the squadrons and the police. Gangs take away livestock and entire families have found the work in the fields. The management of the district police often remains only in the person of one chief, the rest are always on operations. 11. Guryev district, village № 55 of the Zhilokosink district was raided by a gang of 15 people armed with seven rifles, 2 revolvers, stole cattle from residents in an unknown amount. Liquidation measures have been taken. 12. In the same place, on 1/IX of this year shots were fired at the commissioner for grain procurements and the authorized representative of the District USPA passing through the village of Tulkubas, as a result of which the first was seriously wounded, and a horse was killed under the second. Measures have been taken to search for the perpetrators. Robbery, banditry. Arson. 1. Presnovsky district. A steppe fire broke out on the territory of the Irinovsky village council, as a result of which 20 carts of hay belonging to state farm № 40 and 200 hectares of forest vegetation burned down. The measures taken revealed the culprits of the fire – Daniel Starostenko and Mitrofan Berezhnoy, mowing hay. An investigation is underway.

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Cattle rustling. 1. Presnovsky district, Bogdanovskoye village, 6/VII s.g. a cow was stolen from Mr. Ivan Shepherd. Kazakh Dzhumabayev Sadyk is suspected of theft. The case is under investigation. North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 1189. Inventary 1. Case 7. Sheet 98. Script.

№ 31 Information About Vagrancy in Nura and Zhana-Arka Districts Nura district, September 19, 1931 To Karaganda Appearance Recently, in the Nura district, there has been a large number of citizens walking in the Zhana-arka district, daily crammed into the office of DEC and Russian utility systems etc. for groceries. In addition, in this regard, animal theft has been especially spreading lately, DEC asks the Appearance to influence the Jan-Arkinsky DEC about taking appropriate measures to stop such a departure. There is also a massive disease of the latter. Chairman of DEC Ovchinnikov Secretary DEC Arenov Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 5048. Sheet 152. Copy.

№ 32 Telegram About the Famine in the Karkaraly District Karkaraly, July 1931 There is no food in the Karkaraly district. Bread are not brought to the Nura station, drilling foremen, teachers, and other workers are determined to leave work on the basis of hunger. Workers, masters of drilling parties [during] work faint, refuse [from] work. The mood of the Communists and the administration is panicky. Please influence [on] Territory agencies [from] the urgent transfer [from] Nura station of four thousand pounds of bread. DEC Kazansky

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Authorized DEC Morskoy Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 5048. Sheet. 152. Copy.

№ 33 Telegram About the Outrages Committed by Representatives of the Chetsky District Executive Committee Chetskiy district, July 1931 To the head of the ARUSPA In addition to my № 386/586 of 30/VI -1931. I have informed you about the outrages committed by representatives of the Chetsky district executive Committee, despite this, representatives of the Chetsky district not only stop the outrages, but they still create more. According to the information that are available to me and the report drawn up by the Commissioner of the Chuisky district, Comrade Balapanov and the Aul cell of the Kokrekovsky aul comrade. Rakhymbasov and the leaders of the red yurt Kirbasov and a number of other comrades, it is clear that the Chetsky RICK in the villages № 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6 an extraordinary triple has been sent to identify the objects of taxation and a number of other issues. With this triple there are other representatives of the district, up to 20 people in total. Instead of actually identifying the objects of taxation, in other words, to carry out the work assigned to them, this extraordinary triple conducts all sorts of outrages aimed at undermining Soviet power, etc. For example, I will give a number of facts characterizing the work of this extraordinary triple. 1. On July 10, Mr. Mamikov was detained and arrested by the Chetskiy Commissioners. Despite the fact, that this Mr. Mamikov informed them that he was going to the town Kantau for hunting according to the contract concluded by him with the relevant organization. They kept him for 16 days, released him, and he still keeps his property and family with him. 2. The same commissioners selected in the amount of 70 dairy mares from the above-mentioned villages for making kymyz for themselves and they mobilized young women for making kymyz, who are being used sexually.

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3. Yurts with citizens, who have beautiful wives and girls for the purpose of intimate relations in addition to their desire, were transferred to the area of their parking SaryBulak. Those women or girls who refuse to have intercourse with him, they use torture, put their hands on a hard object and beat their fingers until blood flows from under their nails. The daughter of Mr. I [...] escaped from these tortures and is currently located at the 63 kilometer of the Kuskuduk Forestry Enterprise (the information will be verified by questioning the battered one). 4. The commissioners took 5 horses from the collective farm “Kzyltau” on July 23, the horses are socialized and taken without the knowing of the collective farm, when the collective farmers demanded their horses. Commissioner Kashkimbayev Medebek said that “if you demand horses, we will shoot you.” 5. Sheep are selected from citizens with the purpose of personal use. Sheep were selected from the following citizens: № 9 Parmonkul Kosmanbekov village, № 2 Teletbay Bayteliev village and a number of others whose surnames are not specified. When citizens apply for selected cattle, they are told: “Okay, we’ll pay,” but no one is going to pay. 6. It was taken a bribe in the amount of 200 rubles from the village № 5 Dulatov throughout under threat of arrest. 7. The same triple shot without trial at their parking place, the fugitive Sembek of the Chimkent Aul caught by them. After being held under arrest for about a week before the execution, [then] the corpse of the executed was buried in the Sara-bulak area. On the way, Serekpai Taitikov was killed from № 3 aul by them (who fled from Chuisky […], passing through the gang case that we have) and another person whose last name has not been established. All these outrages perpetrated by the representatives of the Chetsky DEC create a mood to escape from these auls of the population. In addition, other manifestations on the part of citizens, directed in protest. Based on the foregoing, I ask you to immediately issue an order to recall this “extraordinary triple” and all other representatives from the villages I have indicated and raise the issue of expelling a commission of inquiry to bring the perpetrators to justice. I have informed the Chuiskiy

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district committee of the AUPC(b) and a member of the government about all the outrages that I have committed comrade Ismagulov and Dzhandosov. ARUSPA In the Chui district of Sinitsin Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 5048. Sheet 162–163. The copy.

№ 34 Telegram About Incidents in Kounrad, Guryev and Other Districts Moscow, July 10, 1931 Secret Operational Directorate of the United State Political Directorate By direct wire to ensure non-disclosure [In] Kounradsky district, village № 3, bays Kashkin [and] others [on] the basis of livestock logging on June 7, the pre-aul council Ozatov, secretary Zhakishev and secretary of the cell Akishev were beaten. [The] case is under investigation, the perpetrators have been arrested. [In] the same area killed pre-aul council. Measures [to] identify the perpetrators and causes have been taken. On June 27, near the Bashtamak station of the Tashkent road [in] the Aktyubinsk region, a gathered group of citizens, of whom one jumped [into] a locomotive moving at a slow speed, handed over to the chief conductor Mukhin a leaflet [of the following] content: “Collective farmers are starving, drinking and eating water, [with] upon arrival, discuss among the workers. Tractor signed.” Measures have been taken [to] confiscate the leaflet, find out the source. [In] May, the kulaks of the village of Novonikolaevka, Dzhuvalinsky district, Kozhevnikov [and] others [including] 6 people, having stolen [on] the collective farm 9 cows, 7 horses at night, armed with 4 guns (frolovkas) [with] a sufficient amount of ammunition, disappeared [in] the direction mountains Jabagaly with the aim of getting into Fergana. The officers of the Universal working agent [during] the detention of the fugitive kulaks overtook [in] the mountains, during the detention they tried to provide armed resistance, but thanks to the successful removal of the patrol they set up, they were arrested [one by one]. The investigation is forced by the transfer [for] consideration.

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Demidov is an instructor [in] combat [with] locusts set fire to the grass [in] order to combat [with] locusts found [in] the Guryev district on June 30. The fire covered a significant area of grassland, [on] which there were stacks [with] hay from the Berliktan collective farm, burned down [according to] twelve thousand poods of hay. The fire was extinguished by a squad [from] Guryev. Demidov is arrested. A fire that broke out on June 18 [on] the territory of the Pakhtaaral state farm destroyed 520 hectares of wheat. [In] the same area on June 25 [because of] a fire [in] the steppe threatened to destroy a significant area of crops. Deputy Secretary of the Kazakh Regional Committee of the AUPC(b) Mamulov Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 5048. Sheet 176–177. The copy. [[In] collective farms, the fire was eliminated by the measures taken. The presence of deliberate arson [on] the part of the Kulak [and] Bai element, who took refuge [in] the Jizzakh Mountains, the Kzylkum sands, has been established. The adoption of decisive operational measures, [to] force the development of the site, an operative was sent by the Shymkent sector. On July 7, [in] Aulie-Ata district, a fire destroyed 2 […] 8000 poods of collective farm hay. [On] the same night, [in] the same area of the village […] a steppe with an area of [ten kilometers] caught fire. An operative was sent [to] the place [to] establish the reasons, organizations have taken measures [to] protect crops, hayfields around the 24 hours. Head of ARUSPA Sheshken Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 5048. Sheet 176–177. The copy.

№ 35 From a Summary of the Farms that Migrated Outside of Kazakhstan After Accounting for 1930 Alma-Ata, August 9, 1931 Transmitting to you for information a summary of farms that migrated outside Kazakhstan after accounting for 1930, the KPFin informs that the summary includes information from 27 districts received on August 5 inclusive, and the remaining 47 districts were given telegraphic orders to expedite the deportation of information.

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From the proposed summary, it can be seen that they dropped out in: № 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Uzbekistan Turkmenistan Tajikistan Kirrepublic Karkaraly Adm.District N-Volga region Sibkrai Ukraine In other parts of the RSFSR China TOTAL

Farms

Heads of livestock

3,436 7,371 1,767 1,031 2,355 2,562 2,100 901 13,511 563 35,597 farms

187,909 319,725 88,350 33,595 112,621 13,797 27,348 6,652 100,801 2,276 893,074 heads of livestock

Head of the Accounting and Statistics Sector of the Control Commissariat of Finance of Kazakhstan Shamukhamedov Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 5058. Sheet 1. The certified copy.

№ 36 From the Report of Settling Progress Alma-Ata, 1931 Collectivization. The latest data on the progress of work on collectivization of settling farms are presented in the following form: (in the regional context). Quantity farms according to the plan 164,340

Covered by preparation

% of plan implementation

Collectivized

% of the plan

Average % by adm. districts

Average size of collective farms

159,746

97.2

137,421

83.6

58%

95

Despite the relatively high percentage of collectivization of settling farms in comparison with administrative districts as a whole, the data

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show that the task for the spring sowing campaign – to collectivize by 100% – remains unfulfilled to this day, which, certainly could not affect the successful implementation of other major settling activities (machine supply, sowing campaign, haymaking). A preliminary analysis of the available data suggests that the nonfulfillment of tasks is mainly due to the fact that many districts failed, despite the timely issuance of directives and instructions, to deploy broad public-mass work around this issue, failed to mobilize the initiative of the masses and direct it in the proper direction, providing firm Bolshevik leadership. The first group of districts, which started work in a timely manner, managed to organize the mass, not only fulfilled, but also exceeded the planned task of public training instead of 49,133 – 56,836 farms (115.6%) and collectivized 54,574 farms (111.1%) out of them. This group of districts also gives the largest size of collective farms – 128 farms instead of 97 in the second and 51 farms in the third, despite the fact that among them there are a significant number (13 out of 26) of districts with the greatest spread of purely migrant nomadic farms and with rather low socio-industrial (collectivization, agriculture, sustainable animal husbandry) indicators in the past, namely in 1930. The successful implementation of the collectivization plan also enabled these districts to successfully implement the spring sowing plan, as a result of which significant socio-class economic changes took place in these areas, radically transforming the face of the village and dealing a severe blow to the Bai and tribal bondage of farm laborers, the poor, and middle peasant farms. The situation is different in the last two groups of districts, especially in the last one, where only 53.4% of the settled farms are collectivized, which, certainly did not make it possible to carry out the spring sowing, successfully fulfill the plan for the implementation of agricultural machinery and serves as a difficult obstacle to the timely and successful implementation of the hay harvesting plan and grain harvesting and housing and economic construction at the points of subsidence. This circumstance was the result of a complete underestimation of the importance of settling issues, insufficient attention of the leadership of district organizations that consciously or unconsciously do not want to carry out real work to implement the directives of the party and the government.

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The most lagging districts are Tonkerei, Bulaev, Irgiz, Hobdin, Turgay, Kustanay, Wil, Guryev, Karkaraly, Zharmin districts, which have been working since last year, but still not only have learned how to work, but some of them, in particular Bulaev, Zharmin, Tonkerey districts do not want to work, explaining their inactivity is due to “objective” reasons, “peculiarities” of local conditions. Despite the fact that these areas, located in the area of MTS, state farms and railways, have more conditions than, for example, Urdzhar, Bayan-Aul, Konrad, Talas, Tarbagatay, Chubartav districts that completed the task of exceeding. It is interesting to cite some characteristic moments in the work of lagging districts. According to the 1930 plan, Guryev district was supposed to transfer 500 farms to a settled state on Baksay, on the basis of reclamation construction. However, he did not fulfill this task, these farms were again included in the plan in this year, and at the end of 1930 the district was given the necessary instructions on the immediate use of the winter period for preparatory work. The district committee did nothing at that time, it began work only in April, as a result, as the brigade of the District Committee reports, a significant part of the population living on the territory of Baksay migrated to the north, and therefore, instead of 500 farms, only 69 were socially prepared as a result of two-year work. The picture is similar in the Wil and Irgiz districts. In these areas, almost until recently, none of the district organizations were engaged in settling issues, particularly, mass social work and collectivization (from the messages sent there by a cadet instructor on settling). In many areas, the dominant bet is on the drift, on the fact that the sedimenters themselves collectivize, prepare themselves and fight against the bay and atkaminers by themselves, who are actively fighting for the disruption of settling works. Thereby, for example, the Taldy-Kurgan District Neighborhood Committee with an attitude of 17/V-1931 for № 92, reported that “due to the lack of public mass work, the agitation of bay and atkaminers is growing, the settling refuse and flee.” This is not an isolated case. It is also necessary to point out that the rare exceptions of the settling areas failed to combine all the processes of carrying out settling measures with general socio-economic campaigns, failed to collectivize on the basis of sowing, machine supply, land management, did not understand that the combination and effectiveness of these campaigns should be the consolidating factors of settling and collectivization of the nomadic and

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semi-nomadic population. Settling is still perceived in a simplified way – they consider it either only land management, moreover in the most simplified form, or the construction of housing and communal buildings, as a result of the priority rate, they did not understand that settling is a complex of socio–economic measures for the radical restructuring of the migrant nomadic economy. All this must be shown, despite the quite clear directives of the party and government, and a number of special letters from the Republican Committee of Settling on this issue. Despite these shortcomings in individual districts, we have major achievements, both in the field of collectivization and the results achieved. In 26 districts we have achieved 100% collectivization, and in 22 districts we could manage to collectivize up to 94%, which made it possible to lay a solid foundation for further extensive socialist construction, carry out and overfulfill the sowing campaign in these areas and prepare solid ground for successful implementation of subsequent agricultural campaigns (hay harvest, grain harvest, machine supply, construction, autumn sowing and strengthening of animal husbandry), the correct organization of labor, the socialization of the main means of production, raising the cultural level of the settlers through the intensive deployment of a network of socio-cultural institutions. Districts in KSSR

Industrial areas Border regions Areas of industrial crops Areas of grain crops Districts of Central Kazakhstan Districts of Turksib Fishing areas

Quantity farms according to plan

Covered by training

% fulfillment

Collectivized

% of the plan

9,135

9,385

102.7

9,235

101.1

3,020

3,132

103.3

3,079

101.9

12,612

12,612

11,933

94.6

75,459

74,517

67,196

88.7

10,648

8,843

5,484

51.5

44,476

40,615

91.4

37,325

83.9

3,000

3,195

106.5

3,184

100

98.3 83

106

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As a result of this year’s work, these conditions have been created for the most basic and important areas (industrial areas, industrial crops, border areas, grain crops). The regions of Turksib and Central Kazakhstan lag behind, where the work of settling, among all other conditions, is complicated by the presence of purely migrant nomadic forms of economy. b) The size, shape and quality of collective farms.

Districts of Turksib Technical culture districts Grain areas Districts of Central Kazakhstan Industrial areas Border areas

Size of collective farms

Quantity of collective farms

From them

160 165

233 72

233 72

– –

– –

68 124

987 44

920 25

5 –

56 9

117 87

79 35

55 21

12 14

12 –

Artels

AJCL

AUAH

The areas of grain crops, both in terms of the size of the collective farm and its shape, completely failed to withstand the basic directives on this issue. On average, instead of 100 farms, it turns out 86. Furthermore, in some areas there are two completely opposite extremes. Along with giants in 300–400 farms, there are dwarf collective farms, especially in the districts of the last year. Name of districts Kustanai Semiozerny Talov Mendygary Zhetygary Airtav Tonquerey

Average collective farm size 28 38 52 60 51 32 39

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In the Bishkaragai district, the average size of collective farms is 245 farms that there are individual collective farms of 300–400 farms. Giant collective farms are common in Ili (500 farms), Enbekshikazakh (400 farms), Karabalyk (392 farms), Mendygara (393 farms). In the areas of grain crops, there are AJCL and AUAH, which contradicts these installations. In some districts (Kzyl-Orda, Merke, Chui) there are collective farms organized on a generic basis, regardless of the territorial location of farms belonging to this genus – for example, the collective farm of […] Merke district increases the composition of members from other admauls. […] Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 3862. Sheet 137–140. The copy.

№ 37 From the Information Report of the Karkaralinsky District DEC on the State of Animal Husbandry and Measures for the Development of Socialist Animal Husbandry in the Karkaraly District Karkaraly, 1931 Having heard the report of the Karkaraly District Executive Committee “On the state of livestock farming and measures for the development of socialist livestock in the Karkaraly district”, the Kazakh Central Executive Committee states that the success of collectivization, which has reached more than 95% of aul-rural labor farms in the district by now, makes it absolutely real that the complete completion of continuous collectivization no later than the spring of 1932 and they greatly facilitate the task of carrying out further measures for the socialist reconstruction of animal husbandry. Having started work on the reconstruction of animal husbandry on the basis of continuous collectivization in the current 1931, the Karkaraly district already has significant achievements in this direction, which amount to the following: 1. On December 1, 20 dairy farms with a population of 6,721 heads and 10 goat farms were organized in the district.

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In addition, 2 calf farms with a livestock of 436 heads and 6 horse farms with a livestock of 1,228 heads have been organized. In particular, 3 Dairy farms with 900 sheep and 2 horses of the collective farm of 1,114 cows, 2 sheep farms with 900 sheep and 2 horse farms with 662 horses are organized for settling collective farms. 2. Along with the creation of collective-farm commodity farms, a generalized herd of collective farms is also growing. Back in May 1931, out of all the livestock available to the population (without state farms, institutions and organizations), horses – 55%, camels – 71%, cattle – 62%, sheep and goats – 46% were socialized. In particular, cash cows were socialized by 62%, working horses – by 73%, working camels – by 76% and working oxen – by 92%. In general, the whole slave. cattle were socialized by 77%. 3. The hay harvest of the population was successfully carried out this year: with a regional task of 102 thousand hectares and 114 thousand hectares and 1,500 thousand centner in accordance with the district plan. In fact, 179 thousand hectares of hayfields were harvested and 2,283 centner of hay were collected, which is 156% of the district plan by area and 152% by weight. The decline of this year is 423% with the comparison of the past indication. Of the total haymaking area (179 t.ha) of the current year, 67 t.ha, or 37%, falls on the steppes, which in previous years were not cleaned by the population at all. The only machine-mowing station in the area in the first year of operation showed its viability in practice, exceeding the task by more than 3 times (62 hectares were mowed, when the territory was set at 20 t. ha), fully serving the population of 6 village councils with 46 collective farms and thereby creating the authority and trust of collective farmers. On the state farm № 6 named after Latsios “Sheep breeder” 23 tons of hectares were mowed, 393 thousand cents were mowed: the plan was fulfilled by 70% in terms of area and 92% in weight with an increase of 290% against 1930. The hay reserve of the district not only provides the entire livestock of the population with roughage for the winter, but after allocating 15% to the insurance fund, there are 60 thousand cents of surplus. At the Sheep breeder state farm, the hay stock is equal

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to the one and a half year requirement in relation to the livestock projected for the winter of 1931–1932. The significant achievement of the 1931 haymaking campaign was the involvement in it of the majority of institutions and economic organizations, which, having mowed 5 thousand hectares of hayfields and collected 53 thousand centner of hay provided their winter needs. 4. In the sowing campaign of the current year, the sowing of fodder crops (oats and barley) among the population was brought to 288 hectares against 560 hectares (approx.) in 1930, which is 514%. In relation to the entire sown area, these crops in 1930 accounted for 5.4%, and in 1931 – 12.7%. Along with this, grass crops were brought to use in an area of 241 hectares in 1931. 5. In the same year, silage received significant development in the area. In 1930, only 9 tons were siloed, and in 1931 the silage mass was already determined at 1085 tons, with a plan for 740 tons. Thus, the plan was fulfilled by 147%, and 36 silos and 11 trenches were dug, with a total capacity of 2510 k/met with an increase of 120 times against 1930. The state farm “Sheep breeder” in 1931 for the first time planted 730 tons. 6. In connection with the growth of the herd of the generalized sector, the marketability of animal husbandry is also growing. (a) oils in 1930 throughout the former Karkaraly county was prepared 9,299.5 cents, and in 1931 only in Karkaralinsky district 1,370.3 cents. Thus, one district exceeded the procurement of the entire county by 47%. (b) brynza (cheese made of sheep milk) last year was prepared 13.7 centner and in the current 157.7 centner or 1,151% in relation to 1930. (c) casein was not harvested at all last year, but in 1931 it was received 12.5 cents. (d) all kinds of wool was collected 900.0 centner in 1930 and for 1931 (on 19XII) – 150.2 centner, which is 167% compared to last year’s harvest.

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These successes were achieved as a result of the steady implementation of the general line of the party and the fulfillment of the directives of the Soviet Government. However, along with major achievements, the Kazakh Central Executive Committee notes the following shortcomings. 1. The work of the village councils of the Karkaraly district has not yet been sufficiently rebuilt in accordance with the practical tasks of raising and reconstructing the livestock sector of the district. 2. The number of livestock among the population in 1931 decreased significantly compared to 1930, and a comparison of tax records of these years determines the preservation of the herd in the following sizes: horses – 69%, camels – 72%, cattle – 44%, sheep and goats – 39%. 3. There is no accurate accounting of socialized and non-socialized livestock, as well as current changes in the composition of both. This situation completely deprives the leading regional organizations of the possibility of accurately building and implementing the entire system of measures for the development and strengthening of animal husbandry. 4. Collective farm commodity farms are not being developed intensively enough. The fulfillment of regional tasks in this direction as of December 1 gives: for MTF – 93% (task 5,300 heads), for sheep farms – 41% (task 1,400 heads), and for goat farms – 45% (task 6,000 heads). Nothing has been done yet on the organization of horse breeding farms (task 300 goals). 5. The quantitatively insufficient results of the socialization of livestock in collective farms and the staffing of collective farm commodity farms are at the same time not entirely satisfactory in quality: (A) not all collective farms have carried out the correct organization of labor and proper accounting of workdays, the transition to piecework has not been completed and the involvement of women in production work is poorly fulfilled. (B) there is a complete and sometimes formal socialization of livestock in collective farms, as well as low marketability of livestock as a consequence of the still significant subsidence of raw materials in farms.

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(C) at the same time, poor care and unsatisfactory feeding of livestock delay the growth of marketable products. (D) the construction and adaptation of farm buildings (barnyards, barns, stables) is far from being developed sufficiently, and even loans issued by some collective farms are not fully mastered, not to mention construction solely at the expense of the population itself and on its initiative. Along with the main shortcomings noted, delaying the reconstruction of the livestock farming of the Karkaraly district, the development of the latter is largely hindered by the lack of available personnel of qualified workers. Noting that in the conditions of the Karkaraly district, the socialist reconstruction of animal husbandry on the basis of complete collectivization, the settlement of the migrant nomadic population and the elimination of the bais and the kulaks as a class, is the central task of the near future, around which the attention and strength of all the bais, without exception, of the organizations of the region and based on the basic guidelines of the party and government on this issue. In order to eliminate the existing shortcomings, consolidate the successes achieved and further develop socialist animal husbandry in the Karkaraly region, the Kazak Central Executive Committee Decides: 1. To propose to the Karkaraly District Executive Committee, based on the successes achieved in collectivization, to complete the staffing of collective farms by January 1932, bringing the livestock in them to the figures set by the plan: for MTF – up to 5,800 heads, for sheep farms – up to 1,400 heads, for goat farms – up to 6,500 heads and on horse farms – up to 300 heads. 2. To suggest to the Karkaraly District Executive Committee, with regard to foraging and strengthening of the fodder base, to take mainly an installation to preserve the haymaking area achieved in 1931, directing further measures towards increasing the production of concentrated feed, expanding the sowing of herbs and power crops. 3. Recognizing the work experience existing in the Karkaraly MTS district as quite successful, consider it necessary to deploy in 1932 three new hay stations with the calculation of coverage or the entire

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territory of the district, except for the part of it that is located in the scope of the projected MTS and can be serviced later. To propose to Kazakhstan People’s Commissariat of Agriculture to organize all the stations listed above (three MTS and one MTS) in the Karkaralinsky district by the spring of 1932. 4. To project by the Karkaraly District Executive Committee for 1932 the area of forage grain crops (oats, barley) in collective farms in the amount of 3,500 hectares to be considered insufficient, at least to establish a control figure for these crops in the district of 4,000 hectares. At the same time, it is considered necessarily to start transferring oat and barley crops to varietal seeds, for which we instruct Kazakhstan People’s Commissariat of Agriculture to ensure the delivery of seed material to the district in an amount that ensures the sowing of 6,100 hectares, of which 3,800 hectares in state farms and 2,300 hectares in collective farms. To point out to Kazakhstan People’s Commissariat of Agriculture a gross mistake made by them in the control figures of the 1932 sowing in the Karkaraly district, where they projected oat and barley crops in the amount of only 2,500 hectares, whereas already in 1931 their actual area reached 2880. 5. The minimum figure of the area of sown grasses for the Karkaraly district should be determined for 1932 in the amount of 2,550 hectares, which 1,550 hectares for state farms and 1,000 hectares for collective farms. Instruct Kazakhstan People’s Commissariat of Agriculture to allocate and deliver the appropriate amount of seeds to the district. In the plan of measures to strengthen the forage base for 1932, to include local harvesting of seeds of forage grasses, both cultivated and wild, thus providing seed material adapted to local conditions for the future. 6. To increase the harvesting of silage feed in 1932 by 2.5 times, bringing it to 4,500 tons (in 1931–1815 tons), of which 2,700 tons for state farms (in 1931–1815 tons), and 1,800 tons for collective farms (in 1931–1085 tons). Instruct the Kazakhstan People’s Commissariat of Agriculture to provide the district with a silo specialist no later than the spring of 1932, and the District Executive Committee to conduct district training courses for collective farmers during the summer of 1932.

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7. To propose to the Karkaraly District Executive Committee to expand the work on involving the working masses, and especially women and youth, in the socialist reconstruction of animal husbandry on the basis of a broad deployment of the organizational work of the soviets in accordance with the main objectives of the development of socialist husbandry. 8. To suggest the Karkaraly District Executive Committee to assist agricultural facilities and collective farms in the socialist reconstruction of animal husbandry, giving detailed practical instructions for eliminating existing defects in the work of collective farms and collective commodity farms (labor organization, accounting for difficulties, piecework, income distribution, proper care of livestock, rational feeding, etc.). Simultaneously, the District Executive Committee check the actual socialization of livestock in the area. 9. According to the fact that sheep breeding in the Karkaraly district is of great economic importance and that the main specialization of the region in the field of animal husbandry is fat-tailed sheep breeding, instruct Kazakhstan People’s Commissariat of Agriculture within a month to develop a number of specific measures that contribute to the development and improvement of fat-tailed sheep breeding in collective farms and sheep farms. 10. To propose to the Kazakhstan People’s Commissariat of Agriculture for the 1932 election campaign to allocate a species for the Karkaraly district of two producers of stallions of the Don and two Orlov breed for metisation in order to grow an improved military repair and working horse in organized horse farms. 11. To offer Kazakhstan People’s Commissariat of Agriculture to include in its plan for 1932 a study of the Karkaraly district from the point of view of the possibility of developing irrigation farming here, providing livestock with a solid fodder base. 12. To suggest Kazakhstan People’s Commissariat of Agriculture and Kazakh Regional Collective Farm Union in a decade to fully satisfy the applications of the Karkaraly District Executive Committee for the priority staffing of the zoo staff and employees of the collective farm system. State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 76. Inventary 1. Case 14. Sheet 13–20. Script.

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№ 38 From the Report on the Kulak-Bay Elements in the Leadership of the Karkaraly District Alma-Ata, 1931 Karkaraly district was in the system of general socialist development of Kazakhstan and it had all the economic and political prerequisites for further growth and up to 1931 it was on a level with other homogeneous regions of the Region. However, since 1931, the number of livestock and draft power has sharply decreased in the district and there has been a sharp weakening of other sectors of the district’s economy, which led to mass migrations and the collapse of most collective farms. The Karkaraly district leadership surrounded itself with class alien elements and slipped down the path of direct betrayal of the interests of the party and the working class. The Kulak-Bai cattle-harvesting plan was carried out at the expense of the generalized cattle of collective farms, farms, cattle of collective farmers and sole proprietors. In 8 months, 10,924 heads of cattle and sheep plus 5,975 goats were seized in this way. This withdrawal of livestock was preceded by the mass exclusion of the poor and middle peasants from collective farms. The commissioners who arrived from the districts and the local Kulak-Bay elements, after the exclusion of the poor and middle peasants from the collective farms, gave them solid tasks, and then the cattle were selected to cover firm tasks to pay individual taxation, and the owners of the cattle, after a while were restored to the rights of collective farmers. According to the 8th aul, it is known about the involvement of 56 middle peasant farms were members of the collective farm to individual taxation and the withdrawal of livestock for delivery to the account of the Bay plan. 62 camels, 112 horses and at least 200 cattle were taken. 78 farms were included in the number of battles in the 5th aul; 120 horses, 119 cows, 46 goats and 5 camels were handed over from the generalized sector of collective farms due to the Bay captivity. They often mocked the middle peasants who were attracted to individual taxation, which was expressed, for example, in the fact that Dambaev and Musakaev were driven barefoot into the snow in winter for lack of cattle, whose toes subsequently fell off their feet.

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All these outrages were done by M. Alimbetov (District Commissioner, newspaper editor), Zhanybekov (cell secretary) and “belsendy” Abdrakhmanov and Galiev. The poor and middle peasants, who have from 10 to 15 heads of cattle, were dispossessed, the livestock they had was handed over to the account of the Bay plan. In 1931, in 4 sq. m., the cattle harvested by such methods: 4,484 cattle, 793 sheep and goats, 475 horses and 111 camels bear only the name of Bay cattle, but in fact they were collective farm cattle. Some of these cattle were delivered over the plan. The district Executive Committee did not take any measures in this case, on the contrary, reported to the District Executive Committee of the Soviets of People’s Deputies on the implementation of the Bay plan (from the testimony of the former chairman of the DEC after Kurmangaliev – Dairbekov). In the Khoroshevsky Village Council in the 4th special quarter, the authorized AUJSCW (All-Union Joint Stock Company “Wool”) Adontsev managed to select and harvest all the cattle on all three collective farms of the Village Council in one day. As a result, he fulfilled the plan by more than 200%, but did not leave a single cow in sole use. At the same time, he conducted such a massive work – “it doesn’t matter if not now, then in another quarter, but the cattle will be taken to the cattle proofing, and therefore, so that there is no offense to anyone, hand over all the cattle at once.” Grain and manufactured goods funds did not reach the cattle collectors. […] In the collective farm “Kedey”, almost all the bread was seized from the collective farmers with the help of searches. As a result, migration was caused, 210 out of 380 farms migrated. […] In 1931, the district sowed 25,346 hectares (from the report of Chairman DEC Nurmangaliev). According to the district, the sown area of this year reached 28,625 hectares. A three-time check showed that the reports from the sowing campaign signed by the secretaries of the party cells, the chairmen of village councils, the chairmen of collective farms and the authorized representatives of the DEC contained obviously false information, which the RK and the DEC could not have been unaware of, who reported on the basis of these reports on the successful completion of sowing in the region and the territory. Fraud began as early as the fall of plowing in 1931. On this issue, in the resolution of the plenum of the Karkaraly district Executive Committee,

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according to the report of the chairman of RIK Kurmangaliev, the winter plowing is 10,398 hectares, or 20 times more than in 1930, whereas in fact the winter plowing was carried out on an area of 1,000 hectares. […] Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 6404. Sheet 13–18. The copy.

№ 39 From the Resolution of the Bureau of the Karaganda District Party Karaganda, February 25, 1932 Noting the extremely threatening unsanitary condition of the territory of the mountains. Karaganda: workers’ barracks, dugouts, canteens and places of delivery and storage of products, this contributes to the growth of the epidemic, as evidenced by the figures for typhus: In total, from 10/1 to 25/II-32, 313 people, deaths – 6.8%. In February, the five-day growth is as follows: Typhus

Smallpox

1–5

5–10

10–15

15–20

20–25

Total

83

37

46

86

83

313

1–5

5–10

10–15

15–20

20–25

Total

7

22

35

68

41

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Smallpox death rate gives up to 15% and the 4th five-day period gave 18%. The Bureau of the district party committee notes, despite the emerging threatening situation of the epidemic, the party, Komsomol and trade union organizations of Karaganda have not mobilized themselves to fight the epidemic, as evidenced by the inactivity of the party, Komsomol cells and mining committees in the fight against the epidemic, to note the insufficient attitude on the part of the “Kazuglya” trust and the 14th Construction trust and others economic organizations that do not take decisive measures to combat the epidemic. The resolution of the regional committee on the provision of 50 thousand square meters for housing has not been implemented, there is no organized recruitment of labor,

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which deepens the development of the epidemic and the spread of social diseases (syphilis and others). 1. The municipal department of the trust does not comply with the decision of the district committee and the emergency five, does not take measures to eliminate the unsanitary condition of the territory (construction of latrines, garbage removal, etc.). 2. The District Health Department at the first manifestations of morbidity did not take measures to eliminate the epidemic and until 10/II-32 and did not keep records of patients with typhus and report to People’s Commissariat. 3. The Extraordinary Five have not yet achieved a real decisive breakthrough and shift in the fight against the epidemic. The resolution of the five organizations are not being implemented and the five itself does not ensure the implementation of its decisions. Based on the above, the Bureau of the District Committee decides: 1. Reorganize the composition of the five into an emergency three, into which to introduce the beginning. operational sector comrade. Mikhailov, Deputy chairman CC DEC comrade Stepin, and with the arrival of Comrade Amirov to introduce such and Rayzdrav comrade Cancun, under the chairmanship of comrade. Mikhailov. To announce from 25/2–32 a two-decade period of the sanitary campaign and all organizations to join in its conduct. 2. For failure to keep a record of the first cases of infectious diseases and failure to take timely and decisive measures to combat, propose to impose administrative penalties on the faction of the City Council for the head of the Regional Health Department. 3. To oblige the department of the trust to check all dormitories and to evict persons not involved in Karaganda from the occupied housing premises. 4. Comrade [..]ow to establish an organized recruitment of the labor force with a medical examination. 5. In order to combat the spread of the epidemic, propose to the faction of the City Council to close the flea market. 6. Propose to the emergency triple to take decisive measures to combat the epidemic in accordance with the existing plan of the triple.

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7. Economic and cooperative organizations must unconditionally comply with the decision of the triple, in case of non-compliance, bring them to party and criminal liability. 8. All cells, party, Komsomol and trade union organizations join in the fight against the epidemic and assist the emergency triple. State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 3. Inventary 1. Case 25. Sheet 46. The copy.

№ 40 From the Minutes of the Extraordinary Meeting of the Presidium of the Nura District Nura district, February 25, 1932 LISTENED TO: Information of Comrade Kadyrbayev on taking measures to against the epidemic. An epidemic of typhus and typhoid fever is spreading in the Nura district (village Pushkin) and smallpox (village Skobelevka). To check the measures to against the epidemic, it is necessary to create an Epidemic check, new buildings. There is no hospital in the district, 3 rooms have not been completed in the outpatient clinic in the center of the district. Floors need to be sent to them, doors need to be hung and windows repaired, the bathhouse has not been completely repaired after the fire, there is also not a single washroom (dysentery chamber) in the area. According to the pharmacy manager information, there are enough medications and disinfectants, but the district health department has no funds to fight the epidemic in the region. DECIDED: To raise a question before the Epidchek Region about the expulsion of epidotryads to the Nura district about the allocation of funds to fight the epidemic and about the release of products for inpatient patients and medical workers to combat the epidemic (epidemic ration). To propose to the construction sector at Land departments of the executive committees of the district councils of working people’s deputies to finish the repair from the outpatient clinic to the hospital in a week, for which to mobilize workers of the necessary qualifications, at the same time to suggest the Land departments of the executive committees of the

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district councils of working people’s deputies to start harvesting fuel for the hospital. To offer chairman collective farm of aul № 6 comrade […] finish the repair of the bathhouse in 3 days. To propose to the village council № 6 to allocate premises for a cleaning (disinfection chamber) within 3 days, and immediately proceed to the proper repair of the things of the orphanage, collective farmers of Stalin’s collective farm Zhanazhol and Tershilik. To provide emergency care to patients and those requiring departure to the area from the Tirshilik collective farm, allocate and secure a pair of horses for the duration of the epidemic. To offer the District Health Service to start smallpox vaccination and anti-typhoid vaccination throughout the district within a day. To propose a Raizo on the release of milk from collective farms to release first of all to the sick (according to prescriptions for cash). To ask the presidium of the DEC about the organization in the center of the development area. Schools should be closed, teachers should be mobilized with a visit to the district for instruction on combating the epidemic in places where a mass disease are be detected. At the points: Ivanovka Zakharovka, Pushkina and Ashik, additionally take away and equip an isolation room for infectious patients. This resolution should be sent to all village councils and collective farms, m/state m/covxozam farms and MSS for carrying out similar events on the ground, in particular, to organize construction projects on the ground, to assign responsibility to the latter, to report on the condition of patients and monitoring of measures to combat the epidemic, to equip baths and washrooms and to immediately create an Epidemic Committee, on the work done with indicating the presence of patients. Invite the WPI sections and assistance groups to check the implementation of this resolution. Chairman of the meetings Kadyrbayev Secretary Zelentsov North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 549. Inventary 1. Case 105. Sheet 15–16. Script.

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№ 41 From Information About the Situation in the Sary-Suisky District Sary-Su, March 17, 1932 I inform you that the Sary-Su district is one of the most backward regions of Kazakhstan. According to its economic condition the district is cattle-breeding. The population is migrant nomadic. From the day of the organization of Soviet power (from 1925 to 1928), as a result of a fierce class struggle, the kulaks and bais were liquidated. The migrant nomadic way of life has been eliminated. A cattle-breeding collective farm was organized, etc. However, due to the wrong management of collectivization, ignoring the principle of voluntariness, the application of the method of administration, untimely supply of food and fodder, led to undesirable results. For example, by 1/V-32 there were 6,500 households, 31,000 eaters, 12,000 sheep, 21,000 [12,000] camels, 10,000 cows, and 90,000 horses left in the area. Likewise, by 1/I -33, only 10% of the population and livestock remained. The population is leaving for other areas, livestock is killed mercilessly. If assistance is not provided soon, then there is no guarantee that the remaining 10% will not die, i.e. from the remains of half of Kazakhstan. Kurdas Tusipov North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 22. Inventary 1. Case 170. Sheet 45. Certified copy.

№ 42 From the Act of Inspection of the Kulak Settlement Tonrekey District of Karaganda Region Tonrekey district, March 25, 1932 We are the undersigned commission composed of representatives: (1) From the Tonkerey DEC Davleev, (2) From the USPA – Grenaderov r/department, in the presence of the medical assistant Marchenko and the commandant of the village Shestakov on this day, a survey of the condition of the Kulak settlement inside the district settlement was carried out, and it turned out: I. THE ORGANIZATION OF THE VILLAGE AND THE PRESENCE OF FARMS IN IT

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The Kulak settlement was organized in the autumn of 1931, in the former administrative aul № 4, the farm “Zholtai”, located 40–45 kilometers from the district center. From the moment of organization to the day of the survey, 90 farms with 434 souls and 37 single people were settled in this village. During this time, only 14 farms with 50 souls and 45 individuals left, 10 farms with 34 souls escaped from them, 30 people died, 4 farms with 16 souls and 15 individuals were released by the commandant to work and on food extraction leave. There are 76 farms with 354 souls and 10 single persons per person on the day of the survey. 27 farms with 125 people and 5 individuals were provided with able-bodied family members and heads of men, the remaining 49 households with 220 people and 5 individuals were not provided with able-bodied men. II. HOUSING CONDITIONS AND MEDICAL CARE Kulak farms are located in 19 dugouts, the total cubic capacity of which is 1400 cubic meters, the condition of the dwellings is unsanitary. During the existence of this settlement, there was not only medical care provided, but there was not a single visit by such medical workers, despite the fact that there were cases of illness and deaths. III. ECONOMIC STRUCTURE The work of the evicted farms is not applied to anything, no household work is being carried out, and the available insignificant number of livestock in these farms (such as 9 cows, 14 calves, 2 goats, 2 horses, 2 young animals, 2 walkers, 5 sledges and 5 sets of horse harness) have been withdrawn from the latter and are in full at the disposal of the village commandant. IV. NUTRITION ISSUES There are no food stocks, the milk obtained from the milk yield of existing cows (by the time of the examination of the pregnant 3 heads) is used by the commandant and the policeman, and part is bottled by minors who do not have parents. The means of livelihood were obtained by sending able-bodied family members to work on state farms with the permission of the commandant and occasional assistance from relatives and just singleauls, but this should be attributed to an insignificant part of the economy and singles, because the vast majority, not having able-bodied men in their composition, ate various surrogates (kurai, quinoa and bones, which were ground and mixed with kurai), and the latter were far from enough, in addition, there were cases of consumption of animals, such as dogs, cats, killed for this purpose. All this has created such a situation that since

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the organization, 28 people have died from malnutrition on the day of the survey, and currently the nutritional situation is such that a significant number of farms have 1 to 3 severely depleted. V. SECURITY The protection of the Kulak village consists of one commandant and one policeman, which, naturally, with the territorial dispersion of the village (the aul is located in 3 places, lagging from half to 2 km from each other) is far from sufficient. The commandant uses the evicted to this village themselves for protection, whom he appoints to be on duty at night and during the day for 2 people in each aul, the reliability of such protection is obvious in itself. In addition, the commandant checks it once every 3 days. About which this act was drawn up in “___” copies. One of which is in the affairs of DEC and the rest in the R. Department of the MPD. Representative from DEC Davleev from USPA Grenadiers Attended by: medical assistant Marchenko Commandant of the village of Shestakov North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 22. Inventary 1. Case 22. Sheet 181–182. Certified copy.

№ 43 From the Telegram About the Famine in the Collective Farms of the Karaganda Region in 1932 Completely secret To the Karaganda Regional Committee of the AUPC(b) Additionally several corpses found of those who died due to hunger on 30 of March. The influx does not stop, the theft of livestock in collective farms is increasing. In particular, two bulls were stolen from the Vozrozhdenie collective farm. There are two horses in the Nura collective farm. There is one horse in the collective farm “Grain Grower”. […] North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 1189. Inventary 1. Case 7. Sheet 11. Script.

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№ 44 From the Telegram About the Typhus Epidemic in Karaganda Alma-Ata, April 29, 1932 To execution commissions under the Karaganda Regional Executive Committee Due to the typhus epidemic, urgently check the condition and construction of new baths and laundries, as well as water supply in Karaganda. Let us know about the results and the measures taken. Chairman of the CPC and the Execution Commission at the CPC of KASSR U.Isaev Secretary of the Execution Commission at the CPC Tertyshny North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 1189. Inventary 1. Case 7. Sheet 17. Original.

№ 45 The Act on the Increased Cases of Mortality Among the Population Karaganda Region Kazgorodok, May 17, 1932 In connection with the increased cases of mortality among the population, collective farmers, the Commission consisting of the district doctor Seitov and chairman DEC Agetov, on behalf of the Chairman of the DEC, examined two settlement points with a yard tour, and found that the majority of the population is exhausted, eats garbage, such as: bare bones which are used for cooking, soup is prepared of the worst quality, which has no nutritional value. In addition, people consume old, dried, sometimes tanned skins. In the district center, the Commission established the fact that there is one family eating dog meat. A mass of dog bones, skulls and several dog paws floating in a cauldron were found near the house of this family. In the village of Shoki, where there used to be 144 yards, currently there are about 60 yards left, many people from this village left at the request of those who remained, to look for food on different sides.

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Most of the remaining population of this village at the time of the survey ate carrion, decomposed meat, bone soup, bran chatterbox and boiled skin. By means of a household survey in Kazgorodok, it was found that 18 families are really starving, there are phenomena of hunger, malnutrition, exhaustion. Collective farms do not have any funds to support the lives of the depleted, who do not have any food. These families are as follows: 1. Bigara Kigari, a member of the collective farm, a construction worker, receives a ration for 1 person for his work, the family consists of 6 people, 3 of them children, his wife and children are exhausted, their faces and limbs are swollen, they eat only a boltyshka (liquid food (usually made from flour or oatmeal) and water. 2. Tleubaev Sermkun – 6 people, 1 of them is a child, they feed on a boltyshka, a handful of rye flour is put on 1 bucket of water, the chatterbox has the color of slop, he and his wife are swollen, the child is severely exhausted. 3. Tleubaev Estaulet is a collective farmer, he works on a stone and receives a ration for 1person during the sowing season, there are 4 people in the family, and they have 2 children, they feed on a boltyshka. 4. Tleubaev Bayken is a collective farmer, there are 3 people in the family, 1 of them is a child, emaciated, adults are exhausted, suffer from incessant diarrhea. 5. Karasha Usin is a collective farmer, there are 5 people in the family, 3 of them are children, they eat old tanned leather, at the time of examination the skin was cooked in the boiler, the guys were swollen and exhausted. 6. Kaken Mazhitov, an employee of DEC, there are 6 people in the family, 1 of them is an infant, his wife suffers strongly from scurvy, lies in bed. 7. Zaynula Yelchitan is a shepherd of the District Union, there are 7 humans in the family, 5 of them children, does not receive rations, they eat oats and skin, the family is edematous. 8. Nurmukan Sultanbayev has 4 people in the family, 2 of them children, they feed on old skin, the whole family is swollen.

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9. Akhmet Aktanlakov, there are 5 souls in the family, 2 of them are children, the children are exhausted, they eat soup from old bones. 10. Kozhin Konjevaltov, there are 6 souls in the family, 1 of them is a 10-year-old boy, at the time of the examination, the boy was rummaging in the manure, taking out bones and sucking. The family is exhausted, eating soup from old bones. 11. Sagyndykov Kulov, there are 3 people in his family, they feed on dog carcasses, during the investigation, a mass of dog bones, skulls and dog paws floating in a cauldron were found near the house. In the room on the windowsill found several cervical vertebrae (canine) also welded. The room stinks, stuffy. There is a mass of human liquid excrement in the circumference. The whole family is exhausted. 12. Janet Tleugabylov, there are 9 people in the family, 4 of them children, there is complete exhaustion, they feed on a boltyshka. 13. Dosum Baymakov, there are 7 souls in the family, 2 of them are children who are completely exhausted and edematous, they eat nothing. One of the family members Abdrakhman Dosumov died of starvation and complete exhaustion on May 15 this year. 14. Aitim Zharkynbayev is a construction worker, there are 7 human beings in the family, 3 of them children, his wife is exhausted and swollen. 15. Ermagambet Tokushev, there are 6 souls in the family, 3 of them are edematous and suffer from scurvy in a strong form, they feed on a boltyshka. 16. Sabyr Karynbayev, there are 6 people in the family, 2 of them are children. The children are exhausted and in serious condition. 17. Mukhamedzhan Zhanseitov is 14 years old, all edematous, unable to walk, eats bran in the form of a boltyshka. 18. Kalam Sarybaev, there are 6 souls in the family, 4 of them children, all are edematous, they feed on old skin and bone soup. In the village of Shoki, 15 families are completely exhausted and swollen, barely walking on their feet. They feed exclusively on carrion, bone soup and skin.

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The houses where decomposed meat was cooked, there is an incredible stench, when you enter such houses, you involuntarily stop breathing and are going to go out into the fresh air as soon as possible. These families are as follows: 1. Toksan Dosov, 9 souls, 5 of them are children 2. Aitzhan Dosov, 9 souls, 5 of them are children, 3 died 3. Ali Kornutbayev, 9 souls, 4 of them are children. 4. Ibrai Kuandykov, 3 souls, 1 of them is a boy. 5. Asylbek Tokbatyrov, 7 souls, 5 of them are children. 6. Syzdyk Kaitbayev, 6 souls, 4 of them are children. 7. Kali Zhetnysov, 4 souls, 1 of them is a child. 8. Executions of Lobsters, 9 souls, 5 of them are children. 9. Gamey Kushukov, 6 souls, 4 of them are children. 10. Beisembai Ordabaev, 6 souls, 4 of them are children. 11. Klyshbai Akmuakov, 8 souls, 5 of them are children. 12. Kasen Temirkanov, 5 souls, 3 of them are children. 13. Husain Nurmanov, 4 souls, 3 of them are children. 14. Vali Umkutaev, 5 souls, 3 of them are children. 15. Almurza Zhumov, 7 souls, 3 of them are children. In the old village “Komerbai” No. 3 of the village, Amirov’s family has 9 souls, he left at the end of February and it is unknown where he is. His son Kami is 22 years old who died of complete exhaustion on May 10 of this year. Akhmetzhan is 4 years old, 16/1V – 32, Akhmetulla 17/1V, wife and the daughter is dying, Aket is a 7–year-old son, barely alive, the daughter-in-law has left and no one knows where she is. After lying in the hospital for 4 days, two people died of complete exhaustion, one of them is from the state farm, the other are homeless. 148 people passed through outpatient admission with diarrhea from prolonged malnutrition. This is about what the present report was drawn up. District doctor Seitov Representative of DEC Abetov Authorized SPD Ivanov

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North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 22. Inventary 1. Case 17. Sheet 201–202. Script.

№ 46 Telegram to the Karaganda Regional Executive Committee About the Shortage of Bread Petropavl, May 27, 1932 To the Regional Executive Committee Regional Supply The bread supply order was not received [for] May. Employees are in a critical situation. The mood to leave other areas. Give me an outfit urgently. Kurgaldzhin DEC Kurmanbayeva North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 1189. Inventory 1. Case 7. Sheet 34. The original.

№ 47 From Protocol № 31 Meetings of the Council of People’s Commissars of the KASSR Alma-Ata, May 31–June 6, 1932 Listened: About harvesting horses and camels for meat. Decided: 1. Cancel all the established mandatory plans for harvesting meat for horses and camels. 2. Establish a mandatory procedure for the inspection of all horses and camels purchased for meat by the commission with the participation of veterinarians. Listened: About the organization of the Karkaraly Fair. Decided: 1. To recognize as expedient to perform at the fair, in addition to the main Kazakhstani procurement organizations, also the Alma-Ata

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[…], Trade and production department, the Department of State Trade and procurement of state contracts for the import of goods and the export of harvested products, freeing their transport from any mobilization. To instruct the Commissioner of the National Foreign Trade Committee, together with the Commissioner of Committee for Procurement of Agricultural Products, to develop the necessary measures and conditions for attracting cattle and raw materials to the West Chinese fair within ten days. 2. To instruct the PCE, PCH and PCA to provide the fair with cultural, educational, medical and veterinary services, and the Regional Administration – the protection of warehouses, goods and harvested products. To propose to the State Bank and All-Union Transport Association to open their branches at the fair, Food Cooperative of Kazakhstan, Maximum Permissible Concentration, Food Cooperative Union, Kazakh Industrial Union servicing enterprises (private, canteens, mendings, workshops, etc.). 3. To propose to the PCSupply and the District Executive Committee to immediately vacate and return to the fair all the fair premises. 4. To instruct the Executive Committee of Funds and Regulation to appoint a chairman and an economist secretary to Yarmakov, obliging the latter to develop a plan of applications and trade, an estimate of income and expenses, as well as the procedure for collecting fair fees within 15 days. 5. Purchase of agricultural products should be made according to folding prices at the fair on the basis of voluntariness and economic interest of the deliverers. In order to prevent among the buying state organizations from establishing a convention at the fair among the buying ones, the regulations are obligatory for all its participants. 6. The deadline for the fair is set from July 1 including till August 31 of this year. Listened: About the expansion of trade of collective farms, collective farmers and individual working peasants. Decided: Having discussed the preliminary results of the implementation of the resolution of the Central Committee of the AUPC(b) and the Union Government on the deployment of trade of collective

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farms, collective farmers and individual working peasants with agricultural products, namely: 1. Resolution of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Union and the Central Committee of the AUCP(b) of May 6 of this year on the grain procurement plan for the harvest of 1932 and the deployment of collective farm trade in bread. 2. Resolutions of the Council of People’s Commissars of the Union and the Central Committee of the AUCP(b) of May 10 of this year on the plan of cattle procurement and meat trade of collective farms, collective farmers and individual working peasants. 3. By the resolution of the CEC and the SNK of the Union of May 20 of this year on the procedure for the production of trade of collective farms, collective farmers and working individual peasants (News of the CEC for 1932 125,129,139). The Council of People’s Commissars notes that the regional and district executive commissions, city councils, regional supply and district councils have not yet shown sufficient energy and initiative in the deployment of Soviet trade, but on the contrary, they have allowed in a number of places a direct distortion of the directives of the party and the government on this issue. The People’s Commissariat of Agriculture and the District Collective Farm Unions did not ensure the implementation of the collective farm system of the retail network deployment plan. To this day, city councils and district executive committees continue to tax collective farmers and individual working peasants with various fees for trading agricultural products in bazaars. There are still cases of illegal restriction of this trade by small agencies of the People’s Commissariat, etc. in the form of the requirement of identity cards and certificates, removal from bazaars, etc. In order to eliminate these shortcomings and to ensure the exact implementation of the directives of the Party and the Government on this issue, the Council of People’s Commissars DECIDES: 1. Oblige regional executive committees, district executive committees and city councils: (a) in the near future to achieve a decisive turning point in the deployment of Soviet trade, providing collective farms and their

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associations, as well as individual collective farmers and individual working peasants, carefully fulfilling the calendar plans of centralized procurement, all possible assistance in the deployment of trade in agricultural products in Soviet bazaars, shops, etc.; (b) to raise the issue about the trade of collective farms, collective farmers and individual working peasants in the center of the work of regional councils, districts and city districts; (c) immediately cancel all issued or during 1932 resolutions on trade issues that are in conflict with the above decisions of the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and the Government of the Union, in particular, immediately cancel illegal restrictions on the trade of collective farms, collective farmers and individual working peasants in the form of a demand from them identity cards, certificates of the implementation of plans, etc. (d) instantly implement the Resolutions of the CEC and the Council of People’s Commissars of May 20 of this year on the abolition of all taxes and fees previously established locally from the trade of collective farms, collective farmers and individual working peasants in bread, meat, poultry, dairy products, vegetables, fruits, etc. (e) for the maintenance of bazaars, allow city councils and district executive committees to set a fee of no more than: from a cart – 1 p. per day, from the head of cattle – 1 p., from the head of small cattle – 50 kopecks, and when trading with hands, trays, etc. – 20 kopecks, except for trading with poultry, eggs and dairy products, no fees can be charged for horse meat, including for the maintenance of bazaars; (f) to steadily bring to strict responsibility officials who will make a trip to establish market fees in excess of those specified in this resolution, or to set prices for agricultural products sold to collective farms, collective farmers, and individual working peasants, which can be sold at prices prevailing on the market; (g) with the close participation of trading organizations, provide collective farms, collective farmers and individual working peasants with real assistance in creating a technical base for trade (construction of shops, stalls, tents, preparation, bazaar squares, warehouses for storing products, etc.)

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(h) organize (where there are none) bazaar committees, providing them with a normal working condition. (i) in accordance with the participation of the People’s Commissariat of Education, the People’s Commissariat of Health, the People’s Commissariat of Communications, the collective farm system and trading organizations, to provide cultural and consumer services to collective farmers and unified tea houses, visiting yards, legal advice, medical care, post offices, savings banks, etc.; (j) to ensure strict compliance with the directive of the CEC and the Council of People’s Commissars of the Union of May 20 this year on the inadmissibility of opening stores and shops by private merchants and in every possible way to eradicate dealers and speculators trying to profit at the expense of workers and peasants; 2. Oblige the People’s Commissariat of Finance to immediately ensure the actual provision of tax benefits to collective farms, collective farmers and individual working peasants for the sale of agricultural products, namely: (a) completely freeing the incomes of collective farms and collective farmers from the sale of their agricultural products on the market from agricultural taxes; (b) attracting to agricultural taxation no more than 30% of the income of individual labor farms received by them from the sale of their agricultural products on the market. (c) levying a tax on the turnover of stalls, tents and shops opened by collective farms directly for trading in the products of their agricultural production only in the amount of 3% of gross revenue. 3. Repeal Article 9 of the Resolution of the Council of People’s Commissars of the KASSR of February 5 this year on the organization of Soviet bazaars (prot. № 5, §16) and the Regulation on Soviet Bazaars approved by the same resolution, suggesting that the People’s Commissariat: (a) immediately review all its resolutions and directives given locally on Soviet trade issues, canceling those of them that are in conflict with this Resolution and

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(b) within a decade, in agreement with the Upol. Com.One hundred on the funds of the new Regulations on Soviet Bazaars, having developed such on the basis of the latest decisions of the Party and the Government. 4. Bearing in mind that one of the most important conditions for collective farms, collective farmers and individual peasant workers to enter the bazaars is to provide them with the opportunity to buy the necessary manufactured goods at the same bazaar, oblige the consumer cooperation and state trade bodies to immediately adapt their trading network to meet the demand of the aul and village, taking measures to ensure that goods for the latter they passed not only through rural cooperation, but appeared in sufficient numbers at bazaars (through a network and especially industry associations). 5. To invite the Regional Collective Farm Union to give urgent instructions on its system on the unhindered provision of the necessary transport to collective farmers transporting the products of their agricultural production to the bazaars. 6. To propose to the regional executive committees, district executive committees, city councils, collective farms and their associations and to ask Council of Trade Unions of Kazakhstan to launch mass work to involve collective farms, collective farmers and individual working peasants in Soviet trade on the basis of these decisions of the Party and the Government, explaining to them the importance of this trade for further improving the material and living situation of the working class, raising the production activity of collective farmers and working peasants-individual farmers, mobilization of new sources of socialist accumulation in order to further develop socialist construction. 7. Oblige the Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspectorate to establish special supervision over the implementation of this Resolution, immediately bringing to strict responsibility all persons who violate the directives of the party and the government on this issue. Listened: About the plan of cattle procurement for the 2nd–4th quarters of 1932. Decided:

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1. The plan of cattle procurements for the KASSR from April 1 to 31.XII – for the collective farm and individual sector, established by the resolution of the Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR from 16.V – this year in the amount of 56,000 tons, based on the availability of livestock according to the latest accounting, to distribute to the regions in the following sizes: (a) Karaganda – 13,583 tons instead of the current plan (b) Eas Kazakhstan – 13,660 (c) South Kazakhstan – 6,160 (d) West Kazakhstan – 6,025 (e) Alma – Ata – 8,162 (f) Aktobe – 7,628

33,887 tons ==== ==== ==== ==== ====

53,932 46,448 33,776 76,286 35,385

2. The plan for the 2nd quarter in the amount of 18 thousand tons is distributed by regions: Karaganda East Kazakhstan South Kazakhstan West Kazakhstan Aktobe

4,609.0 4,354.0 1,718.1 2,435.0 2,743.0

3. To propose to the regional executive committees, when distributing the plan by districts and in the process of implementing the plan, to be guided by the following: (a) The cattle procurement plan is carried out by any type of livestock in weight terms, with the exception of horses and camels; (b) Not to allow the acceptance of herd cows and pregnant sheep at the expense of the procurement; (c) Prohibit the acceptance of cattle from cattle distributors on credit; in order to avoid this, offer the State Bank and the Procurement in advance to provide the periphery with sufficient funds to make payments for the accepted cattle at the time of procurement; (d) To distribute the plan by districts, based on the availability of livestock, as well as taking into account the implementation of

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the Central Committee directive of 26.III – “On the development of livestock for individual use of collective farmers”. (e) While giving firm assignments to the kulak-bai farms, in no case allow the interests of the middle peasants to be affected. (f) Pay attention to the resolution of the CEC and the Council of People’s Commissars of the KASSR of May 21, 1932 on the abolition of restrictions on the slaughter of cattle and small cattle, both for the own needs of the population and for sale, linking this with the careful implementation of the centralized plan of cattle procurement on the one hand, and on the other the eradication of private dealers trying to cash in on the meat trade of working peasants. (g) Prohibit the divergence of harvested cattle without outfits and for violating this, both the perpetrators and the persons who prompted it, to bring to criminal responsibility, as for squandering and plundering state property. Listened: About the plan of delivery of cattle to Zagotsky by “Cattle Breeder”. Decided: 1. To approve the plan of 7,310 tons of live weight for April – December 1932. 2. Divide the annual plan by trusts: tpecta. (a) South-Alma-Ata (b) Eastern (c) Karaganda (d) Western (e) Aktobe (f) Plemtrest (g) Alimbetov Total:

600 tons 1,200 400 1,700 1,860 500 50 7,310

3. For the second quarter, set a delivery plan for 1700 tons of trusts: (a) South Almaty (b) Eastern (c) Karaganda (d) Western (e) Aktobe

180 tons 400 250 220 615

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(f) Plemtrest (g) Alimbetov Total:

25 10 1,700 tons

4. Oblige the Directors of trusts to immediately break up the state farms by setting a calendar plan for 10 days. The plan should be fully implemented in June. 5. To invite all regional executive committees to take under daily control the course of feeding and delivery of livestock to the State by trusts and state farms. Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars KASSR U. Isaev Managing Director of the Council of People’s Commissars KASSR M. Andijanov Confirmed: Secretary of the Council of People’s Commissars Aitkhozhin State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 18. Inventary 1. Case 6. Sheet 23–32. The copy.

№ 48 From the Report on the Administrative and Economic Condition of the Karkaraly District Karkaraly, June 10, 1932 Karkaraly district was organized on September 1, 1930 after the liquidation of counties, as part of 10 village councils of the former Berkary district, Khoroshev and Prigorodny village councils and the city of Karkaraly. On January 1, 1931, the Karkaraly City Council was formed as a department of the RIC, and by the spring of the same year, in order of enlargement, the district was replenished with three village councils of the Kuva district, which received the names village councils № 19, 20 and 21. At the beginning of 1932, in the process of amalgamation of village councils, village councils № 12 and 16 were liquidated, which entered the first in № 11 and the second in № 15 aul council. The existing

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village councils have retained their former names, so at present the district consists of one city council, two village councils and 19 village councils. The structure of the District Executive Committee was created on the basis of the “Regulations and DEC” approved by the Central Executive Committee on January 1, 1931. In accordance with this, the composition of the DEC is represented by: a. a Plenum of 39 people b. a Presidium of 11 [members] and 3 candidates, including 1 woman. Departments are organized under RIKA: 1. General. 2. Land. 3. Financial. 4. Planning commission. 5. Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection. 6. Police and Criminal Investigation Department. Consist of an inspector: (a) Supply. (b) Local economy and road construction. (c) The People’s Assembly. (d) Healthcare. (e) Labor. (e) Social security. (g) Military affairs. […] Settlements in the districts Including in the city Villages, except for settling points Worn by Kazakh farms Settlement points of 1930 and 31/5 collective farms/7 The subsidence points for 1932 are planned according to the plan With coverage

77 1 13 54 22 2,006 farms

The list of village councils and the number of village council changes from this accounting for I/II – 32, the following table is demonstrated:

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 13 14 15 17 18 19 20 21 Prigorod. v/council Khoroshevsk v/council Karkaraly City council

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21

Total

22

Name village council of aul

№

5,217

244 196 140 164 215 300 176 213 121 330 176 163 335 161 336 140 291 410 110 641 324

collective farm

Number of farms

52

11 19

6

3 6 10 10 48

10 2

128

10 6 13 14 12 13 6

17

Kulak

1

Individual

5,397

244 214 140 177 223 310 186 261 121 330 176 163 338 161 346 146 304 430 122 665 349

Total

24,123

1,187 910 883 728 1,048 1,530 834 1,236 571 1,380 784 1,653 694 1,538 675 1,260 1,916 412 2,037 1,605

collective farm

337

38 110

21

41 10

7

Individual

Number of both genders

629

66 32

35 23 64 75

10

50 40

10 31

74

Kulak

24,989

1,187 991 883 779 1,089 1,033 884 1,276 571 1,380 784 1,663 694 1,573 698 1,324 2,012 412 2,941 1,747

Total

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collective farm commercial farm […] […] […] Total:

Sectors

2,881

409

99 13 1 3,973

4,055

1,091

169 15 2 6,357

Working

1 1,690

15,555

2,384

21

997

92

3,155

2,824

Working bulls

Including

87 3

405

1,584

Mares

Total

Total

Including

Cattle

Horses

7,635

38

774

557

Cows

62,764

6

4,658

1,538

Total

Sheep

41,786

3

3,298

665

Female

Including

1,837

19

1,155

638

Total

Goats

1,035

19

1,028

446

Grown

Including

2,133

5

3

425

Total

Camel

2,015

5

3

367

Working

Including

31

31

Pigs

From among the aul – rural population: Europeans – 413 farms, people – 2064, Kazakhs: 4984 farms, people – 22,925. The number of livestock, according to the February accounting of the rural population

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State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 76. Inventary 1. Case 14. Sheet 60–63.

№ 49 From Information About the Settlement and Arrangement of Migrant Returnees in Karaganda Region Alma-Ata, 1932 Having listened to the report of the Commissioner of the Republican Osedkom under the Council of People’s Commissars, comrade Presnyakov, on checking and studying the effectiveness of settlements and the arrangement of migrant returnees in the Karaganda region, the Presidium of the Republican Commissiarat notes: 1. The subsidence of the Karaganda region has a very positive efficiency, the essence of which is expressed in the fact that: a. on the basis of settling, the dispersed Kazakh population, which previously lived as hozauls in 12–20 farms, was composited, is currently located in settlements, on the basis of which an opportunity has been created for better cultural, community and production services for the Kazakh population. b. the sown area increased by 3–5 times compared to 1931, so in the Kokshetau region, the sown area increased from 1.0 to 2.5 ha per farm, in Enbekshilder – from 1.3 to 6.7 ha per 1 economy, according to Stalin – from 3.4 to 15.1 hectares, etc. c. The fodder base has increased 5–10 times since 1930, for example, 0.5 tons of hay were harvested in the Kokshetau district in 1930, and 6.5 tons per unit of livestock in the current year, in the Enbekshilder district, 8.7 tons were harvested in the current year instead of 0.9 tons in 1930, according to Stalin district – instead of 0.8 tons in 1930, 11.2 tons per unit of livestock were harvested, etc., therefore, a solid fodder base was brought under animal husbandry. d. the marketability of 1931 in the settling collective farms occupied a very large% of gross output […]. 2. Along with the positive aspects in settling and arrangement of returnees, there are a number of unacceptable distortions and

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perversions committed by district and regional organizations of the Karaganda region. 3. A number of unacceptable excesses were made in the conduct of economic and political campaigns, and work on organizing the economic strengthening of the settling collective farms was carried out very poorly in 1931. Incomes of collective farms for 1931, both in kind and in money funds for workdays were not distributed, which, along with increased kulak-bai agitation, led to a catastrophic reduction in the number of herds in the Kokshetau district by 66.2%, Enbekshilder – by 91.7%, according to Stalin – by 57% against 1931, with the simultaneous mass migration of the Kazpopulation of these areas outside of Kazakhstan: for example, in the Kokshetau region in 1931, 1,554 farms or 24% of the Kazpopulation, in the Enbekshilder region – 3,063 people, in the Stalin region – 826 farms or 30%. 4. As a general rule, construction was carried out in an economic way by meanings of unprovision with projects, and where there were standard construction projects. Afterwards, construction is fulfilled in an exceptional form, due to the absence and weakness of technical control and guidance from the Regional Technical Bureau, as a result of which a significant part of standard buildings are defective and in the first 1–2 years a number of collective farm buildings are falling apart (Enbekshelder district – Baydaly, Kokshetau district – Serafimovka, etc.). 5. To note the extremely high turnover of the apparatus of the Regional Construction and Construction Bureau, where 4 managers and four techno-hands were replaced over the summer, which created interruptions in construction management. 6. To repeal as an unacceptable phenomenon in the attention of the Obltekhstroybyuro, 6% deductions from the construction of settling collective farms that are not serviced by specific technical management and control by the bodies of the technical bureau. Moreover, the transfer of funds from the accounts of the settling collective farms is carried out mechanically by the Raystroytekhbyuro, without the appropriate inspections of the construction by the Raykolkhozsoyuz. 7. The Land departments of the executive committees of the district councils of working people’s deputies and the District Collective farm unions of the Karaganda region committed a number of

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perversions in the case of a sharp perversion in the specialization of livestock collective farms and especially in the Kokshetau and Enbekshilder districts with the transfer of a number of livestock collective farms to farms with a field-breeding bias and eliminating the productive part of livestock, which does not meet climatic, soil and economic conditions, and also violates government directives on the specialization of districts and strengthening animal husbandry. 8. Formally, the bureaucratic attitude shown by the regional land administration in the planning of sowing crops for the settling collective farms, the criminally inappropriate introduction of an extremely large wedge of sowing labor-intensive and silage crops (sunflower), reaching in some cases up to 36% (collective farm Karsak, Malchura named after Goloshchekina, Ultugan, etc.) without taking into account soil and climatic conditions without sufficient agronomic services. Moreover, the regional organizations made a premature leap in the matter of establishing equality between the European and the settling Kazakh collective farms in terms of the introduction of labor-intensive, oilseeds and silage crops. So, on the Ultugan collective farm, 159.5 hectares of sunflowers were sown for silage, and on the Ultugan collective farm. Goloshchekin – 36 hectares in the presence of 2 cows. 9. District organizations allowed an increase in the enlargement of the settling points was carried out, on the basis of which the criminally inappropriate relocation of a number of collective farms that settled in previous years (Kokshetau district collective farm International – 52 farms, the village of Shok-Karagai, Koisolgan, Stalin district […], etc.). In some cases, these subsidence points have up to 300-400 farms (Kokshetau district of Kara-Zhar – 295 farms, Atbasar district – 400 farms), which is a brake on the organizational and economic consolidation of collective farms, because land use is moved tens of kilometers away from the residential and industrial center. 10. To notify the Karaganda regional organizations, in particular, the Regional Neighborhood Committee, the Regional Union, the Regional Collective Farm Union, who are interested in creating large international settlements in 3-4 collective farms, allowing in some cases the separation of settling collective farms from land

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plots (Kokshetau district – Serafimovka, Kok-Terek, etc.), as well as in the absence of subsequent cultural mass work sometimes causes antagonism in these international settlements. 11. The presence of livestock in the settling collective farms of the Karaganda region (in 20,980 farms there are 12,946 heads of cattle and 3,303 pieces of sheep together with young animals, i.e. 0.6 cows, 0.16 sheep account for 1 farm), which led the settling collective farms from commodity-livestock farms to bulk farms, this dictates the need to outline a number of urgent measures to restore livestock farming in the settling collective farms of the Karaganda region. 12. The weakness of the organization of the economic condition of the settled collective farms responded to the carrying out of the production activities of the collective farm and in obedience with the conducting some work without the necessary forces allocated to others, jeopardized their disruption: the lifting of fallows, layers, winter sowing, autumn plowing and the organization of seed funds in the settling collective farms, which will inevitably affect the quantitative and especially the qualitative side of the spring sowing of 1933. 13. It should be noted that the Karaganda regional organizations underestimated the economic and political importance in the arrangement of returnees, as a result of which food aid, manufactured goods and cash loans were largely misused and caused a reverse wave of spontaneous migrations of Kazpopulation (Kokshetau district – 499 farms, Enbekshilder – 531 farms, Stalin – 298 farms from settling collective farms), which indicates the lack of work on the organizational and economic consolidation of settling collective farms. 14. It should be taken into consideration that the Regional Collective Farm Union and the district collective farm unions in the field did not deal with the forms of collective farms of the settling population, as a result, as a general rule, collectivization was carried out through the organization of agricultural artels, which created (due to the unpreparedness of the settling Kazpopulation for higher forms of collectivization) dependent sentiments in a number of collective farms (in the Kokshetau district –Kok-Terek, Orto-Agash collective farm, Enbekshilder – Kzyl-Tsum, etc.).

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15. In view of the lack of a precise leadership of the Karaganda Regional Kolkhozsoyuz on the development of settling collective farms by industry and state farms, the latter sometimes takes unpleasant forms (Enbekshilder district, transferred to the suburban state farm “Stepnyak”, the settling collective farm “Shoku” together with the land and means of production, without the right to receive them in case of dismissal, the Regional tree and forest industrial union recruited a number of settling collective farms and collective farmers in the absence of bread orders on them, which could be done by organizing handicrafts, directly in the settling collective farms, etc.). 16. The organization of the direction of settling farms was carried out without taking into account the schedule for the distribution of labor resources by seasons and months, as a result of which some periods turned out to be overstressed due to the introduction of a large percentage of labor-intensive crops (autumn), and other periods with a minimum schedule for the use of labor resources (winter), in accordance with the lack of any initiative in the organization of handicrafts in settling collective farms. 17. Standard products were not prepared by the Regional Drevsoyuz, which did not fulfill the contract concluded by the Regional Technical Construction Bureau and mothballed funds in the amount of 25,000 rubles for the entire construction season. 18. To note the hideously bureaucratic attitude of the Directorate of the Borovsky Sheep-breeding State Farm, which for 2 years has not paid compensation in the amount of 32,301 rubles, 25 kopecks to 541 relocated farms, which slows down their arrangement and leads to spontaneous migrations. 19. To note a very low percentage in the use of funds for settlement (out of 418,053 rubles, only 122,767.52 rubles or 29% were used), and a significant part of the funds is used by regional organizations for other purposes, so the Kokshetau district collective farm union 12,748 rubles. used as a salary for employees, Stalinist Regional construction technical Bureau in the amount of 5,794.42 rubles, received for the manufacture of standard products used as a salary.[…] Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 5362. Sheet 50–52. The copy.

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№ 50 From Information About the Epidemic in the Zhanaarka District Petropavl, 1932 To the responsible Secretary of the Karaganda Regional Committee of the AUPC(b) T. Becker Copy: Chairman of the regional Executive Committee T. Korshunov On the territory of the Zhanaarka district, there is a significant manifestation of the epidemic of typhus (typhoid and rash) and smallpox. There are no medicines, medical staff and anti-epidemic drugs in the area. The number of cases is found out by a commission specially created in the district. It is reported in the order of information, for taking appropriate measures. Head of USPA Shuvalov Head of SPD Burdakov Authorized.SPD Ivanov North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 1189. Inventary 1. Case 7. Sheet 12. Script.

№ 51 From the Information Report of the Karkaraly District Executive Committee on the State of Animal Husbandry in the Region Karkaraly, 1932 After listening to the report of the Karkaraly Regional Executive Committee “On the state of livestock farming and measures for the development of socialist animal husbandry in the Karkaraly region.” The Kazakh Central Executive Committee states that the success of collectivization, which has reached more than 95% of aul-rural labor farms in the region by now, makes the possibility of complete completion of complete collectivization no later than the spring of 1932 very real and greatly facilitates the task of carrying out further measures for the socialist reconstruction of animal husbandry. Having started work on the reconstruction of the livestock economy on the basis of complete collectivization in the current year of 1931, the

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Karkaraly region already has significant achievements in this direction, which are demonstrated as following statements: 1. As of December 1, 20 dairy farms with 6,721 heads and 10 goat farms were organized in the region. In addition, 2 calf farms with a livestock of 436 heads and 6 horse collective farms with a livestock of 1,228 heads have been organized. Particularly, 3 Dairy farms with a population of 1,114 cows, 2 sheep farms with a population of 900 sheep and 2 horse collective farms with a population of 662 horses have been organized for the settling collective farms. 2. Along with the creation of collective-farm commodity farms, the socialized herd of collective farms is also growing. Back in May 1931, out of all the livestock available to the population (without state farms, institutions and organizations), it was socialized: horses – 55%, camels – 71%, cattle – 62%, sheep and goats – 46%. In particular, dairy cows were socialized by 62%, working horses by 73%, working camels by 76% and working oxen by 92%. In general, all working cattle were socialized by 77%. 3. In the current year, the hay collection of the population was successfully carried out: with the Regional task of 102 thousand hectares and with the regional plan of 114 thousand hectares and 1,500 tons center. In fact, 179 thousand hectares of hayfields were harvested and 2,283 cents hay were collected which is 156% of the district plan by area and 152% by weight. The mowing of this year is 423%, compared with the previous one. The total hay area (179 thousand hectares) of the current year is 67 thousand hectares or 37% fall on the steppes, which in past years were not harvested completely by the population. The only machine station in the region in the first year of operation showed in practice its viability, overfulfilling the task by more than 3 times (62 hectares were mowed, with the assignment of the Territory of 20 thousand hectares), fully serving the population of 6 village councils with 46 collective farms and creating this authority and trust of collective farmers. According to the state farm № 6 named Lacissa trust “Sheep breeder” mowed 23 thousand hectares, mowed 393 thousand cents: the plan was fulfilled in terms of area by 70% and by weight by 92% with an increase against 1930 by 290%.

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The hay reserve of the district not only provides the entire population with roughage for the winter, but after allocating 15% to the insurance fund, there are 60 thousand cents of surplus. At the “Sheep breeder” state farm, the hay stock is equal to one and a half year’s needs in relation to the livestock projected for the winter of 1931–1932. A significant achievement of the 1931 haymaking campaign was the involvement in it of the majority of institutions and economic organizations, that having mowed 5 thousand hectares of hayfields and collected 53 thousand cents of hay provided their winter needs. 4. In the sowing campaign of the current year, the sowing of fodder crops (oats and barley) among the population was brought to 288 hectares against 560 hectares (approx.) which is 514%, in 1930. In relation to the entire sown area, these crops accounted for 5.4% in 1930, and 12.7% in 1931. Along with this, in 1931 grass crops were introduced on an area of 241 hectares. 5. In the same year, ensiling was significantly developed in the region. In 1930, only 9 tons were ensiled, and in 1931 the silage mass was already determined at 1,085 tons, with a plan of 740 tons. Thus, the plan was completed by 147%, and 36 silo pits and 11 trenches were dug, with a total capacity of 2,510 cubic meters. with an increase against 1930 by 120 times. The state farm “Sheep breeder” in 1931 for the first time ensiled 730 tons. 6. In connection with the growth of the herd of the socialized sector, the marketability of animal husbandry is also growing. (a) 9,299.5 centner of butter were prepared for throughout the former the Karkaraly district in 1930, and only 1,370.3 centner for the Karkaraly district in 1931. Thus, one district exceeded the procurement of the entire district by 47%. (b) brynza was prepared 13.7 centner last year and in the current 157.7 centner or 1,151% in relation to 1930. (c) casein was not harvested at all last year, 12.5 cents were received in 1931. (d) 900.0 centner all kinds of wool were collected in 1930 and for 1931 (for December 19–1931) – 150.2 centner which is 167% of the last year’s harvest.

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These successes have been achieved as a result of the steady implementation of the general line of the Party and the fulfillment of the directives of the Soviet government. However, along with major achievements, the Kazakh Central Executive Committee notes the following shortcomings. 1. The work of the village councils of the Karkaraly district has not yet been sufficiently reorganized in accordance with the practical tasks of raising and reconstructing the livestock sector of the region. 2. The number of livestock among the population in 1931 was significantly reduced compared to 1930, and a comparison of the tax records of these years determines the preservation of the herd in the following sizes: horses – 69%, camels – 72%, cattle – 44%, sheep and goats – 39%. 3. There is no accurate accounting of socialized and non-socialized livestock, as well as current changes in the composition of both. This situation completely deprives the leading regional organizations of the ability to accurately build and carry out the entire system of measures for the development and strengthening of animal husbandry. 4. Collective-farm commodity farms are not developed intensively enough. The fulfillment of the regional tasks in this direction as of December 1 gives: for the MTF – 93% (task 5,300 heads), for sheep farms – 41% (task 1,400 heads), and for goat farms – 45% (task 6,000 heads). Nothing has been done yet to organize horse breeding farms (task 300 heads). 5. The quantitatively insufficient results of the socialization of livestock on collective farms and the staffing of collective farm commodity farms are at the same time not entirely satisfactory in terms of quality: (A) not all collective farms have carried out a correct organization of labor and proper accounting of workdays, the transition to piece work has not been completed, and women are poorly drawn into production work. (B) there is an incomplete and sometimes formal socialization of livestock in the collective farms, as well as a low marketability of animal husbandry, as a result of the still significant sedimentation of raw materials on farms.

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(C) at the same time, poor care and inadequate feeding of livestock retard the growth of marketable products. (D) construction and adaptation of outbuildings (storage yards, sheds, stables) are far from being developed sufficiently, and even the issued loans by some collective farms are not fully utilized, not to mention construction exclusively at the expense of the population itself and on its initiative. In obedience with the main shortcomings noted, which delay the reconstruction of the livestock economy of the Karkaraly district, the development of the latter is to a large extent hampered by the lack of available qualified workers. Noting that in the conditions of the Karkaraly region, the socialist reconstruction of animal husbandry on the basis of complete collectivization, the settlement of the nomadic population and the completion of the liquidation of the bays and kulaks as a class, is the central task of the near future, around which the attention and efforts of all organizations of the region, without exception, should be concentrated and proceeding from the main guidelines of the party and the government on this issue, in order to eliminate the existing shortcomings, consolidate the successes achieved and further develop socialist animal husbandry in the Karkaraly region, the Kazakh Central Executive Committee decides: 1. To propose to the Karkaraly District Executive Committee, based on the successes achieved in collectivization, by January 1932, to complete the staffing of collective farms, bringing the livestock in them to the figures established by the plan: for MTF up to 5,800 heads, for sheep farms up to 1,400 heads, for goat farms up to 6,500 heads, and for horse farms up to 300 heads. 2. To propose to the Karkaraly District Executive Committee regarding fodder production and strengthening of the forage base to take the main aim of maintaining the haymaking area achieved in 1931, directing further measures towards increasing the production of concentrated fodder, expanding grass and silage crops. 3. Recognizing the experience of the work of the MTS existing in the Karkaraly region as quite successful, it is necessary to consider to deploy in 1932 three new senostations with the calculation of coverage or the entire territory of the region, with the exception

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of that part of which is located within the scope of the projected MTS and can be served by the latter. To offer PCA all the stations listed above (three MGS and one MTS) to organize in the Karkaraly region by the spring of 1932. 4. Designed by the Karkaraly District Executive Committee for 1932, the area of sowing fodder grain crops (oats, barley) on collective farms in the amount of 3,500 hectares is considered insufficient, at least to establish a target figure for these crops in the region at 4,000 hectares. At the same time, it is considered necessarily to begin the transfer of oat and barley crops to varietal seeds, for which purpose to instruct PCA to ensure the delivery of seed material to the region in an amount that ensures the sowing of 6,100 hectares, of which 3,800 hectares in state farms and 2,300 hectares in collective farms. Indicate to KazPCA the gross mistake he made in the control figures for sowing in 1932 in the Karkaraly district, where it is planned oat and barley crops in the amount of only 2,500 hectares, while already in 1931 their actual area reached 2,880. 5. Determine the minimum figure for the area of sown grasses for the Karkaraly district for 1932 in the amount of 2,550 hectares, of which 1,550 hectares for state farms and 1,000 hectares for collective farms. Instruct KazPCA to allocate and deliver to the region the appropriate amount of seeds. Include in the plan of measures to strengthen the forage base for 1932 the local procurement of forage grass seeds, both cultivated and wild, thus ensuring for the future seed material adapted to local conditions. 6. To increase the harvesting of silage fodder in 1932 by 2.5 times, bringing it to 4,500 tons (in 1931 – 1815 tons), of which 2,700 tons for state farms (in 1931 – 730 tons) and on collective farms – 1,800 tons (in 1931 – 1085 tons). Instruct KazPCA to provide the district with a specialist in ensiling not later than the spring of 1932, and the District Executive Committee during the summer of 1932 to conduct district courses for the training of collective farmers. 7. To propose to the Karkaraly District Executive Committee to expand more widely the work of involving the working masses, and especially women and youth, in the cause of the socialist

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reconstruction of animal husbandry on the basis of the wide development of the organizational work of the councils in accordance with the main tasks of developing socialist animal husbandry. 8. To propose to the Karkaraly District Executive Committee to assist aul agricultural objects and collective farms in the socialist reconstruction of animal husbandry, giving detailed practical instructions for eliminating existing defects in the work of collective farms and collective farm commodity farms (organization of labor, accounting for difficulties, piece work, distribution of income, proper care of livestock, rational feeding etc.). At the same time, the District Executive Committee is to check the actual socialization of livestock in the region. 9. In view of the fact that sheep breeding in the Karkaraly region is of great economic importance and that the main specialization of the region in the field of animal husbandry is fat-tailed sheep breeding, instruct KazPCA within a month to develop a number of specific measures that contribute to the development and improvement of fat-tailed sheep breeding on collective farms and sheep farms. 10. To propose to KazPCA for the breeding campaign of 1932 to allocate a species for the Karkaraly region of two stallion studs of the Don and two Orlov breed stallions for breeding in order to grow an improved military repair and working horse in organized horse farms. 11. To offer KazPCA to include in its plan for 1932 a study of the Karkaraly region from the point of view of the possibility of developing an irrigated economy here, providing livestock breeding with a solid fodder base. 12. To propose to KazPCA and KazRegional Collective farm Union within a ten-day period to fully satisfy the applications of the Karkaraly District Executive Committee for the priority staffing of the district with zooveterinary staff and workers of the collective farm system. […] State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 76. Inventary 1. Case 14. Sheet 13–20 Script.

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№ 52 Information About Cases of Theft and Cattle Theft in the Districts of the Karaganda Region Petropavl, June 5, 1932 Chairman of the Karaganda Regional Executive Committee The cases of cattle theft and especially horses have become more frequent in our region; cattle are lost from herds in the field, as well as from collective farm yards at night; stealing the horses is found of organized bands during the day under any security conditions. There is an assumption of murder for the purpose of robbery: a. April 13 in the village B-Burluk, a 14–15-year-old boy Kolyandetsev, who left at a distance of 7 km from the village for hay, died without a trace, and the next day only a wagon, a hat and a saddle were found, his corpse and horse have not been found so far. b. On May 20, a chaise, guns, their clothes and traces of blood were found of 2 members of the Krasnaya Roza commune of the Takhtobrod village council who armed with two guns in the vicinity of Kuzmindrag Lake in the Ruzaev district a pair of horses to the nearest village for firewood in the morning. There have not been found so far any horses and people (one of them is a demobilized Red Army soldier). c. In mid-May, up to 10 cows and 11 horses were recaptured by the Kazakhs from the brigade of the commune International of the Imantav village council, some of the cattle were found, and some were found with meat. d. On the night of May 27 in the village of Konstantinovka, 30 horses were recaptured from the collective farm brigade by a group of Kazakhs. The area of a significant part of it, especially the villages bordering Ruzaevsky, Atbasarsky, and some part of the Kokshetau district is saturated with Kazakhs who migrated from these areas, and resort to theft as a source without means of subsistence. There are cases when migration is led by the village council, so this takes place in the village Kusakovka of our district, where the village council of the Ruzaev district is located.

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A significant part of the theft is also carried out by the local population and for the most part is transferred by them to thieves, but all the blame in all cases falls on the temporarily residing and migrant nomadic Kazakhs who were in the area. The district executive committee made the number of following decisions on his side: He informed the neighboring regions about this and demanded that they immediately return the migrated population to their regions. He obliged the village councils to strengthen the institution of village executives, to register all those temporarily residing in village councils, to demand from each village executive within 24 hours to oblige to register all arriving and departing farms of the quarter or farm entrusted to him, and in the absence of documents, send them to the administrative parts of the district. I demanded the RC and village councils to take an obligation from all shepherds, field breeders and livestock breeders of collective farms and settlements on personal responsibility for the property handed over to them and especially the cattle that are on pastures. To increase and strengthen the night protection of livestock, as well as to deploy a broad public-mass work among the population on the fight, prevention of theft and crime. He instructed the judicial- investigative agencies to explore and sort out cases related to theft and predatory destruction of livestock and other property, as well as other abuses on this basis. Informing the District Executive Committee, in order to prevent theft and inter-settlement, and especially national friction, asks you to put in front of neighboring districts (Atbasar, Ruzaev, Airtav and Kokshetau) to recall the population that migrated to their villages and villages, to conduct a similar intensified fight against theft, horse theft and other crimes, to send to our district those who have gone to them the population of our district, do not interfere with the investigation and inquiry against persons from the population of the named districts involved in crimes and provide all possible assistance in this. We are waiting for your further instructions in this part. Chairman of the district executive office Mikhailov Responsible Secretary Butrick North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 1189. Inventary 1. Case 7. Sheet 32–32. Script.

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№ 53 From Protocol № 18 Closed Meeting of the Secretariat of the Karaganda Regional Committee of the AUCP(b) Petropavlovsk, June 6, 1932 Listened: About the organization of the commission by the Enbekshelder Committee on the survey of “hunger” among the residents of Kazgorodok. Decided: 1. To note that the Enbekshelder district has no grounds for the growth of “hunger” and hungry moods. The district received 755 cents. rye as food aid, in addition received 150 cents. food for the region. In accordance with the correct distribution of this food aid, giving it to those who really need it, there could not be a single case of “hungry swollen” families in the region. However, the witnessed cases in the acts of “hunger” of dozens of families are a direct result of a non-Bolshevik attitude to the use of food aid, the presence of mismanagement and irresponsibility in the distribution of aid, the presence of obvious abuse in the distribution of food aid (food aid was distributed to the tops of the asset and did not go to the really needy population), absolute inattention DEC and District Committee in the method of using food assistance. 2. The fact of the appointment of an official commission to survey the state of need of the population is a direct indicator that DEC fell under the influence of alien elements, under the influence of antiSoviet Kulak-Bay agitation about the size of the “famine”, he did not know the true state of need of the population, confused about the kulaks and bais. Moreover, he failed to oppose the Kulak antiSoviet agitation about hunger. DEC, in obedience with his general examination and the involvement of non-party doctors, created an even more dependent mood among the masses, testified to the facts falsely stated by the kulaks and bais about the famine, and gave him even more food for counter-revolutionary agitation.

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Based on the above, the regional committee recognizes: 1. The action of the Presidium of the Enbekshilder was a gross political mistake that has nothing to do with the party line. To recognize as a big political omission in the leadership of the district party committee that passed by this fact. To invite the district committee, together with the CC DEC, to urgently investigate the indicated fact and bring the perpetrators to justice. To propose to the district committee to urgently withdraw all acts on the state of famine, warning of the further possibility of the spread of “hungry” counter-revolutionary agitation. To note along with this the lack of accurate information of the regional committee and the regional executive committee about the actual state of food, will not allow the region to take immediate measures in a timely manner. Request the DEC to investigate the distribution of food aid in a number of areas. To invite the district committee to take immediate measures to provide food assistance to all genuinely needy workers. This decision will be discussed at a wide closed meeting of the bureau of the district committee, explaining the essence of the anti-party behavior of the presidium of the district executive committee. Responsible Secretary of the Karaganda Regional Committee of the AUCP(b) Becker Secretary of the Bureau of the Regional Committee of the AUCP(b) Smolensky State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 3. Inventary 1. Case 7. Sheet 18. Script.

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№ 54 Information from the Results of the Plenary Session Karkaraly District Executive Committee Karkaralinsk, 1932 At the last Plenum, the following issues were considered: A. The results of the sowing campaign. B. Conducting a self-harvesting campaign. C. Settling issues. […] The issues discussed by the Presidium of the DEC are: budgetary issues for the information of the migrant nomadic and semi-migrant nomadic population, and mainly, consideration and approval of plans for the implementation of military and political campaigns, as well as hearing reports and reports on the implementation of these plans. The implementation of economic and political campaign plans is usually accompanied by the dispatch of an Authorized Representative to the field. The results of DEC’s work on the review, approved implementation of campaign plans are characterized by: Seeding campaigns

Plan

3,000 30,229 471 33,700

Sectors

State farms, collective farms collective farms Institutions Total 27,133.64 408.95 27,542

Cereals

Factually sown

251.23 24.5 275.73

Potatoes

34.79 10.3 45.09

Garden

35.18 35.18

82.07

Corn

89.07

Melons

430.35 11.5 441.75

Oilseeds 2,60.84 27,974.26 455.25 31,090.15

Total 88.7 92.5 96.6 92.3

Agr. fulfilled

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Livestock Plan in centner

Prepared Large

1/10 1931–1/1 1933 1/1- PO 1/4 1933 Total in 6 months From 1/4 to 10/6 1933

Small

Heads

Centners

Heads

Centners

%

7,000

7,413

18,000

2,940

1,234

19,239

274.8

12,610

830

1,726

826

320

2,048

15.2

19,610

2,343

19,433

3,774

1,554

21,287

2,480

Total:

572

108.00% 23.1

Oil collection Collection Plan

Total

Prepared % Total Plan Prepared % Total Plan

For 59,100 70,436.9 125.9 whole1931 1 quart 4,100 528.6 12.6 1932 1/49,730 4,944.7 50.9 10/6–32 Total 13,830 55,472.3 39.6

4,300 33,190.4 531 1,500

73.2

65,400 103,292

4.9

1,800 3,300

73.2

Prepared

2.2

% Total 188

5,600

601.8

10.7

11,630

4,944.7

42.9

17,130

5,644.7

32.4

Wool harvesting In kg

1931 1 quart 1932 1/4–1/6 1932 Total in 1932

1,090.9 4,034.3

Harvested

Fulfilled in %

Fulfilled

Felt

Camel

Sheep wool

Goat fluff

Total

8,219.4 151.6

7,659.6 957.7

3,384.0 2,683.3

33,084.6 2,683.3

5,065.6 131.1

82,542 8,907.6

92.7 97.6

1,004.1

1,204.2

1,204.2

270.4

7,379.1

39.2

1,961.0

3,339.4

339.4

401.6

16,386.9

56.8

4,900.4 191.9

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Preparation of raw leather Types of without farms and raw Soyuzmyaso leather Plan Prepared

1931 1932 1/4–10/6–1932 Total for 1932

Large Small Large Small Large Small Large Small

19,250 76,000 3,700 13,140 2,250 6,740 6,560 19,880

Except for procurement Fulfilled (%)

Soyuzleather

Soyuz meat

86 42.6 190.8 38 23.7 10.7 118.1 28.7

382 2,893 1,030 2,813 607 36 1,637 2,849

6,130 22,675 202 910 79 694 381 1,404

16,550 32,407 7,059 4996 677 721 7,736 5,717

Total pieces

23,052 67,975 2,519 1,262 1,461 9,474 9,970

Preparation of furs and fur raw materials PLAN

For the whole of 1931 1 quarter 1932 1/IV - 10/VI Total for 1932

PROCUREMENT

FULFILLED in %

Fur ruble

Fur Raw ruble

Fur ruble

Fur Raw

Fur (%)

Fur Raw (%)

26,810

36,710

13,733–83

36,404.74

13.2

99.1

16,781 6,300 22,161

20,900 14,660 30,560

4,630.25 922.25 5,562.33

17,501.44 6,022.91 23,534.36

27.6 17.1 26.1

83.7 41.1 66.2

Purchasing bread procurements Name of procurements Livestock procurement for 1931 Meat procurement Wool procurement Total for 1931 Livestock procurement for I and II quarter Meat procurement for I and II quarter Wool procurement for I and II quarter Total

Released in centners 7,112.02 219.0 472.96 7,004.7 1,634.5 196.49 267.96 9,898.23

State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 76. Inventary 1. Case 14. Sheet 67–70. The copy.

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№ 55 Information About Collectivization, Settling and Animal Husbandry in Nura District Nura district, June 24, 1932 To Chairman of the Karaganda Regional Executive Committee Comrade Koshkunov Nura district consists of European – 1,028 farms, Kazakh – 2,566, total – 3,354 farms with the circumstances on June 1, which has agricultural artels: European – 963 farms, Kazakh – 2,490 farms. Thus, the population of the district is collectivized by 93% in the European part, by 90–93% in the Kazakh part. At the same time, certainly to state the extreme weakness of collective farms, the lack of labor and accounting in them, the predominance of Kulak-Bay level trends in the distribution of income and especially products, and finally, the strong clogging of collective farms and even boards by the Kulak-Bay element. These kulaks and bai, while remaining authoritative people among the surrounding population, are the force that opposes the economic strengthening of collective farms. Simultaneously, the District Executive Committee, based not only on numerical indicators, but also on a practical study of the situation on the spot, checking how the main working mass of collective farmers relate to collective farm construction through responsible comrades, find that collectivization is basically completed. The main and only form of collective farms turned out to be agricultural artels, and although the area, by its position and land, certainly it should be considered mainly livestock, in fact, already in 1932, field breeding prevailed. NOTE: THE LIVESTOCK OF THE HERD ON THE COLLECTIVE FARM Large cattle with young animals – 4,231 heads. Horses with offspring – 2,855 heads, camels – 307 heads, sheep and goats – 3,187 heads, a total of 10,580 heads, which makes up 3.06 heads of livestock on the farm […] (there are no livestock in the sole sector). The acreage was 20,993 hectares in 1931, and in 1932 it reached 24,538 hectares, which is 7.1 hectares per farm, while sole proprietors have only 102 hectares of crops.

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The entire Kazakh population of the district in this 1932 year is switching to a sedentary lifestyle and has almost started moving to the settling points (65% have moved). Solving the main problem of settling for the Nura district, as a semimigrant nomadic and mainly animal husbandry, with subsidiary farming, special emphasis is needed on the economic fortifications of collective farms. This is what measures are being taken, however, with the lack of collective farm personnel that is present in the district, there are major shortcomings in the implementation of this task. At the same time, due to the fact that the kulaks and bai are still not isolated from the collective farm population, and as mentioned above, they not only extend their influence to the collective farm masses, but often through false activists they manage to undermine measures aimed at strengthening collective farms, the fastest transition to settlement, etc. Proceeding from the above and considering that the district has basically completed solid collectivization, that further strengthening of collective farms and the implementation of differentiated instructions of Comrade Goloshchekin will be much more successful if the kulaks and bai are removed, isolated from the collective farm population. The district executive committee initiates a petition to resolve the issue of eviction of Kulaks and bays from the district (according to the latest data, there are 221 Kulak-Bai farms in the Nura district, 132 of them Kazakh farms). If it is not possible to evict Kulak-Bay farms outside the district, but the issue of their intra-district resettlement of the RK and the DEC will be resolved. Taking into account that there are not free villages in the district where they could be arranged, that they do not have their own residential buildings and livestock. The reason of it is their belongings were selected by court, fine, for taxes and sold, given that the district cannot satisfy them with building materials, because even for settling it is extracted by labor, they consider it most expedient to place them in special settlement settlements at the state farms K/Kazakh and Marzhankulsky, the more it is expedient that there are a sufficient number of empty residential buildings in these settlements, the issue of managing them through the commandant’s office, etc. will be easily resolved.

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It is considered necessarily to inform you that the issue of the eviction of Kulaks and Bais in the district is still unclear. Appropriate training was conducted through the GPU, and proper orders were expected. In May, on the basis of the instructions of the Regional Department of the USPA began to withdraw from villages, collected them to the District Center for further direction, but on a secondary instruction dismissed them back. This situation is all the more reflected in collective farm construction, so, for example, under the onslaught of close and distant relatives of these disbanded kulaks, questions began to be raised about the possibility and necessity of accepting them into collective farms, and weak cadres insufficiently rebuffed this protection of the kulaks. All this speaks for the need for a speedy resolution of the issue of the seizure of kulaks and bais among the population, which will contribute to the clearing of collective farms from them and will make it possible to more successfully achieve the economic strengthening of collective farms, the fastest completion of subsidence and the development of socialist intensive animal husbandry. We are looking forward to having the response about your decision on the present issue. Chairman of Nura DEC Esgaziev Member. Presidium Gorbach North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 1189. Inventary 1. Case 7. Sheet 44–46. Script.

№ 56 From the Resolution of the Meeting on Cattle Rustling in the Karaganda Region Petropavl, July 1932 After receiving the message, the Head of the Karaganda Regional Department USPA comrade Kruchinin, Authorized OPO Comrade Ivanov and the Head Oblmilitsii Comrade Pleskach about the presence of cattle rustling in the region and the fight against it, the meeting states the

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following: that cattle–stealing goes in two main directions, the first is criminal cattle-stealing, armed banditry, the second is cattle-stealing of a domestic nature, it is considered the most dysfunctional in terms of being affected by criminal cattle-stealing, banditry: 1. Kanl-Tuus, 2. Kokenchilik. 3. Atbasar, 4. Stalin, 5. Enbekshilder, 6. Ayrtav and 7. Yesil and the following areas are considered particularly affected in terms of domestic cattle theft: 1. Akmola, 2. Kurgaldzhin, 3. Shchuchin, 4. Atbasar, 5. Bulaev, 6. Ayrtav, 7. Beynetkor. The same cases are observed in other areas. Simultaneously stating that all this cattle-stealing takes place with the most active leadership and the participation of hostile elements of the aul-village, as well as there are cases of this cattle-stealing with the participation of senior employees of the collective farm, especially this is observed in the auls. Based on the available materials and the exchange of opinions of the comrades present, the meeting DECIDES: 1. To ask the Regional Committee of the AUCP(b), the Regional Executive Committee, the Regional Trade Council, the Regional Collective Farm Union to give a directive to the district committees of the AUCP(b), the DECs Faction, the District Trade Councils, the District Collective Farm Union to conduct political mass work among collective farmers, middle peasants, poor and individual workers of state farms and the entire community of the village and aul in helping to combat both domestic cattle theft, so is the fight against cattle-stealing-armed gangs. 2. Considering that in the leadership and composition of the liquidated and operating gangs there are fugitive bais of Yerkenchelik, Enbekshelder, Kzyl-Tuus districts using the territory of adjacent BayanAul, Priirtysh districts (Kazakhstan), Yesil-Kul, Barisov (Zapsibkray) producing districts for the district of our region, instruct the Regional Department and the Regional Prosecutor’s Office to communicate with the Omsk Operational Secretary of the USPA and prosecutors (Sibkray), with the USPA Regional Department and the Regional Prosecutor of the East Kazakhstan region on the issue of coordinated operational measures to eliminate gangs.

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3. In the upcoming days, the Regional Prosecutor’s Office, the Regional Police and the Regional Court should give local authorities a directive obliging prosecutors, investigators, the Head of the Department of Management and judges to complete the investigation and analysis of cases of cattle theft by the courts, as a maximum in cases of armed banditry within 2 decades, in cases of domestic cattle theft in decade period. Regional Prosecutor’s Office, Regional Police, Regional Court to ensure these terms. 4. To raise a question to the Regional Executive Committee on the subject of release of funds for sudden sessions of the Regional Court and the Regional Prosecutor’s Office to deal with cases related to cattle theft, bearing in mind the development of the herd of our region. 5. To expedite the consideration of cassation cases on cattle theft by immediately sending the ruling to those correctional institutions where these accused are being held, as a rule, to skip cases of this category in the cassation instance out of turn. 6. Comrade Pleskach and Comrade Iselbaev to ensure an uninterrupted supply of food to prisoners held both in pre-trial detention cells and prisoners held in the correctional colony. 7. Comrade Iselbaev to check within a decade in all Correctional labor colonies of the region how much quarantines meet sanitary requirements together with the Health Department and not to allow to occur the artificial quarantine in any cases in the future. 8. In August 1932, to convene a similar meeting to take stock and develop further methods of combating cattle theft. Regional Prosecutor Secretary North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 1189. Inventary 1. Case 7. Sheet 71. Certified copy.

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№ 57 From Information About Procurement Organizations in the Karaganda Region Alma-Ata, August 10, 1932 To the Chairman of the Karaganda Regional Executive Committee Comrade Kashkanov Copy: To the Chairmen of the West Kazakhstan South Kazakhstan, East Kazakhstan, Aktobe and Alma-Ata Regional Executive Committees From the materials on the Karaganda region, it can be seen that in a number of districts there are cases of prolonged delays in settlements of Procurement organizations with collective farms and sole proprietors for cattle procurement, which, of course, affects the process of subsequent implementation of the plan, this is especially noticeable in the second quarter, which resulted in the implementation of the cattle procurement plan for your region by 67.7%. According to Telmanov, Presnov, Mamlyut and Enbekshilder, Arykbalyk, Kzyl-Tass, Stalin, Yesil, Shchuchin district of the Karaganda region, the monetary debt for the year of the organization to cattle farmers for the month of July is determined by 171,883 rubles that 159,259 rubles falls on collective farms and the rest of the amount on individuals. A particularly large amount of debt is expressed in the Telmanov district of 40 thousand and in the Arykbalyk 79,991 rubles. In the same districts, the issuance of manufactured goods and grain funds assigned against cattle procurements in the Esil district alone for the IV quarter of 1931 and the first two quarters of 1932 is delayed. The cattle collectors are not stocked with bread, the debt to the cattle collectors is 2,215 quintals and manufactured goods in the amount of 11 thousand rubles. The delay in the procurement of bread aggravates the economic condition of the population and creates additional difficulties in the implementation of the cattle procurement plan for the 3rd quarter. In the Shchuchinsky district, the District Consumer Union and Zagotskot transferred the debt of 7,902 rubles without the consent of the cattle collectors to the local village to cover deposits for goods – share contributions and part of this amount was transferred by the Village Council to pay various debts. This outrageous fact cannot but cause displeasure on

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the part of the cattle collectors and thereby create a negative reflection on the implementation of the cattle procurement plan in the Sh quarter. v X-e kvaptale. The Council of People’s Commissars personally instructs you to check the above facts again. The perpetrators should be brought to justice immediately and the results of the measures taken should be reported to the Council of People’s Commissars. Deputy Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of the KASSR Kulymbetov Deputy Managing Director of the Council of People’s Commissars of the KASSR Nikolaev North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 1189. Inventary 1. Case 7. Sheet 64. Certified copy.

№ 58 From the Information About the Strengthening of the Fight Against Kulak and Bays Alma-Ata, August 1932 All chairmen of Riks, District Prosecutors and Narsudam Karaganda region In order to strengthen the fight against the anti-Soviet activities of the Kulaks and the Bay, at the end of August or at the beginning of September this year, the USPA agencies will carry out a number of measures to implement the decisions of the Regional Committee of the AUCP(b) of 1/VII-1932 and the Regional Committee of the AUCP(b) of 10/VII1932, aimed at further withdrawal of these elements from the other side of the liquidation of Kulak-Bay settlements within the district settlement in order to move able-bodied farms from them to special settlements. The tasks of the City and district justice authorities are to fully facilitate the conduct of this operation by the MPD agency. The task of the Narsudov is assigned, upon receipt of this circular, to pick up all the materials on kulaks and bais sentenced by the court to expulsion or exile and transfer them to the USPA agency for further referral.

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At the slightest attempt by kulaks and bais who have served their sentences and returned to their former place of residence – to introduce anti-Soviet activities – to form a collection of materials and send them to the USPA agency. Taking into account the excesses made in the past, where, along with the bais and kulaks, the middle peasants and the poor were sent to special settlements, because of this, the District Prosecutors are obliged to once again check all kulaks awarded for expulsion and exile, so as not to send the middle peasants and the poor to special settlements. According to the decision of the decision-making bodies, kulaks and bai who have completely lost their ability to work and who have no one to take on dependents should be placed in homes for the disabled and boarding schools. As for the children of disabled kulaks and bais – in the absence of relatives who want to take them on their dependents, they should be placed in orphanages and boarding schools, so that children and disabled old people left without shelter are not the subject of anti-Soviet agitation in the countryside. In view of the importance of the event, the District Prosecutors are charged with the duty of supervising its execution, in case of excesses regarding the sending to special settlements, along with the kulaks of the middle and poor, the Prosecutor bears the strictest responsibility – up to the removal from work and trial. DECS through District department of public education, District Department of Social Protection of the Population are obliged to provide the lost number of places in nursing homes for disabled bais and kulaks, as well as in orphanages and boarding schools for the children of these bais. Inform the Regional Prosecutor’s Office and the Regional Court about the progress of work on this circular in five days. Predictors should inform the Regional Executive Committee at least 2 times a month. Regional Prosecutor Kochergin Chairman of regional court Palmukhamedov Assistant regional prosecutor’s office for supervision of authorities USPA police and special settlers Svetlov North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 1189. Inventary 1. Case 7. Sheet 53. Certified copy.

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№ 59 Information About Cases of Disease and Slaughter of Livestock in the Districts of the Karaganda Region Petropavlovsk, August 25, 1932 To the Chairman of the Karaganda appearance of Comrade Kokunov There are cases of various diseases of livestock in collective farms in the Esil district: Ishim, Donetsk, Zaporozhye, etc. due to the ongoing difficulties. Collective farmers, taking advantage of the disease, slaughter their livestock, and on the Ishim collective farm, the majority of cows are ill with foot-and-mouth disease, which are also slaughtered. On the Zaporizhzhya collective farm, even slightly sick horses are slaughtered; on the Donskoy collective farm, young animals are slaughtered, etc. For livestock slaughtered due to disease, acts are drawn up without the participation of veterinary supervision, in connection with which the slaughter of perfectly healthy livestock is not excluded. Reported in order of information. Assist of Head USPA Shuvalov Head of SPD Kazan Authorized SPD Ivanov North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 1189. Inventary 1. Case 7. Sheet 82. Script.

№ 60 Information on the Termination of the Eviction of Kulaks-Bai of the Nura District Petropavl, August 27, 1932 Regional Executive Committee. Secretariat On the merits of your request of 8/VIII regarding the letter of the Nura District № 28 from the Region, the department informs that, on the basis of the directives of the center, the continuous eviction of the kulaks has been suspended. Thus, the baystvo of the Nura district, in the order of its liquidation is not subject to public eviction. The active part of it, noticed in anti-Soviet activities and established on the spot by our agencies, is held accountable,

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and cases against the latter, depending on the nature of the crime, go through the USPA Collegium and the court. As part of the investigation of the reported facts by the Nura Regional Commission, Regional Apparatus was given appropriate instructions. A/Head of AR USPA Shuvalov Head of SPD Kazansky Commissioner Ivanov North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 1189. Inventary 1. Case 7. Sheet 74–74. Script.

№ 61 Information About Cases of Mass Illness in Tokarevsky District of Karaganda Region Alma-Ata, August 30, 1932 To the People’s Commissariat of Health Chairman of the Karaganda Regional Executive Committee There are cases of mass illness of the population with an unknown disease in the form of swelling of the legs in the Tonkerey district of the Karaganda region on the Auchi-Kul farm. According to the information we have about this disease, 6 people have died and currently 40 people are sick. The Council of People’s Commissars instructs you to establish exactly what kind of disease it is and immediately outline a number of preventive measures to prevent these diseases in other regions of Kazakhstan. We ask you to inform the Council of People’s Commissars of the KASSR about the measures you have taken. Chairman of the Council of People’s Commissars of the KASSR V.V Deputy of Managing the affairs of the Council of People’s Commissars KASSR M. Nikolaev North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 1189. Inventary 1. Case 7. Sheet 80. Script.

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№ 62 Information About the Contamination by Kulak Elements of the Governance of the Collective Farms of the Telmanov District Alma-Ata, August 1932 To the Chairman of the Karaganda Regional Executive Committee Comrade Kokunov To the Chairman of the Talmen district Executive Committee According to available information in the Council of People’s Commissars, a number of collective farms in the Telman district are clogged with Kulak elements and in some cases this clogging leads to the construction of collective farms only on a related principle, often Kulak elements penetrate into command positions and disorganize the work of collective farms. Families of Kulaks, dispossessed prisoners and others got into the collective farm named after Telman. There are cases when the chairman of the collective farm single-handedly fines collective farmers, which is certainly, incorrect and negatively affecting work on the collective farm. The Edazi collective farm (German) has six kulaks in its composition, who are in leadership positions, and no measures are taken to purge collective farms of Kulak elements. In addition, many other examples which are similar to these create an unfavorable environment for working on a collective farm and often the collective farm is discredited by its work. The Council of People’s Commissars of the USSR instructs you to urgently check this information and take other collective farms of your region for verification, take decisive measures to liberate collective farms from alien elements and inform the Council of People’s Commissars about the results you have taken no later than August 20 of this year. Deputy Chairman of the People’s Council Komissars of the KASSR Kulumbetov Deputy SPC Nikolaev Head of SPC Tratsevskaya North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 1189. Inventary 1. Case 7. Sheet 76–77. Certified copy.

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№ 63 From the Decision of the Bureau of the Civil Code of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks “On the Fight Against Epidemic Diseases” Karaganda, September 15, 1932 The Bureau of the City Committee notes that: 1. As a result of the measures taken by the City Health department (washing in the bath for the month of August – 38,808 people, disinfection of barracks and workers’ dormitories, etc.), the number of typhoid fever diseases has sharply decreased. 2. Organization of dietary nutrition for scurvy patients (as of September 10, 19 canteens were deployed, 12 of them in Karaganda with mines, with coverage in Karaganda – 1,171 people, which gives approximately coverage of 90% of the need and in special settlements – 1,491, which gives coverage of 40% in special settlements, due to insufficient deployment rates of canteens Regional Union of Consumer Societies gave a sharp decrease in the incidence of scurvy, a sharp increase in convalescence. 3. Note the deployment of a bed network in Karaganda due to the opening of a new hospital in Mikhailovka with 100 beds and a children’s hospital with 40 beds. The organization of a hospital barrack for scurvy from migrant nomads, which made it possible to place all identified severe cases of scurvy in hospitals. The number of beds in Karaganda was increased in September from 260 to 580 beds, in special settlements – 720 beds. Simultaneously, it should be paid the particular attention to the relevance of the full identification of epidemic foci carried out by the City Health Department, followed by their exhaustive sanitation, as well as the correctness of the construction of a home care system in Karaganda by attaching 17 nurses and 13 doctors to barracks and dugouts. Along with the achievements in the fight against diseases, it should be noted: A. failure to take the necessary measures on the part of the timely deployment of laboratories in order to find out the causes of mass

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gastrointestinal diseases and to combat them, the city committee did not signal the danger and did not take proper measures to mobilize the attention of relevant organizations to combat these diseases. B. insufficient persistence of the emergency triple in the implementation of its decisions, especially in terms of the implementation of the points concerning the early commissioning of the isopropoint, completion of the baths started by construction, protection of water sources (closing wells with the installation of pumps), construction of washrooms and laundries and the construction of hospitals and outpatient clinics planned in special settlements. In order to strengthen the results achieved in the fight against diseases in Karaganda and special settlements and create conditions for preventing an outbreak of the epidemic in the autumn–winter period, the bureau of the City Committee decides: 1. To confirm the decision of the construction regarding anti-epidemic measures, especially emphasizing the importance of the extraordinary implementation of items related to the urgent completion of the isopropoint and baths, the construction of washrooms, laundries and measures for the sanitary protection of wells. 2. To propose to City Department of Health comrade Batishev: (a) to consolidate the pace of sanitation of the population and strengthen them, bringing the number of the washed population with the commissioning of baths under construction, to 6 thousand daily in Karaganda with mines and up to 4 thousand in special settlements, paying special attention to the quality of sanitation. (b) to launch, together with the state militia, a decisive struggle to bring barracks, dugouts and urban areas into a sanitary condition, strengthening the removal and incineration of garbage, applying harsh measures of influence (fine) against non-compliance with the requirements of sanitary supervision. (c) to deploy work to consolidate the working sanitary asset together with the City council in order to have at least 300 public health inspectors by October 1.

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(d) to expand the work of the laboratory, to organize laboratory diagnostics of typhoid and typhus and gastrointestinal diseases no later than September 15. (e) get sanitary passports for all drinking sources and carry out all necessary measures for water purification no later than October 1. (f) to deploy a mass sanitary inspection work, using radio, print, wall newspapers, etc. (g) Karugl, Sevkazstroy trust, Tsesu should immediately take measures to ensure the urgent completion of anti-epidemic institutions (baths, laundries, washrooms, etc.), preventing the disruption of the construction of facilities established by the antiepidemic plan of the City health, approved by the presidium of the City Council 16/VIII, which is an underestimation of the importance of anti-epidemic measures by the economic authorities in the implementation of the promfinplan. 3. To propose to all household organizations to install water heaters for the free distribution of boiling water to the population of Karaganda, especially guard villages and special settlements on the instructions of the City Health Ministry within October 1 4. Propose a Karugul to provide all underground workers with flasks (bottles) and boiled water in sufficient quantity, as well as equip the necessary number of underground latrines no later than October 1. 5. In order to prevent the acute shortage of vegetables that took place in 1932, which resulted in acutely noticeable interruptions in the working supply (compensation with vegetables for other temporarily missing products), which led to a deterioration in the nutrition of the population and the development of scurvy and gastrointestinal diseases, oblige all economic organizations to fully implement the plan approved by the emergency triple for the construction of a vegetable storehouse, without stopping even before the need for a temporary delay of other types of construction. To warn all organizations that the damage of vegetables imported to Karaganda will be perceived by the bureau of the City Committee as criminallynegligent attitude to the needs of working supplies and disruption of the industrial financial plan.

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State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 3. Inventary 1. Case 27. Sheet 10–11. The copy.

№ 64 Information About the Systematic Theft of Bread from the Fields of Karlag USPA Petropavl, September 21, 1932 To Karaganda SD AR USPA Regional Executive Committee Comrade Korshunov There has been observed a systematic theft from the fields of grain and property belonging to the state farms of the Karlag USPA in recent years in Karaganda, Akmola and other regions, on the territory of which the state farms of the Karlag USPA are located. Regarding this information, the Karaganda Regional Department of the USPA asks to give the DECs an appropriate instruction on this issue. Head of SPD KOO USPA Kazan SPD employee Krivich North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 1189. Inventary 1. Case 7. Sheet 75. Script.

№ 65 A Memorandum on the Results of the Verification of Materials on the Production of Labor in In Zhana-Arka district Zhana-Arka district, September 22, 1932 To the head of the Karaganda Regional Department of the USPA In order to examine the material on the availability of labor in the ZhanaArka district, I personally went to aul № 9, the Goloshchekin collective farm of the 2nd aul and the Zhartys collective farm of the 4th aul. According to the data of the agents of these stations (“Kalash”, “Nurbaev”, “Atavu”, “Malik”, “Maran” and “Farmhand”), official sources and personal observations, I believe that the materials of the district apparatus set out in the memo № 312 of August 7 this year are mostly correct and confirmed the following facts:

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1. Aul № 9 currently has 336 farms which 55 farms are in the collective farm, and the rest of the collective farms were dissolved and reorganized into AJCL and AUAH in August. The food and livestock resources of this village are as follows: horses – 214, camels – 58, and Dairy farms – 129 heads. The area of sowing in 1932 was 1.293 hectares, which is about 700 hectares did not rise (most of the area that did not rise was not sown). Harvesting was carried out only on an area of 461 hectares, which is about 1000 pood of all crops were harvested. At the present time, no more than 400 pood remain undistributed of these. In addition, food in the aul was received and distributed in July and August up to 400 pood. According to the agents, there are currently at least 120–140 farms swollen from hunger in this village. My stay there coincided just with the distribution of the food they received, and under the pretext of checking the correctness of its issuance, I went around several farms (there are 72 farms in total on this migrant nomad and personally found 14 farms in which there are mostly swollen children, teenagers and the elderly, from 1 to 3 people in the farm. 2. The collective farm named after “Goloshchekin” has 276 farms (at this time it is being enlarged), horses – 160, cows – 61, camels – 31, and sheep – 502 (sheep farm). There were 813 hectares of crops, of which about 70% did not come up, (also mostly were not sown). On the entire harvest, only no more than 1200 pood were collected, which 200 pood of wheat were distributed and 1,000 pood of all crops were not threshed. Thus, there are currently 1,000 pood of all grain resources for 2,706 farms. According to the agents of this collective farm, currently there are up to 40 farms, among which there are swollen from hunger. Out of the 102 farms of this collective farm, which are grouped at about one station, I checked for exposure and found 9 farms in which there are from 1 to 3 people swollen. Farms in which there are swollen (from among those personally checked), for the most part belong to a category which there are few workdays over the past year, due to the fact that either there are no corpulent members or because their entry [into the collective farm] refers to March and April of this year. Likewise, such farms which there are up to 7 dependents per able-bodied person. Children and the elderly are also mostly swollen. Among the swollen 9 farms, incidentally, there are 2 farms in which 2 able-bodied men have a lot of

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workdays and yet they did not receive a single kilogram from the new crop. The Goloshchekin collective farm from the whole village is in a more favorable position than other collective farms of this village, in particular the “Intaly” collective farm, where only 480 pood of millet were collected for 153 farms with a sowing area of 1932. Hunger in these collective farms especially began to spread since July, when sheep farm products began to be sold for the production of cheese and sheep stopped being milked. 3. The collective farm “Zhartas” of village № 4 consists of 250 farms has 110 horses, 60 camels, there are no cows and sheep. Only 93 hectares or 16% of the area have grown of the 598 hectares plowed in 1932, which 500 poods of all crops have been collected. In addition, only 150 poods remained in the collective farm fund for 14/IX-this year, the rest were distributed to collective farmers. I personally found 3 swollen farms, in 2 of which there are no able-bodied men from among the 22 farms of this collective farm. The governance in this collective farm belongs to the representatives of the “Uldna” family, who based on the decision of the Central Committee of the AUCP(b) of 26/III-s.g. “every collective farmer must have his own cow” distributed 28 heads of camels to his family, in addition, the governance of this collective farm each took their own cattle, which was among the socialized. The perpetrators of this have been under investigation by the Prosecutor’s Office since May and are still unfinished. As a common phenomenon of starvation death can be observed in the district center, where starving people from the village come for help (there they are sometimes released a few grams of fried wheat and something like a liquid hot boltyshka made of flour). There were 5 deaths during my stay there. Cattle theft in the area, robberies of passing singles have literally taken on a massive character, especially in this regard, the state farm of Karlag suffers, whose cattle are systematically attacked with the murder of shepherds and guards (from September 15 to September 18, a detached commander who defended a herd of cattle from attack was killed).

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There was a case a prisoner was killed and thrown into a well, captured on the approaches to the steppe, lightly wounded with a knife near the right eye of the shooters who took away the meat from the Kazakhs, the state farm cow they slaughtered. In general, this state farm (Bidaik) is subject to mass theft of livestock of Zhana-arkintsev. I consider the mentioned facts above (which can be continued) for the 3 auls to be sufficient to characterize the entire district, which is in an extremely difficult situation in terms of food, which may entail the total destruction of livestock remaining in the area, mass mortality of the population and the plundering of state farm livestock. The main causes of hunger at this time are, certainly the massive theft of seeds, due to which, in the spring sowing campaign, 50% of the cultivated land remained unsown. On the same soil, the yield on the sown area is extremely low, because an incomplete seed rate was sown, in addition, there were no timely rains and the soil was poorly treated. The operative Authorized SPD Gorbunov North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 1189. Inventary 1. Case 7. Sheet 91-93. Script.

№ 66 A Report on the Progress of Settling in the Sary-Su District of Karaganda Region Sary-Su district, September 23, 1932 To the head of the Karaganda [...] OGPU Sary-Su region was not included in the planned subsidence of 1932. The district governance in this matter has taken such a line in order to carry out a 100% settlement this year without a planned order, insists on this line. In my opinion, without having a minimum of opportunities for this, the governance allows a number of excesses bordering on crime. Basically, the picture of subsidence in the area is as follows: There were about 3,000 old wintering sites, located mainly outside the settlement points, including 1,000 wintering sites owned by citizens of the Zhana-Arka region for 7,000 farms in the region by 15/IX-this year. The Sary-Su district disposes of these 1,000 winter quarters based

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on the fact that this territory has moved from Zhana-arka to Sary-Su, and the owners of winter quarters will settle in the new points allotted to them by this winter, while the actual owners of winter quarters have not settled in the new areas and intend to spend the winter in old winter quarters, which the Sary-Suu region counted on. Thus, at present, 5,000 households in the Sary-Su region are not provided with housing at all. By 15/IX, no more than 20% of adobe was harvested for the construction of new buildings at the designated subsidence points, there is absolutely no forest construction material and its receipt is not issued. In addition, if the receipt of forest construction materials is issued, then the latter will be transported at a distance of at least 400–450 kilometers from the subsidence territories with a limited time in this the area of transport. There is absolutely no firewood and premises for wintering livestock. The district apparatus, recently (in September) began to receive agent materials that when raising the issue of resettlement at gatherings and meetings of collective farms, resolutions on resettlement in the area of summer migrant nomads of 1932 are adopted exclusively under pressure from representatives of the district committee – there is evidence that 2 such decisions were made under pressure from the Chairman of the DEC and the Secretary of the District Committee. Citizens who wander to winter on Chu are detained or return literally forcibly from there. A vivid example of this is the fact that on 28/7 the District Committee was sent to Chu to return citizens who had migrated there. Commissioner Akaev, was sent there an armed detachment of Communards headed by Bizhanov, Assistant Commissioner of the Rayapparat together with him. If to define him precisely who was having traveled there for a month and a half, forcibly returned 450 households from the Chu and who had migrated there for the winter. At a distance of 60 kilometers, most of whom, due to the migration back and forth over a distance of 1,200 kilometers, exhausted their livestock and, not being able to settle in the area of summer migrations, unable to roam back to Chu (the Regional Department did not hear about the creation of this armed detachment). Among the returned farms there were up to 40 farms of those who were forcibly torn away from their families and farms there at the request of the local belsendy, driven to the area of summer migrations, and the remaining farm was plundered by the “belsendy” themselves.

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In the absence of an opportunity to settle at the selected points this year, citizens have recently begun mass migrations to the Chu, to detain these migrant nomads, the secretary of the District Committee (according to Kolabayev) suggests Kolabayev to create a detachment again and detain the migrant nomads. Such actions were forbidden by Kolobaev from the squad. In accordance with the speech of Kalabayev, it is felt that recently there has been no unity among the District governance on this issue. For instance, Kalabayev reported that Chairman of The District Committee intends to raise the question in the District Committee that it does not agree with such rates of subsidence and disclaims all responsibility for it. Oper. Authorized SPD Gorbunov North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 1189. Inventary 1. Case 7. Sheet 89–90. Script.

№ 67 A Memorandum on the State of Homelessness in the Karaganda Region Petropavl, October 1, 1932 To AR USPA KASSR (Children’s Comission) The condition of the homeless contingent as a whole in the districts of the Karaganda region decreased by 4,437 people in September, 1,090 in August, 12,674 were registered on the first of July. Separately by districts of the region, the number of orphanages of the registered homeless contingent placed in orphanages, both located on the local budget and the special budget, transferred for patronage to collective farms and state farms, the study of the Factory school is characterized by the table below:

N-Pavlov Karaganda Mamlyut Bulaev Leninist Presnov Tonquerey Beynetkor Kyzyl-Tuus Airtavsky Kokshetau Ruzaev Arik-Balyk Shchuchin Enbeckshilder Esil Atbassar Akmola Stalin Erkenshilik Nura Telmanov

Name of districts

4 1 1 – – – 1 1 1 1 3 – 1 – 1 – 2 1 – – – 1

Old

2 – 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 – 1 2 – 1 1 4 2 2 1 1 2 1

New

Number of orphanages

6 1 2 1 1 1 2 2 2 1 4 2 1 1 2 1 4 3 1 1 2 2

Total

1,000 270 135 69 118 109 164 152 269 238 500 161 124 220 400 100 356 800 328 240 257 116

Considered

1,000 270 135 69 118 109 164 152 269 238 500 161 124 160 260 100 356 800 328 90 257 116

Accom

385 270 97 – – – 40 40 45 100 250 100 100 40 – – 200 100 – – 56 –

Plac/budget

Number of homeless children

615 – 38 69 118 109 124 112 224 138 250 61 24 120 260 100 156 700 328 90 201 161

Spec/ budg – – – – – – – – – – – – – 60 140 – – – – 150 – –

Not covered

33 – – –

60 – 33 94 60 129 40 40 – – 40 15 – – – – –

Transferred to the collective farm

– – – 9 – – – 50 – – – – – – – 20 – – – – – –

State farm

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Zhana-arka Sary-su Kurgaldzhin Total

Name of districts

(continued)

– – – 19

Old

1 1 1 27

New

Number of orphanages

1 1 1 46

Total

330 200 151 6,807

Considered

330 200 151 6,467

Accom

– – – 1,823

Plac/budget

Number of homeless children

330 200 151

Spec/ budg – – – 35

Not covered

– – – 544

Transferred to the collective farm

– – – 79

State farm

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63 people were transferred to the Factory School. In addition to the registered homeless contingent, from among the indigenous local population, 1,200 street children from among the special settlers who are still in special settlements have been taken into account. Along with this, through the Health Department, street children of nursery age up to four years are taken into account, the registered ones are placed separately by the district of the region. Name of the districts Petropavl Karaganda Akmola Kokshetau Atbasar Chuche Total

Children’s houses

Children at these houses

1 1 1 1 1 1 6

70 25 50 30 35 20 230

As the data demonstrate, the state of homelessness as of October 1, gives a sharp decrease, so on July 1, 12,674 people were taken into account, on October 1 – 8,337, including toddlers – a decrease of 4,437 or 28.5%. Mainly, a sharp decrease is given by nine main districts of the region, which, as the table shows, accounted for 7,698 people on July 1, and 5,446 people on October 1. or a decrease of 2,252 or 34.2%. District, city Karaganda Osakarov villages Tenquerey Kyzyl-Tuus Airtav Kokshetau Aryk-Balyk Esil Kurgaldzhin Total

On July 1

On October 1

2,517 1,744 340 310 657 625 285 400 820 7,698

270 1,200 164 269 238 500 124 100 151 5,446

1,000 people were transferred to other orphanages of the region from those registered in Karaganda. In addition, 500 people among the special

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homeless settlers were employed in colonies for the disabled of 2 and 3 categories in special settlements. In the month of September, as well as during the elapsed time, the main reasons for the decrease in the total number were: 1. Clarification of the digital data on the status of street children by the District Children commissions and District department of public education, since the primary accounting also took into account children whose parents, in connection with the difficulties, sought help from the district organization. 2. Taken by the relatives themselves to their dependents in connection with the harvest of the new bread harvest. 3. Weeded out – given to relatives, as accidentally caught in orphanages, because with the announcement of the decadent by districts – the mobilization of the public to collect street children, it was noted that parents who could raise their children forced them to go to district and regional organizations with a request for help to them, thereby creating an artificial growth of street children, as the most characteristic in artificial growth of homelessness, it was cited the Karaganda industrial district, where 500 people were eliminated in the first decade of August. Thus: With the announcement of the ten-day collection and registration of street children, relatives drove their children out of the house, forcing them to go to the City Council and claim that they were homeless, that they had no parents. Afterwards, they were accepted to orphanages, where they were given the appropriate sanitation, dressed in clean underwear, a few days after what, parents came to them on a date, as the investigation found, able to fully support them. 4. 623 people were transferred for patronage to collective farms-state farms. Factory schools have 63 people. Patronized in an organized labor colony in resettlement settlements – 500 people. Along with the decrease in the numerical number of street children, the growth of those placed in orphanages has increased, so if on August 1 this year 39.4% of the total number were outside the orphanage, then at the moment −24%. At the same time, there was a reduction of orphanages

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by three units, in the industrial Karaganda district, former buildings were transferred to the City Health Department. As the table below shows, in the month of October, a further decrease in the homeless contingent should follow, because a significant saturation of orphanages continues to remain overgrown, from 12 and above years, which in the near future should be placed in state farms, collective farms, Factory School and transferred to relatives. Taken for the exposure of 11 districts, the homeless are distributed by age composition: Name of the districts

Number of children

From 4 to 8 years

Petropavl Bulaev Lenin Kyzyl-Tuus Airtav Kokchetav Aryk-Balyk Esil Atbassar Kurgaldzhin Telmanov Total

1,000 69 118 269 238 500 124 100 356 161 116 3,036

8 – 3 9 288 12 – 9 – 9 1,138

From 8 to 12 years old

From 12 years old and above

7 63 125 83 195 27 73 260 47 57 937

200 52 55 141 146 14 85 27 87 104 50 961

800

The national composition of street children in some areas is characterized by the following data: Name of the districts

Number of children

N-Pavlov Bulaev Lenin Kyzyl-Tuus Airtav Kokshetau Ruzaev Shchuchin Esil

1,000 69 118 269 238 500 161 160 100

Kazakhs 635 58 65 268 198 311 134 119 60

Russians

Ukrainains

Tatars

Germans

247 11 48 1 40 182 27 27 30

52 – – – – – – 2 7

62 – – – – 7 – – 1

4 – 5 – – – – 12 2 (continued)

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(continued) Name of the districts Atbassar Telmanov Total

Number of children

Kazakhs

Russians

Ukrainains

Tatars

Germans

356 116 3,067

164 114 2,126

128 2 747

66 – 117

5 – 75

3 – 26

The predominant composition of the homeless falls on the indigenous population – Kazakhs, giving to the total number of 66%, the next largest number of Russians – 24.2%, a small percentage falls on Ukrainians – 3.7%, Tatars – 2.4% and Germans – 0.8%. […] The predominant composition of homeless people falls on the indigenous population – Kazakhs, which gives 66% to the total, the next largest number of Russians – 24.2%, an insignificant percentage falls on Ukrainians – 3.7%, Tatars – 2.4% and Germans – 0.8%. […] If it is taken into account that 1,503 people from among those who remained after patronage and transfer to the Factory School in orphanages out of 6,985 people are on the local budget, then they will need to be kept in orphanages until the end of 1932 based on the calculation of 40 rubles per month – 663,332 rubles. In total, 687,277 rubles will be required for the maintenance of the entire homeless contingent, not including funds for polytechnic and retrofitting orphanages. According to the activities carried out and plan of the Regional Budget Commission for fundraising, only 2,235 rubles 94 kopecks were received on 28/IX-1932 to the current account of the Regional Budget Commission. Persuant to the received appropriated funds of the special fund, for the maintenance of the homeless contingent in the region at different times: from April 11 to April 25/IX-1932 – 408,000, which 60,000 rubles were transferred to the Regional Health Department for the maintenance of an infant, the remaining at the disposal of the Regional and Regional Commissions – 348,000 rubles, distributed based on homelessness in the following areas:

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Name of districts

Released: Rubles

Petropavl Karaganda Esil Otblin Tonyurei Zhana-Arkin Kurgaldzhin Enbekshildir Shchuchen Kyzyl-Tuus Ruzaevsky Bulaev Lenin Mamlyut Telmanov Prasnov Erkenshelik Beynetkor Akmola Airtavsky Aryk-Balyk Atbassar Kokchetav Nurin Sarysu Total

32,932 66,300 10,660 11,182 11,969 7,822 10,700 22,673 6,222 7,642 8,330 8,950 10,411 25,915 15,482 5,630 7,496 12,304 50,906 13,678 2,270 22,820 12,157 12,305 6,508 403,191

Kopecks 72 – – 80 45 80 50 50 – 92 – – 30 15 43 – – 80 66 70 – – 65 69 50 79

In addition, 617 rubles. 10 kopecks were spent on the transfer of children. Put on an insulator Purchase of shoes Total In total:

1,349 rubles 93 kopecks 12,246 rubles. 46 kopecks 14,212 rubles. 45 kopecks 41,740 rubles. 24 kopecks

The transfer from other allocations in order to prevent disruptions of the ongoing measures for child abandonment – 9,000 rubles. In connection with the ongoing activities, the final collection of money of homeless, their improvement, fuel procurement, retrofitting of

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houses, expansion of existing ones in order to eliminate small, polytechnic orphanages, purchase of bedding and underwear. We ask you to insist to the regional organizations on allocating at least 500,000 rubles for the region at the moment. Activities of the Regional Commission: During the month of September, the issue of child abandonment was discussed at a meeting of the Regional Executive Committee, the Regional Executive Committee and the Regional Executive Committee Execution Commission, which once again made decisions obliging economic organizations to accept the contingent planned by the Regional Children Commission for patronage in the near future. The decisions of the Presidium of the CC DEC and the Commission of execution oblige supply organizations to immediately satisfy the requests in advance, without waiting for the orders of the region. Finally, the unloading of homeless people in Karaganda was carried out, out of the existing 4 d/d, three orphanages were closed (the buildings were transferred to the City Health Department to open a hospital). We are unloading the homeless gold mines “Stepnyak”, 60 people have been transferred. Instructions were given to the Akmola department of the special settlement on the transfer of 800 homeless, from among the special settlers, prepared orphanages in the districts of the region. 500 people from among the special settlers are employed. We are forming the preparation of the organization of children’s colonies in the Mamlyut district, with the calculation of the placement of 1,000 street children from among those in orphanages in Petropavl. It is proposed to comprehensively work out the issue of further liquidation of small orphanages due to the consolidation of d/d in more powerful areas. We insist before regional and district organizations on attaching orphanages to factory enterprises, state farms and collective farms. At the same time, we will inform the management organizations about the implementation of the measures outlined by the Regional Commission in previous reports. Chairman of the Regional Committee Shuvalov Department Inspector Mitkevich North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 1189. Inventary 1. Case 7. Sheet 106–112. Script.

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№ 68 From Materials on the State of Work to Combat Homelessness in the Karkaraly District in 1932 Karkaralinsk, 1932 Accounting There are 2 orphanages in the city of Karkaraly and 1 orphanage, only 3 orphanages and some children in Komissarov village. They covered 28/X 672 people, because some of the children had parents, on the basis of this, a cleaning of orphanages was carried out, which identified and returned 105 people to parents and relatives of children. Thus, 505 people are covered by 3 orphanages for 10/X, including Kazakhs – 499, Europeans – 2, others – 4, boys – 314, girls – 191, by age from 5 to 8 years – 43 people, from 9 to 16 years – 462. In total, 62 people are covered in kindergartens, Kazakhs – 61, Europeans – 1, boys – 39, girls – 23. As for the number of unaccompanied street children in village councils, neither the District Committee nor the district has taken into account such. Currently, it is unknown that how many unaccompanied street children. There are 224 deaths in the last three months (September, October, November) (an average of 78 people per month). The cause of death is mostly from exhaustion, and there is also an isolation ward in which there are 29 patients (dysentery), there are 27 patients in the isolation ward at the nursery. There is not any patronage in the orphanages of the village. Komissarov has 1 horse, 3 cows, 1 pair of bulls, 2 horn heads livestock (young), 3 calves, 1 mower with a rake, 1 plow, 1 harrow, 1 simple cart, an orphanage sowed 4.5 hectares of wheat, 2 hectares of vegetable garden. December 10–11, 1932. We, the undersigned instructor of the Regional DTC Gubanov M., chairman of the People’s Commissariat of the USSR Aitkhozhin, in the presence of the chairman of the Karkaralinsk district council commission Matleva F.I. on this date, conducted a survey of the Karkaraly district committee. The old composition of the District Committee consisted of representatives of the Head of the OGPU, the chairman of the District Committee of the AUCP(b), the District Committee of the Komsomol, the district, the District Health Department. The specified composition of the District Council Commission in its work on combating child homelessness showed complete negligence,

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irresponsibility, opportunistic attitudes, did not assess the importance of the issue of combating children homelessness, which contributed to the squandering, theft of food from orphanages (the caretaker Belyaev, Sabitov lost 150 kg. flour, 14.5 kg of butter). Due to the lack of accounting for children and food, there was also deliberate theft by falsely increasing the number of children (Sharmanov, instead of having 60 children, showed 90, received food for this amount). Thus, the number of products for 30 people certainly went in favor of the same Sharmanov. The were no measures were taken on the said embezzlement, except that they wrote to the prosecutor and calmed down on that. In accordance with such governance and the work of the city commission, work in orphanages completely disintegrated, theft, squandering of food, lack of any control led the pupils of d/houses to receive less than the norm set for them or were completely left without food, hence increased morbidity, mortality (an average of 78 people per month). Children dispersed from orphanages, they walked the streets, collected all sorts of bones and begged. All these facts led to the fact that Regional nursery 22/VIII was dissolved, and District nursery with the arrest of the district governance from 22/IX mechanically disintegrated. From that time until 12/X work on homelessness was not carried out. In obedience with the arrival of Head of Regional USPA Matyaev 12/X to 5/XII work on homelessness was conducted in the sole person of the latter, an attempt to organize the District nursery did not give positive results and only 5/XII was approved by the District nursery from the following representatives: Head of City USPA Matyaev (Chairman), DEC, Yusupbaev, district department of public education. Amangeldinov and Nurmagambetov Zhensektor. During its existence, only one meeting of the commission was held. Resolution on the report on the state of work to combat child homelessness in the Karkaraly district. Having heard the reports of Comrade Matyaev and Sultanbekov on the state of work on combating child homelessness, the Bureau of the Karkaraly District Committee of the AUCP(b) notes the following: 1. The decision of the East Kazakhstan Regional Executive Committee of 29/VIII-32 years has not yet been implemented by the Faction of the District Executive Committee.

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2. Opportunism of district organizations in holding the month from 13/IX to 15/X-33 years, thanks to which the month of elimination of child homelessness and fund-raising was disrupted. 3. There is still no accurate accounting of unaccounted-for children, street children in the district. 4. The supplying authorities have not yet organized a proper uninterrupted supply of food, despite strict directives on the direct use of released products, on the face of cuts, etc. for example, the director of the Balyktykul meat farm allowed himself to take 209 kg of cereals that went to Karkaralinsk by their car. 5. The absence of any mass work of the newspaper “Enbek Maidan”, the Komsomol, the inspector and the trade union organization, mobilizing public attention to the fight against child homelessness. Especially to note the irresponsibility of the Komsomol organization in the organization of pioneer camps at orphanages, the deployment of mass work, etc. 6. Despite the importance of educational work, the district has not yet provided orphanages with educational staff. The existing educators do not bring children up, but cripple them. For example, Belgozhin leads children to a cold basement for disobedience. 7. Despite all the possibilities, the sanitary condition of orphanages has not improved yet. The medical staff is limited only to examining sick children, without conducting preventive work with all the pupils. 8. In orphanages, there is still no accounting of the receipt and expenditure of products, on the basis of this there are abuses, depersonalization of norms in the supply of rations, etc. 9. The investigating authorities also do not take crimes seriously enough, thereby encouraging his relapse. Thus, the cases transferred to the robbers of the RDK back in August, have not yet been sorted out. 10. Party organizations still do not pay enough attention to the elimination of children’s homelessness. Based on the above, the Bureau of the Karkarly District Committee decides:

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1. In order to completely eliminate child homelessness in the Karkaraly district, conduct a month of liquidation of such from 20/XII to 20/1–33 years, timed to this time and holding a month of fundraising for a control amount of 10,000 rubles. To approve, authorizing the following distribution of it: to the District Council of 6,000 rubles, to the RK Komsomol – 2,000 rubles, to the DEC and the City Council – 2,000 rubles. 2. To involve in the fight against child homelessness and neglect all public organizations, especially the Komsomol, delegate meetings of workers, peasants. In a ten-day period, propose to the Komsomol to organize pioneer teams in the pride houses, allocating developed Komsomol members for this work. 3. To stop any use of employees of these organizations of the district for other types of work, presenting them with a broad initiative to improve the state of work of orphanages and combat child homelessness on the basis of broad self-criticism and methods of social competition between d/d groups, etc. 4. To warn all supplying organizations about the immediate direct use of products intended for the supply of street children, to ask for control over the distribution of products to be carried out by the RC. 5. For the unauthorized taking of 209 kg of cereals going to the address of d/houses of the Karkaraly district, the secretary of the Balyktykul party committee and the director of the state farm should be put on view, offering them to return the cereals they took immediately. 6. Propose to the ROC faction to include the children of the institution in the plan for the supply of products and consumer goods from local funds and unscheduled purchase. 7. To propose to the party cells, the factions of the DEC and the District Council to achieve in front of collective farms, trade union bodies and educational institutions the taking of cultural, material patronage over orphanages and kindergartens. State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 76. Inventary 1. Case 26. Sheet 14–16. The copy.

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№ 69 From the Report of the Brigade of the People’s Commissariat of Health of the RSFSR on the Work Carried Out in the City Karaganda from 9/VIII to 7/X-32 Years Alma-Ata, October 1932 The brigade of the People’s Commissariat of Health of the RSFSR was sent to Karaganda, with the task of providing practical assistance to local health authorities in creating a decisive turning point in the fight and elimination of the epidemic outbreak of typhus and typhoid and smallpox. The main specific tasks of the brigade were as follows: 1. Washing of the population in baths with mandatory disinfection and simultaneous sanitation of barracks (taking into account the experience of ring sanitation and the need for maximum deployment of primitive baths and washhouses). Washing the population, seeking to carry out, perhaps more widely with the installation of a double within 4–5 weeks of work. 2. Checking and additional anti-inflammatory vaccinations. 3. Organization and implementation of anti-typhoid vaccinations in possible sizes. 4. Improvement of sanitary conditions along the lines of: water supply, sanitation, cleaning of workers’ homes, public catering. 5. Maximum mobilization of the working and medical community to solve the above tasks (organization of public health inspection, sanctioning commissions and amateur activities in barracks). 6. Drawing up an operational anti-epidemic plan for the III and IV quarters of this year and ensuring their implementation. 7. Assistance in the organization of medical care, the establishment of hospital facilities in accordance with the guidelines of the People’s Commissariat of Health. All work should take place in close contact with the part-prof and business organizations. In the specific conditions of Karaganda, the brigade had to expand the range of its activities, due to the presence of a large number of scurvy and gastrointestinal diseases. The picture of morbidity by the time of the arrival of the brigade is presented in the following form:

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March Typhoid fever Typhus smallpox Scurvy Gastrointestinal diseases

April

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No exact information 238 195/827 319/244 249/127 – 57/40 37/24 35/5 There were 5012 patients on 1/VII 169 283 492 1,244/1260

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July 26/6 141/35 11/4 1,381/2,571 1,193/2,070

Note The numerator denotes diseases in Karaganda, the denominator in rural settlements

Moreover, the statistical material and accounting in the city health Department was completely in an unsatisfactory state. As a rule epidemiological examinations of typhus foci were absent. Planned washing in baths and sanitary treatment of the population was carried out only in special settlements, reaching an average of 8–10 thousand people per decade, in Karaganda there was absolutely no washing (70 people per decade) and minor sanitation of barracks was carried out from where typhoid patients were hospitalized. In accordance with regard to typhoid fever, the City Health inspectorate did not take any active measures to clarify the causes of the spread of typhoid fever (water supply, sanitation, fly control, setting up a catering case, etc.), registering only the presence of diseases. Typhoid vaccinations were carried out truly, which gave a certain effect on special settlements with a permanent contingent of the population and almost did not give any effect on Karaganda with an extremely fluid population. In particular, the health department, having excellent (for Karaganda) laboratory equipment, did not even have a Vidal reaction (for the determination of typhoid fever) and Weil-Felix (for typhoid fever). Having a huge number of scurvy diseases, the health department did not accurately account for morbidity and recovery and did not show due perseverance in attracting the attention of the Center, in particular KazPCH and PCH of the RSFSR in the fight against this scourge, despite the fact that scurvy in Karaganda took threatening proportions already in March–April this year. It is especially necessary to note the composure shown by the sanitary supervision of the City Health Service regarding the development of an epidemic of gastrointestinal diseases with a large percentage of mortality, which began to increase since May of this year: died.

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Months

Scurvy Gastrointestinal diseases

May 71/41/-

June 32/60/-

July 28/-x 68/-x

August 151/131xx 106/705xx

Note x – numbers of deaths are given only for hospitals, because there was no complete record of those who died from scurvy; xx – the figures immediately increased in August, because more accurate accounting was set

Meanwhile, there were mass diarrhea in Karaganda in 1931, which was known to the sanitary supervision and obliged the latter to take timely measures to combat their spread this year. However, until very recently (the end of September), the nature of the disease was not even known, when dysentery was only bacteriologically established. In such an environment, the brigade of the People’s Commissariat of Health of the RSFSR in the very first days of its arrival, having familiarized itself in detail with the healthcare case in Karaganda, joined directly in the work of the health department, together with which, on August 16 this year. The detailed plan of anti-epidemic measures for the end of the III quarter and IV quarter of 1932 was developed and approved by the Presidium of the City Council, which immediately began to be implemented. The main activities carried out by the brigade of the PCA of the RSFSR together with the Health Department of Karaganda in the fight against epidemics, according to the work plan approved by the PCA of the RSFSR (see above), were as follows: I. Along the line of typhus 1. First of all, at the initiative of the brigade, the City Health Department organized a backyard examination of Karaganda to identify and hospitalize infectious patients (typhus and typhoid and smallpox), as well as to establish the condition of barracks, dugouts and yurts. The third task of the household examination was to identify all scurvy patients. 2. Immediately, after the household survey, preparations began for the planned washing of the population and sanitary treatment of dwellings, primarily by checking the availability and correctness of the use of the bath facilities. It should be noted that the first and biggest obstacle that the brigade had to overcome was that, shortly before the arrival of the brigade, a fee for washing in the baths was

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introduced in the special settlements, which led to a sharp decrease in the number of people using the baths in the presence of the population’s jealousy and cases of typhus in the settlements. This obstacle was eliminated by an agreement with the SevKazSpetSupravlenie on the cancellation of payment and taking care of the payment of the cost of washing and sanitation. At the same time, the question of abandoning the train was raised (in connection with rumors about the recall of the Sanitary Train from Karaganda) before the General Directorate of Forced Labor Camps, which was resolved in a positive sense and is used by the City Health Inspectorate on the basis of an agreement concluded with it. The success of these events has already turned out to be a sharp increase in the pace of organized washing and sanitation of the population of Karaganda and special settlements already in the third decade of August, as can be seen from the following table: Decades of August

Washed in the baths Processed barracks, of Karaganda/special dugouts, yurts of settlements Karaganda/special settlements

1 2 3

70/8769 73/10,419 11,247/10,753

20/644 220/117 156/160

Disinfection of things/in sets of Karaganda/special settlements 22,310 25,386 25,748

The pace has been increasing especially sharply since September 1 of this year, since the organization, after the report of the head of the brigade of the PCA of the RSFSR in the City Committee of the AUCP(b) on August 26 of this year, of the Emergency Triple to Combat the Epidemic led by Comrade Lazerzon. The triple’s assistance in organizing the fight against morbidity was quick, decisive and effective, especially in the first weeks of its existence. Five-day period of September have already been given:

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Five days period

Washed in baths

Processed barracks, dugouts and yurts

1 2 3 4 5 6 Total in September 1 five days period of October

13,300/10,985 1,972 19,964 34,035 18,502 20,694 127,152 24,706

789/346 791 871 1,097 767 871 4,397 602

Disinfection of things in sets 28,794 24,852 26,523 33,000 25,160 28,833 167,162 26,494

Note On October 5th, the 2nd scheduled washing and treatment of the population was completed (the 3rd washing was started). A total of 179,183 people passed. Apart from the individual difficulties of washing and sanitation of the organizational order, it is necessary to emphasize the unfavorable situation with baths in Karaganda. The existing banks are working with a huge load and at the same time, despite the pressure from party organizations, the Epidemic committee and the sanitary Supervision, the plan for the completion of baths (already built by 90%) has not been fulfilled. Similarly, the construction of primitive laundries approved by the plan has not begun. Especially at the moment there is a breakthrough on baths in special settlements due to the unsatisfactory progress of construction, the construction of new baths in special settlements has been disrupted, and their repairs (especially necessary in conditions of intensive operation) were not carried out in a timely manner, which gave by the beginning of September a slowdown in the pace of washing and a new rash outbreak in special settlement № 19. In obedience with particular sharpness, the brigade raises the question of the immediate implementation of the plan for the completion of the baths (agreed last time on October 4 with the chairman of North Kazakh Construction Trust Comrade Chicherov) in exactly the right time, otherwise it threatens to disrupt the results achieved in the fight against typhus. Enhanced sanitation was carried out with Solvent and relatively widely with chlorpicrin. Nevertheless, it must be said that the quality of treatment decreased due to the unsatisfactory condition of the dwellings (imperfections, lack of

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plaster, leaky barracks, etc.), so there were cases of repeated typhus diseases from the same barracks, despite repeated sanitation. In Karaganda, sanitation was carried out by 4 disinfection detachments and one decontamination unit at each of the 7 mines. In the soap, self-organization did not feel any interruptions. 3. At the initiative of the brigade, with great difficulties due to the opposition that was provided by the Head of the Medical Department, the City Health Department, who was removed from work by the inspection meeting (Dr. Gavrilov), the reorganization of home care was carried out according to the type of barrack care in Karaganda, which was divided into 13 districts in which barracks are attached nurses for daily rounds in order to identify infectious patients and monitor the sanitary condition, as well as 13 doctors.) The work of barrack aid has been instilled and strengthened. Systematic meetings of barrack nurses and doctors at the Medical Department of the City Health are held in order to exchange experience and eliminate the shortcomings noticed in the work. 4. A special concern of the brigade was the organization of an isopropoint in order to create a barrier in Karaganda for processing and monitoring the incoming and outgoing population. To this end, it was possible to force the railway station to arrange primitive fences for passengers to enter the city through one passage, lying close to the buildings intended for an isopropoint. In accordance with enormous difficulties, in the presence of a huge number of resolutions of all organizations and the epidemic committee with the use of repressive measures against its builders (up to the arrest of the initial stage in the performance of official duties), by September 23 this year, the Isopropoint with a bath and a washroom was ready for operation and captured by the military draft commission. The brigade categorically protests against such a situation when, in a dangerous situation in Karaganda, the main weapons of the sanitary inspection are transferred without the knowledge of the City Health Department for the needs of having nothing to do with the fight against the epidemic. 5. The team established a firm procedure for epidemiological examinations of the identified foci, followed by their double sanitation and observation. 6. Statistical accounting of morbidity in the City Health Department has been established.

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As a result of all these measures, it was possible to achieve a large reduction in the number of infected people, establish constant monitoring and timely catching of infectious patients, as well as switch to routine washing and sanitation of the population, according to the instructions of the People’s Commissariat of Health. The brigade emphasizes another dangerous moment in ensuring the successful fight against typhus in Karaganda – strict compliance with the rule to inform the City Health Service in a timely manner about the arrival of the recruited workers in an organized manner and strict compliance with the rule (which, unfortunately, despite a lot of resolutions, is poorly enforced) by the building commandants not to allow new arrivals into the homes without a certificate of sanitary supervision about the passage of sanitation. All the abovementioned brakes in the work of the City Health Service explain the insufficient rate of reduction in the incidence of typhus and explain the presence of dangerous foci, restrained only by the hard work of the city sanitary organization.

August September October (1st five-day period)

Incidence of typhus in Karaganda

By special settlements

41 16 1

9 10 2

II. Along the line of typhoid fever The team in its work paid attention first of all to the following question: (1) Water supply. (2) Sanitation. (3) Burial. (4) Cleaning of the territory. (5) Public catering. (6) Hospitalization of patients. (7) Setting up laboratory research. 1. Along the water supply line, the brigade together with the State Inspectorate conducted a survey of all water sources and the state of their protection. Measures were taken to bring the watercollecting property (water-carrying barrels) into a sanitary condition: numbering them, equipment with covers and weirs, systematic washing of them.

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It should be noted that even this event did not go smoothly, fines had to be imposed for non-compliance, and yet, so far, barrels have not been equipped at the mines. The issue of closing all water supply wells with covers and equipping them with pumps, raised at the initiative of the brigade, still could not be resolved, for lack of pumps that were ordered in Sverdlovsk. 2. The insufficiency of the sewage convoy due to the extremely difficult situation with transport in Karaganda is compensated to a certain extent by the establishment of systematic cleaning and relatively complete cleaning of street latrines. In August, 16 new latrines were built, in September – 88. Decree of the Council of People’s Commissars of the RSFSR dated May 14 of this year on the cleanup of the territory, in Karaganda it did not give any results. The territory is heavily polluted, especially in areas where the local population lives in yurts and, of course, public transport with 9 horses is unable to cope with this task. Garbage was removed for: July – 1,777 carts, August – 2,575, September from 1 to 20 – 1,645. 3. A relative order was carried out with respect to burial, three cemeteries were established (instead of 30 illegal ones), a mandatory selection of burial permits was introduced. 4. The brigade carried out a number of organizational measures to improve the sanitary condition of canteens together with the City Sanitary Inspection, by developing a sanitary minimum, establishing sanitary supervision, more stringent penal policy, attracting public control (in particular, workers’ wives to work in canteens). Nevertheless, the sanitary condition of the canteens still does not meet the requirements of sanitary supervision and is mainly reduced to the following disadvantages: (1) the condition of the canteens; (2) the lack of utility rooms for cooking; (3) lack of overalls; (4) unsatisfactory staff of workers in the canteens and their unfair attitude to business. 5. The brigades examined the bakery and as a result of the measures taken, together with the City Sanitary Inspection, both the sanitary condition of the bakery and the quality of the baked bread were significantly improved. 28 public sanitary inspectors work systematically in canteens. 6. Complete hospitalization of typhoid patients was carried out.

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7. The work of the laboratory has been organized with great difficulties, the diagnosis of typhoid and typhoid fever has been established, a sanitary and hygienic study of water supply sources is being carried out (9 main wells have been examined), a systematic sampling of water for research is being established. This case is hampered by the lack of laboratory workers. Typhoid vaccinations in Karaganda and special settlements have been completed (three-fold) by 61,000 people, together with the City Health Inspection conducted since May (approximately 95,000 of the population). Figures for the incidence of typhoid fever.

August September October (1st five-day period)

Along Karaganda

By special settlements

11 17 3

8 7 –

III. In the line of smallpox control An anti-inflammatory vaccination campaign was carried out from September 10 to September 30 of this year. 70,326 vaccinations were vaccinated and tested. Smallpox vaccination conducted by the whole population. However, despite this, we occasionally have individual cases, which are explained on the one hand by the presence of population turnover, on the other hand, apparently, in some cases, poor-quality vaccinations. Got sick with smallpox:

August September October (1st five-day period)

Karaganda

Special settlements

1 1 No smallpox

1 4

IV. The fight against scurvy By the time the brigades arrived, according to inaccurate data, there were about 9.5 thousand scurvy patients with a huge growth trend.

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As a result of the brigade’s questions about broad measures to combat scurvy and the effective assistance provided by the city party organization and its body, the Emergency triple, it was possible to carry out a lot of work. First of all, at the initiative of the brigade, a re-examination and re-registration of scurvy patients was carried out, of which there were actually 7.5 thousand in Karaganda and special settlements. Due to the release of funds by the Center (600,000 rubles), and even before that, scurvy nutrition was organized on a large scale according to the type of medical and nutritional points, with the installation of full coverage of scurvy with this nutrition (in addition, the exhausted were attached to scurvy canteens). Thus, starting from August 25 this year, it was organized at the beginning of 4 at hospital canteens in Karaganda and special settlements with a number of 32, with the largest coverage of 5,000 people. This immediately demonstrates huge results and already the month of September has given a large decrease in both morbidity and mortality:

August September

Karaganda Special settlements Karaganda Special settlements

Got sick

Died

1,112 1,630 884 378

151 131 18 48

Namely, a sharp decrease in morbidity (moreover, the figure of 884 new diseases in Karaganda is partly due to better accounting and more complete identification of previously infected with scurvy) and mortality by 8 times in Karaganda and 3 times in special settlements. There are about 4 thousand people who have recovered. At the same time, it should be noted that it would be possible to have significantly better results with regard to the elimination of scurvy, which were hindered, on the one hand, by the general shortcomings of the working supply, on the other hand, by the unsatisfactory work of the Depot warehouse storage, which, in the presence of products cannot satisfactorily arrange the supply of scurvy canteens. As of October 5 this year, there are 3,078 scurvy patients together with the weakened, the percentage of the latter reaches 35–40. Accurate accounting of only scurvy patients will be delivered by October 15 this year.

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All scurvy patients are covered by canteens, the number of which has been reduced to 22 on October 9. V. Along the line of fighting dysentery When establishing statistical records of morbidity in the City Health Department, the brigade drew attention to a large number of gastrointestinal diseases that give a large percentage of mortality. Having brought this to the attention of the Epidemic committee and the City Committee of the party, together with the City Health Department, a plan for the organization of the fight against gastrointestinal diseases was developed, which was approved by the Epidemic committee. As a result of setting up a laboratory study of diseases, dysentery was established. At the request of the Center, 40,000 anti-dysentery pills for vaccinations were sent by express, which begin on October 11 this year, in order to fulfill them in 5 days. The first 4 medical and dietary canteens for dysentery patients have been opened (out of 7 planned, covering 1,400 people), but this work is hampered by the unwillingness of the Cooperative Depot warehouse storage to allow the Health Department to put medical nutrition in the household (allegedly two owners in the same kitchen), despite the fact that the City Health Department has no way to deploy this business on the basis of hospital kitchens. The lack of necessary dietary products also complicates the deployment of the fight against diarrhea. The brigade raised this question to the PCA of the RSFSR, from where it received a notification that they had initiated a corresponding petition to the People’s Commissariat for the release of dietary products to Karaganda. The brigade resolutely raises the question of the need for pressure from the City Party Committee and the City Council to accumulate in relation to the maximum acceleration of the deployment of dietary canteens together with the City Health Department. Simultaneously with the establishment of hospitalization of all severe (bedridden) cases of scurvy and the cancellation of the issuance of scurvy nutrition on hands. A wide hospitalization of dysentery is being organized, in the part of dugout № 1 that was won back with great difficulty, as well as the expansion of admission to the hospital with the installation of hospitalization of all recent cases, especially from the working environment. Incidence:

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Karaganda

Special settlements

1,930 1,384

2,033 1,130

August September

[…] Renovation and construction of medical institutions The brigade notes the complete disruption of the construction of permanent medical institutions planned according to the plan of 1932. In addition, due to the difficult situation with transport, the construction of 3 hospitals and 3 outpatient clinics on special settlements, as well as 3 baths on special settlements were disrupted. The last hope for the construction of medical institutions in Karaganda in the IV quarter with a volume of investments of 192,000 rubles collapsed due to the fact that there are no construction funds for the IV quarter and construction agencies on this basis refuse to conclude local contracts. The situation is also unfavorable with the repair of medical institutions. The repair of medical institutions in settlements (adaptations and repairs of standard houses occupied by medical institutions) has been delayed, and the repair of medical institutions and barracks for reserve epidemic beds in Karaganda and mines is proceeding at an ugly pace. […]. Head of the brigade PCA RSFSR Malkov State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 3. Inventary 1. Case 28. Sheet 51–57. Script.

№ 70 From the Information Letter № 2 About Hunger in the Karaganda Region Petropavlovsk, 1932 To Kazakh Regional Committee Comrade Goloshchekin A copy of the Central Committee of the AUPC(b) Comrade Kaganovich Comrade Meerzon The socialist reconstruction of agriculture in Kazakhstan is taking place in conditions of particularly acute class struggle, and especially in the village. The remnants of the ancestral patriarchal system and the way of life of

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Kazakh villages still have a relatively strong influence of the Bais on the poor. Along with the correct policy and practice in grain procurement in the past, namely in 1931, gross distortions of the party’s policy were committed in a number of districts, which significantly complicated both the spring sowing and the food situation of the region. Especially great excesses were made in cattle procurements in collectivization, the socialization of livestock, almost everything was socialized up to birds and rabbits (see our letter № I). On this basis, as well as due to the weak organizational and mass explanatory work, both among the collective farmers and the poor and middle peasant individual sector, the Kulak-Bay elements developed a frenzied agitation for predatory slaughter of livestock, for migration. Especially the migration and slaughter of livestock took place in the areas covered by undercity. Whole villages and Russian collective farms migrated with their herds, and those who remained on the spot predationally killed cattle. All this was widely introduced among the collective farmers by the dependent mood. There is not a single collective farm where excesses have taken place, so that the collective farmers do not make demands by the collective farm board and local Soviet agencies to supply them with food. Especially the kinks made themselves felt in areas covered by undercity. For example: in 12 districts of the region for I7/IV-32 years, 246 cases of deaths due to hunger and 133 cases of swelling from malnutrition were taken into account. These difficulties are most acute in the Esil district, Akmola, Atbasar, Bulaev, Kurgaldzhin, Tonkerey, Kokzhetau, Stalin and Mamlyut districts. Some facts give the following picture: in the Kokschetau district in the village of Ternovka, the collective farm “Druzhba” collective farmers Timofey Polishchuk, Litvina Anisya, Agafya Ogyrei, Yakov Ponomarenko, etc. on 29/III they dug up the fallen cattle of the state farm № 81 of the Cattle Breeding Trust and fed on them. In the same area, in the collective farm of the village of Polychrome “12 anniversary of October”, 144 collective farms were completely not provided with any food, they ate quinoa, sunflower roots, white clay and other surrogates. As a result, the collective farmer Stepan District with three children swelled with hunger. Makhmat Anisii 7 family members, Senchenko Philip, Trembach Afanasy with his family, Neshko Maxim, Gusarova Ekaterina swollen from malnutrition.

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BULAYEV DISTRICT: In the collective farm “Kalinina” on the basis of hunger, collective farmers died: the widow Verumskaya, after whom there were 2 children and the collective farmer Nasachenko. In the same collective farm there are facts of diseases, swelling from malnutrition. In the collective farm “Meeting of Volunteers”, all collective farmers eat carrion, dig up the corpses of fallen horses and eat them. TONKEREI DISTRICT: In the village of Kupriyanovka, the collective farm “Industry” during February and March, 29 cases of swelling occurred due to malnutrition, 23 people died. Among the sole proprietors, 1 person died, and the corpses of the deceased were not buried for a long time, but were stacked in one of the collective farm barns. In the village of Semipolye, 63 cases of swelling and 3 cases of death took place in the collective farm “Flame”. In the same collective farm, 8 students swelled up at the Peasant Youth School on the basis of abnormal supply of students due to lack of food. ARYKBALYK DISTRICT: Maksimovka village, collective farmers did not receive any food aid for 3 months, they ate dogs and cats on the basis of hunger. In Stolinsky district: in the village of Kamyshenka, collective farmers receive only milk, they do not receive bread. 2 people died due to hunger. They ate dogs and cats and white clay. In Atbasarsky district: as a result of food difficulties in the village of Krasnosel, facts of eating meat of dogs and cats were registered. In the village of Novokolotui, 60 families were left without food, 4 of them families of Red Army soldiers. In the village of Borisovka, animal carcasses of infectious diseases were stacked in a barn, after learning about this, the collective farmers stole this meat for food. In the Ayrtava district: in the village of Olgovka in the commune “Shiit”, the chairman of the commune, a member of the AUCP(b) Gavrilov, had 4 children swollen, his wife was sent to the hospital. In each family of the commune of this commune, one or two people swollen due to hunger, 5 deaths were registered. The several hundred Kazakh families have accumulated in Karaganda, who arrived by gravity in search of earnings, but since most of them are women, children, sick men, a number of measures had to be taken (10,000 pud highlighted. Rye) for their feeding and organization of orphanages from children abandoned by their parents. After providing them with food aid, some of them will be employed. Among these Kazakh families, 8 people with glander were found.

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According to their story, 80 people dug up buried sap horses somewhere and ate them. These 8 people were taken to an isolation ward, taken under medical supervision, a professor-specialist in glander was urgently called, and through them the rest of those who ate glander horses are identified. But it is difficult to find them, because, firstly, they are carefully hidden, and secondly, most of them have scattered to the neighboring villages of Zhana-Arkin and Karaganda districts and are unlikely to be found now. All these facts are far from complete, and they take place in almost all districts of the region. This position placed a powerful weapon in the hands of the kulak elements, who developed a frenzied anti-Soviet agitation, which succumbed not only to the poor and middle peasants, but also often to party members and Komsomol members. Anti-Soviet agitation, which excessively increased the size of the “hungry mood”, connected this with the events in the Far East. So the middle peasant of the village of Petropavlovka, Airtavsky district, Sugonyak Peter expressed his thoughts: “Soon Japan will take Manchuria, and our bunglers’ heads will be turned, if they don’t know how to lead, then let Japan take everything for itself, we are now hungry with them, there is no manufactory either. How many horses we slaughtered for the winter cannot be counted, and if we had not slaughtered, this would not have happened. In the village of Dragomirov, Kokshetau district, Vasily Krasnozhen conducted agitation: “There is already a war in the Far East, the Soviet government has been in existence for the last year, and therefore it, the “power”, pursues a policy of withdrawing all means of production from the population in order not to leave Japan and other bourgeois countries. About the events in the Far East, a separate part of collective farmers, under the influence of Kulak-Bay elements, considers the imminent death of Soviet authority, reflects with their moods the organization of terrorist facts, gangs and gangs with the aim of overthrowing Soviet authority. In the village “Zheleznoye” Presnov district a collective farmer Klevakina Anisya said: “When the war comes, we’ll turn everyone’s heads. China has already surrendered, and it will reach us soon.” The collective farmer Stepanova of the Presnogorkov village of the Presnov district expressed her thoughts more openly: “As soon as the Japanese come closer, then we will start organizing a gang.” The same anti-Soviet mood is observed in Kazakh villages.

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The poor man of aul № 12 of the Airtava district, Kozhakhmetov Ayagan, expressed the following thoughts: “Now there is a war, a number of capitalist states have come out against the Soviet government, but if they mobilize the peasants, they will go against the Soviet government, since everything they had has been taken away from the peasantry.” A worker of the Vozvyshensky Grain Farm Bilitsky says: “If I am mobilized, I will not fight, because I have not seen anything good from the Soviet government, except 600 grams of bread, all kinds of bonds and various taxes, let the communists who live on the necks of workers and peasants fight.” The mood for the spring sowing campaign is characterized by the following negative phenomena: in the Stalin district in the Naumov collective farm, organized brigades do not work, but demand food every day. The teacher, who is also the secretary of the AUCP(b) cell, said at a meeting of the collective farm board: “We are starving because the collective farm board insistently does not require food aid from the state. The board wants to bring the collective farmers to starve to death.” At the same meeting, a member of the Pilakh collective farm said: “The Kulaks were taken away so that they would not suffer in our collective farm, and we farmhands were driven into the collective farm to suffer and starve.” At the general meeting of the village of Zhuravlevka, they spoke on the issue of the sowing campaign, the collective farmer Sergienkova, a poor woman, says: “Why do we need to carry out the sowing campaign, anyway, everything that we collect will be taken away from us and we will again remain in the same position as at this time. As hungry as we were, we will remain.” In the Beinetkor district, in the village of Novorossiyka, in a conversation about the upcoming spring sowing, the poor collective farmer Konenko says: they will transport the seeds, they will be unfit for work, and the horses will not be able to go even kilometers. Collective farmers Vorotnikov, Voropaev and Okhramen in the Bulaevsky district said: “We work well on the collective farm, we have never shied away from work. All the products and surrogates that we had were eaten, if they don’t give out bread, then it is needed to go to production, rather than swell with hunger.” As a result of such facts and Kulak-Bay agitation and food difficulties, many responsible workers of the districts have decadence without

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mentioning rural ones. The facts of the escaping of a rural asset are not isolated. These hungry moods significantly increased the predatory slaughter of cattle. According to individual collective farms, the slaughter of cattle is characterized by the following data: Aryk-Balyk district – Bogoslovka village in the collective farm, cows fell ill with an unknown disease, which the collective farm was forced to kill, after opening the cow there were detected a nail in the inside one of them, and the other had a knitting hook. 100 heads of working cattle were stolen and slaughtered in the Bulaev district, the village of Konyukhovo in the collective farm “Five-year Plan” in February. In the Atbasarsky district, in the collective farm of aul № 15–16, under the pretext of various diseases of livestock, only during the month of March, 23 heads were killed by individual collective farmers. 2 collective farm bulls were killed in aul № 14. In the collective farm of Zhana-Turmys aul № 16, out of 154 heads, only 50 heads remained, the rest were slaughtered by collective farmers. 340 heads of workers and small cattle have been slaughtered in the collective farm of Kyzyl-Zhar village № 17 over the past three months. In the Stalin district – in the Ornek collective farm, a number of collective farmers were destroyed in 2 months out of 384 heads – 154 g. In the Kokshetau district, in the collective farm “Urnek” of aul № 6, livestock from 160 cows – 100 heads, from 105 oxen – 30, from 140 horses – 45 have recently been destroyed. The young and sheep were completely destroyed. Reduction of livestock in individual districts by characterizing figures, for example: Nura district, the District Party Committee believes that in 1929 it had 120,823 total large and small cattle, and on 1/II – 31 g. (according to the census) there were only 3877 heads. According to the Telmanov district (the most prosperous in all types, who has fully completed grain procurement, seeds for himself and for neighboring districts in the order of social assistance), it is believed that there were 92,427 total heads in 1930, and only 26,893 remained for 1/2 in 32. The decrease in the total number of livestock in the region, based on the last census, is determined by the following figures: if in 1930 there were only 1718,232 heads transferred to cattle, then by the 1st/2nd – 32 g., by the time of the census, 918,032 remained. Moreover, after the

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census, namely, in February and March, predatory slaughter cattle and especially the fatality from lack of feed continued and even in larger sizes than in November–December 1931. Therefore, it must be assume that the total number of livestock in the spring came out even less. There were mass exits and departures from the region, migrations. Only from one Stalin district out of 9,000 farms, 6,000 farms remained in 1932, 4,500 farms left the Mamlyut district. Separate acts of exit and departure from collective farms are characterized by the following: Bulaev district village Konyukhovo in the collective farm “Five–year plan” for 1/XII – 31, 400 farms were on the collective farm, for 1/1V – 32, 92 farms were retired. The village of Poludenskoye in the collective farm named after Kalinin, on the basis of the facts of starvation and disease from malnutrition, from December 1931 to March, only 72 remained on the collective farm for 500 farms. In total, according to incomplete data, 41,808 farms were eliminated in the region: if in 1931 there were 204,575 farms in the region, then by the beginning of the sowing campaign in 1932, 162,767 farms remained. The work of district party organizations and rural cells was expressed most of all in fixing these facts, sending telegrams for help, but in order to take on the correction of the excesses committed could not develop mass organizational work, to mobilize all local forces and means, as well as food resources, to mobilize the laborers and poor peasants. and the middle-peasant masses of collective farmers to fight against the kulaks and bays, to confiscate secret foodstuffs from the latter, to take into account all the availability of food funds in the collective farms, to widely organize public catering on the collective farms. In addition, some areas have directly fallen into panic and decadence. In auls and village councils, communists began to be the mouthpiece of Kulak and Bay moods and left with them, migrated, dragging others with them. Kulaks and bai, taking advantage of this confusion of a number of district organizations, took out their bread, as well as collective farmers and sole proprietors, who were more well-off with food, took off and left with bread. The poor farms that remained in place suffered the most from malnutrition. Meanwhile, despite the real great shortage of bread, with the skillful governance of the districts, with the slightest desire to search for domestic food resources, it was possible to completely eliminate all these hungry moods and literally feed everyone to their full. Our region is rich in fish

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lakes (once a lot of fish were exported from here), rich in game, and in forest places it was possible to harvest a huge amount of mushrooms, berries, etc. Nevertheless, no one was doing this and everyone relied on supplies from above. For example, the Stalin district which is the most affected by hungry moods (about 40% of the population, many provocations about cannibalism have been registered) even among the district assets, and yet this area has not caught a single hundredweight of fish, while there are fish in many lakes. They say that she even died from their overflow in the lakes and the lack of ice holes (left without air). But it is not only rich in fish. Over the past 2–3 years, due to the lack of hunting for game, so many wild geese have bred there that now (although it sounds literally like an anecdote, but it’s a fact) they themselves raise the question of allowing them to beat geese in the summer (at the forbidden time), because the number of geese has turned into pests of bread. In the region, at the first steps, it was mainly necessary to start work with correcting the excesses made, with suspending the process of leaving and migrating the population, with the deployment of the fight against predatory slaughter of livestock, with the rescue of working cattle, with preparations for the sowing campaign and providing food assistance to areas in need. Currently, after carrying out work on the restructuring of all organizational and mass work in collective farms: the organization of brigades according to the production principle, the transfer of the center of gravity of work to the brigade, the organization of party groups and the allocation of grouporgs. We have achieved the organization of catering in collective farms and brigades, as well as the received seed loan and food aid have significantly changed the mood for the better. In total, the region received 472,700 centers of semssuda and 488,000 pounds of rye and 100,000 pounds of millet food aid, which provides a sown area of over 80% and quite a sufficient share of food aid. At the present time, especially, the center of gravity of the work has been shifted to the organizational and economic strengthening of collective farms, based on the decisions of the Central Committee on grain procurements, meat procurements, forced socialization of livestock and agricultural taxes. To work out these solutions and correct the kinks, all the forces of the region were mobilized, as a result of which they achieved a radical change, especially in carrying out the sowing plan. In total, the region by 15/V1-32 g of smell and sowed 90% of the plan.

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The grain farms of the region with an area of 82,000 hectares fulfilled the plan completely by 20/20 – S. As a result of all the measures taken, they achieved the suspension of the departure and migration of collective farmers and the partial return of those who left and migrated. The organization of collective farm trade has been worked out and is being widely deployed in all working centers: Karaganda, Petropavl, Akmola, Kokshetau, etc. The construction of collective farm bazaars is underway. Moreover, it should be noted that the decision of the Central Committee on collective farm trade by all regional trading organizations was met unexpectedly. None of them was ready to implement this most important decision: despite the fact that there are practical directives, based on the decisions already taken by the October Plenum of the Central Committee and the XVII Party Conference. Misunderstanding, spontaneous flow in this matter prevailed throughout the commodity-conducting network. Mainly, much attention is paid to the organization of self-harvesting, the organization and use of local reservoirs for fishing, harvesting of game and other unused opportunities, which will ease food difficulties. It should be noted that the prevention of colds and food aid by the region already creates additional difficulties for the harvesting company. In total, the region should receive – 550,000 poods of food, 362,402 poods were imported; millet – 89,060 poods, corn – 52,248 poods. In total, thus, 403,710 poods were delivered, in fact, 221,131 poods were issued and 323,598 were not delivered, the rest of the amount is reserved by the territory. Certainly food difficulties affected the urban working population, which caused some anti-Soviet and hungry moods. At the same time, the Kulak anti-Soviet elements of the city especially intensified antiSoviet agitation among industrial workers, using difficulties, resorting to methods of provocation, spreading and exaggerating rumors about “cannibalism”. By the way, we had a provocation with cannibalism in a number of areas where dead parts of the human body were cooked, but of course they were not eaten, and this was done in order to strengthen anti-Soviet agitation. However, there are two cases in Stalin and Ruzaev districts where people caught with human meat said they ate human meat.

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Recently, due to interruptions in the supply of bread to the city and the removal of workers’ family members from rations, a negative attitude has become noticeable among workers, expressed in absenteeism and discontent. So for the Meat Processing Plant: from the moment the workers announced that their families would be removed from rations, a strong fermentation began among the latter, despite the fact that most of the workers were on vacation at that time, the latter gathered at the factory demanding bread. Among workers, the tendency to leave production in search of better conditions has also intensified. So for example: the machinists of the compression department of the “Winderwood” plant Schnitz and Venda stated: “If they don’t give us bread, we won’t go to work.” Master Rybalko told the workers: “It became impossible to continue working.” The only remaining locksmith, machinist Seredenko, filed an application for settlement, citing poor supply. The driver Yesaulenko also filed an application for settlement on the basis of poor supply. In just three days, 20 highly qualified workers left the meat-packing shop and the factory for reasons of removing their families from rations. More than 1700 workers gathered near the Meat Processing Plant’s on 15/V – 32, with a demand for bread to be given to their families. Due to the deteriorating supply situation, the turnover of workers has increased in Pimokatny plant. In accordance with the lack of workers, there are 9 cars in the carding shop, 3 cars in the steel shop, 2 shifts work on kulaz machines instead of 3, instead of 464 pairs of boots should be worked out according to plan, the plant only gives 250 pairs. Throughout the working process, the employee Belov said to the master on 15/V – 32: “I’m going home”, to the master’s question: “What are the reasons?”, the latter replied: “I’m hungry and can’t work, I’ll go to a flea market to sell something and buy bread.” Worker Kirillov of the same factory left the machine while working, stood in line for bread and returned to work only on the second day. The noted examples are not isolated, and cases of leaving work are noted in all workshops of the plant. LEATHER FACTORY: among the workers there are big trends of leaving production, and there are also facts of a hungry mood. A crowd of women gathered near the bakery of the artel “Pishchevik” on 15/V – 32 under the influence of agitation of anti-Soviet elements

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made an attempt to pull apart the bread loaded for delivery, and two carts with bread were pulled apart. those who were waiting for bread at the Rightpo store broke the lock at the bread shop to check if there was bread on 17/V – 32. In the distributor at the Soviet hospital, anti-Soviet elements gathered a large crowd in order to provoke and spread all kinds of rumors about “cannibalism”. There were shouts of “There is nothing to hope for the Kulak pits, they are no longer there, but we need to get bread and feed the people, once we have taken to rule, so we must be really rule, and not to starve people to death.” Currently, the entire party organization, Soviet agencies, public organizations are switched to carrying out the next tasks of implementing the plan of fallow, hay harvesting, weeding and harvesting at the angle of economic and organizational strengthening of collective farms. The absence of a cold dose and food aid within the released territory for the area can jeopardize the fulfillment of the tasks set. The 10,000 tons due to be received for the supply of the region, 5,500 thousand tons are promised to be released to us the other day, which will significantly ease the severity of difficulties. Executive Secretary of the Karaganda Regional Committee of the AUCP(b) Becker North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 22. Inventary 1. Case 15. Sheet 23–34.Script.

№ 71 From Protocol № 4 Closed Meeting of the Bureau of the Karaganda City Committee of the CPSU(b) Karaganda, January 19, 1933 Listened: About the migrant nomads. Decided: 1. To note the weak progress of the implementation of the resolution of the Regional Committee on the unloading of Karaganda, especially due to the gravity of the East Kazakhstan and Alma-Ata regions. To this day there is no supply from Karkaraly and Bayanaul districts.

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2. Take note Comrade Tazhibayeva and Kaparova’s statement, that as of 19/1 – 1933, only 721 farms of 1,416 souls of the Karaganda region and 75 farms of 140 souls in the [East]Kazakhstan region were sent, and also take note of the statement that they will send 200 children to the Shchuchinsky district and 200 people to the Kokshetau district no later than 25/I of this year, Beynetkar district […]. 3. To carry out the following measures for the urgent completion of unloading of the Karaganda region: (a) oblige all heads of economic, cooperative and other organizations located in Karaganda to ensure the issuance of temporary certificates to all workers and employees (freelancers) within three days both permanently and temporarily employed at work, indicating the number of family members and place of residence; (b) to oblige, under the personal responsibility of the head of the city police, Comrade Melkumova, together with the city committee and the municipal department of the trust, from 21/1 to 1/X – S.G., to organize a personal check of residents in the city through district police officers and house committees of Karugl; (c) instruct the City Council to prohibit anyone from arbitrarily erecting yurts and other residential structures; (d) instruct the City trade Council and the Komsomol city committee to mobilize 50 people each of the trade union and Komsomol activists to help the police check and clean up the city from migrant nomads. 4. Commnad the gormilizia to collect in a dedicated barrack for shipment from Karaganda., when checking the identified persons who are not employed, who do not have certificates, the place of work. 5. All authorized districts and regions who arrived on their return from migrant nomads, within a day after collecting their migrant nomads, should be removed from the territory of Karaganda, having organized shipment both by rail and by carts. 6. Take note of the statement of the authorized Eastern Kazakhstan of the region Comrade Akimova that on 19/I, all the farms that had voluntarily migrated from the districts of the Eastern Kazakhstan region were taken out of Karaganda and collected in barracks.

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Listened: Approval of the protocols of the Party Committee of the RC CAUCP(b) № 4. Decided: To agree with the decision of the party board. Listened to: Comrade Belikov’s statement. Decided: Offer under personal responsibility Comrade Tajibaev, Smaglyuk and Melkumov in 3 days to organize a selection. State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 3. Inventary 1. Case 44. Sheet 14–15. The copy.

№ 72 From the Information About Labor and Mortality Among Special Settlers Working in the Karugl System Petropavl, February 16, 1933 To Secretary of the Karaganda Regional Committee of the AUCP(b), Comrade Bekker The situation with the mortality of special settlers working in the Karugl system in the Karaganda region is catastrophic. The following figures indicate a threatening increase in mortality, and if this progression is not interrupted by drastic measures, then in 10– 11 months the entire contingent of special settlers working in Karugl will die out.

January February March April

Total number of special settlers in Karaganda reg

Number of deaths

% of the population

47,563 46,781 45,388 43,605

605 901 1,387 1,827

1.2 1.9 3.0 4.2

Analyzing the economic situation of special settlers in Karugl, we come to a reasonable conclusion that the only root cause of agricultural mortality is the ugliest state of their food supply, since it is not necessary to look for other reasons to justify the increase in mortality on the basis of epidemic, sanitary and other prerequisites, because the epidemic attitude of the Karaganda region has been prosperous in recent months.

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All the harm that causes a striking increase in mortality is the systematic continuous malnutrition by working special settlers of the food standards they rely on. The incessant interruptions in supply, weakening the already insufficient caloric content of food rations, day after day undermines the physical ability of a working special settler. In addition, the supply system of Karugl practices, as a rule the issuance of dependent rations only in the amount of one and a half rations for the entire family of the worker, whereas the average working family of a/p, consisting of 4–5 people, is forced to share the dependent ration between all family members and the worker. There is such a fact as a permanent phenomenon when the supply of Karugl, obliged to be satisfied with 50% of the amount of hospital rations, does not give out to those in the hospital and those on treatment are forced to be content with only half of the hospital ration, which is given to them from the funds of the Special Trade Department. The lack of nutritional value of the ration itself, interruptions in its delivery, not supplying dependents is further aggravated by the fact that Karugol constantly delays the payment of agricultural wages for an average of one to two months. North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 22. Inventary 1. Case 172. Sheet 147. The copy.

№ 73 From the Minutes of the Meeting of the Five on Migration at the Karaganda City Committee of the AUCP(b) Karaganda, March 16, 1933 Listened: About the state of migration (Gulev). Decided: 1. To start organizing and sending out nomads, primarily from the city of Karaganda. For these purposes, instruct Comrades Sultanbekov and Gulevsky to allocate barracks for the concentration of migrant nomads within a day. 2. When sending out nomads, propose to enterprises to select from among the nomads in the barracks concentrations of people who are willing and able to work. To organize this business, oblige the Department of Labor to allocate one person from Comrade

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Ilyubaev’s Trust, Comrade Khitrov’s City Committee, Comrade Alpysbaev’s Revolutionary Committee of Kazakhstan. The listed comrades should organize the selection of nomads for work. Necessarily with calls from representatives of enterprises. 3. The City Health Service should provide medical care in places of concentration from migrant nomads. 4. Considering that the delay of concentrated ones can not be more than 2–3 days, once again put the question to the region about the transfer of funds for sending migrant nomads. 5. Inform the Regional Committee that previously sent migrant nomads to the Telmanov district are returning to Karaganda. Chairman Gumenyuk Secretary Gilmutdinov State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 3. Inventary 1. Case 44. Sheet 210. The copy.

№ 74 From the Meeting of the Members of the Bureau of the Karaganda City Committee of the AUCP(b) Karaganda, May 3, 1933 Listened: About the situation from the migrant nomads. Decided: Despite a number of measures to unload the city from the accumulated migrant nomads not related to production (2,725 people were sent to other districts, 3,672 people were employed in Karaganda), however, about 500 people have remained in the city recently for reasons: 1. Cuts and layoffs at enterprises falling in a significant proportion on the Kazakh part of workers. 2. Reducing the labor force at the Spassk plant and others, industrial centers gravitating towards Karaganda. 3. Continued systematic throwing of migrant nomads into Karaganda by Karlag. 4. Projected by Karlag, leaving their prisoners in Karaganda hopeless due to sickness and weakness, and throwing them among the migrant nomads.

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5. The expulsion by the regional prosecutor to Karaganda of old people-administrative messengers, unable to work. 6. Child homelessness is growing with an increase in the number of migrant nomads. Based on the above, the bureau of the City Committee decides: 1. Suggest the Head of the construction management should include from among the habitable dugouts, barracks, a room for 150 people of migrant nomads, and Comrade Tadjibayev to organize food for the emaciated who are at ease. 2. Offer Comrade Tadjibayev should contact Korkunov from the preexecutive committee and obtain permission to send another 300 people of migrant nomads to the districts. 3. Suggest the Head of recruitment sectors of manpower trust Karugol and the City Department of Labor strictly controls the reduction of workers and the full and timely use of the reduced at other enterprises. 4. Propose to check the correctness of production cuts and dismissals in all productions and to achieve the restoration of incorrectly reduced and dismissed, to bring the perpetrators to justice. 5. Instruct Comrade Tadjibayev should immediately begin collecting migrant nomads and street children not related to production in the city, for which he should organize brigades of Komsomol members and trade union members, sending the collected children to orphanages, and the migrant nomads to the barracks reserved for them. 6. Oblige the head of the departments, secretaries of party cells and mine committees to carefully monitor the consolidation of the migrant nomads arranged in the production. Categorically indicate to the heads of institutions and enterprises the inadmissibility of a formal approach to business [...] in the production of Kazakh workers. 7. Instruct the district commissariat of special settlements Comrade […] within two days to organize in the city and in the mines […] in order to select and send to the villages all the wandering special settlers, both children and adults.

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8. Indicate Comrade Chuntov about the inadmissibility of throwing homeless people in Karaganda and further prohibit. 9. Instruct Comrades Tajibayev, Sultanbekov and the coal miners faction should organize feeding the weak from migrant nomads in order to bring them to the state of being able to work in production in the near future. […] State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 3Paragraph. Inventary 1. Case 44. Sheet 86. The copy.

№ 75 From the Information About the Production Work in the Kazakh Collective Farms of the Tonkerei District of the Karaganda Region Petropavl, July 20, 1933 To the responsible Secretary of the Regional Committee of the AUCP(b) Comrade Varlamov There has been a sharp food shortage with subsequent facts of swelling and mortality since February of this year, in a number of Kazakh collective farms in Tonkerei district. Currently, in accordance with the exception of two Russian and one Kazakh collective farms, the rest of them are having no food bread, are subject to food difficulties. During the 10 days of July, on the collective farm “Druzhina” of the Sergeev village council (radius of the Konovalovskaya dairy farm), 5 people died due to labor difficulties, to this day there are a number of swollen collective farmers. On the collective farm “Stenka Razin” of the Semipolsk village council, the main food product is reverse, but there is no food bread, no potatoes. One collective farmer died due to starvation, swollen four families. On the collective farm “Artalyk” of the Sretensky village council, 5 families swelled up from malnutrition, the collective farm does not have food bread. According to incomplete accurate data, there are 249 farms in the district. (Kazakh 133 and Russian 116) returned from the retreat. Basically, all these farms are forced to experience difficulties, especially since they absolutely do not have livestock for personal use. In some collective farms of the district, cases of absenteeism of collective farmers to work on the grounds of lack of food products have

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been registered, which seriously jeopardizes the preparation of the harvest campaign. As of 4/VII − 32, all food aid was given to the main Kazakh collective farms in the district and currently the district does not have any food resources. The present is reported to you in the order of information. Head of USPA Shuvalov Deputy Head of the SPD Galeev North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 22. Inventary 1. Case 172. Sheet 101. The original.

№ 76 From the Information About the Production Work at the Gold Mines in the Enbekshilder District of the Karaganda Region Petropavl, August 5, 1933 To the Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks According to our data, in the Enbekshelder district of the Gold mines “Valeria” and “Jubilee”, on the basis of the non-issue of cereals and pasta to the workers, a demonstration of a crowd of 40 women took place on 27/VII-this year, the demonstrators demanded the issuance of 2 kilograms of flour instead of cereals. The demonstration was violent, its participants behaved defiantly, called for the beating of the administration, the pogrom of stalls and warehouses, in particular, the wife of a fire station worker Gryaznova called to go to the apartments of the administration, take away all their bread, called to take bread from the carters carrying bread to the stalls, etc. As a result, this crowd of women looted bread brought by car to the stall, but with the intervention of the police, the bread was withdrawn back. The crowd dispersed only after Assistant Baranchuk promised the manager on August 28 to give out the required flour. The situation with the reserves of working supplies at the mine management is nasty. There are 37 tons of flour, cereals, vermicelli, sugar are completely missing. The government directive on the 6-month reserve has not been implemented, due to delays in the submission of relevant reports by the mine management. It is reported for taking appropriate measures.

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Head Assistant of USPA Shuvalov Head of SPD Kazan Authorized SPD Muhho North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 22. Inventary 1. Case 172. Sheet 85. The original.

№ 77 From the Report on the State of Healthcare in Karaganda Karaganda, November 1933 (A) HOSPITAL CARE Hospitals: special settlements – 4, Spasskaya – 1, in Mikhaylovka – 1, mine – 4 and in Karaganda – 1. There are 8 hospitals in total with the number of beds – 796. There are types of care: surgical department, maternity-gynecological, ocular and infectious. All hospitals are located in random, poorly adapted premises, with the exception of one adobe building, which is specially built for the hospital. The rooms are cold, without running water and sewerage and electric lighting, with the exception of 2 buildings. The equipment with hard and soft inventory is insufficient. The medical supply of hospitals is satisfactory. Supply of patients. Especially acute are the issues of nutrition of patients. Hospitals are supplied – 56% with Work Supply Department and 50% with Special wholesale, the rest of the hospitals are supplied outrageously poorly (through the Urban consumer society)line). Sugar is missing for 2 months, cereals (like rice and semolina) are not often present in a place, which makes it impossible to feed weak patients. Milk, eggs never happen, fats and meat are not enough (norms are not fully issued). The bread is very dark and often of poor quality. Providing hospitals with transport is not enough, which is reflected in the supply of fuel and water. Only when approving the budget for 1934 in the figures we have worked out (7 million 500 thousand), it will be possible to fully equip hospitals. (B) OUT-OF-HOSPITAL CARE There is one polyclinic in Karaganda with 8 specialized medical appointments, the capacity of 350 people per day. In addition, there are 4

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outpatient clinics with one medical appointment in the mines (mine № 2, 3/26, 17, 18, DSP). There is one outpatient clinic at mine № 4 with three medical offices, in Mikhaylovka with 1 medical office, in all four villages there are outpatient clinics with 1 and 2 medical appointments. There are 7 paramedic stations operating in the collective farm and state farm sector of Karaganda and the Brick Factory. Emergency medical care in the city and mines is provided by an ambulance station (transport – a horse and a car with round-the-clock duty). Assistance at home in the city is provided by a special doctor, in mining villages by doctors of health centers. Maternity and infancy protection and nurseries in the collective farm sector, mines and settlements – 20, of which 5 in mines, at mine №. 4 – demonstration nurseries of coal miners are currently unfolding, coverage of children in nurseries – 680. All nurseries are located in random, completely insufficient in area and unsuitable premises. The unfolding of the nursery in the mines is hindered by the failure of mine controls in the premises. A significant brake in the work of providing medical care should be considered the absence of a dental prosthetic, optical workshop, physiotherapy room (the latter is fully installed, but does not work due to the absence of a corresponding specialist). In order to bring medical assistance to the miner and improve work and everyday life, 9 health centers have been deployed in the mines, three of them underground. All health centers conduct sanitary and preventive work and are provided with round-the-clock duty of the average medical staff. The doctor of the health center conducts a professional selection. The premises of health centers allocated by business managers with the exception of the Central Energy System, mines № 2, 15–30 do not meet their goals, often patients are delayed at health centers, since business managers do not allocate horses to send them to the hospital, for example, mines № 17 and 19. The stations are mostly not provided with telephones and electricity, for example, mines № 1, 3/26. The equipment with solid inventory and shoes, clothing is insufficient (there are no warm coats, hats, felt boots, etc.). There are 5 women’s and children’s consultations, the latter were recently deployed at mine № 4. There are three children’s food stations with nutrition coverage for 600 children. Currently, the 4th food station is being deployed at mine № 4.

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The nutrition of children both in nurseries and at food stations is absolutely insufficient, nutrition standards are not given by supplying organizations. Urban consumer society supplies the worst (the food station in Karaganda has received nothing but flour from Urban consumer society for two months). There is a big gap in the protection of the health of children and working adolescents due to the lack of medical personnel and special children’s preventive institutions. (C) THE SANITARY CONDITION OF KARAGANDA Over the past two years, Karaganda has suffered a number of epidemic diseases (typhus, smallpox, a large development of scurvy). All this gave a huge mortality, especially in special settlements. Currently, thanks to the work carried out, the sanitary condition of Karaganda is relatively safe in the sense of epidemic diseases. 56,000 smallpox vaccinations have been made, there is no smallpox in Karaganda now, 92 thousand triple vaccinations have been made against typhoid fever. Typhoid fever is now rare in Karaganda. The sanitary organization of Karaganda, through the hard work of baths and decontamination plants, tries to prevent typhus in Karaganda, washes in baths on average 100 thousand people every month, which is still absolutely insufficient, since it only provides washing of the population 1 time a month, and does not eat as it should for the systematic destruction of lice. Haircuts monthly 7 thousand [people]. 500 thousand items are passed through the dezkamera monthly. At present, it is especially not possible to achieve complete repairs of baths and decontamination plants from mine departments, which reduces the armament in work. The housing and living conditions should be considered unsatisfactory, crowding in houses, lack of housing, lack of latrines, cesspools, littering of the territory, etc. These conditions are supported by the lack of construction of sanitary facilities, the almost complete absence of a sewage wagon train, the staff of janitors. (D) WATER The main mass of diseases, especially in the summer period were caused by the lack of good-quality water, which could be fully consumed for nutrition only if it was boiled, which is absent in a number of mines and in the city of boilers […]. Diseases (scurvy, diarrhea, etc.) have sharply

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decreased at the present time, as canteens have been deployed, and are currently working on three thousand additional rations. It is urgently necessary to create a powerful laboratory for the proper staging of sanitary and epidemiological work in Karaganda, the deployment of which is currently hindered by the absence of a bacteriologist (which was again recalled by Karlag). PERSONNEL There are 67 doctors are missing: a radiologist, a bacteriologist, 4 sanitarians, 3 doctors of children’s health, 2 dentists, 1 laboratory technician and 1 pediatrician, a total of 14 doctors. There are 9 obstetricians and 6 missing nurses and there are 183 doctors, most of them with little medical training. The City Health Department conducts nursing courses (6 months), where there are 85 Kazakh women. BUDGET The budget of 1933, made up in the amount of 2 million 400 thousand rubles which did not correspond at all to the needs and growth of Karaganda. In addition, 350 thousand non-federal sums (Foundation for the Improvement of the Life of Workers) were concluded in it, which are not available in Karaganda and other 240 thousand, which is why at the end of the year there was a gap in the budget in the amount of 350 thousand rubles. The part of which 1140 thousand is replenished with a subsidy […], the remaining 210 thousand rubles must be subsidized. CONSTRUCTION According to the title list for 1933, the construction management of Karugl has not been completed, with the exception of one hospital at mine № 17–19, which ends, but without services (there is no laundry or kitchen). Chairman of City Council State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 3Paragraph. Inventary 1. Case 48. Sheet 13–15. Script.

№ 78 From the Memo on the Catastrophic State of the Village № 13 of the State Farm “Karugol” Petropavl, December 1933 To AR USPA Comrade Karutsky

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Despite the decisions of the Kazkraikom, the Regional Committee and the City Committee of the AUCP(b) on the repayment by the trust “Karugol” of all salary arrears to special settlers by October 10, 2015 and on taking measures for further timely payment of such, as well as to ensure uninterrupted supply of food and fuel, today the situation at the settlement № 13 of the state farm “Karugol” the situation is extremely catastrophic. The salary arrears of agricultural enterprises and a small part of the personnel of the agricultural enterprise in the state farm “Karugol” today are expressed in the amount of 403,178 rubles. The trust “Karugol” does not start at all to eliminate this debt 84 kopecks and the state farm has absolutely no loans on its bank account. The current situation has put all agricultural migrants employed in the state farms “Karugol” in extremely critical conditions, and especially in the matter of their economy-life, and in accordance with this, the increase in crimes by agricultural [special settlers] for petty theft, such as grain, food, materials in the state farm, and things is increasing household items among themselves. Selling the last of their belongings at the bazaar to the surrounding population, finding in this the only source of extraction of funds for the purchase of food rations and the purchase of fuel. In addition to all this, this position creates a favorable ground for a-c [anti-Soviet] judgments and the growth of resentment not at individual business executives who have allowed such a fabulous amount of salary arrears, but at the state power and its activities as a whole. The Directorate of the state farm does not seek to find a way out of financial difficulties in the form of an advance payment (on credit for the money spent), as food, as well as fuel, but on the contrary does not release anything on credit and to all complaints from the agricultural sector about the impossibility of buying food and heating, which leads to imminent death, declares: “There is no money, breathe.” So stated in his office 26/XI-33. Deputy director and he is also the secretary of the cell of the AUCP(b) comrade Yuzinenko in the presence of Deputy Commandant Comrade Chumakov and his employee v/n Syzdykov to the petitioner s/p Nurakanov. Similar appeals by Yuzinenko to the s/p entered the system. At the same time, the Kruglaya State farm does not have fuel to provide agricultural apartments and cultural institutions such as schools, hospitals and baths. The daily demand for coal should come in the amount of 18 tons, and only 4–5 and at most 6 tons are received. There is absolutely

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no reserve, and in case of snowstorms and suspension of transport, the entire population is doomed to freeze. On all these issues of the catastrophic situation, we have repeatedly been informed by the City committee of the party, and nevertheless, absolutely no changes are noticeable, and the situation is getting worse every day. Head of USPA Bak North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 22. Inventary 1. Case 172. Sheet 21. The original.

№ 79 From the Information About the Product Difficulties in the Collective Farm “Paris Commune” of Aryk-Balyk District of Karaganda Region Petropavl, 1933 Regional Committee of the AUCP(b) Collective farm named after “Paris Commune” station N-Burluk of the Arykbalyk district, for a number of reasons, such as the loss of 250 hectares of the best crops from a natural disaster (hail), poor-quality sowing, etc. has an extremely low yield this year. From the entire sown area, the collective farm receives 600 quintals of gross harvest, while the grain tax plan is 5,000 quintals, not to mention the collective farm’s other need for bread. A simple calculation suggests that this collective farm, subject to the fulfillment of the state obligation, does not receive bread at all in its favor. The Board of advance payment of new bread to collective farmers has not yet begun, limiting itself to issuing only 400 gr flour per day to those working in brigades. Families of collective farmers, without receiving any food, experience acute food difficulties, eat various surrogates and carrion. So, 8 glander horses killed by the collective farm were dug up by the collective farmers and dragged home for food, but with the measures taken by the council and the governance of the collective farm meat was seized and burned. The difficulties in the collective farm have recently taken the most acute form with the presence of deaths up to 3–4 cases daily. In this regard, the mood on the collective farm named after the “Paris Commune” is tense, the collective farmers are preparing to leave the village in a panic before the threat of a hunger strike.

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Head of USPA Bak Deputy of SPD Galeev North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 22. Inventary 1. Case 172. Sheet 66. The original.

№ 80 From Information on Remedial Measures Migrant Nomads in the Karaganda Region Petropavl, 1933 To All RCC-WPI Despite the enormous political significance of the issue of the improvement of nomads and settling, most of the Soviet, economic, public bodies, as well as many party organizations, including the Control Commission and Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection, have not yet sufficiently understood the economic and political significance of settling and the structure of nomads in our region. The most important directives of the Kazakh Regional Committee of the AUCP(b), KazSNK, Regional Committee and Regional CCWPI KazpaNkoma BKP(b), KazCHK, KpaNKK HK PKI, Obkoma i Obl.KK-PKI with specific measures for settling and arranging migrant nomads and the allocation of large sums of money, food and seed funds, manufactured goods and other material funds for this purpose have not been implemented and therefore the proper effect has not been achieved. The resolution of the Central Committee of the AUCP of 17/IX-32, aimed at strengthening and developing the agricultural economy of Kazakhstan, on settling and inclusion in the labor, economic life of migrant nomads is not used enough as the most important tool in this, but on the contrary, there are cases of perversion. Many organizations incorrectly use the released assistance to nomads and do not use as the most important means against migrations, the involvement of nomads to settling, sowing, settling with their own food bases. On the part of a number of economic, Soviet, public organizations, a criminal attitude to the case of the device of migrant nomads, bringing material assistance to them, using the released funds, and food aid is allowed. Formally, the district and party organizations and bodies of the Control Commission and Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection are bureaucratic

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about the implementation of directives on this issue. There is no day-today management of the matter of the device of nomads and real control, a tough fight against outrages in this matter on the part of the Control Commission and Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection. Taking advantage of this, class enemies, Kulak-Bay, wrecking elements seek to disrupt the activities of the party and the government in settling and settling the migrant nomads. A numerous facts of sabotage and disruption of assistance to migrant nomads (it is enough to cite the following facts: Telmanov district disrupted seed aid by spending seed potatoes intended for migrant nomads, both in its own area, also for nomads of Zhana-Arka district in the amount of 58 tons, Atbasar for nomads of Yesil district 20 tons, Ayrtau for Kokshetau 15 tons, as well as a number of other outrages in certain areas). All this suggests that the Control Commission and Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection do not deal with this issue and know the actual situation and condition of the nomads, disclose these mismatched outrages, signal to the Regional Committee and do not take measures on the spot, act on the crime of counter-revolutionary elements that disrupt assistance to the migrant nomads. This causes an unwillingness to wage a Bolshevik struggle with class enemies. As a result of all this, there are still mass cases of outrages in the organization of nomads, such as: money is not used, food and seed funds are not brought to the place, are not spent for their intended purpose, there is not enough planned spending among migrant nomads, cases of reduction of migrant nomads from the work of state farms. Regional Control Commission and Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection considers such a situation to be intolerable in the future and suggests that under personal responsibility Chairman of the Control Commission and Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection will take under constant relentless supervision the case of the arrangement of nomads, systematic monitoring and verification of the implementation of the directives of the Central Committee of the AUCP(b), the Regional Committee and the KazSNK. To achieve the completion of the case in each individual case. Immediately organize control over all relevant organizations from bottom to top, for the correct and rational use of all funds of food, money, manufactured goods, etc. intended for migrant nomads. At the same time, take measures to restore all funds and funds that were not used for their intended purpose. To bring specific perpetrators to the

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strictest responsibility. Check the investigative and judicial authorities in terms of the speed of progress of cases related to crimes and outrages in relation to the device of migrant nomads and punitive policy measures. Examine the implementation of the decisions of the Regional Committee of March 26 and 31, April 2, with the relevant organizations and especially the prevention of the accumulation of migrant nomads at station points in cities and district centers, and arrange them in villages and the strongest collective farms, organize them into unions, ensuring that the migrant nomads could join in creating your own food base, harvesting, haymaking, etc. Achieve the establishment of valid accounting and reporting on the use of all funds and funds intended for nomads and their timely submission to the relevant authorities. In accordance with your participation and encouragement of the relevant organizations, strengthen the mass work among the migrant nomads, their daily maintenance, settling and consolidation. About the state of the arrangement of migrant nomads, participation and measures to combat all kinds of perversions and crimes, the CC-WPI are obliged to inform the Regional Control Commission and Workers’ and Peasants’ Inspection regularly for five days. Chairman of RCC-WPI Tatimov Control of the verification of the execution of the Shchipansky North Kazakhstan State Archive. Fund 549. Inventary 2. Case 61. Sheet 18–19. Script.

№ 81 From the Report on the State of Kazakh Farms in Karaganda Karaganda, 1933 According to Brick Factory № 4, the number of Kazakh farms living and working at the Brick Factory is only 525. In the recent past, migrant nomads who have come from the steppe become proletarians. The presence of livestock in these farms is 230 heads, of which: camels – 55, horses – 17, cows – 86, small cattle – 72 (young animals are counted with cattle). All farms have their own hay of 335 tons. Forage at the expense of the enterprises is provided for the winter of 30 heads of working cattle. The migrant nomads of the Sary-Su region in the amount of 51 heads are not provided with fodder. Hay will need 60

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tons. Animal farms have 3 sites of 752 sq. meter, in addition, 14 heads are placed in the barnyards of the plant. All farms are provided with housing which 106 people live in houses, 419 people live in dugouts, the average income per farm is 80 rubles. The supply of bread and foodstuffs is centralized according to the […] supply system. Note: The lack of hay 60 tons is sold by the trust and will be exported by the farms themselves. There are 14 Kazakh farms in the collective farm sector, all of them are collective farmers, they are provided with housing, they are provided with bread on the general basis of collective farms. There is a cow and a heifer for individual use of these farms in Karaganda. All of them are provided with cattle yards and fodder. In the collective farm sector which includes these 14 Kazakh farms, the sowing season of 1934 is fully provided. The plan for filling seeds for sowing were 6 centners, the implementation of 1862 centners or 134% in 1934. State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 3. Inventary 1. Case 48. Sheet 16. Script.

№ 82 From Materials on the Implementation of Grain Deliveries and Other Agricultural Activities in the Regions of Kazakhstan Alma-Ata, 1933 To the Regional Committee of the AUCP(b) Comrade Goloshchekin 1. Harvesting and cutting of ears takes place in almost all areas. 2. As a rule, the first threshing is distributed among collective farmers, after which they do not thresh, but talk about stacking. 3. Meanwhile, piling is significantly behind braiding. 4. Advances (bread), as a rule, are not issued on workdays, but in rations (Ilysk, Enbekshi-Kazak, Kastek, Kalininsk). 5. Cleaning is extremely sloppy, a lot of losses. 6. In the villages, the Belsendyies do not only work in the fields, but also ride collective farm horses (Ili, Kastek districts).

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7. Horses, are very, very emaciated and in a number of areas (Kastek, Karatal, Ilysk) as a rule. Their livestock continues to decrease. 8. Acts on the death of crops are often drawn up without verification and deliberately exaggerated. (In the collective farms of Lenin and Yeltai of the Kurdai district, the act was drawn up on the death of […] ha of bread on June 25, but in fact, there is a tolerable harvest on these squares now). As a result, the district, trusting in such acts, gave these collective farms, in comparison with other collective farms, a significantly reduced plan. 9. There are some facts of non-compliance with immediate payments for the delivered bread, in particular, attempts to return to cashless payment. 10. There are many facts of indirect resistance to the adopted grain procurement plans. (Disputes about the level of harvest, inflated statements about the death of crops, attempts to interpret the approximate percentage of withdrawal from the gross harvest as solid, etc.). 11. The vast majority entered the harvest unprepared (repair and delivery of inventory, spare parts, especially belts, elaboration of the most important directives of the Central Committee at collective farm and brigade meetings, etc.). 12. The principle of the brigade – site is often not observed (collective farm named after Kaztsik and Yarmukhamedov of Ili district). 13. The lack of draft, bricks and containers is often aggravated by the unpreparedness and unwieldiness of the Grain harvesting system (about 50 thousand pounds of bread, several collective farms of the Kurdai district are forced to carry 60 km to the Otar station, while the crops located around the Anarhai station [there is no acceptance]). Measures have been taken to open a subsidiary reference point at the Anarkhai station. 14. Mown bread remained 31/VII in suburban areas and 1/VIII remained in the rain.[….] Kuramysov Karaganda region

Bulaaev European Kazakh mixed Total Enbekshilder European Kazakh mixed Total Kurgaldzhin European Kazakh mixed Total Wilsky European Kazakh mixed Total Airtav European Kazakh – 1,501 – 1,502 – – – – – 1,042 – 1,042 – 1,647 – 1,647 355 812

– – – –

– 7 – 7

– 6 – 6

1 7

Sowing grain

– 8 – 8

Quantity collective farms

203 692

– 1,173 – 1,173

– 790 – 790

– 106 – 106

– 844 – 844

Quantity of farms

Collective farm with provision up to 2 years

319 728

– 1,458 – 1,458

– 939 – 939

– – – –

– 1,333 – 1,333

Preparation plan

9 26

1 11 2 14

– 9 – 9

1 3 – 4

3 7 – 10

Quantity collective farms

3,733 5,787

168 4,346 937 5,451

– 2,667 – 2,667

897 490 – 1,387

1,396 1,829 – 3,225

Sowing grain

1,095 2,008

77 1,540 341 1,958

– 887 – 887

220 164 – 384

326 635 – 961

Quantity of farms

Collective farm with provision up to 4 years

5,597 8,673

248 6,497 1394 8,139

– 3,746 – 3,746

1,345 735 – 2,080

2,089 2,734 – 4,823

Preparation plan

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mixed Total Telmanov European Kazakh mixed Total Tonquerey European Kazakh mixed Total Erkenshilik European Kazakh mixed Total

(continued)

– 1,167 – 260 – 260 – – 6 6 – 1,451 411 1,952

– 8

– 1 – 1

– 1 1 2

– 10 1 11

– 1,269 203 1,472

– 85 137 222

– 132 – 132

– 895

– 1,366 363 1,729

– – 3 3

– 234 – 234

– 1,047

3 1 1 5

– 9 – 9

1 4 1 6

– 35

Quantity collective farms

470 188 162 820

– 4,630 – 4,630

192 1,301 470 1,963

– 9,520

132 55 59 246

– 1,613 – 1,613

53 407 137 597

– 3,105

Quantity of farms

Sowing grain

Preparation plan

Collective farm with provision up to 4 years

Quantity of farms

Sowing grain

Quantity collective farms

Collective farm with provision up to 2 years

699 262 229 1,190

– 6,567 – 6,657

283 1,951 693 2,927

– 14,270

Preparation plan

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Bulaaev European Kazakh mixed Total Enbekshilder European

(continued)

6,223 1,754 – 7,977 –

6 5 – 11

–

–

1,136 376 – 1,512 –

12,279 3,550 – 15,829 –

6 3 – 9

Quantity collective farms

–

7,322 1,252 – 8,574

–

1,109 182 – 1,291

Quantity of farms

Sowing grain

Preparation plan

Collective farm with provision up to 8 years

Quantity of farms

Sowing grain

Quantity collective farms

Collective farm with provision up to 6 years

–

17,367 2,950 – 20,317

Preparation plan

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Kazakh mixed Total Kurgaldzhin European Kazakh mixed Total

(continued)

2,212 – 2,212 – 2,940 – 2,940

6 – 6

– 6 – 6

– 567 – 567

461 – 461 – 5,819 – 5,819

4,377 – 4,377 – 3 – 3

9 – 9

Quantity collective farms

– 1,851 – 1,851

4,059 – 4,059

– 255 – 255

571 – 571

Quantity of farms

Sowing grain

Preparation plan

Collective farm with provision up to 8 years

Quantity of farms

Sowing grain

Quantity collective farms

Collective farm with provision up to 6 years

– 4,443 – 4,443

9,740 – 9,740

Preparation plan

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Wilsky European Kazakh mixed Total Airtav European Kazakh mixed Total Telmanov European Kazakh mixed Total Tonquerey European Kazakh mixed Total Erkenshilik European Kazakh mixed

(continued)

1,461 2,589 771 4,821 8,235 4,752 663 13,650 6,689 1,758 282 8,729 5,083 6,534 7,119 18,736 644 210 591

3 4 1 8

17 15 1 33

9 5 1 15

5 9 4 18

2 1 1

132 53 101

1,027 1,369 1,471 3,867

1,226 421 59 1,706

1,637 1,023 128 2,788

257 546 180 983

1,254 415 1,150

9,895 12,737 13,943 36,625

13,022 3,474 549 17,045

16,266 9,407 1,313 26,986

2,513 5,171 1,526 9,210

2 – 1

2 1 4 7

3 6 – 9

10 2 – 12

2 – 1 3

Quantity collective farms

736 – 1,253

1,707 1,199 5,576 8,482

1,747 3,941 – 5,688

4,541 710 – 5,251

1,596 – 2,207 3,803

99 – 201

238 181 825 1,244

274 549 – 823

672 106 – 778

224 – 350 574

Quantity of farms

Sowing grain

Preparation plan

Collective farm with provision up to 8 years

Quantity of farms

Sowing grain

Quantity collective farms

Collective farm with provision up to 6 years

(continued)

1,747 – 2,957

4,003 2,877 13,159 20,039

4,122 9,244 – 13,366

10,862 1,704 – 12,566

3,765 – 5,297 9,062

Preparation plan

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Preparation plan

4

1,445

2,819

3 Total

1,969

723 510 – 1,233

– 3,188 – 3,188

– 1,923 – 1,923

2,791

1 1 – 2

– 5 – 5

– 2 – 2

4

8,182

– 5,769 – 5,769

– 9,537 – 9,537

2,169 1,504 – 3,673

4

– – – –

– 6 – 6

– – – –

3,283

– – – –

– 5,134 – 5,134

– – – –

307

– – – –

– 322 – 322

– – – –

11,620

– – – –

– 18,481 – 18,481

– – – –

14

– 27 – 27

1 30 – 31

16 24 – 40

9,299

– 10,423 – 10,423

897 15,083 – 15,980

15,664 6,846 – 22,510

Sowing grain

4,704

Preparation plan

1,196

– 2,718 – 2,718

220 2,001 – 2,221

2,653 2,100 4,753

(continued)

26,328

– 20,716 – 20,716

1,345 42,870 – 44,215

33,904 12,071 – 45,975

Quantity Preparation of farms plan

300

Quantity of farms

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– 219 – 219

– 377 – 377

82 63 – 145

Quantity Sowing Quantity Preparation Quantity Sowing Quantity Preparation Quantity collective grain of farms plan collective grain of farms plan collective farms farms farms

Collective farm with provision over 10 years

286

Quantity collective farms

Sowing grain

Quantity of farms

Sowing grain

Quantity collective farms

Collective farm with provision up to 8 years

Collective farm with provision up to 6 years

Collective farm with provision up to 10 years

Bulaaev European Kazakh mixed Total Enbekshilder European Kazakh mixed Total Kurgaldzhin European Kazakh mixed Total Wilsky European

Total

(continued)

2

289

Kazakh mixed Total Airtav European Kazakh mixed Total Telmanov European Kazakh mixed Total Tonquerey European Kazakh mixed Total Erkenshilik European Kazakh mixed Total

(continued) Collective farm with provision over 10 years

Total

513 – 3,304

1,172 – – 1,172

2,699 – – 2,699

– 358 1,520 1,878

– – 1,471 1,471

1 – 5

2 – – 2

3 – – 3

– 1 1 2

– – 1 1

– – 145 145

– 38 178 216

314 – – 314

126 – – 126

59 – 390

– – 4,339 4,339

– 1,074 4,560 5,634

7,961 – – 7,961

3,478 – – 3,478

1,539 – 9,721

– – – –

– 1 – 1

4 – – 4

2 – – 2

– – 4

– – – –

– 419 – 419

5,127 – – 5,127

1,100 – – 1,100

– – 3,283

– – – –

– 41 – 41

437 – – 437

98 – – 98

– – 307

– – – –

– 1,508 – 1,508

18,112 – – 18,112

3,960 – – 3,960

– – 11,620

7 12 5 24

7 22 10 39

20 16 2 38

41 50 1 92

22 4 40

Quantity Sowing Quantity Preparation Quantity Sowing Quantity Preparation Quantity plan collective plan collective grain of farms collective grain of farms farms farms farms

Collective farm with provision up to 10 years

1,850 19391,939 3,888 7,677

6,790 13,140 14,221 34,151

16,454 7,260 752 24,466

19,136 12,061 663 31,860

22,309

9,095

Sowing grain

363 1,377 709 2,449

1,265 3,327 2,611 7,203

2,304 1,509 196 4,009

3,833 3,829 1,258 7,790

3,318 871 5,385

3,700 2,043 9,038 14,781

13,898 24,813 31,665 70,376

43,500 14,903 1,242 59,645

40,482 20,512 1,313 62,307

14,665 8,217 49,210

Quantity Preparation of farms plan

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Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 5549. Sheet 53–58. Certified copy.

№ 83 The State of Animal Husbandry Livestock Dynamics from 1928 to 1933 Karaganda, 1933 Characterizing the features of the process of socialist reconstruction of agriculture, Comrade Stalin, in his report to the XVII Party Congress, said: “It is obvious that the enormous difficulties of uniting disparate small peasant farms into collective farms, the difficult task of creating a large number of large grain and livestock farms almost from scratch, and in general the reorganization period of reconstruction and the transfer of individual agriculture to new collective farm rails, which requires a lot of time and high costs, all these factors inevitably predetermined both the slow pace of the rise of agriculture and the relatively long period of decline in the development of the herd.” Kazakhstan has entered the reorganization period, having conditions sharply different from those of other regions of the Union Nomadic and semi-nomadic type of economy, large remnants and remnants of tribal relations in the village, special natural–historical conditions, cultural backwardness, etc. they could not aggravate the difficulties of the reorganization process said Comrade Stalin. In addition these difficulties have increased even more due to gross mistakes, excesses and perversions committed in Kazakhstan in the process of collectivization, settling of nomadic and semi-nomadic farms, livestock harvesting, etc. during 1930–1932. As a result of these mistakes and perversions, used to the fullest extent for their own purposes by the class enemy – the kulaks, the bayism, pests of all stripes and shades – the decline in the livestock population, noted by Comrade Stalin which was carried out in Kazakhstan with particular harshness and sharpness. The rate of reduction in livestock for the period 1928–1933 is characterized by the following indicators:

1928 1929 1930 1931 1932 1933

Years

3,841.9 4,135.1 3,283.6 2,309.4 720.4 466.0

– 107.6 79.4 70.3 31.2 64.7

To prev. year 100 107.6 85.4 60.1 18.8 12.1

By 1928 7,681.1 7,265.9 4,806.8 3,125.8 1,734.8 1,653.4

Thousands of heads

Thousands of heads

%

Cattle

Horses

– 94.6 66.2 65.0 55.5 96.3

To prev. year

%

100 94.6 62.6 40.7 22.6 21.5

By 1928 26,609 26,371.3 15,660 6,728.2 3,045.5 2,752.3

Thousands of heads

Sheep and goats

– 99.1 59.4 43 45.3 90.4

To prev. year

%

100 99.1 58.5 25.3 11.5 10.3

By 1928

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Pigs Thousands of heads 371.4 318.9 64.8 87.9 93.4 141

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Camels % To prev. year

By 1928

– 85.9 20.3 128.5 106.3 151

100 85.9 17.4 23.7 25.1 37.9

Thousands of heads 1,165.5 – 1,062.7 518.2 181.8 90.8

% To prev. year

By 1928

– – 91.2 48.8 35.1 50

100 – 91.2 44.5 15.6 7.7

Sheep breeding has always been the main and main branch of productive commodity animal husbandry in Kazakhstan. It is this industry, as the above figures show, that first of all suffered the greatest damage by 1930, while the number of cattle decreased (compared to 1928) by 37.4%, the number of sheep and goats decreased by 41.5%. From 1930 to 1931, cattle breeding decreased by one third, and the number of sheep and goats again decreased by more than half. The same trend continued in 1931–1932, which gave a new reduction in the number of sheep by more than half. Camel breeding is a specific branch of animal husbandry in the southern deserts and semi-deserts. The extreme endurance and undemanding adult camels, camel young, on the contrary is characterized by significant effeminacy and demanding care. Reproduction of camels without direct human help (at the time of mating) is almost impossible. For these reasons, perversions and excesses in the socialization of cattle, the Bay anti-kolkhoz agitation and struggle led in 1930–1932 to a forced reduction of the camel herd. By 1933, the number of camels had decreased by 13 times in comparison with 1928. Horse breeding in Kazakhstan in its development in the past, only a small part of it was connected with agriculture. Much more important was the commodity-productive herd horse breeding, which not only supplied the Kazakh aul with kumys and meat, but released large masses of horses through steppe fairs to the internal horse markets of the Union. The sharp reduction of the horse stock that occurred in 1930–1932 marks a radical change in the direction of the development of horse breeding in Kazakhstan from commodity-productive to working-user. Commodity herd horse breeding, which supplied significant masses of

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horses for withdrawal to other regions of the Union, in fact, in the collective farm and peasant sector, almost ceased to exist. In comparison with sheep breeding, large-horned cattle breeding in Kazakhstan in the past was significantly less marketable and had the character of a subsidiary branch in the Kazakh economy. If we compare the proportion of cattle in the entire Bay livestock and in the livestock belonging to the middle and poor, then it is found a clearly pronounced increase in the role of cattle as they move from economically powerful groups of farms to weak ones. In the economy of bai, commodity types – sheep breeding, horse breeding – strongly prevailed; in the poor man’s farm – cattle, which were partially used as a working utility. The process of reducing the herd could not, certainly not affect cattle. However, as we can see in the above indicators, the effect of this process was somewhat weakened due to the reduced marketability of the herd. These trends can be revealed even more sharply in the dynamics of the pig population. Commodity pig farming, which developed in migrant grain farms, fell sharply by 1930. In 1930, in fact, only a small pig population of consumer value remained in Kazakhstan. In the future, during the years of the greatest rate of decline of sheep breeding and other livestock industries, the pig population not only decreased, but began to increase intensively, starting to be introduced into the Kazakh aul. From the consumer pig herd of 1930, large commercial pig farming of collective farms and state farms began to grow. In general, the result of the losses incurred by the livestock industry of Kazakhstan during the decline is expressed by the following indicators, as a percentage of the population of 1928: Livestock types camels Sheep and goats Horses Cattle Pigs

% decrease 92.3 89.7 87.9 78.5 62.1

In order to correctly assess the significance of these losses, however, one should not forget that along with them, Kazakhstan’s animal husbandry has acquired a new quality – socialist elements have grown and become dominant in it.

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Distribution of the herd in 1933 (in %):

Horses Cattle Sheep and goats Pigs

State farms, institutions and organizations

Socialized herd of collective farms

Total social sector

Unsocialized herd

20.0 50.1 60.0

57.3 26.3 31.2

77.3 76.4 91.2

22.7 23.6 8.8

40.0

42.5

82.6

17.4

The new quality that Kazakhstan’s livestock has as a result of the reorganization process has led to new ways and rates of restoration and development of livestock. Statistical Department of the Karaganda region. State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 596. Inventary 2. Case 13. Sheet 1–4.

№ 84 From Materials on the Assessment of the Past in the Reconstruction of the Kazakh Village Alma-Ata, 1933 First of all, a few words about the current situation of the Kazakh village. Nevertheless, animal husbandry is mainly decisive in the economy of the Kazakh village, therefore the state of the livestock sector determines the position of the village. To characterize the current state of animal husbandry, it is possible to provide digital data for some areas:

Chet district Chingistau Turgai

Years

Number of farms

Livestock

1930 1933 1930 1932 1931

7,153 3,310 6,590 1,506 5,069

252,572 3,803 190,515 8,143 103,001 (continued)

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(continued)

Sary-Suu

Years

Number of farms

Livestock

1932 1931 1933

3,923 – –

4,973 250,000 2,595

We have given data on these areas as the most characteristic in relation to animal husbandry. The situation of the other livestock-breeding regions of Kazakhstan presents a similar picture. The above figures show how catastrophically the livestock sector of Kazakhstan has fallen with all the socio-economic consequences that follow from this. Naturally, the question arises as to how this happened. Undoubtedly, this is a consequence of the perversions of Lenin’s national policy. […] the decision of the Central Committee of 17/IX-1932 was not actually implemented before the new governance. According to the materials from the field, there was no fracture until February. Non-vital commodity farms were not dissolved, cattle were not distributed for individual use, artels were not reorganized into unions, etc. The new governance first of all sharpened the issue of migrations, as a result of which a certain turning point was created in the implementation of the decision of the Central Committee of 17/IX. According to the materials of the commissioners, the reorganization of artels into AJCLs, the dissolution of non-vital commodity farms and the distribution of livestock for individual use in April are mostly completed. Along with this, enhanced food assistance is being provided to nomads, and a local fight is being waged against abuses around the distribution of food aid and livestock. As a result of all these positive works, migrations in March–April stopped, and the tendency to return increased. The second issue, around which the new leadership has mobilized the entire party organization, all the workers of Kazakhstan, is the sowing campaign. The sowing campaign for Kazakhstan this year is of exceptional importance and the success of the fight against migrations largely depends on it. Due to the huge positive work, this year’s sowing campaign was completed successfully. Under the current conditions of Kazakhstan, successfully completing the sowing is the greatest victory.

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In addition, now a large cadre of experienced, qualified workers from collective farms, district organizations, Dairy farms and state farms will be moved to the village. Comrade Mirzoyan set a number of fundamental tasks for the party organization of Kazakhstan on topical and nodal issues: issues of nationality and culture, the problem of personnel, requests for korenization, elimination of handicraft, etc. There is no doubt that these tasks will be practically implemented. At the Plenum of the Regional Committee, there are conditions and topical issues of the moment proposed for convocation on July 5. Undoubtedly, under the new governance, the plenum provides solutions to these issues in full accordance with the requirements of the moment and the interests of socialist construction. The main issue of the Plenum is the arrangement of the migrant nomads and settling. The cardinal solution of these issues is related to the development of the economy of Kazakhstan in the second five years. The Central Committee, by its decision of 17/IX, gave instructions on the organizational form of animal husbandry in the near future. Now it’s up to a concrete plan with digital calculations, but this requires a number of political and economic prerequisites: (1) the share of Kazakhstan’s animal husbandry in the economy of the Union and Kazakhstan itself in the second five-year period and (2) the ratio of various sectors in the livestock sector of Kazakhstan. Obviously, these issues will have to be specifically developed on the basis of the decision of the Central Committee of 17/IX and the directives of the Central Committee on the preparation of the second five-year plan in general, in particular for Kazakhstan, in view of its special situation. Now one thing is certain that the development of livestock production in Kazakhstan will go not on the old, but on a completely new basis, relying on a broad developed industry, on agriculture, in particular on subsidiary farming. One of the big problems of the second five–year plan of Kazakhstan is the problem of the allocation of productive forces, in particular, the issue of economic use of the so-called Central Kazakstan. It seems to me that from the point of view of the development of both the Union and Kazakhstan in the second five years, there is no need to raise the question of the economic use of a significant part of the desert territory, which requires a huge investment for its production development. The investment will have to be directed to those parts of the

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territory that, with relatively minimal labor costs, can provide maximum labor productivity. In accordance with the rational use and proper placement of the productive forces of the territories of Kazakhstan and without its desert part, it is enough to organize a cultural economy for a fairly large number of the population on the basis of high labor productivity. Lekerov Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 5548. Sheet 34, 51–53.

№ 85 From the Settling Progress Report Alma-Ata, 1933 I. It was supposed to transfer 400,000 Kazakh farms to a settled state In 1932–1933, i.e. the entire nomadic and semi-nomadic population of Kazakhstan. Accordingly, a plan of practical measures for subsidence was drawn up and since the beginning of the year, preparatory work on subsidence has been launched in all 84 Kazakh districts, in particular, work on the selection of subsidence points and the procurement of building material. However, this plan was not approved by the center, and at the end of April, the plan was revised and a new plan was drawn up, taking into account the coverage of settling activities on the basis of agriculture of only 100,000 farms. In addition, the same plan assumed the settling of 49,307 farms as a permanent labor force of industry, state farms and transport. This restructuring of the plan for practical work was not reflected, since the initial plan of measures for settling was calendar-based and organizationally linked in such a way that all planned activities could be carried out consistently and smoothly from the beginning of the economic year in all districts. However, preparatory work was poorly deployed in almost all areas. The regions have been going through an “organizational period” for a long time, until April–May, only since the second half of April, due to persistent and decisive actions on the part of the Council of People’s Commissars and the Regional Neighborhood Committee, a broader mass work begins to unfold around subsidence and work on land management and preparation for construction has unfolded. The most intensive work on settling unfolded in May, when regional congresses on settling were

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held with the participation of representatives of both district organizations and settling collective farms. II. Turning to the voluminous implementation of planned settling measures, it is necessary to state that some areas are still going through an organizational period. The apparatus of many regional organizations is not still, sufficiently staffed, as a result of which the reporting is delivered extremely poorly, with large interruptions, which is especially sharply felt in matters of subsidence to this day, despite a number of drastic measures, the degree of completeness of some sedimentation measures is unknown, therefore, for these measures, either region-wide figures are given or they are absolutely no reflection was received in the report. COLLECTIVIZATION Information on collectivization of settling farms by administrative districts where settling activities are carried out is presented in the following form (on I/VII): Name of regions Aktobe West Kazakhstan South Kazakhstan Karaganda East Kazakhstan Alma-Ata

% collectivization 58 68 63.8 89 73.2 81.5

For settling farms, the % of collectivization is undoubtedly much higher, because as the experience of past years shows, the ongoing settling activities (land management, construction, machine supply, etc.) are a great incentive for the organization of collective farms, nomadic and semi-nomadic settling farms. According to data from 2,040 settling areas of production and financial plans, were drawn up, which is 69.7% of the presence of collective farms for the I/VII-32 year. Information about the preparation of work plans for permanent brigades was received only from two regions – Aktobe and Karaganda: only 184 work plans were drawn up in these two regions, while 640 permanent brigades were organized. Information about collective farms that have switched to piecework suffers from

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great inaccuracy – as of I/VII-32, only 709 collective farms or 30.9% have switched to piecework. Despite a number of instructions, the creation of large collective farms from nomadic and semi-nomadic populations has not yet become obsolete. The unbundling directives are poorly implemented. For I/VII-32, the average size of a settling collective farm is 124 farms. Undoubtedly, this is a big brake on the organizational and economic strengthening of collective farms. Due to the presence of such collective farms, the situation is bad with the introduction of piecework, the methods of social competition and shock are poorly penetrated, there is no brigade system of work in many collective farms, and as a result of all this, low labor productivity, poor quality of work, insignificant profitability and marketability of settling collective farms. The main reason for the weak work on the organizational and economic strengthening of collective farms in the settling areas is the lack of personnel in the settling Kazakh collective farms. Previous nomads and semi-nomads, who today are switching to a settled, more cultured economy, are taking up the task of creating a socialist economy, without having a sufficient number of personnel, both agricultural specialists and mass-qualified personnel. MACHINE SUPPLY The general plan of machine supply for 100,000 farms, in aggregate terms was approved for 1918,752 rubles. As of I/VII-32, a total of 588.3 tons of agricultural machinery were imported, which is 30.6% of the implementation of the plan. For certain types of machinery and equipment, the delivery varies very differently, but still, in general, it must be said that the supply of settling farms with agricultural production means is very unsatisfactory. The implementation of harvesting machines is particularly bad; the population is poorly provided with vehicles and this issue, due to insufficient release of moves by the center, still remains a bottleneck. All this is explained by the poor performance of the Acc. About Agricultural Supply and District Collective Farm Unions, which absolutely do not conduct mass social work, especially among the settling population, to introduce elementary skills in handling machines and training personnel among the population. Another reason is often the ignorance of the population about the benefits for settling farms in many areas, even ignorance of the procedure for obtaining cars.

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In addition, the territorial dispersion and remoteness of collective farms from warehouses of agricultural machinery is also of no less importance, many collective farms are located at a distance of 100–200 kilometers, which is today a big obstacle to the timely transfer of the necessary amount of agricultural equipment to these collective farms. SPRING SOWING CAMPAIGN The People’s Commissariat was not established the spring plan for 100,000 farms, because the final approval of the contingent of the settling took place only at the beginning of May, when the sowing was actually deployed, and in many areas of the south it was already over. Only the northern districts were given telegraphic orders to carry out sowing among the settling, but in fact these telegraphic orders were received late. Therefore not all districts were carried out, as a result of which it is still not possible to fully identify the sown area of the settling farms. As of 25/7/32, there are data on sowing from 20 districts, 374,587 hectares were sown, or 5.3 hectares per farm (see table). In the regional context, these figures are presented as follows: Name of regions Alma-Ata South Kazakhstan East Kazakhstan Total

Total crops in ha

Per farm per ha

132,613 75,800 166,174 374,587

3.6 8.0 7.0 5.3

The current spring sowing campaign was held in conditions of better organization of labor and means of production, which accordingly improved the quality of work performed compared to last year. Basically, this year the sowing was carried out at new settling points, which is the basis for the economic development of the allotted territory and the beginning of the restructuring of the economic life of the nomad and semi-nomads. The positive side of spring sowing is the overall increase in the sown area of the settling farms by 5.3 (4.6 hectares last year) and the increase in technical and fodder crops in particular. In addition, to note the increase in the sowing of vegetable gardens, against last year, and hence the improvement of the life of settling farms.

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The negative side of sowing will be that the specific weight of millet as a low-value crop occupies a fairly large place, even more than it was last year. HAYMAKING The general plan of haymaking for Kazakhstan was approved in the amount of 8,682 thousand hectares, including 1,110 thousand hectares were projected for settling farms, with a gross hay harvest of 812.5 tons. tons. Information on the implementation of the plan is available from five areas (see the table). Name of regions

South Kazakhstan Karaganda East Kazakhstan Alma-Ata North Kazakhstanskach Total In Kazakhstan

Plan in thousand ha

Fulfilled

% to plan

Plan in thousand tons

Fulfilled

% to plan

170 130 300 220 110

375 169.9 361.7 177 94.4

220.6 130.5 120.6 80 85.8

175.8 93.6 225 176 71.5

212 32.1 175.8 92.3 7.5

168.5 34.3 78.1 52.1 10.5

930

1,177.7

126.6 54

691.9

519.7

75.1 36.1

The figures speak for themselves: the settling farms are ahead in the implementation of the haymaking plan, despite the unsatisfactory implementation of machines, the lack of draft power in some areas and the general plight of the settling due to last year’s under-breeding and a reduction in livestock. The gap between the harvested area and the gross hay harvest is explained by a clear underestimation of hay harvesting in the field and crop failure in some areas. It should be noted that the successful implementation of the haymaking plan is also explained by the presence of a large number of MSS in the settling areas, which undoubtedly played a big role this year.

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LAND MANAGEMENT The works covered in this section, carried out in 1932 in the areas of subsidence, are essentially only preliminary preparation for the organization of the territory of the areas of subsidence. The purpose of these works was to establish subsidence points in the spring of this year (no later than I/VII), so as not to delay the progress of housing and economic construction. In accordance with this, the content of these works was reduced to the following: reconnaissance agro-land survey of subsidence areas, selection of the territorial base of subsidence, establishment (selection) of massifs and subsidence areas, reconnaissance hydrotechnical and small-drilling surveys on subsidence areas, agro-economic and hydrotechnical justification of subsidence areas, coordination of subsidence points with the population and, after their approval by the District Executive Committee, planning of settling areas. No filming and detailed survey work (geobotanical and reclamation) was carried out. The plan of these works provided for covering 3,571 farms across Kazakhstan in 1932 with the preparation and selection of settling areas with the allocation of 3,468,000 rubles for these works (at the expense of the Federal, Republican budgets, agricultural credit and funds of the population). These works mainly unfolded in the second half of February and were completed in mid-July. The Resolution of the Council of People’s Commissars of the RSFSR of 10/VI-32 on settling 100,000 farms in Kazakhstan in 1932 provided for an in-depth arrangement of 100,000 farms in 1932 and preparation for settling in 1933. In pursuance of this resolution and the telegram of Comrade Sulimova Kaz. The Council of People’s Commissars proposed to revise the work plan, leaving in the plan of 357,710 farms, only 200,000 farms, of which for 100,000 farms, the work should be deepened to a full range of survey, survey and design work on the organization of the territory, and the remaining 100,000 farms (out of 200,000 households) should be prepared for settling in 1933. The preparation of 100,000 households for settling in 1933 was ensured by the actual implementation of the first work plan considered. This year’s work on the in-depth arrangement of 100,000 farms, covered in 1932 by housing and economic construction, came across an exceptional shortage of specialists at Kazgoszemtrest, especially the

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most deficient geobotanists, soil scientists and agronomists in Kazakhstan, who revealed by this time an exceptional shortage in the personnel of specialists, especially the most deficient geobotanists, soil scientists and agronomists in Kazakhstan. Due to the lack of reinforcement of Kazakhstan by personnel from the outside, the plan for an in-depth arrangement of 10,000 farms. It was shortened for 1932. A full range of works is planned to be carried out in grain areas and areas of industrial crops, with staging for the rest of the districts in 1932 in-depth hydrotechnical and small-drilling expert surveys, showing land designation of the boundaries of the allotment, organization of land and their brigade distribution. In the regions of Central Kazakhstan, in addition to additional agro-land surveys to check and survey the choice of settling areas. At the same time, with this revision of the first work plan, it was proposed to terminate the execution of work for all other households (in excess of 200,000 x). Analyzing the execution of work on individual elements according to the first expanded plan, we have unfinished work in terms of approving and planning subsidence points for a number of areas not included in the work plan this year. The performance indicators shown in the table for the areas covered by housing and economic construction show that the construction of these areas is provided with preparation in terms of the selection and planning of settling points. From the analysis of the qualitative indicators of the work performed, the insufficiency of agro-economic and hydrotechnical justifications is visible. The lag of agroeconomical justifications is explained by the lack of agronomists, not only as part of Kazgoszemtrest, but also in other systems in Kazakhstan, as a result of which the decree of the Presidium of the KazTSIk of II/V on the mobilization of agricultural personnel of other systems to eliminate the breakthrough, in the conditions of the spring sowing campaign, was essentially not implemented. The backlog of hydraulic engineering justifications is conditional, because the indicators given in this part are based only on data from small-scale drilling surveys, which were not required in all areas due to

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the availability of some areas of discovery with water sources and the availability of survey materials from previous years. The total cost of the preparatory work performed is estimated at 2100,000 rubles. Work on in-depth land management has begun in almost all areas, but there is no data on the progress of work yet. LAND RECLAMATION For reclamation works, the plan provides only for the construction of wells at subsidence areas. It is planned to build 2,100 wells with a total cost of 1803,570 rubles, of which 450,892 rubles from the federal budget, 355,881 rubles from the Republican budget, 543,596 rubles agricultural credit and the remaining 47,320 rubles funds of the population itself. The construction of wells has unfolded recently, there is no detailed information from the field. There is information only from the East Kazakhstan region, where 17 wells have been built and 10 have begun construction. The construction of wells in all districts is planned to be carried out mainly at the expense of local material only in seven districts out of 43 it is provided from concrete and reinforced concrete. CONSTRUCTION. One of the most important areas of work on the complex of settling measures is housing, agricultural and socio-cultural construction. The construction program of 1932 outlines, in addition to new construction, also the completion of 1931, in areas where subsidence was carried out in previous years, but construction for one reason or another was not completed. The 1932 plan is characterized as follows:

Alma-Ata South Kazakhstan East Kazakhstan Karaganda West Kazakhstan Aktobe Total

Name of regions 108 27 72 24 41 28 300

2,510

865 1,702

988 11,355

Bath

4,750 540

Residential houses of two apartments

43 535

51 54

134

199 54

Inventory sheds

43 535

51 54

134

199 54

Forges

45 520

96 44

130

131 74

Grain storage

47 530

51 58

141

179 54

Stockyards

47 530

51 58

141

179 54

Stables

38 249

16 36

41

82 36

Sheepfold

26 249

28 30

53

78 34

Schools 2 and 4 set

2 29

3 2

10

8 4

Hospitals

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It was supposed to spend only 22,365.0 thousand rubles on housing and agricultural construction, of which 2,538.7 thousand rubles from the federal budget, 2,560 thousand rubles from the Republican budget, 3,756 thousand rubles agricultural loan and the remaining 13,510.3 rubles are the means of the population itself. The cost of building schools and hospitals is determined by the amount of 7,601.4 thousand rubles, of which 4,830 thousand rubles are at the expense of the local budget, 1,676.5 thousand rubles are the means of the population itself, and the remaining 1,094.9 thousand rubles will lend a loan. The implementation of the construction plan, according to incomplete data from districts on I/VII, is presented in the following form. Name of objects Houses Baths Sheds Forges Granaries Animal yard Stables Shepherd Hospitals Schools

Plan

Started

Finished

Total

% to plan

11,355 300 535 535 520 530 530 249 29 249

1,053 20 48 35 143 120 88 31 3 22

519 1 18 14 37 4 5 11 – 7

1,572 21 66 49 180 124 93 42 3 29

16.8 7.0 12.5 9.1 34.6 23.4 17.5 16.5 10.4 11.7

If we turn to the implementation of the plan in the regional context (see the table), we will see that in the Almaty, Karaganda and East Kazakhstan regions, the plan is being carried out satisfactorily, so for some objects (granaries, stables, barnyards), the plan is fulfilled from 50 to 70%. As can be seen from the table, more attention is paid to agricultural buildings, which once again proves the creation of a solid base for the economic development of the allotted territory. The West Kazakhstan and Aktobe regions are somewhat lagging behind, and construction in the South Kazakhstan region is completely unsatisfactory. This position will become clear if we turn to the provision of construction materials in the regions.

Alma-Ata Karaganda East Kazakhstan West Kazakhstan Aktobe East Kazakhstan

Name of regions

Forest saw

Iron

Nails

Glass

Adobe

64.1 54.1 166.5

31.0

20.3 10.2

24,327 4,077 45,861

3,587

3,002 57,152

177 105

1,928

485 1,787 3770

4.5 4.7

67.0

27.5 61.9 55.0

– 0.2

–

2.9 – –

– 1.2

–

– – –

0.27 1.0

1.05

4.2 2.6 –

2.2 16.2

12.5

– 23.4 –

50 172

902

3,615 450 –

0.2 18

6.8

– 4.0 –

3517,100 305,800

8667,544

8986,278 1280,000 2345,658

Harvested % Harvested % Zagotov % Harvested % Harvested % Harvested in cubic provided in cubic provided provided in tones provided in cubic provided in piece tonn meters meters meters

Forest circle

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We see that the regions are not sufficiently provided with scarce building materials, especially the last three regions, as a result of which construction is poorly deployed in these areas. Many districts of these regions do not have their own forests, and it is currently impossible to bring to these areas due to the lack of forests, mainly wagons, therefore they cannot begin construction and harvesting of local material, since in previous years, due to the non-receipt of these scarce materials, harvested local material (mainly adobe) it has fallen into disrepair. We cannot transfer the forest harvested for treeless areas from Western Siberia and the Middle Volga due to the non-presentation of wagons, there are also no wagons for internal transfer, which is the main obstacle to the successful progress of construction. Last year, due to the lack of timber, part of the construction remained uncovered and fell into disrepair in the spring of this year. We are facing this threat this year as well. The situation is especially bad with the funded difstroymaterial – the construction of subsidence is completely not provided for them. Our petition to the central authorities was rejected with the motivation of attributing the subsidence supply with funded activities from the Republican Fund. Since the Republican Fund receives insufficient amounts, there is no need to talk about meeting the need for subsidence. What is available is harvested exclusively at the expense of intra-district resources, through the use of glass, nails, old wintering grounds and scrap materials (by artisanal processing). But all this neither quantitatively nor qualitatively satisfies the construction. At this time, we are faced with the fact that in many areas there are already completed construction projects, but the lack of glass, nails, iron (especially glass) does not allow these buildings to be put into operation. There is a danger that the harvested local material will remain unused and eventually become unusable, and despite the difficult economic situation of the settling population, due to the reduction of livestock and the shortage of past years, it is harvested and will be harvested in sufficient quantity. It should be noted that construction in the areas of work of previous years is also deployed and it is completely not provided with

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funded (glass, nails, iron) material. For example, 80 residential houses, 5 cattle yards are planned to be built in the Kustanai district, 265 residential houses, 4 cattle yards, 1 stable, 7 inventory sheds, 9 forges, 6 schools, 5 baths have been started in the Adamovsky district, construction of 105 residential houses, 8 cattle yards has been launched in the Dzhetygarinsky district, 1 stable and 2 shepherds. The picture is similar in many other areas. Some of them, due to the lack of scarce building materials, are built in an artisanal way, from turf, without a project, which is why such construction does not stand up to any criticism in terms of quality. With regard to providing construction with technical staff, the situation is much better this year. During the winter period, the Kaztekhpromstroykolkhoz KaztexppomctpoNkolxozb.po Bureau trained 360 people through 4month courses of foremen, in addition, workers were also invited from outside to the settlement construction. The construction of subsidence can be considered fully provided with technical personnel – on average to date, each settling area has one technician and 5 foremen. FINANCING The general plan for financing the settling works and the amounts actually released for the 1st half of 1932 are visible from the following table:

Federal budget Republican budget Agricultural loan Total

Sources of financing

759

1,306.8

45

2,056.8

17,804

3738

38,150

Released

16,608

Plan

Land management

56.5

12

45.3

47.8

% to plan

1,590.1

650

659.6

280

Plan

400

80

260.0

–

Released

Melioration

25.2

12.3

39.2

–

% to plan

8,854.7

3,756

2,560

2,538.7

Plan

4,255

3,643

250

1,005

Released

Construction

48

70.3

9.8

39.6

% to plan

14,259.8

4,779.8

500

4,480

Plan

Total

6,384.8

2,768

1,816.8

1,800

Released

44.7

57.9

36.3

40.2

% to plan

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Funds for subsidence, in particular, for construction began to be released from April–May, in connection with which, until that time, due to lack of funds, the deployment of construction was delayed. It was only with the opening of funds that the widespread and intensive deployment of work began. There is no information yet about the degree of use of the released funds. Thus, in conclusion, we can state that the organization of the territory (the selection of settling points and their survey) was started in a timely manner and this made it possible to develop these points economically in the same year, bringing spring sowing and haymaking in new, designated territories. The successful sowing and haymaking created a solid base for a further expanded offensive against the old, nomadic economy, for the creation of a cultural, settled socialist village. Despite all the difficult conditions in which the settling population is now, it still successfully completed the sowing and haymaking, with the same intensity began the construction of residential and outbuildings, which are the final factor in the economic development of the settling areas. However, in this area, due to the lack of scarce building materials, we are experiencing serious difficulties, which are very difficult to overcome without the help of the center. Please, based on the above: 1. On the urgent release of scarce building materials of finished wood […] cubic meters, […] tons of nails, […] glass, […] tons of iron, […] furnace appliances, […] paints. 2. To provide in August–September platform wagons for the export of timber from the Middle Volga […] wagons, Lower Volga […] wagons, Western Siberia […] wagons. Total […] wagons. 3. Include subsidence construction in the list of shock construction of state farms and livestock commodity farms.[….] Chairman of the CPC KazASSR Kulumbetov Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 54570. Sheet 120–133. The copy.

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№ 86 From Materials on Settling Alma-Ata, 1933 The plan of settlement as a labor force since 1932 in districts of Karaganda region Name of districts

Karaganda

14th State. Construct

KazCons

Kazprom-union

Subject to settling Workers Families Workers Families Workers Families Workers Akmola 500 Atbassar 200 Esil – Erkinshilik 200 Zhana-Arka 1,380 Kurgaldzhin – Kokshetau – Kyzyl-Tus – Sary-Suu – Stalin – Total 2,380 Name of districts

333 130 – 130 920 – – – – – 1,513

Omsk railway

1,070 – 1,500 690 443 – – – – – 3,703

726 – 1,000 460 296 – – – – – 2,482

Kaz railway const

– – – 50 – 100 – – – – 150

– – – 50 – 100 – – – – 150

Karsak-pay

Families

650 – – – – – – – – – 650

434 – – – – – – – – – 434

Cattleman

Subject to settling Workers Families Workers Families Workers Families Workers Families Akmola Atbassar Esil Erkinshilik Zhana-Arka Kurgaldzhin Kokshetau Kyzyl-Tus Sary-Suu Stalin Total

300

200

300 600

200 400

650 200 1,000 – – – – 340 1,000 – 3,190

434 133 666 – – – – 228 666 – 2,127

– – – – – 400 – – 100 – 500

– – – – – 268 – – 67 – 335

– 100 – – – 500 – – – 500 1,500

– 50 – – – 250 – – – 250 550

(continued)

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(continued) Name of districts

Kaz-leather

Grain trust

Total

Subject to settling

Akmola Atbassar Esil Erkinshilik Zhana-Arka Kurgaldzhin Kokshetau Kyzyl-Tus Sary-Suu Stalin Total

Workers

Families

Workers

Families

Workers

Families

– 15 – – – – – 55 – – 70

– 15 – – – – – 55 – – 70

1,000 – – – – – – 400 – 200 1,600

1,000 – – – – – – 400 – 200 1,600

3,870 515 2,500 940 1,823 1,000 300 795 1,100 1,000 14,343

2,927 328 1,666 640 1,216 618 200 683 733 650

Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 1. Inventary 1. Case 54570. Sheet 7. The copy.

№ 87 From Information on the Progress of Settling Works Alma-Ata, 1933 To Karaganda Regional Executive Committee Karaganda Regional Committee on Kazakh meeting Kazakh Trade Council By the decision of the Karaganda Regional Executive Committee and the Kazakh meeting Committee, 315 families from among the returning farms are attached to the Heavy industry union system for employment. Families assigned for employment are scheduled from Tonkerei district among 183, from Yerkenshilik district – 118, and from Ruzaev – 14. The transfer of attached families and their employment is subject to be carried out exclusively at the expense of the Heavy industry union and its system, since no funds are released to the Heavy industry union for this event. Due to this latter circumstance, it is impossible for Heavy industry union to perform the tasks assigned to it, since neither Heavy industry

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union nor its system have the means to do this, which is also complicated by a number of the following reasons: 1. The production facilities of the Heavy industry union in their predominant part are seasonally active, ceasing their work for the winter period. 2. Almost all production facilities are located in the areas of occurrence of the rocks being developed and are located away from settlements, thus having no housing stock. 3. The Heavy industry union system has very minimal transport, far from sufficient even for in-plant work, as a result of which there is a significant breakthrough in the implementation of the production program, as well as the impossibility of self-transportation of attached families and the use of new workers in winter on self-procurement for fuel production or other side jobs. Moreover, we are extremely interested in creating a permanent staff at our production facilities, but deprived of both physical and financial opportunities for systematic, firstly, and one hundred percent, secondly, the implementation of the work assigned to us, we hereby request: 1. By redistributing the numbers with other organizations, we need to reduce the number of attached families to 200. 2. Provide us with a gratuitous loan at the expense of funds for the employment of returning farms in the amount of 50,000 rubles for the purchase of transport for the purpose of transferring attached families and their employment in secondary transport work in winter, and in production during the season of such work with the expansion of production capacity. We note that outside of the release of funds, the Regional Industrial Union, represented by its system, will be deprived of the opportunity to fulfill the task assigned to it, even with respect to 200 tons. families, and in part of the number of families that could be transferred, there will be no possibility of their employment without which, by the way, the transfer itself is meaningless. We ask the Kazpromsovet to assist in our application through the regional authorities. […]

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Karaganda Regional Industrial Union Bolshedvorov Bushuev Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 1. Inventary 1. Case 54570. Sheet 177. The copy.

№ 88 From the Minutes of the Karaganda Karaganda, 1933 […] II. Mistakes of the old management and their consequences The mistakes of the old regional governance received sufficient assessment and analysis at the IV plenum of the regional committee. The meaning of the mistakes lies in the fact that ignoring the national peculiarities of Kazakhstan, perverting the Leninist national policy, the working methods of the central settled agricultural regions were mechanically transferred in Kazakhstan. Jumping over the stages of cooperative forms of aul development, collective farms were planted without taking into account the moods of the aul masses, the practice of naked administration flourished. This was the practice of misunderstanding and underestimating the features of the village. This was a line of misinterpretation of the decisions of the XVI Party Congress. I consider it necessary to recall what was said on this issue in the decisions of the XVI Party Congress, discussing the issue of collectivization and the mistakes made during collectivization, which were promptly signaled by Comrade Stalin in the article “Dizziness from success” pointed out that the main form of collectivization at this stage of development is the agricultural artel. Consequently, in the presence of an agricultural artel, as the main form of collectivization, there can be no question of “one hundred percent” collectivization and forced socialization of livestock. The Congress particularly drew attention to the need to take into account local peculiarities of national suburbs. In the light of the instructions of the VI Party Congress, it turned out in our farms: today the population was resettled by force, and tomorrow, a month later, the population again wandered to the old nomads. It would be wrong and a glossing over of the actual situation, if we calmed down and believed that all the mistakes had already been

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corrected. There is still a lot of work ahead to finally correct the excesses made by the old governance of the regional committee. “To turn Kazakhstan into the vanguard of socialist animal husbandry in the East” – so wrote the Central Committee of the party in greeting to the first All-Kazakhstan Congress of collective farmers-strikers. This instruction of the Central Committee was the basis of its work by Kazkraikom during the restructuring of work, taking the decision of September 17, 1932 as the program. Without bragging, we can say that we have a big shift in the field of animal husbandry and this can be clearly seen on the example of our Karaganda region. III. Achievements and shortcomings in the development of agriculture in the Karaganda region Karaganda region, in addition to a number of industrial enterprises has a large agriculture. There is every reason to say that thanks to the correct line of the Central Committee, due to the work of Comrade Kaganovich’s commission, which not only revealed mistakes, but also constantly provides enormous material assistance to Kazakhstan. Through the Bolshevik leadership of the political departments organized on the initiative of Comrade Stalin and abandoned in the countryside for the socialist re-education of millions of collective farmers and workers of state farms, we have undeniable successes. Kazakhstan has never completed the implementation of the grain procurement plan in a timely manner. Grain procurement took place in an atmosphere of administration and excesses and, as a rule, dragged on until the start of spring sowing. This year, due to the political departments, the correct leadership of the regional committee, Kazakhstan successfully completed the implementation of the grain supply plan and our Karaganda region completed the annual grain supply plan by November 10. This made it possible to immediately begin preparations for spring sowing, to widely expand the training of qualified personnel, the repair of agricultural equipment, and so on. The completion of the plan for grain deliveries by November 10 is the greatest victory, the first result of work under the new leadership of the regional committee headed by Comrade Mirzoyan. But speaking about the victories of agriculture in the region in the order of self-criticism, we must also say about the shortcomings. First, the question of seeds. We have not provided ourselves with a seed supply, and the struggle for seeds is a struggle for the future harvest. We have not strengthened ourselves economically in areas outside the radius of the MTS. Where there are political departments, where there is an MTS, there

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are huge successes. Thousands of collective farmers in the distribution of income received 15–20 kilograms of bread per workday. Shchuchinsk, Bulav, Mamlyut districts receive, on average, not less than 10–12 kilograms per workday, in other words, after fulfilling obligations, each farm has 400–500 poods of grain. Why do we still have crop failures on a number of collective farms in the region? It’s about the quality of the work, the quality of the seeds. The annual loan of grain, untested, unsorted, yields a poor harvest. To create our seeds, tested, acclimatized in local conditions – that’s what gives us a big harvest, that’s why the whole struggle for seeds is a struggle for the harvest. In the sowing campaign of last year, the tractor fleet was used by 60%, this year’s sowing campaign – by 75%. It turned out because they could not fully use their power, they did not set up repairs. In addition, we have bad tractor drivers who do not know how to handle cars. The decisive question about the horse stock. We lost 43% of the horse stock. How can this be explained? The fact that there was poor care. We Communists, first of all, fought badly for the preservation of livestock. We are faced with a number of problems in agriculture, without the resolution of which we cannot really fight for the implementation of the slogan T.Stalin: “To make collective farms Bolshevik, and collective farmers prosperous.” Snow retention, crop rotation, land management – we have not dealt with all these issues yet. Do you remember, comrades, the instructions of Comrade Stalin on the need to increase class vigilance. The class struggle has not stopped. It continues at different stages in new forms, the breakdown of combines, tractors, etc. There are other forms of struggle – this is an attempt to deceive, to rub in glasses, a lot of shouting, but little business. Theft, squandering of collective farm bread, still take place. This year, pioneers and the Komsomol were organized to protect bread, but we all did not get rid of theft, since there were communists in the collective farms all the time – “hats”. Thieves led them by the nose. They found a lot of pits where thousands of hundredweight of bread were hidden. In the practice of grain deliveries, we had a lot of facts of opportunistic practice in a number of districts of the region, and sometimes directly Kulak ulcers, disrupting sowing, grain deliveries, and other agricultural campaigns. For example, in the Aryk-Balyk district in 1932, the Regional Committee faced the fact of the complete closure of the district leadership

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with the class enemy, complicity with Kulak elements and the clamping of self-criticism in the party organization. In 1993, the Stalin district systematically failed grain deliveries. The practice of theft, squandering of bread and Kulak distribution of advances flourished here. And all because the district party organization overlooked the class struggle in its new forms. We have also identified a number of shortcomings that take place in Akmola and Chet districts. What were they expressed in? In isolation from the masses, outside the collective farms, in the bungling leadership, which resulted in mechanical planning, administration, etc. We can no longer allow such mistakes, such excesses. It is necessary to judge all those who, bending the party line and playing into the hands of class enemies, are trying in the old-fashioned way not to study collective farms and their economic features, will continue to make attempts at administration and knock on the table when talking to collective farmers. This year, in accordance with the exception of certain facts, we have managed to successfully carry out grain harvesting in our region earlier than others without administration and arrests. Having received reinforcements in the person of the MTS political departments and state farms, we have achieved tremendous success in increasing yields and organizational and economic strengthening of collective farms, and brought our grain farms to the forefront of the Union. These successes need to be consolidated over the winter, so prepare for next spring so that the coming year of the second five-year plan will be a year of high yields, a year of decisive turning point in the region, a qualitative rise in agriculture. And this means that it is necessary to exert all efforts to prepare the tractor fleet, repair inventory and the correct alignment of forces. [….] State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 3. Inventary 1. Case 42. Sheet 107. The original.

№ 89 From the Memos of the Secretary of the Nura District of the Committee of the AUCP(b) “On the Development of Animal Husbandry in the District” Alma-Ata, April 1934

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To The Regional Committee of the AUCP(b) Comrade Mirzoyan and Nurpeisov Regional Committee of the AUCP(b) Comrade Ammosov I consider it necessary to briefly inform you about the activities that we are carrying out in the area for the restoration and development of animal husbandry. First of all, I will give a small characteristic: if we take the herd, they show that in 1930 there were 52,995 heads in the region, in 1932 6,818 heads, on 1/XI-1933 – 5,995 heads, and on 1/I-1934 – 8,197 heads, of which 677 horses, 4,282 large cattle, 148 camels, 2,669 sheep, 355 goats and 66 pigs. Moreover, among the 8,197 heads there are 2,100 cattle received from the state. Here the question naturally arises: where did the cattle go? They answer: “The economy of the Nura district has suffered enormous damage, due to systematic leftist excesses and perversions of the party line in collective farm construction and sabotage of class-alien elements. The historical decisions of the Central Committee of 26/III and 17/IX-1932 in the district were not explained and implemented in a timely manner. Due to a misunderstanding of the historical decisions of the Central Committee, the former District leadership in the practice of its work allowed the deepest perversions of the party line in collective farm construction (the period of the artel “Karamoil” 2 times on the charter of the AJCL back). What caused the ranks of collective farms to analyze cattle in turnout and to mass slaughter (from the decision of the Regional Committee of the AUCP(b) according to my report of 16/XI-1933.) Mentioning this quote, I am not almost thinking of resigning responsibility, but only noted for clarity. Certainly, we have big drawbacks. Mainly, the decline falls on the 3rd quarter, i.e. from 1/7 to 1/X-1933. This period refers to the time when there was no party governance in the area (the secretary was removed). According to the judicial authorities, 389 heads were destroyed during this time, including 180 horses, 68 cattle, 122 sheep, etc. During the period from 1/X-1933 to 1/I-1934, 36 heads were destroyed, and from 1/I to 1/III-1934 – 40 heads. 143 people were brought to justice, including 17 kulaks, 15 workers of the village and district, 83 collective farmers and 28 others. What does the District Committee of the AUCP(b) practically do?

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1. Along with the applied repression, the RC ARCP(b) takes measures of moral influence, such as the practice of joint convocations of the Bureau of the RC ARCP(b) and the Presidium of the district executive Committee with the broad participation of the collective farm masses, especially on the most important issues of animal husbandry and agriculture. At such a meeting, we give a bonus to the best collective farmers, and we expel predatory slaughterers, swindlers, Baysk backup singers and loafers from collective farms, select the cattle transferred to them, deprive them of food aid, and hand them over to the court. This practice of open meetings gives us a great effect. Literally speaking, each participant is a collective farmer, after leaving these meetings turns into a live newspaper representing a thousand copies (“uzyn kulak”), which distributed all the negative and positive side of the decisions made throughout the district. There are the best collective farmers who received 50–100 rubles each for good care, for the preservation of livestock, and 1–2 heads of selected cattle from criminals. Here are the characteristic indicators: “Seriktik Kokozek” – 52 sheep, 72 offspring were born. A member of “Seriktik” Ibsdeldin has 4 sheep, they have 8 heads of offspring. It turned out like this: from two queens offspring 4 heads, from one offspring 1 head, from one – 3 offspring. “Seriktik Bayanda” – 30 sheep queens were born, 39 have offspring. “Seriktik Kunduzda” – 13 sheep were born, 18 heads of offspring. A member of “Seriktik” Inkarbekov – a former nomad now has 6 cattle. For today, everyone in the district, calved and calved, all types of cattle – 1,064 heads of queens, offspring 1,218 heads. Of these, sheep, goats – 818 queens, offspring – 938 heads, etc. They introduced as a rule, a check on the fulfillment of the social competition: a collective farmer – a collective farmer every 5 days, a brigade – a brigade in 10 days, AJCL, 15 days, aul – aul council in a month. Created a premium fund: 1,000 rubles, 20 center. Bread, 3 heads of cattle. 2. In order to control and verify […], the preservation and growth of livestock, we have established a control decadent, which gives us the right orientation for the fight for animal husbandry. 3. Established control figures for the growth of livestock for 1/I-1935 by species, by collective farms. What is obtained by the presence

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of 3,197 heads in the area by the end of 1934, then on 1/I1935, together with the offspring and acquired, there should be at least 13,249 heads or a % increase. If you look by species, then so: horses to the presence of 677 [growth] to 984 heads, cattle to 4,289 [growth] to 6,220 heads, camels to 146 [growth] to 169 heads, sheep to 2,669 [growth] to 4,869 heads, goats to 355 [growth] to 742 heads, and 66 pigs [growth] to 240 heads. Rabbits 390,000 pieces. By means of self–tortures of collective farmers – attaching sick animals to them – we are fighting for the fastest cure. 4. In order to ensure the case of the company (livestock sowing), the existing producers of horses and cattle were distributed to AJCLs, artels and farms. We take all measures to prevent the use of the masterbatch, especially in heavy, backbreaking work. Along with other difficulties in the growth of animal husbandry, we do not have vet workers. Despite our repeated demands, the oblzu still keeps its specialists in bureaucratic offices, “for shuffling archival papers,” and the disease in cattle is rampant quite threatening enough. There is no doubt that you will take this into account. 5. Now they have been forced to start repairing the agricultural equipment of the hay harvest. But the haymaking plan has not yet been finally adopted, there is nothing from the region yet. But without waiting to receive from the region, we ourselves want to pre–adopt a haymaking plan with an increase of 30% against 1933 – from 75,000 hectares, which will fully provide livestock with its 1934 increase for a year and a half with feed. 6. Certainly, what about this year, our livestock state farms are coming out of wintering quite well. The loss of livestock in Marzhenkulsky for the winter on 1/1V-1934 by 2.2%, Kyzylkozsky – 2.4% and Dzhurosaysky – 2%, whereas they in 1933 at this time had from 11 to 21% of the number of livestock. This year the collective farms have helped the state farms quite well. And now they are allocating workers. State farms, represented by political departments, also provide all kinds of [assistance] to collective farms, both politically and morally and financially 7. We deal with personnel issues by nominating ordinary Communist collective farmers as foremen and foremen of collective farms. On 61 collective farms 31 pre. collective farms are the new nominees. Clearing the hands of the nominees of the Baysko-Kulak elements,

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we, the Nurin Bolsheviks, stubbornly, Stalinistically undertake to firmly guarantee the livestock business in safe hands, to report to the Regional Committee in the shortest possible time about removing our district from the black board, transferring it to the red one. Here is the main short content of our struggle and the line of the District Committee. The AUCP(b) in the cause of class Bolshevik work, for the growth of socialist and individual animal husbandry. It should be noted directly that along with the activities that are being done here, based on specific directives of the leadership of the Regional Committee, the Regional Committee on Animal Husbandry, we must tell you that this year it is necessary to provide state support for cattle. At the same time, I ask you to check and force the regional and regional organizations that have not yet fulfilled the decision of the Regional Committee of 16/XI1933 on the Nurinsky district on many issues. What this decree imposed on us, we basically fulfilled, or rather we are fighting for the implementation of this historic decision of the Regional Committee in order to take the district out of a difficult economic situation this year, providing collective farmers with their own bread and creating all the necessary conditions for the further growth of animal husbandry. We have a total sowing plan of 1,744 hectares, of which 16,000 grain. We have outlined several objects, i.e. ways to use water resources: the Nura River, etc. This way we irrigate about 3,000 hectares. The fact that in their report at the 8th kraypart. conference noted T.Mirzoyan, that our district should achieve a harvest of 6–7 quintals per hectare, the collective farmers, led by the party organization, undertake to fulfill with honor. But our struggle this year will be extremely intense, due to the fact that the difficult situation with the draft. But there is no doubt that we will pass the Bolshevik cattle and bread exam. With Committee greetings M. Bisopanov 1/Iv-1934 To Regional Committee Mirzoyan and Nurpeisov Regional Committee of the AUCP(b) Comrade Ammosov From Bisapanov (Secretary of the Nura District Committee of the AUCP(b)) In essence, the notes of “Kazpravda” dated April 5, I inform you the following: firstly, in the autumn of 1933, I did not speak at the meeting of the leaders of nomadic districts (See the minutes of the meeting).

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Secondly: as a state aid, the district did not receive 2,500 cattle, including 300 horses, but received 2,149 heads, of which 600 calves, 990 ewes, 500 lambs, 59 horses. Hence it is clear that the 1,350 heads of cattle and 1,100 sheep appearing in “Kazpravda” is also a fundamentally incorrect figure. Apparently, these figures were taken to the editorial office from those materials that were published in the autumn of 1933 in Kazpravda without my verification. I asked the editors to make an appropriate check about this in a timely manner, as there was a gross distortion in the figures. Thirdly: a sum of 4,051 quintals was released from the state to the district, quintals were brought to the district. 6,787 quintals of seeds were filled in collective farms. Fourth: as of July 1, 1933, there were 761 horses in the area, and 1/IV- 1934, there are 613 heads: 1,163 horses are completely incorrect. This figure, i.e. 1,163, there are total draughts in the area, of which 526 horses, 514 oxen, 123 camels. It is clear that we did not have 1,163 horses in the area. It is clear that the destruction of 300 horses is also wrong and a form of delusion. Fifth: my letter was closed, only addressed to Comrade Mirzoyan in the Regional Committee, the Regional Committee and the Head. political departments of state farms, and not to the editorial office of regional newspapers – this is slander. With this letter, I wanted to inform the Regional Committee and the Regional Committee of the actual situation of the region. Receiving, i.e. organizing mutual assistance between state farms and collective farms, he also wanted to link the recruitment of workers for work on state farms. Sixth: as for the Nurinsky district. An area of great production opportunities, this is undoubtedly correct. The fact that we have used these resources poorly, or rather insufficiently, is also true. After the decision of the Regional Committee of 16/XI-1933 on the introduction of irrigation agriculture, we are doing something. We want to irrigate about 5,000 hectares of crops, but due to the lack of a reclamation plant in the region for those. of course, things are going very slowly. The decision of the Regional Committee to send a meliorator to our District has not been fulfilled. Here’s what I wanted to make clear about the article in Kazpravda. After all this, I ask you to speed up the relevant conclusions. With Committee greetings M. Bisopanov Kaz town Nura. 17/IV-1934

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Nura district I. Livestock by year From the memorandum of the Secretary of the RC ARCP(b) T. Bisapanov The date

Total heads

Decease

Growth

1930 1932 1.XI.33 1.I.34

52,995 6,818 5,995 8,197

– 46,177 823 –

– – – 2,202

Note Among the 8,197 heads there are 2,100 cattle received from the state. Thus, the actual increase from the main herd is expressed only by 102 heads. II. Control figures Growth of livestock as of 1.1.1935 adopted by the district Livestock types Horse Horn. livestock Camels Sheep Goats Pigs Rabbits Total

The presence of heads

Head growth plan

677 4,209 148 2,669 355 66 – 8,197

984 6,220 169 4,869 742 240 390,000 13,249

III. About the lambing of cattle. On April 1, 1934, 1,064 queens calved and calved in the region for all types of livestock – the offspring of 1,218 heads. Of these: sheep and goats – 818 queens, offspring – 938 heads. Examples for individual AJCLs: 1. “Kok-Azek” – 52 sheep have calved, have 72 lambs. A member of this AJCL Ibadeldan has: 4 sheep, 8 offspring. 2. “Bayanda” – 30 queens of sheep have calved, the offspring is 39.

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3. “Kunduada” – 13 sheep lambed, the offspring was 18 heads. Member of this AJCL Inkarbekov, former. nomad has 6 heads of cattle We consider it mandatory to inform you the following: due to the current difficult situation of the district, especially over the past 10–15 days. At this time, every day, every hour passes with great stress and difficulties, due to the fact that the long winter and the fall of deep (1.5–3 meters) snow this year greatly torment the collective farmers. It was complicated by the fact that there was no harvest of herbs and bread in 1933. Instead of sowing, the collective farmers collected everything they could collect with a rake: reeds, chiy, kurai, tal, etc., in which there is almost no nutrient. Now, at the moment, collective farm, Tozovsky and state farm cattle have come to such a situation that the whole area will be affected by the mass death of livestock, if the snow does not come down in 5–15 days. A number of surveys show that by this time the entire supply of hay will be used up, that cattle are grazing in deep snow during the day. But the end of winter is not visible, while a number of districts of the region are completing the spring harvest and sowing, and the cattle are being driven out for foot food, and in the territory of our district there is no sign of spring already today 7/IV. Local citizens (old people) say that they have not seen such a long winter for 35–40 years. To all this is added another great fear. According to all data, this year during the thaw will be the highest water level in all hollows and gorges, especially in the rivers Kokpekty, Bukon, Talmenka, Terek, etc. If the rivers are raging, then a number of collective farms, villages, will be cut off from one side of the zagot. settlements and the district center, and on the other hand, inter-settlement communication will stop for about one month. 4. What is the position of the district. (a) state farms and the situation of workers and livestock in state farms are known to you. Now it is too early to say who is responsible and to blame for everything that is happening, since at the moment organizations and people are very busy saving livestock

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and supplying workers of state farms. But one thing is clear – people talked a lot and did little, they knew little about the economy and there was mismanagement (in some state farms and sabotage). There was a substitution of business executives, and there was a restriction of the rights of individual business executives. The district did everything it could with regard to the allocation, but the possibility of supply, sending workers, allocating hay, indicated the location of livestock on collective farms. You know all this, but further assistance to state farms from collective farms will be very difficult and in some cases impossible. (b) Approximately 50–60% of the cattle of the district are located in the Aksuat part of the district, where the situation of the collective farms with regard to feed was considered safe, but now, due to the large number of livestock accumulations on a small area, the collective farms and collective farmers themselves have a tense state. (c) The transportation of seeds during the disaster with 16/III greatly decreased. If about 600 carts were plying along 16/III, now only 200–300 carts are plying, during this time 83 horses, 16 people, and many frostbitten legs, hands, etc. remained on the road (fell). The draft has been severely depleted and is being depleted due to lack of feed. The concentrate loaded by you did not turn out to be in Kamyshenka and the carts sent by the collective farms returned empty. Comrade Stakun, it’s no good when the Outposts systematically return the collective farm carts empty, let’s not be mistaken if we say that there is sabotage in the outposts. And oblzagotzerno does not report to the Regional Committee, because it does not have the provision and does not have verified data from its local branches. I must also tell you here that [we] have so far held out in collective farms and AJCLs, achieved accurate accounting of hay, crumb, straw, broke the roofs of sheds and achieved their correct distribution. They took away the surplus from some collective farms and AJCLs and gave it to others in need. A large amount of sowing was given to collective farms. However, the state farms themselves arbitrarily took hay from the collective farms and AJCLs in an armed

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manner and left them without hay. On the other hand, it was taken away from the hay of postal stations and Zagotskot, as a result of which communication along the state highway was interrupted. 5. A categorical request to reinforce the local budget with a subsidy, since specialists and workers, employees of the district have not been paid since December and January. The flow of local revenues has almost stopped, [which] is clear from the above. There is a resolution of the Regional Executive Committee on the account of the subsidy, but for some reason the Regional Federal District is not being implemented. Secretary of the District Committee Sadyrbayev Member of the Bureau of the RC ARCP(b) […] Archive of President of Kazakhstan Republic. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 6672. Sheet 1–11. The original.

№ 90 From the Memorandum on Collectivization in the Karaganda Region of the KASSR Karaganda, July 1, 1934 I. Population and collectivization. The dynamics of collectivization over the past one and a half to two years is characterized by the following data: The date

January 1, 1933 July 1, 1933 January 1, 1934 July 1, 1934

Totally populated farms

127,132 107,142 114,385 105,238

Among them Kolkhoznikov farms

%

Sole proprietors of farms

%

115,849 95,013 99,924 93,397

91.1 88.6 87.3 88.7

11,283 12,129 14,461 11,841

8.9 11.4 12.7 11.3

Thus, by July 1, 1934, the rural population of the region had decreased by 21,894 farms, or by 17.3%, compared to July 1, 1934, and collective farms had decreased by 22,452 farms, or by 19.4%, while individual farmers had increased by 558 farms.

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Such a sharp reduction in the rural population of the region at the expense of collective farms should be attributed to those excesses that took place under the old regional leadership, their extremely slow correction and the presence of significant food difficulties, which led to exits from collective farms, migrations to other regions and territories, and, secondly, due to the care and, consequently, departures from collective farms to industry and state farms in Karaganda, Balkhashstroy, Kazzoloto, etc. Moreover, the population reduction did not affect all districts. So, for example, with a reduction in the whole region, i.e. in 21 districts by 21,894 households, in the following 7 districts the population decreased by 23,492 households, namely: Districts

Arykbalyk Presnov Tonquerey Enbekshilder Akmola Kokshetau Ruzaev

It was on 1/1–33

11,801 7,325 8,590 4,619 10,241 12,730 4,850

Remained on 1/VII-34

6,840 4,229 4,442 1,992 6,801 9,553 2,779

Decreased Farms

%%

4,961 3,096 4,148 2,617 3,440 3,177 2,053

42 42 48 57 34 25 42

It was in these areas that the greatest excesses were made and the most severe food difficulties took place. In the rest of the districts, we have population stability, and in some of them even growth (Bulaevsky district – by 3343 farms, Beynetkorsky – by 479 farms). It should also be noted that the degree of collectivization of individual districts is far from uniform. So, for example, according to the percentage of collectivization, districts are divided: Over 95% – 8 districts. From 90 to 95% – 8 From 85 to 90% – 3 Below 85% – 3 districts

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The last three districts are the most lagging in terms of collectivization, and more than 57% of all individual farms of the region are concentrated in these three districts. These areas are as follows: Districts

Bulaev Mamlyut Lenin

Total population

8,127 8,011 5,242

Among them in the collective farms

Sole proprietors

Farms

%%

Farms

%%

5,530 5,003 5,093

68.1 62.4 81.5

2,597 3,008 1,149

31.9 37.6 18.5

II. The reasons for the weakness of the growth of collectivization. One of the reasons for the weak growth of collectivization, as the materials collected by the survey show, is the more advantageous economic position of the sole proprietor in a number of places compared to the collective farmer, in which they, the sole proprietors, were actually as a result of opportunistic, essentially anti-collective farm practices in a number of local party-Soviet and household enterprises. Organizations (underloading of the sole proprietor with sowing tasks, liberal attitude towards non-payers of state payments and mandatory deliveries, etc.), on the one hand, and on the other – the slow growth of the organizational and economic strengthening of many collective farms and the presence of food difficulties in them on the basis of the shortage of the last three years (excluding 1934). In these places, due to these reasons and extremely weak organizational work, the entry into the collective farm of sole proprietors was either absent or very insignificant, and at the same time exits from collective farms reached large sizes. During the first half of this year, 434 collective farms were registered for the following reasons: a. alien farms were excluded – 136 farms, b. excluded for violation of collective farm discipline – 22, c. came out on the basis of prod.difficulties – 213, d. voluntarily left for various reasons – 63 farms.

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Moreover, these exits from collective farms were significantly intensified by inattentive, insensitive attitude to the needs and requests of collective farmers (assistance to the temporarily needy, the elderly, the sick, failure to provide vehicles to the sovbazars, lack of concern about the supply of fuel to collective farmers, assistance in household sowing, etc.). The more advantageous economic position of the sole proprietor in a number of places in comparison with the collective farmer, as already noted above, was caused by perversions in practice of the party line, which was specifically expressed in the following: 1. The tasks for sowing were brought to the sole proprietors without taking into account their real production capacity, often mechanically equally on the farm, which in some cases, when handing over an obviously impossible plan, led to demagnetization of responsibility for the fulfillment of state tasks for sowing and grain deliveries, and in other cases (when a real opportunity was ignored, i.e. the farm was underloaded), an opportunity was created the sole proprietor should widely deploy his speculative work and, due to this, it is much better to provide himself financially. Thus, for example, in the Samara Village Council of Mamlyutsky district, 6.75 hectares were brought to Kulak-Bay farms, equally to each farm, and 1.67 hectares to the rest of the sole proprietors per farm, also equally. The village council stated that they had divided the district plan equally among individual farms, without taking into account their real production capacity. In the region, the average load per 1 traction unit in the individual sector in 1934 was 4.1 hectares, while in the collective farm sector it was twice as much. In some areas, underloading is even higher. For example, in the Burayevsky district: Sectors

Collective farms Sole proprietors

Load per 1 i.e 1933

1934

14.88 5.86

13.22 4.48

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2. A liberal attitude towards sole proprietors who evade in every possible way from fulfilling state obligations, which led to far incomplete taxation of sole proprietors and a significant under-fulfillment of state payments and mandatory supplies imposed by sole proprietors, while collective farms and collective farmers usually fully fulfilled their obligations to the state. So, for example, in the Bulaevsky district, in which the largest number of sole proprietors, economically more powerful than in other areas, in 1933 grain deliveries were made by collective farms by 99.4%, sole proprietors – 77.6% and, respectively, 97% and 72% for milk, 96% and 50% for meat tax, in 1934 by meat tax 105% and 45%, etc. In the Kamyshlovsky Village Council, the sole proprietor Egoshin Philip in 1933 handed over bread deliveries instead of 24 tons only 15 quintals. No repressive measures were taken against him. He had 6 cattle in 1933, and in 1934 – already 13 heads. Another sole proprietor of the same Village Council had 2 horses, a foal, a cow, 2 calves, a sheep, a pig, sowing 10.3 hectares, did not hand over a single liter of milk and was also not subjected to any repression. In the Sanzharsky Village Council of the Mamlyutsky district, collective farmers and sole proprietors frankly tell that they, sole proprietors, in 1933, “although many had bread, they laid down an incomplete part of bread deliveries, no one touched them, there was enough time to speculate, life was not bad even without a collective farm.” In the collective farm, they got “a kilogram each for a workday, day and night working on the collective farm, they are not allowed to work and it is impossible to speculate, so they had to leave the collective farm, because the bread they received was not enough…”. In this village council, the sole proprietor Gromov Moses, who filed an application for joining the collective farm in September 1934, said: “they haven’t touched it yet, he lived as a sole proprietor, and now, as our brother was beaten for the grain tax, and for the meat tax, so let’s go to the collective farm soon …”. 3. The underload of individual farmers with sowing tasks, in addition to turning free time to speculation, made it possible for individual farmers to produce garden crops on a much larger scale and sell them profitably at high prices, and in addition, openly use the domestic needs of collective farmers (plowing at speculative prices

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for household collective farmers, bringing firewood, transporting products to the Sovbazaar, etc.). So, for example, in the Kulomzensky village council of the Bulaevsky district, collective farmers paid for the removal of firewood from the forest, plowing gardens, and so on. Petrishchev Nikolay several tens of pounds of bread, for which he bought a horse, two cows, three sheep and a heifer in one year. In the Sanzharsky village council of the Mamlyutsky district, the collective farmer Ugolnikov paid the individual farmer 120 rubles for plowing his garden. money and 2 pounds of bread. In this village soviet, which has 6 collective farms and a large number of 226 farms of individual farmers, on average, household crops per farm amount to 0.11 hectares for a collective farmer, and 0.26 hectares for an individual farmer, or two and a half times more. 4. Individual farmers in these places are completely insufficiently involved in carrying out public works and fulfilling national obligations, while collective farms and collective farmers take an active part in this. Sole proprietors are almost completely not involved in participation in state loans, incurring labor-service, etc. To characterize the inattentive, insensitive attitude to the needs and demands of collective farmers, which led, in a number of cases, to exits, we will also cite a few facts. Collective farmer Manakov left the collective farm “The Way of the Leader of the Revolution” in the Mamlyutsky district in the fall of 1933, due to the fact that, being in poor health and an unskilled worker, he could not provide for his family of 8 people on the earned workdays, of which only one able-bodied (6 people children, the oldest of which is 13 years old). A 66-year-old collective farmer of the same collective farm explained the reason for his leaving the collective farm in the following words: “I asked the management several times to give me easier work according to my strength, but my request was ignored. On the contrary, I was forced to carry water from the well for the livestock with my hands. I continued to work hard. But when they scolded me and said: “Drag me, you’ll die, we’ll drag you to the mazars,” I could not stand it and left the collective farm. I love the collective farm, and I really like the Soviet government and I am always ready to go to the collective farm if they give me a job according to my old man’s strength.”

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In the Bulaevsky district, the collective farmer Alexander Shashkov, who was sick with a hernia, was forced to carry bags and do other hard work, thanks to which Shashkov, having 417 workdays, was forced to leave the collective farm. Shashkov A. is an old collective farmer, he was extremely conscientious about his work, he had no comments. His father, a collective farmer, was surprised at the actions of the board, he is the head of the farm, which gave the collective farm 250 lambs from 158 queens without any loss. A large number of such facts can be cited. In most of the surveyed collective farms, the collective farm management did not provide assistance to the collective farmers in plowing vegetable gardens, harvesting and especially removing firewood, selling products earned on workdays and received from individual farms, providing transport to travel to the hospital, repairing houses, housing for cows, etc., as a result of which the collective farmers are forced to resort to hiring a tax for a rather high price from the individual farmers, mainly in kind, which, along with other reasons, also influenced the exit from the collective farms. On the collective farm “Bednota” in the Mamlyutsky district, the collective farmer Andreev (former collective farm chairman) was refused to be given a horse and was even allowed to go to the hospital for an operation. When the collective farmer went to the hospital without permission, he was immediately expelled from the collective farm and his cow was taken away. III. The composition and stratification of individuals A sample survey of sole proprietors in Bulaevsky, Leninsky and Mamlyutsky districts showed the following stratification among sole proprietors into groups: Group 1: having no crops and livestock, living largely due to theft from the collection of ears of corn on state farm and collective farm fields, turned into parasites. Group 2: sole proprietors who have insignificant crops that do not provide them with a normal existence and who live largely at the expense of side earnings, and partly also at the expense of theft of collective farm and state farm property, who do not fulfill state obligations.

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Group 3: sole proprietors who have a crop that provides them with a normal existence, but who only partially fulfill their obligations to the state. To characterize the composition of sole proprietors, we present data from a continuous survey of individual farms in the Sanzharsky and Dubrovinsky village councils of the Mamlyutsky district. Groups of individual farmers by sowing Without sowing and without livestock With crops up to 0.5 ha Up to 1 ha Up to 3 ha Up to 5 ha Over 5 ha Total

Total farms

Including social status Laborers

The poor

82

3

16

56

2

64 106 32 8 347

4 5 5 – 19

Middle class

Prosperous

Kulaks

8

8

47

26

27

–

2

32 40 16 3 133

25 60 10 5 135

– 1 2 – 10

3 – – – 52

The above table shows that a significant part of individual farms are not provided for a normal existence from the income of their farms, as a result of which they are the main suppliers of looters of collective farm and state farm goods. Among them there are 47 farms dispossessed, convicted, often several times and now have no property. For example, Ivan Antimonov, who was dispossessed in the past, was sentenced to 3 years for non–fulfillment of spring sowing, and in September his wife Varvara, who has three children, was convicted of non-fulfillment of grain delivery and agricultural tax for 2 years and 5 years of expulsion, and the convict was released home, saying: “Go, and then it will be seen …”. Along with the lack of knowledge of the plan for individual farms that are largely provided with draft, there is on the part of the village councils bringing a fairly significant plan to those farms that do not have working

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draft and seeds, which to a large extent corrupts sole proprietors with respect to non-fulfillment of state obligations. Among sole proprietors with insignificant sowing, there are such farms that come home at the time of harvest to collect ears of corn on state farm and collective farm fields. After selling the harvested bread, they leave again to various cities, to enterprises for seasonal work, and from there, as a rule, they return to the next harvest, turning to a large extent into parasites and flyers who do not fulfill any state obligations and by their actions undermine labor discipline in collective farms and agitate in every possible way for leaving collective farms. Farms that do not have crops, largely perform state tasks, perform agricultural taxes and insurance payments, but do not acquire loans for a penny. Among the latter group there is a craving for collective farms, which has intensified recently, due to the firm pressure on the fulfillment of state obligations and the organizational and economic strengthening of collective farms. It should be noted here that the necessary organizational work on the involvement of excellent workers in collective farms has not been organized locally. Moreover, collective farms and collective farmers are disdainful and often reach the point of openly refusing, under various pretexts, to accept individuals wishing to join collective farms. For example, in many cases, during the survey, the heads of collective farms and collective farmers declared: “well, to hell with them with sole proprietors, these are not people left, but some kind of animals-parasites, speculators, contra, even if they were taken somewhere from us, etc.”. In many of the surveyed collective farms, the applications of sole proprietors for admission to the collective farm are not considered, or they

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are refused under various pretexts; exorbitantly high shares and contributions are established, a horse or cow is required, etc. Some collective farms declare: “we do not accept sole proprietors now and we will not accept them, without them we have a lot of our own workers, and the draft not enough.” IV. Proposals on collectivization issues To strengthen the pace of collectivization, we consider it necessary to carry out the following activities: 1. Resolutely strengthen the work on further organizational and economic strengthening of collective farms and improving the material and living conditions of collective farmers. In particular, to organize the correct implementation and distribution on workdays of this year’s high harvest, with the sale of surplus bread to the state in the order of bread purchase. 2. By organizing a wide display on concrete examples of mainly collective farming, to establish systematic mass agitation work to involve private individual workers in collective farms. In this work, it is necessary to apply all the methods of mass work that have actively given themselves, such as: inviting sole proprietors to collective farm meetings, sending shock workers-collective farmers to the home of a sole proprietor for inviting him to the collective farm, providing industrial assistance to sole proprietors, etc. It is necessary to get rid of the wrong, harmful views of many collective farmers, who indiscriminately consider all sole proprietors as parasites, animals, etc. At the same time, special teams of the region should be sent to the districts lagging behind in collectivization (Bulaevsky, Mamlyutsky and Leninsky) to organize work on the involvement of sole proprietors in collective farms. 3. Along with mass work among sole proprietors, it is necessary to achieve full and unconditional taxation and collection of all established taxes, fees and supplies. 4. To resolve the question of the future fate of the dispossessed and declassified elements of the village, who turned into parasites, robbers of state farm and collective farm goods.

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It seems to us that in the interests of further strengthening the collective farm system, it becomes necessary to remove this declassified element from the village, settling them in specially designated areas for this purpose. 5. Establish easier conditions for the admission of laboring individual farmers to the collective farm, having overcome the resistance of the collective farms to the admission of individual farmers. Here it is necessary to make a special decision establishing a differentiated approach in determining the amount of deposits and share contributions, in some cases, exemption from such, etc. Collective farms must be allowed (by decision of the meeting) in respect of individual farmers admitted to the collective farm, to allow them to be supplied with grain in advance before the distribution of the future harvest, so that a person who joins the collective farm and does not have grain can receive this grain in advance on account of the earned workdays. It should be noted that such individual farmers, who do not have bread at the time of joining the collective farm, argue as follows: “I ask for a collective farm, and they are not averse to accepting me, but they don’t want to give bread before the new harvest. The question is, how am I going to live. You have to remain a sole proprietor and earn your living for bread”… 6. In order to stop exits from collective farms on the basis of inattentive, insensitive attitude to the requests of the collective farmer, we consider it necessary: (a) To put into practice the issuance of benefits to collective farms for honestly working, multi-family, temporarily disabled, disabled workers, the elderly, setting an approximate amount […]. In order to obtain the necessary funds for this purpose, sharply strengthen the activities of collective farm mutual assistance funds and at the same time allow (by the decision of the collective farms themselves) to allocate allocations for these purposes when distributing crops and income. (b) Ensure that collective farm boards are sensitive and attentive to the everyday needs of collective farmers (providing easier work to the weak, freeing patients from work and providing

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the opportunity to receive medical care, assistance in repairing homes, etc.). (c) Include in the collective farms’ industrial plan the plowing of individual vegetable gardens and melons of collective farmers on a par with collective farm fields, harvesting and the removal of firewood for personal use. (d) Oblige the collective farm boards to provide collective farmers with a draft for the export of products received on workdays and also from individual farms to grain purchase points and for sale on the Soviet-collective farm market. State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 18. Inventary 1. Case 20. Sheet 7–16. Copy.

№ 91 Analysis of the Results of the Cattle Census on January 1, 1935 Sheep: Collective Farm and Peasant Sector The course of reproduction of the herd Preserved offspring as of 1.01.1935 Born

1. Karkaraly 2. Bayan-Aul 3. Kuv 4.Konuradky 5. Zhanaarka 6. Shet By county

% Autumn offspring

Dam on 1.01.1934

The dams are preserved

18.3 14.2 11.8 10.4 12.7 12.0 14.6

5,471 2,770 3,363 398 2,150 1,470 15,622

78.4 80.6 98.0 77.7 58.4 63.3 78.8

Total

1 half a year

2 half a year

3,504 1,915 2,906 277 1,095 818 10,515

783 318 389 32 162 112 1,746

4,287 2,233 3,295 309 1,257 930 12,311

Economist District plan Kacherov State Archive of Karaganda region. Fund 1. Inventary 1. Case 40. Sheet.71. The original.

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№ 92 From the Memos of ZhanAarkf District ZhanAarkA district, 1937 GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF THE AREA: The economic survey of the upper reaches of the Sary-Su River captured almost the entire Zhanaarka district, with the exception of 7 villages lying in the south, which will be included in the survey plan next year. The area is located between 48° 50° and 47° 56 north latitude and between 39° and 43 east longitude. According to the structure of the surface, the district consists of a small-scale, more elevated mountain-top, Jaman and Zhaksy-Imanak, Akstasy systems of the Arkalyk mountains, which stretch to the Nurinsky district. In the south, the area is squeezed between a whole system of mountains, of which the main ones are in the south-east: Ortau and Aktau in the southwest. The western part of the district is characterized by the same surface arrangement. The main waterways flow between this system of mountains: the area of the river Dzhaksy-Sarasu and Jaman-Sarysu, both originating within the former Kar-Karalinsky district, and on the territory of the district just near the district center (Karaul-Tube) they merge into a single river Sary-Su, flowing in the western part of the district. Both of these rivers, as well as the Sary-Su River formed from their confluence, as well as their tributaries, present a pathetic picture already at the beginning of summer. Most of the tributaries are dry logs that fill with water only during spring floods, for a very short time and completely dry out after two weeks. The Zhaksy and Zhaman-Sarysu and Taldy-Manaka rivers also cross and separate small reaches remain in their beds. The Sary-Su River does not dry up, but has the appearance of a small flowing stream, and only to the southwest there are separate and rather deep reaches with brackish and salty water, most of which are inhabited by fish. The district is located in a semi-desert strip of Kazakhstan, which is characterized by a sharp continental climate. Due to the complete absence of meteorological stations, both on the territory of the district and in areas similar to Zhana-Arkinsky, and directly adjacent to it, it is necessary to use the data of the following stations located at the same latitude with this area to characterize the climate.

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Latitude

Longitude

Annual rainfall

Uspensk.r: 48°1 Irgiz 48 37 Kokpehty. 48 45 Average annual: for three stations

72°42 61°16 82°22 –

208 158 272 213 ml

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Certainly, this is an arbitrary average over three stations, says V.N. Lebedev in his work “Hydrometeorological essay of Kazakhstan” refers the upper reaches of the Sary-Su River to the zone with a siege, to 200 ml., However, he stipulates that the slopes of the mountains facing significant water basins and not separated from them by a barrier should distribution of precipitation approaching the Mediterranean type. In other words, despite the close proximity of deserts, they must be in relatively favorable conditions for the artificial storage of moisture. Food area of the river. Sary-Su fits this definition and probably the amount of precipitation in the area is much higher than 200 mlm. We have only some data on the climate recorded from the words of the population. The area is extremely poor in summer precipitation, or is characterized by its complete absence, which entails frequent droughts. There were droughts in the eastern part of the Zhanaarka region in 1923, 1926, and 1929. The entire harvest of 1929 in the Zhanaarka region perished. There are very early frosts in the region: in late August and early September, frost often appears at night, but because Since the district has exclusively spring crops, this fact does not affect agriculture. Winds are observed in the area, in the winter half of the year from December to March blowing to the west and in the summer in the western part blowing from the west and southwest. There are dry winds from the western part from June 15 to July 15. The area lies entirely in the zone of chestnut soils, turning to the south into light chestnut and brown loams. The upper reaches of the northern tributaries of the Sary-Su River, lying south of the 49th parallel, serve as the border of dark chestnut soils. The soils of the district are complex everywhere. Along with suitable arable land, saline-saline soils are located at a very small distance, measured in meters.

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Good arable lands are interspersed in the main fund of saline soils, they are located mainly in the eastern part of the district, north of the Dzhaksy-Sarysu River, in the western part in the upper reaches of the northern tributaries of the Sary-Su river. The best arable lands have already been largely plowed by the population. Due to the rugged terrain, due to the presence of a number of hills and valleys between them, the soil cover reveals a great variety. So, along the depressions, where salt washing is possible to a greater depth, dark-colored soils of the depressions develop, having vegetation thicker and more abundant than on the rest of the background. On the tops and on the slopes of the hills and valleys lying next to them, rough-skeletal, crushed-cartilaginous soils develop. Salt marshes develop in lake basins. This is the general rough characteristic of the soil cover of the area, which entirely determines the nature of the vegetation cover. VEGETATION: The predominant vegetation of chestnut soils of the north is kovylnotipchak. As the transition to light chestnut soils and brown loam of the south, the vegetation turns into grass-solyanka. In the eastern and central parts of the district, the main vegetation cover on salty and saline loams consists of representatives of the wormwood-solyanka association: zhusan, kokpek, jalman-gulak, on saline soils in most of the solyanka on sandy loam, the kovyl-tipchak association kiyak. […] In the western part of the district, in the zone of chestnut and light chestnut soils, sandy loams in combination with loams predominate, covered with wormwood-type, wormwood association. Moving south along the left bank of the Sary-Su River into light gray loam. In the western part, the floods of the Sary-Su rivers and its left tributaries Taldy-Manaka and Atasu flood the tracts of Tokhty (about 10,000 hectares) annually. In addition, in the same part of the district, large areas of natural flood hayfields are formed by annual floods of the Kudai-Mendy rivers 500–600 hectares, the Surt-Su river 4–59 hectares, Kelteay 200 hectares, Dzharyk 600 ha., as well as flowing waters from the mines at the foothills of Mangadyr from 10–15 ha; in the valley at Konek hill, naturally estuarine haymaking of 1,000 ha is formed. […]

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Zhaman-Sarysu at the tract. Apaz with a group of adjacent tracts of Bidaik is flooded annually about 8,000 hectares of haymaking area. In high-water years, this area increases significantly. In the southern part of the district, large areas of hay fields are flooded by the floods of the Shaezhraya River and the upper reaches of the Atasu River, but due to the remoteness of these places, as well as the insignificant use so far, it was not possible to take into account the amount of the flooded area. Winter accommodation of the population: The population of Zhanaarkinsky district consists of 5,338 households, 26.1 thousand souls. In winter, the population is located, as it were, in separate islands throughout the district. The villages of kstau (wintering) of the 1st admaul are located in the southeastern and eastern corner of the district, mainly near the Bir-Nazar Kotroba, Tozoba mountains and the interfluve of the upper parts of the Jaman-Sary-Su and Dzhaksg-Sary-Su rivers, Kokten-Ku lakes and a small part on the right tributaries of the Dzhaksy-Sary-Su River. Wintering grounds of the 2nd admaul are located in three places. A small part in the south-eastern part of the district, on adjacent tracts in the 1st admaul near the Korob mountains and in the upper reaches of the Zhaman SarySu. The second most part is around Lake Kaktyn-Kul, the third is a very small part near the Imanak Mountains. The population of 8 ha is located south of the 1st admaul in the southern mountainous-sopochnaya part of the district, has wintering grounds near the Ayula, Matok, Kossangan mountains and along the Shaheoa River. From south to north of the mountains. Ber-Kara to the lower reaches of the Kurmanaka River. The wintering grounds of the 3rd aul stretch along the valley of the Kur-Manaki, Kalma-Kurgan and Ortau rivers. Most of the wintering grounds are located here, while the rest are at the lower reaches of Zhaman-SarySu and Dzhaksy-Sary-su. Wintering grounds of the 5th admaul are located in the upper reaches of the Atasu and Taldy-Manaki rivers in the south of the district, and only a small part is at the Dzhailma–Aktasty tract, at the Aktasty mountains. The wintering grounds of the 4th admaul, located in the central part of the district, are located mainly near the Aktau mountains and on the tracts adjacent to the Toldy-Manaka River, up to the confluence of the

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Toldy-Manaki River with the Sary-Su river. Some of the Jataks of this village settled in the north of the district near a handful of ne. Wintering and lettering of 6, 9 and 10 admauls in the western part of the district, with a small inclusion, are located along the right bank of the Sary-Su River, as well as along its tributaries flowing into it, from the right side (Kutai-Mendy, Chiy-Karasu, Sur-Tu-Su) and at the lower reaches of the Toldy-Manaki River. Migrant nomads: The population of the eastern part of the district should overwhelmingly be attributed to nomads. On the contrary, the population of the western part of the district is with a large% quite settled farms. Nomads, as a rule, have a meridional direction from south to north. The population of the 1st and 2nd admauls roam mainly on the Isen River, which lies on the border of the Nurinsky and Zhanaarkinsky districts, as well as on the tract located along the right tributaries of the Dzhaksa-Sary-Su: the Shotan, Norbaki, Uchkaitas rivers, etc., where their arable land is located. The radius of the nomads is very different: from Z0-40 V. to 150 V. The population south of the 8th admaul, part of it wanders on the Zhaksy-SarySu River. The land association of Sarysu Shazharayu with a small radius of nomadism from 30–40 V. More recently, last year, part of the population of the 8th admaul for the winter from October to April inclusive, migrated far south to the Chu River, now nomads on the Chu are prohibited administratively. The population of the 3rd admaul wanders mainly along the JamnaSary-su River to the Apan tract (located in the northern part of the district) and the Balabaksy tract (near the mountains. Eskine), where their arable land is located. The length of the nomads ranges from 20–150 V. Part of the population of the 5th admaul wanders in the north of the district to Jailma, Aktasty, part wanders to the south of the district, to the upper reaches of the Atasu River, leaving only during arable land to the Baksai tract, located north of the Atasu River near the Bos Mountains. After migrations, they return to the Atasa River, where their wintering grounds are located, wandering only around the winter territory. The 4th admaul occupies the entire tract of Jailma Eskine. Most of the farms of the village roam to this tract. Their arable lands are also located here. The length of the nomads ranges from 70–80 to 150 versts. In the western part of the district, in contrast to the eastern part, the majority of the population wanders within a radius of 10–40 versts,

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with the exception of the farms of the 9th admaul, wandering along the Shazdai River and the Chu River. Existing areas of economy: The area is exclusively livestock, the predominant sheep-breeding direction, with the beginning of changes in the direction of increasing the role of cattle. The entire livestock of the Zhanaarkinsky district (according to tax data for 1930–31) is exactly 87.4 thousand small cattle, 22.3 thousand cattle, 6.8 thousand horses, 6.6 thousand camels. As a percentage, the district has 77.9% of small cattle, 18.1% of cattle, 5.5% of camels and 5.5% of horses in its herd. Data on the number of horses should be considered extremely understated. Koumiss plays a very important role in the nutrition of the population in summer. Each farm has mares. Agriculture in the Zhanaarkinsky district in most cases began to be engaged already in the revolutionary period. The technique of agriculture is at an extremely low level and has a very primitive character. This entails frequent undergrowth and loss of crops. Before the eyes of the economic survey group in the 8th admaul, the union of Farmers sowed wheat almost on untilled land, and their harvest was all gone, but next to it on the neighboring plot the harvest was about 40 pounds per hectare. Agriculture in most villages is rain-fed and only in the 8th admaul irrigation farming is developed, there are attempts to engage in irrigation farming in the 6th admaul and in the southern part of the 3rd. In the area you can find the remains of the old ditch system. Ditches are abandoned almost everywhere, especially often found in the eastern and central parts of the district. Irrigation farming has probably been practiced in the area for a long time. It was also practiced by individual Bay farms twenty to fifty years ago. Later, during the intensive agricultural colonization of northern Kazakhstan, when the agricultural settlements approaching from the north turned out to be quite close to the current Zhana-Arka district, it became much cheaper to buy bread than to produce it themselves, especially since it is consumed by nomads in very meager quantities. The yield varies greatly, according to the population: when sowing the 1st year on the formation, the harvest itself was 40–50 and more. Then the yield drops sharply, on the 3rd and 4th year the harvest is from 15–30 pounds per hectare. They sow mainly the same crops from year to year, wheat and

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millet for up to 4 years in a row, then they throw the land. The question of the development of agriculture in the region is extremely relevant and is of great importance only when the population is saturated with a sufficient amount of bread, it will be possible to talk about the actual development of marketability of animal husbandry. Transport conditions: “Zhana-Arkinsky district, lying in the southern part of the Akmola region, has been extremely remote until now, both from industrial and cultural centers. The nearest centers were: Akmolinsk, 320 km away, and the mountains. Karkaralinsk is 360 km away, where the products of the district were clogged. Zhanaarkinsky district in both directions. One connects the Uspensky mine, located within the industrial district 50 km from the eastern border of the Zhana-Arka district with Karsakpai, lying far to the west. The second road, the Tashkent Highway, begins in the city of Akmolinsk and passes through the territory of our district to the south to the Chu River. The third road starts in the district center of Karal-Tube and goes south, parallel to the Aktau mountains. Finally, the fourth road connecting the first and 8th villages in the eastern part of the district. Automobile traffic is quite possible along these 4 roads. The construction of the AkmolinskKaraganda railway will have a strong impact only on the eastern part of the district, especially on the first part of the second village council, located 50–70 versts from the planned railway route. The district center will still be located 200 km from the railway, not to mention the western part of the district, which will also be far from the railway station of the Spassky Plant, and now from Akmolinsk. This part of the district will be able to really get involved in the sphere of influence of the railway only with the construction of a new highway already in a wide direction. II. THE DIRECTION OF RECONSTRUCTION OF THE ECONOMY BY DISTRICTS With the huge direction of the Zhana-Arka district, which occupies a space of about 22,000 square kilometers, all work on the technical and social reconstruction of the economy can be carried out only if they are clearly divided into microdistricts.

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In no case should the statistical characteristics of the existing economy be taken as the basis for the division into microdistricts, admauls or individual parts are grouped according to the similarity of certain indicators. It would be a dead, lifeless zoning. The established microdistricts should be based on the outline of certain large tracts, which, according to the conditions of relief, irrigation, water availability, soil and vegetation, can become reference points, nodal points of reconstruction of the economy, which can become the most important points of subsidence, and at the same time, the centers of future large collective farms. The entire population that tends or will in the future gravitate to these strong points. All lands that may be developed in the near future by large collective farms, the centers of which will be located in these tracts, which determines the composition and territory of microdistricts. Based on this setup, we divide the Zhana-Arkinsky district into the following 5 microdistricts: 1. Microdistrict: The Northeastern part of the district. This microdistrict will include parts of the third and fifth admauls and the rest of the admauls that were not included in the first microdistrict. 2. Microdistrict: The eastern part of the district, this includes the entire first and second administrative villages directly adjacent to the first. 3. Microdistrict: The central part of the district is almost the entire 4th admaul. 4. Microdistrict: Southern part. The entire 8th admaul, the remaining parts (not included in the previous microdistricts) and the 5th, 4th and 3rd admaul and two land associations of the 9th admaul. I. MICRODISTRICT The center of the first microdistrict is the Appaz-Bidayek tract with a group of tracts bearing the common name Bidayek, located in the valley along the entire course of the Kurmanaka River and its tributary Dzhanter and on both banks of the Jaman-Sary-Su River to the Kinale hill at a distance of 40 km from the Appaz tract. The Appaz tract is a valley on the left bank of the Zhaman-Sarysu. It is located in the immediate vicinity of the district center of Karaul-Tube, 10–15 km to the south.

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This whole group of tracts is flooded annually by the spring floods of the Zhaman-SarySu and KurManaka rivers. In the middle years, the area of flooding consisted of 8000 hectares, in high-water years it reached 12 and more thousand hectares. There were high-water years in 1920 and 1927, low-water years in 1929. The yield of herbs depends entirely on the amount of flowing water. In high-water years it exceeds 200 poods per ha, in low-water years it decreases to 50–60 poods, in average years the yield is 70–90 poods per ha. The predominant vegetation on naturally flooded areas of “Bidayek”. The entire haymaking area of the “Bidayek” tracts until 1929 belonged to the bayes, who sold hay and paid them with farmhands for their work. Since 1929, after the distribution of haymaking areas by land associations, several land associations of the 3rd admaul, a total of 16 farms, have used and are using this area. The haymaking area is used by them in the amount of 8–10% of the total floodplain area. About 600 wintering grounds are adjacent to the Appaz tract from the south and southeast, located mainly along the valley of the Kurmanaka River and near the Artau mountains. Wintering grounds are located at a distance of 10–100 versts, and 120 wintering grounds from the 5th admaul are located at the sources of the Taldy-Manaka River, at a distance of 100-l20 versts. The population of the 5th admaul wanders to the Dzhailma Aktasty tract, which is located north of the Appaz tract, at a distance of 20–25 versts, using this tract for five to six months. From the east, the Appaz tract is adjacent to the wintering grounds of the second admaul, located in the north of Kaktyn-Kul at a distance of 60–70 versts. From the north, the tract is adjacent to the jataks of 2, 3 and 5 villages, settled in the interfluve of the lower reaches of the Dzhaken and ZhamanSarysu near the Aktasty mountains and partly in the Amans. In total, the population of three admirals, in the number of 930 households and 4.5 thousand souls of the population, tends to the Appaz tract. The Appaz tract is used annually, to Jailau from April to October by the population of the 3rd ampoule in the amount of 400 farms. Part of the 2-year-old farms will be included in the new microdistrict if the newly organized state farm does not absorb them as labor. According to their natural conditions, the Jayilma Aktasty tract adjacent to the north, near the Imanak mountains and a number of others, at

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a distance of 20–25 versts from the Appaz tract, are distinguished by good pastures with predominant grass-type vegetation with a designated area of naturally flooded hayfields. Jayil has Taktasty (about 3,000 hectares) with good arable lands, on which most of the population’s crops are located. The south and south-eastern part of the district are located in the zone of light chestnut soils, where light loams predominate in combination with salt marshes and salt marshes, covered with rare, typical wormwood and solyanka vegetation. A feeding station should be organized on the Apan tract, which will stimulate the development of animal husbandry techniques on a new basis, freeing it partially from the natural conditions in which it is held captive. The feeding station will be quite able to provide fodder for the livestock of the newly organized area, which is approximately estimated at 11,000 heads in translation to cattle. According to the roughest estimates, the feed station will mow 12–15 thousand tons of hay, and the valley will be designed for 200 mowers. Agriculture in the area should be given a significant, but not the main place. Arable plots should be allocated and land managed at Jailma Eskene, Jailma-Aktasty to the north of the district 20–25 versts from the Appaz tract, already developed by the population of the 3rd and 5th and part of other admauls. The Apan tract in the future should be the focus of settling cultural construction and the center of the future unified collective farm, which will represent the entire neighborhood. Considering that the creation of such large farms in the conditions of semi-desert steppes is still far beyond the power of nomadic farming and requires large capital expenditures, it is necessary to set tasks for the coming years to create large collective farms from smaller ones. We plan for the coming years to create three collective farms in the microdistrict, and in the eastern part, in the middle reaches of the KurManaka River, a semi-nomadic sheep-breeding collective farm, with a meat-wool direction, a center for 300–400 square miles on Appaz and Jaman-Aktasty. The southern and southeastern part of the microdistrict, located in a mountainous area, is most suitable for creating a sheep-breeding collective farm there. Hill pastures covered with saline vegetation should be covered with typical, wormwood and kokpek vegetation and serve as good sheep pastures in autumn and winter. The presence here of the majority of wintering grounds of the 3rd admaul, located in the valley

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of the Kurmanaka rivers, the proximity of the naturally flooded hay fields of the Bidayek tract, will provide fodder for the entire herd. Dzhailau of this collective farm in the Appaz-Bidayek tract, located 50– 60 km from its center. Several brigades will be organized in the collective farm, i.e. a group should be allocated, on which the duties of cultivating the land will lie entirely, and groups that will take turns caring for the herds. The second collective farm is planned for the Apan tract for 300– 400 km from a part of the settlement of the third and other admauls. The collective farm will be sheep-breeding, sedentary type, which allows the presence of a fodder base and adjacent pastures here. A settlement should be created here, and the center of the feed station serving the entire district will also be located here. We are planning the third collective farm on the tract of Dzhailma Aktasty, which should be created from part of the jataks of all villages, as well as 120 farms of the 5th admaul, which settles here and parts of the farms of the 2nd admaul. A collective farm has already been organized in the Dzhailma Aktasty tract, or rather, a partnership for joint haymaking and joint cultivation of land with about 45 farms with members, which has already prepared an asset (chairman and secretary) and this collective farm should become the center for the creation of a third large collective farm. The collective farm should be of two directions: sheep-breeding, meat-wool and cattle with dairy and oil directions. Collective farms need to allocate arable land in one place in the northern part of the district. On this basis, it is already possible at first to achieve a well-known inter-collective association on the basis of joint farming. II. MICRODISTRICT: 1st admaul – 823 farms and 2nd admaul – 180 farms. The second microdistrict is formed in the eastern part of the Zhanaarkinsky district. It will entirely include the 1st admaul and part of the 2nd admaul directly adjacent to it from the east. The borders of the Zhanaarkin district are located in the ampoule: in the north with the Nurinsky district (the Autumn River) in the east with the Karaganda (the Cairo Tube hill) and in the southeast – with the former. Punished by a certain circle (Chetsky district). The microdistrict occupies a huge territory of about 7,000 square miles, stretching mainly from south to north.

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According to its natural conditions, the area lies in the zone of the same chestnut soils with feather-grass and sagebrush vegetation. In the north, with separate small islands, arable lands in the upper reaches and tributaries of the Zhaksy-SarySu River, passing to the south light chestnut loamy soils covered with pebbles and cartilage. The population is located near the Tazoba, Kotroba, Byr-Nazar mountains, in the eastern corner of the district in the interfluve in the upper reaches of the Jaman and Dzhaksy-Sary-Su, near the eastern shore of the Kaktyn-Kul lakes and partly along the right tributaries of the DzhaksySary-Su. The population wanders mainly to the Jaxy-Sary-Su River and the Autumn River. The length of the nomads ranges from 20–100 versts, depending on the location of the wintering grounds. In the northern part of the district there are all arable land (about 1,000 hectares). The composition of the herd of the district according to tax data in percentage h is as follows: 57.5% of small cattle and 35% of cattle. In connection with the development of the industry of the Karaganda region, the proximity to the Uspensky mine and the proximity to the railway is about 40–50 versts (the farms of the district will have to experience the evolution of the intensification of the economy in the near future). Naturally, the flood lands are located mainly along the right tributaries of the river Dzhaksy-Sary-Su, Uchkoytas – 200–250 ha, Aksu – 200 ha, Talsh –400–600 ha, Kara-Shelgyn – 400–600 ha, Jamai-Boy – 500-l000 ha, and also a number of other places. The district has a sufficient number of steppe naturally flooded hayfields located throughout the district. In the eastern part of the Zhana-Arkinsky district, part of the land has been allocated for the Kazulon state farm and part of the hayfields adjacent to the Kaktyn-Kul Lake will have to go to the state farm, but we still do not know the amount of land allocated for Soviet farms. In order to intensify farming and raise cattle breeding techniques, it is necessary to create a feeding station in the upper reaches of the DzhaksySary-Su River and in the Kara-Shelgyn-Ushtam tracts, where most of the haymaking lands are concentrated, where the village council, school, trading post, etc. are already located. In admaul there is already a collective farm “Tertelyk” (25 farms), which is a partnership for the cultivation of land, it has a dairy farming section, whose work consists in collecting oil from individual farms and delivering it under contract to the village of Bolshaya-Mikhaylovka.

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It has a sufficient percentage of cattle in the herd (35%) in the area, due to the demand of the nearest industrial markets, it is necessary to organize a dairy and butter collective farm. Previously, as a preparatory stage, it will be necessary to organize a network of dairy farming artels in the collective farm (by the way, 10 separators are installed in the Soyuzmyasom district), and 30–60 farms use each separator (because the organization of a large collective farm without the preliminary organization of artels, without the accumulation of funds and experience and the creation of an asset of the population is impossible). Along with the dairy and butter collective farm, create a second collective farm for 300–400 farms of semi-nomadic meat wool type, land it in the coming year. The collective farm will be able to allocate a land fund of 10–15 thousand hectares and much more in the interfluve of Dzhaksy-JamanSary-Su. In each collective farm, a grain Section should be created, whose duties will be to cultivate the land and harvest bread. III. MICRODISTRICT: Western part of district 6, 10 and 9 of admaul According to the surface structure, the western part of the microdistrict, located on the right bank of the Sary-Su River, is a heavily hilly rugged terrain. From the northeast, the district is bordered by the AigylJar mountains, to the south are the mountains of Dzhusaly and Mankadyr, in the southeast – the city of Dzhaksy–Baigul in the west with Bologai and in the southwest the Konek hill – not far from which the border with the Sary-Sui district of the Shymkent district passes. The whole area stretches mainly along the valley of the Sary-Su River. Wintering stretches along this river and along its right tributaries of the Kudai-Mendy rivers. The area is rich in a large number of lakes and springs, most of which do not freeze in winter. Most of the lakes are very small in size, many of them dry up already in early summer, and also in some of them there are Kara-Su. Some of the dried-up lakes are used as hayfields, for example, in the 6th aul – lakes Chiili-Kopa, Ropai-Kul The subsurface waters in the area are close to the surface and are located at a distance of 2–3 meters and, in an exceptional case, at the lands of the association of 10 aul-Manak – at a distance of 4 meters.

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The climatic features of this neighborhood, it should be noted that dry July winds blowing from the west, partially destroying crops. The western part of the district lies in a zone of chestnut soils, turning to light chestnut to the south. In contrast to the eastern part of the district – in the west, the predominant soil cover is sandy loam in combination with loams, salt marshes and salt marshes in the bed of dry lakes passing to the south sandy. So in the south-western part of the district near the Kashkine and Ulukup-Konek hills, the soils are sandy and poorly connected. On the surface, there is not a thick layer of loose sand visible here, which is replaced deeper by a coherent sandy horizon. There are alluvial, sandy sediments along the banks of the rivers, they stretch along the banks of the Sary-Su River, near the Kum-Kul Lake, along the Kalash-kal River to the Duan Lake. Arable chestnut soils in the north-western part of the district are located mainly on the Karym-Bai tract near the river of the same name, where the crops of the 6th, 9th and 10th and partially 7th villages and on the Jamaf-Adyr tract and Aksai and Mydashe tract are concentrated. The mines partly on the banks of rivers, where the soils are most moist, have dark-colored, chernozem-like soils (for example, springs are located near the mountains of Manga holes and others). The hills, which abound in the entire relief of the western part of the district, have large slopes, have a significant percentage of cartilage at a shallow depth of the soil surface, which is partially found on the surface, so that the soils at a short distance are covered with small pebbles originating from the weathering of the parent rocks, which makes the soils crushed-cartilaginous. But the valleys lying next to the hills already have a powerful soil horizon. They depend entirely on the climatic and soil data of the area, the vegetation is also semi-desert in nature and should be classified as grayish. The main cover of the western part of the district is the sagebrush– grass steppe, depending on the degree of moisture, the cover is closed and discharged. In general, the percentage of vegetation cover is very different for different parts of the district. Thus, the northern slopes have a thicker cover than the southern ones. Terrain conditions do not change the main type of vegetation, only the percentage of cover changes. On mountain pastures, the percentage of the ratio of plants is distributed as follows: Kara-Jusan – from 40 to 60% Code – 30%

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Beta – from 10 to 20%. In the valleys between the hills, Jusan is 35–50%, kokpek – up to 20%, bidayek – by 10% and boz-kode – by 20%. The best type of pasture of the population of the surveyed villages considers alternation of saline with unsalted steppes. For haymaking, only natural floodplains are used along river valleys and in the valleys of interstitial spaces. The main arrays of estuarine hayfields, calculated very roughly and approximately, are located in the following places: In the south of the district, at the confluence of the Sary-Su rivers with its left tributaries Atasu and Taldy-Manaka, there is a Takhty tract 20 km long and 5 km wide with an irrigation area of more than 10,000 hectares, along the Sary-Su River, along the Kelte-Tau river – 500–600 hectares, along the Surtu River-Su – 4–5 t. ha, Jaryk tract – 600 ha and in the valleys near the Mangadyr mountains there are separate plots for 10–20 ha of haymaking. In the north-west of the district there is a forest cottage Kara-Agach, with a length of about 20–25 km. Mainly, here grow: birch, terek, tal, willow. The forest is a solid array and is located in separate groves among the hills. The Kara-Agach cottage is of great importance for the entire Zhanaarkinsky district, because it is the only supplier of timber for the needs of construction in the district. Until now, despite the fact that there is a detourer and a forester, the forest is subjected to predatory extermination by the population and annual fires. It is necessary in the near future to pay special attention to the protection of the forest, making the cottage Kara-Agach of national importance. According to its specialization, the western part of the district does not differ from the eastern one. The microdistrict is exclusively of the livestock and sheep breeding direction with some change towards cattle. In percentage terms, the herd is distributed as follows: small cattle – 66.5%, cattle – 21.7%, on average, according to tax data, there are 14 heads of cattle per household, translated into a large head. In recent years, the population has been intensively engaged in agriculture. In 1930, on average, there were 1.35 hectares per household. Sufficient attention should be paid to agriculture in the area, because only

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by saturating the area in sufficient quantities with bread, it will be possible to obtain increased marketability of livestock products. Unlike the eastern nomadic part of the district, the western part has the character of a semi-nomadic, semi-settled economy. If we look at the data on nomads in all villages, then we will clearly see from this: Number of village councils

Migrations from 10–15 versts

Up to 50 versts

Over 50 versts

6 aul council 357 x-in 10 village council 617 x-v 9 village council 269 x-v

The entire village council migrations from 15–40 versts 238 134

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These last 169 households. 9 admaul, not connected with the western part of the district and are completely artificially attached to the 9th admaul, solely on a generic basis. In general, the breakdown by admaul was carried out not theoretically, but exclusively on a generic basis. As a matter of fact, all 3 admauls are settled throughout the western part of the district, there were no borders between the auls and there are no borders. The population of 3 villages has a common tract (arable land on the Karymbet district 6, 9, 10 villages) and often settle nearby. So the 9th and 6th villages live on the border with the Sary-Suisky district. The new microdistrict, which will unite all 3 villages together, actually already existed and will unite the entire population of 3 villages, which were artificially separated by obsolete generic characteristics. The central tract of the microdistrict should be the tract. Takhty valley formed by the overflow of 3 rivers, Sary-Su, Atasu and Manaka in the south of the district. The usable area here is at least 10 thousand hectares. A feeding station with about 300 mowers with 3 branches on the Surty-Su River in the western part of the district should be organized here. On the Jaryk tract, located in the north of the district and on the Kutai-Mendy River. Within the 3rd microdistrict, it is necessary to set a goal for the coming years to create 3 large collective farms. The Takhty tract, on which a feeding station will be created and to which good grain-wormwood pastures are adjacent from the north, we

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plan to create a sheep and 1 cattle collective farm in the meat and dairyoil direction. The collective farm will include about 400 farms and 1 land association of the 4th admaul (Akkyz about 100 farms), located in the north of the district 25–30 versts and along the Monaka River 20–25 versts, which, by the way, solves the existing disputes over the Ishii-Karasu tract, which is now being conducted between the population of the 4th and 6th admaulov. The 2nd sheep-breeding, meat-wool collective farm for 300–350 farms can be created on the Kutai-Mendy River near the Mangadar hills (center of 10 Admaul), where the village is located, the Goloshchekin collective farm, existing since 1927, numbering 49 farms. This collective farm, which is essentially a joint farm for joint cultivation of land and joint haymaking, but having a sufficient asset, can be fully used when creating a new collective farm. We are planning the third collective farm on the border with the Sary-Suisky district of the Shymkent district at the Konek hill. A sheepbreeding collective farm of the meat-wool direction should be created here, which would be indicative for the nomads of the Sary-Sui district, conducting on the Sary-Su river on Dzhailau about half-mountain. Hayfields of about 7 thousand hectares will be provided to the collective farm near the Ulukul Konak hill about 3 thousand hectares at a distance of 15–20 km along the Surt-Su River about 4–5 thousand hectares from 3 branches of the central feeding station. All collective farms will have to allocate plots of arable land in the north of the district. IV. CENTRAL DISTRICT: 4 ADMAUL The 4th admaul occupies a huge territory of about 10–11 thousand square miles along the Taldy-Manaka River to Atasu, extending far to the south beyond the Aktau mountains. The population is mainly located near the Aktau, Kyzyl-Tau mountains, to the south of the Basai Mountains and along the Taldy-Manaka River valley to the north. Part of the population of about 100 farms settled near the Eskene and Akkyz mountains north of the district center of Karaul-Tube. The length of the nomadism of the 4th admaul significantly exceeds the nomadism of other districts. The population wanders the main summer camp is in the north of the D Zhanaarkinsky district of the tract. Djailma

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Eskine with a total area of […], where 650–700 farms of 4 admauls are uprooted annually. According to its natural conditions, the central part of the district differs sharply from other parts. The predominant soil type is brown loam with coconut and sagebrush vegetation, and only in the westerns, where snow water collects in spring, separate islands of improved vegetation are formed. Wormwood also begins to appear in the north of the district. vegetation. There are few haymaking areas in the area, there is a significant haymaking area at Talda-Manak from the tract. possessions in the river Sary-Su, is very far from the wintering area, and besides, it was captured by the 10th aul. This hayfield is located 90–100 versts from Aktau. The haymaking plan for 4 admaul in 1930 was fulfilled by 17%. Most hayfields are located in mountain valleys and are extremely amenable to accounting. Within the winter territory of the 4th admaul, the base is clearly insufficient for the reconstruction of the economy. Reconstruction of farms in the central district can be carried out only if the population is provided with a sufficient area of hay fields, providing livestock with fodder for the whole winter. In the north of the Zhanaarkin district, on the border with the Nogin district, there is a lake Sulukol, around which there are large reserves of naturally flooded hayfields, numbering from 10 thousand hectares to 20 thousand. For several years now, the entire haymaking area adjacent to this lake has not been mowed down, because it has not yet been established to which district, Zhanarkin or Nurin, this lake should be attributed. It is possible to pre-plan the base of settling of the 4th admaul on the tract. Dzhailma Eskine near the mountains Eskine dzhailau 500–600 farms of the 4th aul, where by the way all the arable land of this aul is located, but really settling here will be possible only if at least part of the haymaking area near Lake Sulu-Kul, located with beautiful pastures, in the overwhelming majority of kovylno-tipchak. It is possible to create a large settlement for 600–700 farms on Jailma Eskin, having previously arranged this tract on land. The entire central district will have to join one collective. Here it is possible to outline the creation of a large sheep-breeding and dairy collective farm, with the processing of sheep’s milk at a cheese factory, which can be built either on the village of Dzhailma Eskene, lying by the road

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leading to Akmolinsk (at a distance of Z00 versts from it) or in the district center of Karaul-Tube, standing from Dzhailma Eskine in […] km. V. THE SOUTHERN PART OF THE DISTRICT: 8, 7 villages, parts of 5, 3 and 9 villages. The economic survey did not cover the entire southern part of the district, 7 admauls with the Shaherai River flowing in the southern part of the district and disappearing within the Hungry Steppe (Bet-Pan-Lok) remained unexplored. This part of the district has little connection with the main river Sary-Su. The southern part of the district is a continuation of the hill topography, most of which is crossed and turns into a mountain-hill topography. 8 aul, located in the southeastern corner of the Zhanaarkinsky district on the border with 1 admaul and b. Karkaralinsky district, is squeezed between the mountains and is extremely located. It abounds in a large number of springs and beautiful pastures in mountain valleys. The 8th aul is very different from other parts of the district. Last year, 350 farms out of a total of 510 migrated to the Chu River from October to April. This year, these migrations are prohibited and the part of the population that roamed for 500–600 versts now roams within the prewinter territory in the amount of no more than 30–40 versts, with the exception of 151 farms that roamed and roamed on the Jaman-Sary-Su river. The population began farming for several years. In most cases, irrigation farming. A network of springs is widely used for irrigation. 1/3 of the farms of the district in 1930 did not sow at all. Sow mainly wheat from 0.5 hectares to 1.5 and 2 hectares per farm. The area is much richer in cattle than in other admauls. In the 8th aul, each farm accounts for 19 cattle eaters per large head, instead of 13.2 eaters throughout the Zhanaarkinsky district. The area is rich in hayfields, which are mainly located along the Shazherai River. In the 8th aul, 500 farms were mowed in 1930, 311 thousand pounds of hay, which is exceptional for the entire Zhanaarkinsky district. Together with the 8th aul, 200 farms of the 5th aul will enter the southern part, living on Atas, having arable land on the tract. Bakhsai and the territories roaming around prizimovka. Adjacent to the 8th aul are 2 settled land associations of the 3rd aul, having 3 irrigated arable

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lands here (the 3rd aul, 357 farms, has not been fully surveyed), 2 land associations of the 9th admaul, about 140 farms. The entire southern part of the district is located among mountains and hills, from which a lot of water flows into the valley during snowmelt, forming a large network of small rivers that dry up in summer, but significantly affect the improvement of the grass stand. There are beautiful pastures in the valley and a lot of naturally flooded hayfields are formed. Along the Atas River and the Shazherai River, originating from the mountains, naturally flooded estuaries are formed in the valley, on which haymaking areas are located. We do not have information about the number of haymaking on the Atas River, but on the Shazherai River, in high-water years, a haymaking area of about 120 versts in length, 1 and 1.5 versts in width is flooded. Without sufficient data, it is still possible to plan in the future the creation of a sheep-breeding collective farm-state farm combine, which will be able to use the entire area. But concrete design for this area will be possible only on the basis of a survey of the 7th admaul of the Zhanaarkinsky district. Now in the area it is possible to reconstruct the economy without estuary and proper irrigation, using only naturally-flooded areas. In the whole area, only land management is needed. […]In the district, due to subsidence, large areas of land of about 60– 70 thousand hectares will be released on the territory of 4 admauls and parts of other admauls, which can be used in the future for state farm construction. Nevertheless, the question of land reclamation should be raised in order to clarify the possibility of an even greater increase in the productivity of the area in the future. For this purpose, in 1931–1932, a reconnaissance hydrotechnical survey of the system of the Jaxa and Jaman Sary-Su rivers and its tributaries should be carried out. In connection with the study of the entire basin of the great Sary-Su river with a length of up to 700 versts. Head of economic work Economist 1. THE SOUTHERN PART OF THE former Akmola DISTRICT. 1. Karagach-Sarysu land fund (according to map No. 242 of the Dzhana-Arkinsky river) Area – 400,000 hectares, of which:

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arable – 51,450 hectares (13%) hay – 16,650 hectares (4.5%), pasture – 284,850 hectares (70%). The rest of the area is inconvenient and so on. In terms of water, it is provided. From the railway of Karaganda – the Uspensky mine and the Uspensky mines are 100–120 kilometers. Between the Uspensky mine and this fund is the zemfond of the State Farm “Giant” Kazitlag. To the Dzhezkazgan copper. The mines (Karsakpai) are about 200 kilometers away. Up to 700 households live on the fund. The zemfond is assigned to the “Sheep Farmer”. 2. Kulan-Utmessky (according to map № 236 Nurinsky district). The area of 250,000 hectares, of which: arable – 82,041 hectares, pastures – 162,500 hectares. Flooded; from the newly built railway to the Spassky plant up to 100 km, the same from the industry of the Karaganda district. 59 kaz are being relocated. farms. The fund is assigned to the “Sheep Farmer”, 3. Sokursky (according to map No. 243, Karaganda.r.) Area – 121,000 hectares, of which: arable – 10,500 hectares, hay – 5,000 hectares, pasture – 60,000 hectares. The rest of the area is inconvenient and other lands. From Karaganda – 40 km (zhel.dor. and promyshl.center). Flooded. About 200 farms live on the fund. […] Archive of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan. Fund 141. Inventary 1. Case 5043. Sheet 1–20. Certified copy.

CHAPTER 3

Memories and Interviews: Famine in the Steppe Ainash Mustoyapova and Zhenisgul Ibraimova

Moldakash Belgibayuly (1894–1969), Ru: Argyn-Karakesek-Karakempir Ru is the economic and social base of the first community; a group of relatives descended from the same father or mother. Zhuz is consists of rus.

A. Mustoyapova (B) · Z. Ibraimova Faculty of Philology, Karaganda University Named After Academician E.A. Buketov, Karaganda, Kazakhstan e-mail: [email protected]; [email protected] Z. Ibraimova e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 N. Dulatbekov (ed.), The Famine of 1931-1933 in Central Kazakhstan, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8574-4_3

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The Damage of Famine to Our Dynasty. The following story was told to me by my father’s only brother Japen. Grandfather Belgibai and grandmother Endigoi died tragically at the hands of beggars looking for food during the Soviet government’s fake famine, and because their uncles were from the rich generation, they were afraid of political persecution and had to live in Altai, Siberia, and Buryatia, which are now part of Russia, he, in turn, heard from his father Moldakash and mother Kulkamila (known by many as Aunt Koken). Descendants of the Karakempir branch of Karakesek settled in the foothills of Arkalyk Mountain, and although they did not leave the country, they continued the normal life left by their ancestors until the beginning of the last century. Although not particularly rich in the country, when the sons of our grandfather Belgibay and Andigoi, older than the firstborn, Moldakash, who had a rough life, wanted to go to Semey, the governorate center, with the demand to find a job and learn the Russian language, it is true that they were not happy. But my grandfather, who was clever by birth, said that the Russian colony was getting stronger and tighter with time, that it would be difficult to make a living based on livestock alone, and that the present age would only open the way for a skilled, educated person who could do business, and asked for permission. – Shyragym, how will you get to the city, we were born in Semipalatinsk and we have no relatives left, who will you seek refuge with?—he has a prepared answer for him. The Tatar, who came to buy livestock at the Koyandy fair, says that he agreed with the broker and will help him. At that time, the merchants who returned from the fair on the orders of the big merchants and drove herds of cattle were called “gurtopyrak.” He agrees to take his money and drive his cattle with such a group. In addition, if you need it, his father will give you a dozen sheep, some horses, and cows. This is the summer of 1908, when Grandfather Moldakash, born in 1894, turned fourteen.

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After Gurtoprak Tartar became a godly person and went to Semipalatinsk, he helped the “Malay” boy sell his cattle, added a piece of his salary to it, and took it to his master. He started his business as a shoemaker and got rich. He is a cattle merchant with a shoemaking workshop and shops, and he welcomes them with open arms. Gurtopyrak said: “I have seen the honesty and diligence of this Kazakh boy, I gave him to you, teach him a trade, don’t be too hard on him, the money he brought from his home and the money he earned for helping us, I don’t need it now, you will give it when it is needed, I will ask you in the hereafter” leave it to the merchant and go about his business. At first, the boy, whose food, clothing, and living expenses are paid for by the merchant, works like lighting a fire and burning firewood. The owner watches from the outside. The merchant is a horse lover and has several horses in his stable. Moldakash is also fond of horses, and when he is free from household chores, he goes to the stables, caresses the animals, combs their manes and tails. After seeing this several times, the merchant realized that the Kazakh “boy” was fond of horses, made him an employee to look after the two workers who looked after the horses, and assigned him a salary of five rubles. Another month or two will pass. We mentioned above that the merchant himself was an excellent shoemaker and had a large shoemaking workshop. There are two hardworking guys who equip this shop with raw materials, take orders and deliver the finished work to the owner. At first, the owner Moldakash was brought to the market by the person who brings things like leather, wool, leather, leather, braid, and nails, and then by his boyfriend, who takes orders for shoes such as boots, lace, and shoes, and brings the finished products, and they trade in the market, interact with the public, and get along. Teaches action. Get used to the culture of walking in the city. At the same time, horse care remains one of my grandfather’s duties. Half a year passed and Moldakash turned fifteen. The boy reaches the point where he can independently bring equipment, take orders and deliver the finished product. It seems that the rich customers give additional money to the previous guys, in addition to the price of the product, as “payment for your trip, tea, and water.” He also gives it to Moldakash. But my grandfather did not take it for himself, but took it to the merchant. Because there is no way to spend the money: food, clothing, and lodging are paid for by the merchant. After six or seven months, the master told him that it was time to learn the art of shoemaking and made him an apprentice to an older master.

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He also gives advice where needed. He improves his living conditions, provides a comfortable room, and increases his salary to 8 rubles. The duty of riding remains. In the meantime, one story about the horse should be mentioned. The merchant has three horses in his stable, which he believes are good for racing. Calling them Kazakh boys who know horses, he shows them to Moldakash and obliges them to prepare them for the upcoming race in the city. My grandfather chooses two horses, takes the bitter skin, cools it, and creates it according to what he has seen and learned from the elders. He prepares the boy who will compete in the race. One of the merchant’s two horses entered the race and died after hiding his leg in the marten’s den, while the other one came second in a stormy race and won his honor. Overjoyed, the owner gives the rider a whole 25 rubles. This is the price of the strongest name. Thus, Moldakash becomes the most reliable boyfriend of the merchant. After almost a year, my grandfather said to the owner: I will go to the country and see my parents and relatives. I haven’t heard from you since I left home. “It would be better if I could get a horse from the market and take it home safely,” he says. – Good luck, my son! Missing your parents is a great virtue. It is better to show that you are a citizen and make your village happy. Don’t be a place for a car, take two horses of your choice from the stable. Let’s go to the market together, says the Tatar merchant. He carries various cloths, sweets, and fills both ends of the basket as if it were being carried by a pair of horses. When the owner told his grandparents and the village elders that he did not receive a parcel, he said that he was worried that the collected money might not be enough. Then the owner shows that the wealth of the “boy” has been kept intact, and says that the peace and well-being he received in the village is his gift for his loyalty and devoted service. Thus, Moldakash, who had taken a ride with two horses, landed in the middle of the road, and the next day, after drinking kummy from a remote village in Myrzyk, blindfolded, he reached his home in Kyzylchyk settlement in Arkalyk. If parents are happy that their son is a human being, grandfather will be happy to see his homeland and country safe. My grandmother must have seen Kulkamila when Bertis was drinking kombucha at the old man’s Zikirshi house. Even the girl’s parents don’t hate the old boy who went to the city to find a job, even though he is young.

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Moldakash is a shoemaker and lives in Semipalatinsk. In 1920, at the time when the white fled and the red chased, our grandmother married Kulkamila. From this marriage, my father Kapan (Kabdyrahman) was born in 1923, my sister Jami (Guljamila) in 1926, and my younger brother Kaden in 1928. The later ones are the offspring of the period of the World War that began in 1928 in Eurasian space and the time after that. Confiscation of peasants’ cattle and deportation of rich people went on simultaneously, and the Soviet authorities deported Zikirshini, who was over the age of a prophet, to Siberia on foot, and relied heavily on other relatives. My great-uncle is a descendant of field nobles—the first son of Nurbike-Shanshar is the owner of a black house in Kazangap, the youngest brother of Tattimbet, the god of music, Zhaksymbet, and his youngest is Zikirshi. His wife is the daughter of Kabyl Bolys, a descendant of the Kulan family, who descended from the son of Kazybek Kazybek of Kazdausy. After the seizure of livestock, the first signs of famine are visible in the country. His brother Saduakas, younger brother Igisin, son-in-law Eleukesh, and in-laws Kusbek and Beisenbek from Myrzhik come to Semipalatinsk. The country, whose rebellious citizens were exiled, is in crisis, and everywhere the people are starting to revolt against the Soviets. Kazangap, who was Nurbike-Shanshar’s successor, took a daughter from the Tattimbet family, and Moldakash, who was in the ranks of the national militia when the Alashorda government was formed, will be in danger of staying in Semipalatinsk from now on. At this time, his younger brother Igisin is sent to Arkalak to thank his parents. He reaches the country, says goodbye to the elderly people, distributes his surplus property to his brothers, and leaves until the rest of his possessions—clothes and food for the journey—are equal to the camels, and in the early morning, the passengers are about to settle down in their stables for the last time in order to set off on the road will be. This is really their last day. When the darkness of the night deepens, the hungry people in search of food to eat will break into the barn and try to take away the loaded camels. Loss of food and clothing is the same as death. Belgibai stood in front of the door and tried to cross himself. Our grandmother Andigoi, who has grown old and lost her sight, was the daughter of Ata Usen, and when she was a woman, she was an armed person who, before her father-in-law, put a saddle on a horse and killed enemies with a spear in the quarrels between clans. He also resists at the bottom of the window. Knowing that the people in the barn will not give up, the hungry people close the

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chimney of the stove where the food is cooked and the fire is not extinguished. When the smoke-suffocated insiders open the door, the hungry people spread the oil they found on the old woman and set it on fire. The next day, relatives Beisenbai, Kusayin, and Burge, who heard the smoke coming from the stables and came to find out about the passengers, saw the old Belgibay and Andigoi Keiwana, whose bodies were partially burned, and Igisin, who escaped from the poisonous smoke of the fire and hid in the throat of the stove and froze. The brothers, who could not afford to take the victims to the burial ground, and were weak from hunger, took their dead relatives to their cousin Tolebai’s stable by the stream and covered their faces with dirt. Fearing that his parents and younger brother would be late, Moldakash wanted to go on his own, but his relatives and in-laws in Semipalatinsk did not let him. “The country is ruined, and you are the only one who knows the way, who will have your children, let’s leave the people there to the Lord, whatever news they have, we will hear sooner or later,” they say. But being blocked here means death. They quickly gathered and headed for the city of Aleysk in the Altai region. The former Kazakh land is now under the control of colonists. Carrying children and women on carts and carrying food, the caravan shelters in the forest during the day and travels at night. It is not allowed to light a fire at night and talk loudly. Cossacks who settled in the border region of the Kazakh land and were armed with ice guns were given the right to shoot local people anywhere. They will not be punished for this. In order to avoid being noticed, the street spends half of the summer, about two months, on the road. At this time, you will have to replenish the food supply several times. For this, Moldakash left his wife’s brothers Kusbek and Beisenbek and his brother Saduakas to guard the road, and he and his sister’s husband Eleukesh went out to explore. While Beisenbek is a calm person who does things wisely, Kusbek is a man who does not mince words and asks for a fight. Sadukas does not go beyond what his younger brother tells him to do, even if he is given a job, he does it. The quality of the dog is that the dog does not bark, no matter what the bark is, it will lie down whimpering. Moldakash and Eleukesh, who go on a hike, spend the whole day spying on the Cossacks’ farm and find the best house. Taking into account the number of people coming and going, he thinks about the plan of how to attack him. You will have to take a single rich farm. The danger is that the Cossack has a dog that barks like a foal. When the residents of Khutor are fast asleep, Eleukesh enters the courtyard of the Cossack. The people

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of the house, who believed in Kabagan’s roof, were innocent of bloodshed. The dog does not bark at Eleukesche. When he secured the doors and windows of the house with strong supports and opened the yard gate, Moldakash, who was waiting for this, arrived. The horse in the stable chooses two sacks of wheat and millet in the barn and walks off in the opposite direction. In these two environments, the Cossacks, who woke up, shot their guns, and raised their neighbors to their feet, attacked from left to right. When the sun rises and the light gets brighter, he cuts a trail and goes after the thieves. Before that, the stream that meets Moldakash and Eleukesh, which has already traveled 25–30 km, flows downstream and turns back at the next crossing. So, before nightfall, he returns to the place where the road split and goes blindfolded. Autumn comes to the city of Aleysk. But this is a small town. It is difficult to find a job that you can do without interest. Ahead of them is a choice—Novosibirsk or Barnaul. Moldakash, who was looking for a racehorse for a Tatar merchant, came to Barnaul many times. People of different nationalities live by themselves and have no grievances against anyone. Suitable for life. But his father-in-law Zikirshi is in prison in Novosibirsk. Moreover, a large railway station is being built here, and after they say that there is a business, they will straighten the surface of the street in that direction. On the way, they met the dead bodies of three children, whose parents had locked them in a Kazakh grave, and they covered their faces. The poor people couldn’t bear to see the last moments of their dying babies, so it seems that they did so involuntarily. They didn’t last long either. Two or three kilometers away, the bodies of a dead woman, a man with a stone, and many others who died of hunger were found. It’s a wonder that the Soviet authorities, who seized the Kazakhs’ cattle and imposed unspeakably heavy taxes on them, showed kindness to the Russian peasants and the Cossacks, leaving their cattle, land cultivation tools, and harvested products with them. After leaving Aleysk, our grandfathers, who traveled for about two months and reached Novosibirsk in winter, immediately began the work of building a train station. Because people are given food stamps here. The old man Zikirshi, who was in this prison, had never worked hard in his life, and had never experienced hardship, died in prison within a few months of being separated from his native land. The city of Novosibirsk, which came with pain, will not be good for the dynasty. Saduakas and Eleukesh die of an infectious disease. The family of Moldakash and Kulkamila grew up with sons named Kadir and Nadir, girls

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named Kaliman and Aliman. This is one part of the damage caused to our family by the political and economic policy of the Soviet government— confiscation of Kazakh peasants and the accompanying famine. In 1931–1932, people fleeing the famine in Kazakhstan began to come to Novosibirsk in large numbers. Among them are those who know them, those who know that Moldakash’s wife is the seed of the rich and wealthy. The Moldakash family, who could not see their days and were fed up with the temptations of their relatives, first moved to Barnaul, and when the people of the country began to increase there, they moved to Irkutsk and then to the city of Ulan-Ude in the eastern part of Lake Baikal. Here, my grandfather Moldakash first worked as a road paver for the railway and then at a warplane repair factory. The work is hard, but the salary is good (later on, this image may have influenced the fact that one leg did not bend). At this time, Kapan, the eldest son, who has become a handsome young man, and his nephew, Eleukesh’s son, Zhumagali, become his assistants. Because people who repair airplanes needed for the front are not taken to the war. When my grandfather moved to the country in 1947, he left his nephew as a master in his place. After Jumagali reached retirement age, he left that job and later returned to Egindibulak. Beisenbek will be built in the construction facility there, and Kusbek will be built in another factory. My grandfather bought a car for my grandmother. It’s time for clothes. Our grandmother, who was very talented at that time, sewed many kinds of suits and outerwear, and our uncle Kuspek and our uncle Kaden, who had worked for a while, sold these products. Thus, his livelihood was more advanced than that of some countries. According to our sister Konyr (Kulmaram), the youngest daughter of Moldakash and Kulkamila, our father’s younger sister, after going to Ulan-Ude and settling down, in 1934 Zilikha, in 1936 Malikha, in 1939 herself, in 1942 Mayra (who died as a girl), in 1944 Japen, in 1946 Zina was born (after coming to the country, she died at the age of two), in 1950, Kaken, the youngest of the family, was born in Arkalyk. In Ulan-Ude, there is a large wooden house with 8 rooms, which is enough for a well-to-do family to live there. But Aunt Moldakash and Aunt Koken continue to worry and yearn for their native land and country. So, in 1947, he moved to Kazakhstan. But he did not immediately go to the Ku region, but the current G. It stops at Nura station near Mustafin village. From there, he moved to Karaganda-Suryptau station and returned to Arkalik only in 1948. In the ‘20s and ‘30s of the last

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century, the Belgibayev-Moldakashevs were forced to leave their ancestral home due to the severe suffering inflicted on the Kazakh people by the Soviet government—confiscation of subsistence property, subsequent famine, and persecution as “seeds of the rich.” The new history of the family in the homeland begins on a new page after a quarter of a century of upheavals and painful journeys. My grandfather Moldakash died in 1969, and my grandmother Kulkamila died in 2002. Both of them came from the house that my father built with his own hands, from the black house of the family. Although my grandfather Belgibay had several sons, his descendants, who continued the dynasty, left only from Moldakash. This Moldakash grandfather named only me among his four grandchildren. In a dream, he sees a bird named “Gulbarshin” flying. Remembering that the eldest daughter-in-law, that is, my mother, went to the maternity ward, she said: “a girl will be born, name her Gulbarshin.” Perhaps, the words of my grandfather Moldakash inspired me to write this memoir on behalf of the family. Shared their family memories: Gulbarshin Belgibaeva.

Ilyas Abduov (1906–1990), Ru: Karakesek-Alteke-Akbota Bimaria Baimendekyzy (1914–1993), Ru: Kuandyk-Enen Tokasy-Myrzambet-Doskana

Beginning. Everyone knows that the first half of the twentieth century was a very difficult period for the Kazakh people. The so-called “The Jute has Seven siblings” suffered terrible hardships, one after the other, which made the country suffer. The nation, which impressed others with its courage, bravery, art, morals, language, and culture, was about to lose

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all its power. As the saying goes, “Even if there is a massacre for forty years, the dead will die” when you listen to the stories of people who saw that horror with their own eyes, witnessed many terrible events, and thus survived until the end of the century, the ceiling trembles. Today we, that is, those who have overcome fifty and reached sixty, are the descendants of such people. He does not know his history, he cannot reconcile his future. The character of the person is attracted to the roots. A testament from the past. A citizen with a taste like a mountain does not ignore the world like a drop of knowledge. I aimed to write down my memories as much as I could, with the great hope that future generations would read them if they needed them. Now, we thought it would be better to give brief details about the old men who told the story. My father—Abduov Ilyas—was born in 1906 on the slopes of the high Karatoganbay mountain in the area of Kezhek village, in the present Karaganda region, Aktogai district, and died in 1990 in the city of Karaganda. His ru is—Karakesek—Alteke—Akbota. My mother—Bimaria Baymendekovna—was born in 1914, on the slopes of Mount Imanak in Zhanaarka district, and died in 1993. Her ru is—Kuandyk—Enen Tokasy—Myrzambet—Doskana. Now start the conversation. My mother’s first story. Our father had four brothers. These four children of Umar were very rich and noble people known to Kuandyk. The eldest studied economics in Kulmen, my father studied education, culture, and spirituality in Baimen, Tata, after him, mastered religion and piradar, and the youngest, Kamajan, studied Arabic and Russian very well. Kazakhs count wealth and wealth with horses. He does not care about other animals, whether they are large or small. Omar’s four brothers had about twelve thousand horses. In the summer, there was a Russian milking machine that milked about two hundred cows. The height is higher than the person’s height, and two guys with two handles on both sides rotate the pot, which can hold thirty or forty buckets of milk, so they get cream. We all called my father Bayekem. He married three wives, the youngest had no children, and from the previous two he had seventeen sons and three daughters. The winter of 1926–1927 was severe, we did not open our eyes due to frost and blizzard. If I don’t forget, it was February, the frost was crackling in the field, and Saken (referring to S. Seifullin) came home with a pair of horses on a big sleigh. Our house was a three-room basket

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house built of cast bricks. In addition, there was a madrasah of my father, which was built into two rooms next to the house. He kept Khanbatyr’s Kumisbeg, paid for his teacher’s work, and gathered children from the country and the neighborhood to teach them Arabic. I also studied there. If Saken came to the country, he would not leave without hitting home. This time he came to say hello to Bayeke with the same custom. In the middle of our dining room, there was a four-seater Russian carved sofa. As usual, Saken took from his pocket a square meter square scarf, spread it, and sat on it. They talked for a long time. As I walked in and out, I heard that hard times were coming, rich people would be confiscated, their property would be exiled, and those who protested would be prosecuted as “enemies of the people.” When I was about to leave, I noticed that the boar, which had been shot, was frozen and tied to the back of the sled. My uncle asked me and said that I will take it to my Russian friends in Akmola. My father said: “Well, we didn’t see or know that you were married and had a house, don’t you need offspring, don’t bother, find a wife and get married!” to his question: “Well, Bayeke, where is the marriage? I’m working for my country, what more do I need if my name remains behind me and my people respect me?” he answered. That was the last time I saw Saken. In the fall of 1936, the news reached that Saken was arrested. We are worried. But a prison guard sent a telegram to Stalin. He spoke Kazakh, Arabic, and Russian fluently, he was skilled, he wrote the text of the telegram himself, and then a telegram came with Stalin’s signature: “Saken Seifullin be released within twentyfour hours” and he was released from captivity. But it didn’t work, the next year he was caught again and killed in a place called Spassk near Karaganda. I won’t tell you how he died, you won’t hear! My father’s first story: It was the fall of 1918. It was more than four years since my father died. According to my mother, even when I was young, I used to take care of the animals and send them to the farm together with my brothers. Due to the needs of the times, we reduced the number of livestock, leaving more than fifty horses, about ten cows, and about a hundred sheep. Three times in one month of autumn, more than half of the horses were taken hostage. I could not find out who they were. I consulted with my older brothers. A sympathizer: – Oh, Ilyas, you can neither know nor find it yourself. There is only one person in this region who is very good, who helps those who are suffering, who knows the situation of the country. He is Ahmetzha of Talpak. He will only help you if he helps you. But he criticizes the person

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who comes before him. If you pass, be happy, if you don’t pass, you will have a drink and come back, there will be no resentment, he said. So, my cousin and I decided to go and set off together. Leaving at sunrise, we arrived at Haji Ata’s village in the afternoon and went down to Bi Aga’s house next door. After explaining our situation, the owner of the house went to the uncle and told him that he would accept him. After a while, I said hello and left. He is a tall, fair-haired man. He wears an embroidered robe and a turban on his head. On the greeting page: – Which child are you? —he said. “I am Abdu’s son, my name is Ilyas,” I said. – Well, I heard that there is an orphan from Abdu, what is your purpose in coming to me?—he said. When I left the village in front of me, I understood what the elders had said, and I carefully answered the questions while thinking. – Uncle Bi, I came here to greet you!—I said. – I am satisfied with your goal, you found it and spoke, now tell me your wish! – That’s my wish, I came to ask you for help. I was happy to be praised by uncle Bi, and I started to speak freely. – Let me help you, tell me about your business! – They trampled on my orphans and stole my livestock, please help them find it! – If a thief is strong, he steals a horse, if he is weak, he steals a cow, when he is old, he steals a sheep, when he is weak, he steals his subordinates, what have you lost?—he said. – A horse—I answered. – Okay, I’ll find it, it will be delivered to your country by tomorrow evening, and you yourself can eat your father Abdu’s gift!—he said to a young man who came in from outside,—tie a brave horse to the lead for this Abdu’s son,—he looked at me critically. I understood Brother Bi’s point of view and immediately answered: – Isn’t the warrior horse that you got from Uncle Bi better than the horse that you got from a common man?—I said. “Even though you are a child, you have learned to speak seriously, it’s a heart that makes a person fat, a life that makes you happy, may you be blessed,” he expressed his gratitude. At that moment, the guy opened the door and said:

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– Uncle Bi, we don’t have a strong horse, what should I do?—he said. Brother Bi is sad and the answer is loud. – Today’s young people do not understand the meaning of words. When a boy named Nurlan belittled a bald man, an orator named Zhumyr said: “Bolyseke! The best dog is greyhound, the best meat is goose, the best land is mud, the best season is summer, the best bird is goose, the best man is bald.” What I mean by “good horse” is not a well-trained good horse? Give the right one!—he said. Uncle Bi took me back to work without saying that I was a child. My mother’s second story: In the fall of 1927, Bayekem gathered his siblings and had a conversation. He said that he and his sons will go to Kyrgyzstan in the spring, and if possible, they will visit China. And he said to his brothers, “You will stay here, if everything goes well, I will send a message and you will come.” He was going to leave me and my younger sister Bibinur. Three years ago, my aunt gave Gulsaghira to the eldest son of Kushmuhammed Haji, a prominent person of the Karson-Kerney country. (Kushmuhamed’s youngest son Auezkhan Koshimov was both a writer and a journalist, lived in Karaganda, and died there. Author.) So, without spending much time, he distributed his wealth and livestock to his brothers, herdsmen, and poor people. He took about a hundred black horses with him. I still remember … My grandfather used to give zakat from his cattle every year. When the time of almsgiving approached, poor people from outside would come to the village and stay for months in a yurt made for guests. Bayekem used to feed them and feed them all. They made a wooden fence taller than a person, drove a stake into the ground, and fixed it in a triangular shape. One side of the fence was about three hundred paces long. The side where the horse was driven in was wide, and the exit was left with a door so that only one horse could pass through. He used to stand near the door and lead the horse out. Forty horses came out, and the forty-first horse that came out was locked in a separate enclosure for zakat. Sometimes, the forty-first horse had a horse and a horse. Bayekem would not accept that the horsemen would take it away and replace it with another horse. “God’s command has come down on it, it should be given to zakat, don’t exchange it!” he would supervise and hand over. So, at the end of April 1928, the Bayekems left for Kyrgyzstan. Some citizens went with them. After two months, the two villagers came back in a state of disrepair. At the bottom of Sarshigan, the red troops surrounded

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them and shot sixteen of my brothers and villagers. My grandfather, with one child and the two who had told him this news, fled along the shore and took refuge in the reeds. He spent the night there for three days, and on the fourth day, Bayekem went to Almaty with his son and sent them back to the country to inform them of the situation. A year later, we heard from an unknown passenger that a child and two were shot near Tokpak in Kyrgyzstan. So, we lost my father and brothers in 1928, and we were left with only three daughters. My grandfather was exactly 54 years old that year. In the same year, Kushmuhammed confiscated the property of the pilgrims and arrested them. Gulsaghira fled with her two sons and passed to Almaty. He enrolled in a one-year paramedic course, studied until noon, and after graduating, he washed floors and worked in a hospital. After graduation, she will become a nurse. At the end of 1931, signs of famine were felt, and the situation in the country began to deteriorate. One of those days, when Gulsaghira went to work, her neighbors took her to the orphanage and handed her over because she couldn’t take care of her two sons. When he comes home from work, he can’t find any place he hasn’t visited in a month, he can’t find his children. After that, it was a non-stop search. At the beginning of the sixties, on the last page of the magazine “Medenitie va Khazhat” “We will search!” was also given to searches published under the heading. In 1963, after seeing a dream, he abruptly stopped his search. In a dream, he sees a man riding a horse from the sunset. If you are waiting for who it is, it is Bayekem. As soon as he arrived, he stood cross-legged, said: “Hey, Gulsaghira, I have come to beg you, don’t look for your children, both of them are with me” and went back with a slap to the side he came from. This is just a drop in the twenties. Many houses have collapsed, many people have lost children. My father’s second story: in 1918, fifty white soldiers captured three horsemen who were traveling near the mountain Zhuangkonur. Knowing that one of the three is Akbay’s Yakub, the commander catches him and leaves the two. But the whites, who had lost their horses, stopped there to rest for two days. And both of them, freed, immediately come to Talpak’s Akhmetzhan. – Brother, we met the whites. Jakyp caught the brother and released us. They say we will take him to the father, he will be held accountable, what will we do?—he complained. Akhmetzhan led a hundred young horses in front of him, led a mare, and came to the whites with several men. On

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arrival, the mare is tamed, fed, and presented with a hundred horses. The commander was very pleased: – I am pleased with your respect, what do you want?—said Akhmetzhan: – The smell of demand has spread to the Kazakh, and you have a plan to put one of Arka’s jewels in prison. Change your mind, say your decision, agree to give way, give your hand to the agreement. Come back noble family, your time has passed, think that water has a request too!—he says firmly. The military commander agreed and released Akbay’s Jakyb. People come to the village, butcher a deer, prepare meat, and gather at Akhmetzhan’s house saying “We will say hello” and “Let’s listen to my story.” A little story is told before the meat is cooked. Mr. Jakyp used to shake his head while talking. An onlooker asked: – I can see one from the column, why did you keep shaking your head while talking? Then Akbay’s Jakyp said: – Today, Akhan did a great thing, he saved me. Hey Talpak-ay! Hey Talpak-ay! You didn’t educate Akhmetzhan, you didn’t instill knowledge in his mind, the matter is as follows! “If he had read, if he had knowledge, he would have put the enemy under his feet and bowed, and the smell would have made the Kazakh dance,” he said. Akhmetzhan heard this: – Yes, I did a big thing today, I went to the white army, I captured the chief, I got my word, I got my tongue, and I freed you. Ah, Akbayai! Ah, Akbay-ai! You followed the trend of the times, you sent Jacob to Russian school, you worked hard to make him study, what ideal did you achieve? The smell was recognized not only by Kazakhs, but also by Russians, but even they found hostile eyes, were slandered, exiled, exiled! If you don’t teach, only Argyn would know the smell, and he wouldn’t be exiled in the country like me!—he said. Altynbek, the son of Kosybai, who is sitting inside: He said, “There is no trade, no speech, this is a joke among peers.” My mother’s third story: I married your father in 1930. I was sixteen at that time. Your father was a secretary in the village council and traveled around the country taking censuses. Our eldest was born in 1931, his name was Oshakbay. In 1932, he died in the first wave of hunger. We camped along the Nura near the district center (Shet district). Those who built double houses like us had about twenty houses. We have a cow. When the country was oppressed by hunger, we slaughtered Ilyas’s horse, pounded the meat, and buried it by digging a hole on all sides of the

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camp. We kept the cow and her calf in the second enclosure. We don’t let them graze, we cut the grass and brought it. There are many poor people and refugees, one of them came and said: “Give me something to warm my heart!” he asks. Once I was standing in front of the door, very weak, and a woman came to me with a four-five-year-old son and a seven-eight-month-old baby in her arms. “Give it to me!” he said forcefully. My father used to say: “You can’t give too much food to a hungry person, he will go hungry and die.” I entered the house, filled a smaller bowl and brought kefir. He drank non-stop. The child next to him: “Mom, leave it, leave it!” he asked again and again crying. His mother did not leave him, he drank sarka himself. I opened my heart and brought half a cup of kefir to my son. He and his son sat on the ground. After some time, he went and said: “Take my children, at least one of them!” that woman pleaded. I went to the house and asked my mother, she said, “If we can’t adopt, we will be sick.” After he regained consciousness a little, they went on. We are not happy either. We lived in a camp with Iliya’s sister named Ziba, younger brothers named Iskander, Jarmuhammed (Zharken), Akmagambet (Akan), and mother. There is no so-called bread, there is no wheat, we drink a cup of kefir and milk a day, and you are afraid to eat our stuffed meat. If they see a house with smoke, they will rush in and steal your food. My father’s third story: in 1928, after being invited by Zhusipbek Elebekov, I went to the Koyan fair. I have known Juseken since 1922. For the first time, when I was the secretary of the village council and took the census, we stayed at the house of a wealthy old man named Tulkibas, whose clan was Kypchak, who lived in the region of Moynty, Kiikti on the other side of Akadyr. Tulkibas was a drummer, a master of percussion. Abiken Hasenov also often comes here. From Tulkibas, I learned the tunes of Abylaikhan’s “Duniye Khali” and Nauryzbai’s “Kairan Elim.” Juseken was very pleased to listen to me singing “Wooden leg” and “Kulager” songs. So, I was going to sing at the fair. Kazhimukan came and performed and we had a good time. That time, I met a guy named Majit Ordabayev, and I stayed with him for a few days. His father’s name is Rakymzhan, he is a year older than me, very cultured, loves and appreciates art, he is a guy from Ku district. He said that he contacted me on my way back from Koyandi. “Don’t ask for advice for forty days from one day’s fasting,” says the Kazakh.

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The year 1932 shocked the country, and we saw terrible events that we cannot forget. We were five brothers from Abdu, three boys and two girls. I had an older sister. After me, I had my sister Ziba, Mukhtar, and Seydikurban, who were married in the country of Tobykty. Two of my younger brothers died of smallpox. I was also sick with smallpox and I was cured of my eyesight. Ziba is my sister, lives in Karamen in Koyanishtagay, married Aimagambetov Rahim, and died there. So, what we heard from inside the country was that the situation of the Kazakhs who went to Bishkek in Kyrgyzstan is good, that they can find work for the local people. We are getting comfortable with moving. On the anniversary of our brother-in-law’s death, I went back in the autumn of 1931 to copy it to my sister, who was in the care of Kaidauul Sheruke, but she refused. “I won’t divorce my husband, I have two children, it’s in the country, we won’t die of hunger.” At night, I took the cow with a calf on foot and went to the family that we had agreed on in advance, who lived in a ravine on the Baynazar side. They were staying in a four-winged yurt, my eyes fell on the face overhanging the roof, and the house is collapsing. When I arrived, I noticed that there were scattered dishes, blankets, dried blood traces, and sticks and stones on the ground. I struggled and went inside, and when I saw it, I felt dizzy, my eyes widened, and I know that I sat on the ground. It’s a lie to you, it’s true to me that my sister’s severed arms, legs, and head are lying there. I think I sat crying for more than an hour. However, I came to my senses and found a dead body with a broken head near the fallen house. I dug a small hole and buried the head, arms, and legs. Then I came home the next night. When we arrived, we packed the camp, took only the necessary dishes, loaded our food and clothes into an old cart, put the camel down for the night, and left for Karaganda. We hide in the trees during the day and walk at night. My father died of smallpox at the age of thirty-seven, when I was five years old, my mother was married to my father’s younger brother, Karim. Three sons were born to Karim. Zharken was born in 1916, Iskander was born in 1917, and Akan was born in 1924. I had an ax in my hand, pierced a bar of soap, put a strap through it, and hung it on my hand. I made a wooden club for Zharken and Iskender, who have grown-up, and in addition, all three of us have knives. Sheshem tal says that the fire burns hot at noon and cooks hot food because the smoke of the fire lit at noon is not visible. After a week, we reached Karaganda. We stayed for three days, we barely got a ticket to

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Bishkek, we ran out of food, and I went to the market with my unworn trousers and pants. Some guys were selling two or three kalash, I showed them my pot, and they said let’s buy half a kalash. I agreed, and when he was cutting a kalash in half and giving me half, a twelve or thirteenyear-old boy ran up and took the other half. One of the boys chased him and knocked him down. He kicked him in the stomach. The boy took a bite of the kalashnikov, and despite his kicks, he managed to chew it and swallow it. I took half a kalash, put it in my lap, and came to the station. That evening, we got on the train and went to Bishkek. At that time, there was no direct road, he went through Barnaul along the road of Turkisib. We took turns sleeping on the road. On the third day of the journey, at noon, a Kazakh man in his forties came to us. His face is like a nart, his cheeks are red, and he does not look like a starving person. He asked us how we were doing. We said. He thought for a while and said to us: “Don’t go to Bishkek, their situation is bad now, famines have increased, go to Merki, that will be fine” and he got up and left. About half an hour later, we were going to go to Merki, and I went looking for that guy to find out how he was doing. There are only six cars, I went through them, and they are not in good condition. And the train did not stop anywhere, I was surprised. So, we came to Merki. With our little luggage, I placed the house and everything in the station and went out to the street and asked everyone. Unfortunately, the first secretary of the party committee of Merki district is Majit Ordabaev. I was drawn to it as soon as I heard about it. He accepted immediately, I explained the situation. On that day, we were given a two-room house with a stove in the middle, and we were assigned to be the manager of the district consumers’ union (raypotrebsoyuz) warehouse, thinking that this work would be correct. There was flour in our hands and we were in good condition. Our neighbor on the right was Abai’s younger brother, Kakitai’s son Erham. I saw two sons, Khalit and Sabit. Khalit was about my age. Every evening I would listen to that man’s story, he would talk eloquently without stopping, and in between, he would sing to me. This is a separate story. So, we have already entered the spring of thirty-three. Conclusion. What we have written is only a part of the history of difficult times. Certainly, if you keep talking, you can tell a lot of things. The period of the twenties and forties of the last century was a period when a dark cloud hung over the head of the people. The Kazakh country has lost many of its territories and lost its citizens. Family shared their memories: Abduov Mukhammetkali Ilyasuly, doctor of philology, professor.

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Manash Mukashkyzy (Born in 1937), Ru: Kuandyk-Kenzhekara A piece of bread…or famine mourning From the stories I remember, my mother Manash Mukashkovyna was born in August 1937 in Zhanaarka district (now S. Seifullin village) in Kuandyk Kenzhekara clan. The exact date is not known. Her adopted father, Omar, used to say: “You were born in the time of white straw.” And the white straw is the campaign in August. When my mother was born, the effects of the third famine that hit the Kazakh country had not yet disappeared from the country. His father, Mukash, was drafted into the labor army in 1939 and went to war there. He returned to the country only once in the fall of 1945. At the age of five, Shamshia’s mother died, and the girl became an orphan in November. Mukash’s cousin Omar takes the orphan girl in his arms. My mother’s infancy and early childhood coincided with the war. My mother… When I think of my mother, my heart breaks and tears flow down my cheeks. We used to call my mother Tate. I vaguely remember the chaotic days. Narkamys meadow. Shepherd’s November house. At dawn, our father would take the sheep out to the field. My aunt used to milk the cow, put tea in the samourin and wake us up. The sweet aroma of the gray field slowly wafted from the yurt, and we did not spoil the sweetness of our morning sleep. I still remember that my Aunt, who was pumping milk, would hum and play a long tune. The dull sound of the hand-cranked milk machine and my mother’s voice combined into a long and endless sad melody. I was a five- to six-year-old boy. I could tell that there was a sadness deep in Ana’s heart from the tears that flowed in tears from my aunt’s moaning music full of longing. I understood everything later… My mother, perhaps, at that time, fate remembered her childhood with many difficulties… What did fate not show to a girl like November, who lost her mother at the age of five and tasted the harsh taste of an orphan?! My mother’s childhood was full of hardships. “My father Omar had twenty-five children,” he said. All of them died during the thirty-two years of famine, from hunger and typhus. Alexander, the only hoof left by Omar, did not return from the war. The stepmother (Tatar) suffered a lot of anger and caning. Once, when we moved from the guard to the winter (at that time, there was a certain world), a sifter for sifting flour fell from the top of the sleigh. Seeing that the sieve had fallen, the Tatar mother mercilessly took the five-year-old

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November girl under a stick and said: “Find and bring her” and chased her on foot following the trail of a horse-drawn sleigh. At that time, it was a time of poverty, an orphan girl went barefoot in the snow to look for a sieve. Late in the evening, a five-year-old orphan girl with bare feet in the snow is brought to the village by her cousin on a horse. This is just one of the many problems my mother faced as a child. Along the way, he becomes literate and gets seven grades of education. He used to say that he had a meeting with the famous writer Sabit Mukanov when he was studying at school. She gets along well with my father and gets married. Later, I think that my mother’s happiest, most carefree times were her family life with my father, Dauletkeldi. He gave birth to eleven children. Three of them grew up young, four boys and four girls became citizens. My mother cherished bread all her life. He bent his back and picked up the scraps of bread that fell on the ground. Bread was placed on a high place where people could not step on it. He used to tell the stories told by his father about the famine years. Must be 1932. Famine spread throughout the country. They let their only cows into the stone house, lock the door and window, and stay safe. Because people who leave the village often pass by the south. One day, at dusk, refugees came to the village. It must be autumn. Wretches who came from a long way knock on the door and ask permission to stay for a day. It was a time when various situations happened and the country was in fear. Omar’s father saw the young children of the passengers, took pity, and allowed them to land. He is careful not to bring his children close to passengers. Poor refugees huddle near the stove and lie down drinking their food. The next day, the elders, who saw the bones and bones left near the stove, screamed “Astapyralla” in panic, and the workers probably ran away. What the refugees ate at night was human bones… This is just one story that my mother told us. “Gold and silver are stones, barley and wheat are food,” the people said in those famine years. There were so many people who put their gold and silver treasures in the middle and were hungry for a piece of bread. All Kazakh children born in the ‘20s and ‘30s of the twentieth century experienced the effects of famine. My mother was one of those generations. He spent his whole life cherishing a piece of bread. The same habit left by my mother was also a lesson for me. I am also putting the pieces of bread on the ground… However, in the recent history of the Kazakh people, there has never been such a massacre as the famine of the twentieth century. Even if we

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say that “Aktaban shubyrunny, alka kol sulamanny” is the old age, even if we have passed years and months, we still have a spear in our hands and a shield in our hands. Even if we closed, we reciprocated. When will the cost of the three million poor people who died from this famine be repaid?! On May 31, 1992, I wrote the following poem in honor of the Day of Remembrance of the Victims of the Famine. Since it is related to the issue, I decided to quote a poem written 30 years ago. Miserable years, miserable days, sadness He listens to the suffering of the population. Mother Earth is crying today. Seeing everything, his soul burns in hell. Thirty-two of you… say, you are unfaithful terrible destruction, Alash is on fire a million bones! Hey, destiny, give yourself the enemy punishment Three million in return worry… People are broken every year, We will talk about the famine forever…

What I remember from the stories told by my mother is that families in need of food and drink would fill a black pot with water and boil it. I ask the reason for that with childish love. The poor mother keeps deceiving her suffering children by saying: “The food is ready now.” After waiting for the boiling water, the children fall asleep. This is what the famine basin looked like. Our great-grandmother Kulshai was born in 1916. We saw that person too, we tasted her meals. Until recently, he used to lick the bottom of the meat plate like a mirror and eat it. “Don’t make waste on food,” is the expression of grandmother that always said. He is a person who has experienced the effects of famine. “The yellow happiness of the family is at the bottom of this plate,” she used to say. We heard from our mother Kulshay that “the origin of the Kazakh word ‘sarkyt’ comes from this word ‘sary kut’ (sary means yellow)”. We are the generation that was born in the days of the Soviet Union. After the war, the country rose after the ‘60s. In the words of our historians today, although we were spiritually hungry, we were full of bread.

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That hunger didn’t mean much. The stories told by our parents seemed like fairy tales to us. Today, we write down the memories and complain. However, the education given by our parents always echoes in our minds. However, we grew up knowing the value of a piece of bread. Shared his mother’s memories: Koylybai Asanov, doctor of philological sciences, E.A. Professor of the Boketov University.

Bibigul Kalmaganbetkyzy (1911–2002), Ru: Argyn-Alsai

Now let me come to the famine stories I heard as a child. I heard these stories from my aunt Bibigul Kalmaganbetovna, who grew up with me. Bibigul Kalmaganbetovna, who was born in 1911 in the village of Baydaly bi, Zhanaarka district, and died in 2002 at the age of 92, at the hands of her daughter Kulshat Rakyshkovna (my mother), who lived in the village of Kyzyltau, Shet district, was a person who witnessed and experienced the famine of 1932 with her own eyes. Apart from this man, I heard many stories from an elder named Harun. This old man with a bright chest and a golden trunk was also a very quick storyteller. The Kyrgyz Aryn used to be my paternal uncle (Bibigul Kalmaganbetovna— within the Argyn clan—Alsai). In the summer months, this elder Harun used to come to our house as a guest, take care of him for many days and have fun. My grandmother used to welcome her deceased uncle by slaughtering a sheep and becoming an uncle. At the same time, my grandmother’s great-grandson Kalenbai Omarov, who lives in the village of China, and the sons of her only sister, Bardagul Kalmaganbetovna, who lives in the city of Karazhal, Kurakbay, and Kairzhan Yskakuly, their nephews, came to our “Druzhba” state farm (now Baidaly Bi village) for the campaign of autumn gatherings, which began at the end of August. Karazhal city depots send them to help with grain transportation for a

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month every year, and they always came to our house. Elder Harun used to talk to these nephews who had come home from work, washed, and had dinner until they went to sleep. It was Kalenbay, mentioned above, who listened to the old man’s stories especially numbly, and later became an old-fashioned storyteller himself. I sit between them. And what the old man clicked on was the devastating stories of the past. This man’s favorite stories were especially the warlike times, the great races of the past and the place of the galloping horses, the experiences of the thieves and brave kidnappers in the country. Alas, at that time I was too young to take notes, and now most of these stories have disappeared from my memory, only fragmentary outlines remain. I have seen other old people who talk like Harun. One of them was an old man named Sagintai Nursakalov, who lived next door to us without a house. This man, who participated in the Stalingrad front, also agreed. When I was a boy, I took care of the cows of the village for about two years with an old man named Seyten Bekbosynov, who was associated with this Sagintai elder. As a child, old Seyten, who raced the famous runners of the rich who drove thousands, became a professional rider of his time, so to speak. Maybe because of that, Seiteken’s story, which starts slowly talking about the past, will get heated and he will go to the horse’s place. Old Kuaky was a connoisseur of Badik poems, left over from the immoral artists who lived in the country in ancient times. I was very surprised by the simple arguments of this girl and boy, which were not recorded on paper (couldn’t even be filmed), and indestructible rude poems. The old man Seyten, who was distracted on horseback, used to whip his horse without caressing it, and he would pour out one after the other very indecent words and sing poems. An endless field, a cheerful old man on a horse with a wide mouth remembering his youth, his complexion as bright as a young man, an old man’s face lit up with honey, a cheerful old man singing hesitantly—these images were the most cherished scenes of my teenage years. However, the only “thousands” of these old men would be confused when it came to serious stories of the thirties, and often they would not only look back on those years but also wind them up from afar. We will find out the secret of this later. Thus, I began to pay attention to the famine stories when I was studying at school. It was caused by this strange incident. The fourth time I read, it was the middle of September, the weather was perfect, the sun was pouring down, and the sun was shining. That day, a group of children were coming back from school laughing and playing. In the heart of the

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village, on our way to school every day, there was a field big enough to fit three or four football fields side by side. While we were walking through that square, we noticed that two or three children younger than us were kicking something and playing. Involuntarily, we turned around to see if what they were playing with looked like a ball. Let’s go and see, oh, repentance—the cunning head of a person! At first, we were shocked, but after a while, we got used to it and started looking at that head from side to side. Although the head of a man with sunken eyes, a crooked nose, and loose teeth looked scary at first, our childhood hobby overcame this fear as usual, and we circled that bone for a long time. We “investigated” our little brothers and asked where they got this trick. They showed what they found. So, when a car ran over it, the skull, which was close to the ground, was thrown out by the force of the car wheel. Because from the place where the car track is, the place of the head is falling down, as if “this head has come out of here.” We learned this by “researching” ourselves. We are always interested in hunting, and after a while, we shared our impressions and went from house-to-house. When I entered the house and hurriedly told what I had seen there, my late grandmother shouted “Astapyrla!” he was shocked. Then he was silent for a while and muttered, “It’s the bones of the poor people who died in the famine.” When she said this, a kind of sadness appeared on my grandmother’s wrinkled face, and the house was filled with disappointment. Although I had heard stories about famine many times before, my grandfather, who left no traces on the earth, thought that these were modern events. Indeed, my childish mind would perceive these stories as events of a very distant past. Now, the skull lying in the middle of the village, which I just saw with my own eyes, seems to have poured into my child’s mind that the famine is a darkness that happened not too long ago. After some time, when I drank my drink and went outside, the elders, who were aware of this matter, were about to dedicate another Koran to the column and bury it in the ancient burial ground at the edge of the village. Murder, hearing about it, accidentally seeing such a sly bone will always hurt the innocent mind of an angelic child who has not yet seen any evil. Ever since the column, something incomprehensible inside me has been turned upside down, and my thoughts have been going out of order. I wonder how he died. In any case, as my grandmother said, it was obvious that he was starving. When I think like this, I see a horrible image of a person dying of hunger, and my soul is horrified. The horror is now. Driven by such terrible thoughts, I went to those who were digging graves. Ku wrapped the head in a white

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cloth and beautified it. A man named Ermek Molda recited the Koran with Kazakh status. Everyone rubbed their faces and then dispersed as if nothing had happened. I walked around for a while, and when the cattle came from the field, I also returned. After the animals were locked in the corral and calmed down, I wanted to know about the famine from my grandmother over the evening tea, which was drunk with bap: “Apa, (I used to call my grandmother apa) then how can people die of hunger,” I said, wanting to finish the story. Grandma put a cup full of tea in front of her. My grandmother, whose face was full of fear, remained silent for a while and said: “How come you are so attached to such stories?!” Don’t get out of trouble! “Inkibi (PCIA—People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs—E.T.) will come and take him away,” he said, looking at the door and the window side by side, as if he was afraid of something. My grandmother, who always looked like a hero to me (my grandmother was truly a brave person) at that moment, I still have this scary face in my eyes, I don’t know why, this image of my grandmother with a frightened face has remained in my memory forever. This story seemed to be forgotten. A year has passed since then. Soon, winter came with its sword drawn. My grandmother was short-lived. He completes his barn, saves two cartloads of hay, ten to fifteen sacks of wheat, and fifteen tons of Karaganda’s large coal, which is full of heat, for the pension he has saved up for the summer. Every year a horse is slaughtered for slaughter, but a cow has never been slaughtered and beef has been fed to me. However, one year our horse was stolen by a thief and we were left without a foot. When he was in such a state of uncertainty, on his way from a meeting held in the regional center of Zhezkazgan, he told his son-in-law that a thief had stolen his mares this year and that it was not time to slaughter horses for the winter, and ordered him to deliver them. My father (my parents lived in the village of Kyzyltau, Shet district) said: “Let me bring a fat cow and slaughter it,” and my late grandmother said: “I will not let Erlushke (my grandmother called me Erlushke) eat cow meat as long as I live.” When I grew up and got home, I understood why my grandmother did not feed me beef. Well, that’s another story, let me come to my main story. The winter of Arka comes very hard at that time. The snow storms of January and February, which have been blowing for weeks, sometimes pass over the house, and there are days when even opening the door to the outside becomes sad. And because of the harshness of the frost, your face and hands will immediately feel swollen, and if you don’t notice,

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it’s not surprising that you’ll catch a cold in your breath. Here, in such severe winters, we go outside (to the barn) only to graze the animals, and the rest of the time, we burn Karaganda’s hot coal in the fire pit and sit in a warm nest in the house. The meat of a fat mutton boiled with gooseberry is cooked on the roaring stove, blowing its throat against the fierce blizzard outside. A big blue teapot next to it hums with the same tune, not mistaking its usual song. These were the most lovely and wonderful pictures of my childhood that I will never forget. On such days, my grandmother, sitting at the bottom of the stove, combs wool and spins it, sometimes she knits socks from the spun wool or makes a blanket by stringing long threads together. However, he rarely sits idle. In this way, two people sit together in a warm room. On one of these days, I read “Kulpa¸s” by the writer Beimbet Mylin to my grandmother. Grandmother listened attentively, keeping her eyes fixed on one point while the deceased was spinning. It can be seen that my grandmother remembers all the horrors in this state and is upset. After the long story was over, my grandmother said: “Well… they told me too.” Then there was silence for a while. I felt that my grandmother was determined to say something terrible to her face. At one point, my grandmother, who was suffering from chest pain, started talking. – This book didn’t tell everything… At first, it was a time when the whites ran away and the reds chased them,—said my grandmother,—The frightened country didn’t know where to go for a living. On one of those turbulent days, the reds chasing the whites came and attacked the village of Aineke Bai, who was grazing along Sarysu. The demand made the whole country noisy, and seven people led by Aineke Bai were locked up in a grave on the bank of Sarysu and shot. There was no limit to the violence of the bloodthirsty people who captured the country, and they shot those who opposed them. The country, whose heart was broken by the merciless slaughter, was unable to raise its head, and it was permanently broken. It didn’t take long for candy to start. Rebel activists who went into the country swept away the cattle of the rich. He does not know where the cattle are going. The end of the famous slogan “Don’t exaggerate, don’t leave open hoofs” has become the end of leaving no hoofs. Then came the fur tax, hoof and horn tax, unheard of horrors. Starvation gradually came to the country, which lost its livestock, and its legs were swallowed by the oven. The country began to die en masse. Especially many children died. The country in crisis did not know where to go. The people of the country, who were searching for food, fled

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to Afghanistan. People were starving to death. Due to a large number of dead people, the smell of corpses filled the surroundings. I am still amazed—hungry people tried to reach a grave or a mosque rather than die in the desert. I know that there were many starving people who reached this Kirisha’s house during the Meshin year’s famine. At that time, Kirisha had no business, and the house where she lives now was called the stable of Jiyin Khoja. Jiyin Khoja was a person who established a mullah and educated children, he died in our youth. That’s probably why people sometimes called the meeting place a mosque. There was no account of the person who died reaching that mosque in the year of Meshin. The hungry people who are depressed may go to the mosque and ask for refuge from God, I don’t know. But God has no refuge for the living corpses who are completely starved, the helpless wretches who crowded inside and outside the mosque continued to die in vain. Myrzazhan’s people invaded the country the following year after Meshin was swallowed up. Kepudei (Kepu–GPU, Gosudarstvennoe politikonoe upravlenie.—E.T.) those people distributed cattle and seeds to the country and planted crops in the hundred years without sowing. The Uzamai Toz (AJCL) was formed, and the rebels of the country began to form the head of the worn-out country and unite them into subordinates. In the fall of the same year, the harvest failed, and along with the harvest, the country that had survived came out side by side, and it was full as usual. In those days, Myrzazhan’s people took responsibility for the country and hid the faces of the dead. The world is a moon, you say! then the number of people who died around this gathering barn was incalculable,—my grandmother burst into tears when she said that. – Dead bodies were dug and buried in graves one after another. One such cave hid the bones of more than forty people. When my grandmother came to this part of the deceased’s story, her wrinkled face became dry and she remained silent. Hearing such a terrible secret of Kirisha’s house, which I see every day, I also drooled. Grisha, whom my grandmother called Kirisha, was one of the few Russians in our village. That Grisha, who seemed like a ruler to us, had an old woman named Katya, who was always on the sidelines. They had no children, after Grisha’s death, I remember that the old woman Katya was adopted by Sarsenbai Zhamangarin of our village. I heard that our uncle Sarsenbay gave a good send-off to that old woman Katya, who had done a lot and died a long time ago, according to the Russian tradition. This Grisha was a strange person. I don’t remember the brand, whether it was “Jupiter”

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or “Ural”—Grisha, who was driving an old motorcycle, raising the dust of the dirt road passing by the base of our barn, had a gray cap on his head. I can still see the hairy look of Grisha, wearing a scarf with that gray scarf over his eyes. They are always going somewhere or coming from somewhere. That Grisha, who no one knows where he goes and where he comes from, has never seen a person laugh while vomiting. I used to liken this thick yellow Russian, who was always sleeping, to the kulaks that were skillfully described in the books I read. Grisha’s house also looked strange. This strange house, built of raw bricks without a roof, stood on the river Sarysu, which flows along the side of our village. The house was really strange. This house cannot be called square, it is built round like a yurt, but it has no obvious shape. But at first glance, it seems that the end is rounded, and if you look again, it seems that the corners are defined. I think it is probably its roof that makes the house round. Because this house, which looked more depressing than other roofless houses, had a single window on the roof made of raw bricks. Looking at this, I used to liken this strange house of Grisha to the Cyclops, the one-eyed deity of ancient Greek myths. Indeed, the roof of the house was a one-eyed monster, and the single-windowed roof was like the head of a Cyclops. Sometimes the exterior of this house resembled the old woman’s copper stove described in Russian folk tales. This copper flying on a broom had a terrible oven that would eat those who got lost in the chicken coop in the forest. A child’s imagination is too limitless—I used to find such a terrible similarity between Grisha’s house and the copper stove of the old woman. In any case, this terrible house, standing alone on the shore of the water, instilled a mysterious fear in my child’s mind. Maybe that’s why when I was a child I never walked near this house. And the house of the lame Sergey next to him was like our own house. When we were children, we often went to this lame Sergey’s house with my classmates Audanbay, Kairat, and Serik. Especially when we were teenagers, even in the first years of our student life, we used to talk until late at night at the house of an old Russian, whom we called dyad Sergey. Sergey Sholak, whose one leg is cut off from the knee, is a friendly and talkative person. He used to talk to us like a child, and he was also adept at eloquence. But the lonely old man did not say anything about his life. He died mysteriously. As for Grisha, he was a different person to dyad Sergey. A self-absorbed, reserved person who does not interact with anyone used to say that he earns a living from deer and fish. It seems that he also had a pig. But despite the popular saying, Grisha has never seen a live pig. No living

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person has even seen him catch fish. According to the country, it seems that he spends the night at the base of his house and collects the fish until dawn. It is said that he watches the game at night behind his house. This is probably the secret of Grisha’s invisibility during the day. According to my Audanbai friend, who knows more about Grisha’s mysterious secrets than we do, a group of village children went under the cover of night and tried to steal the fish caught by Grisha. Vigilant Grisha, who felt the people stealing his fish when he blinked, fired several shots from his double-barreled gun and shot the thieves’ tails with salt. “Young thieves” fried their tails with hot salt and ran away like flies. Since then, not a living person has been walking near Grisha’s hunting ground. According to Audanbai, this incident happened when we were still unconscious, and he learned about it from his older brothers who were shot by Grisha. It’s a shame that I don’t believe in this house for anything, according to my grandmother, Grisha’s house and its surroundings turned out to be a grave of people who died during the famine. The place where we found the sly head was not too far from Grisha’s house. “Mom, did so many children die?” I said, breaking the heavy silence and my grandmother saying that many children died hurt my soul. “He died a lot, look,” said my grandmother in a sad voice. Male children die of hunger first. – What about girls? – The power of God makes girls susceptible to hunger. Women are the same way, while the male umbilical cords are dying, the female bastard endures until the end and breaks down completely. The children who survived the famine were later attacked by measles. My four sons were consumed by measles, which came around again and again. My youngest son, Igenim, lived with this Turar. If my mother was alive, I wouldn’t have been sewing… My grandmother wept bitterly. The death of his youngest son, Igen, was his greatest regret, the greatest suffering. Turar is our neighbor-relative who lives at the back of our house. He was the cashier of the village, had a lot of livestock, and lived well. – Only two of my daughters survived the measles that swallowed my four sons. The girl’s soul is dying. It is said that there is a path built by the four sons from the hill, and if those four cubs were alive, I would have sent my name to whom! Tears washed my grandmother’s face again. Feeling sorry for my grandmother, my stomach opened like poison and tears came to my eyes. I saw the pitiful faces of children dying of hunger and dying of measles.

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– Aunty, isn’t there a single boy left? – No, my foal. It is said that “Even if there is a massacre of forty years, the dead will die.” The little boy who survived the thick fire was as alive as grass. A poor man who is alive now is almost food for the hungry before my eyes. The famine that started at thirty-one ended at thirtytwo. The country has run out of savings. Cannibals began to appear in the country. There were rumors that they were traveling in groups, and that they would slaughter and eat the lonely people who had been torn away from the country. Soon the names of the cannibals became known. Most of them are hundreds of people we know. We were sheltering in the Sarysu. One day, that horse came down on us in a row. We were stunned, but we tried not to hide it, we added a little salt and boiled black water. He doesn’t touch us, but he searches our insides with his eyes. We are sitting here. Suddenly, the eyes of one of them fell on the boy who was groaning in the grass. The poor boy, whose rectum had turned violently, was about to die. Well, we did not see or hear during the famine. It turns out that the humanity of a person who is blinded by hunger will die before him. That’s probably why poor people, whose humanity has died and lost their sense of dignity, eat human flesh barbarously. Another horror is that men are willing to eat people, and women do not eat human flesh on their own unless someone is wintering. Those who were looking at the dying boy with a piercing look had the edge of horror. He clapped his hands and spoke to the boy’s father: – Oh,—said one of them, speaking loudly.—This child of yours is already gone, it is about to be cut off, it will not be human anyway, give it to us, let’s kill it and make soup,—he said without flinching. The boy’s father, who was making a living due to hunger, was shocked when he said “ah.” Who knew such horror before, look at this shame—those who eat human flesh will run out of copper, and their villages will be burned to the ground. After a while, the wretched wretch of the cannibals, like a sparrow lured by a snake, succumbed to their insolent persuasion. If you say that this is a mother, she does not hesitate to go to the fire for the sake of her child, then the mother of the child, who was convinced that the aorta has turned into reality, and the matter has become a mess, almost eats them. That man, whose mother survived, is now the father of ten children, living in a rich city. When my grandmother came to this point, she was silent for a while as if she remembered something.

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“How did you survive?” I said, happy that my grandmother did not starve to death and afraid of the cold thought that flooded my mind about what would have happened if she had died. – In the fall of thirty-two, we also turned into ruins. Along Sarysu, there was a long, thorny grove with a cane growing close to Almen’s wheat. It was a bottomless deep water in which the camel had gone. There was nowhere else to go, and the adults decided to spend the winter in the dense thickets on the other side of the water. Only a few bullets are available from the weapon. Ataka has it. (Ataka—Amanbek Seydimbekov [1904–1990] writer, ethnographer Akseleu Seydimbekov’s father Slan’s brother. Akseleu, whose father died in the war, grew up in Amanbek’s arms. On the one hand, Amanbek is the mother-in-law of Bibigul Kalmaganbetkyna, who tells this story, E.T.) Ataka shot Sarysu with the same gun, wanders and hunts rabbits. The only bullet he gets outside the house. This is a daily skill. One bullet—one rabbit—is like his hunger. Two bullets won’t cut it. Because the bullet is too hard. Ataka’s single bullet has never been lost. He shoots a rabbit every day. We hang that rabbit whole, mutilate it to the head, gnaw it to the bone, and even eat it to the limit. Then we drink the soup. There is no fat in rabbit soup. A smooth black soup with no sheen on its surface is like the honey soup of sheep light, but it is also food for a hungry person. However, it was not for nothing that my Kazakh grandfather said, “See the size of a rabbit, and be afraid of its jokes.” No matter where—if the hungry people become completely hungry. There are no worse people than the people who are exposed to lies. There will be no feast in a nation that is divided. No matter what you give him, no matter how much you give him, he doesn’t give up. Everything that passes through the esophagus to a hungry person is food. Good summer, light. The country picks and eats the bird’s eggs. He eats rotten fruits, currants, gooseberries, blueberries, sorrel, and grasses, and eats the seeds of the fennel. He eats by pulling the stem out of the water, pulls out the young stem of the cherry tree, and does not destroy the bottom. There are no dogs or cats left in the country. There were also those who hunted and ate locusts. Therefore, the most satisfying food for a hungry person seems to be locusts. He says that it will be the oil that he spits out. Those who eat it say that when you fry it in a pan, your heart beats like drinking oil. The hungry country grew and prospered in summer and autumn. The real hell began in winter. The critical moment has come. It is the time when the ice of Sarysu, hit by November frost, freezes. Desperate people wander the country looking

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for food. Even if you find a frozen skin of an animal from the old people, it is a trophy. It is boiled and eaten. They pick up the bones lying in the field, boil them and drink the broth. In this way, “don’t go out, my dear, don’t go out” painful days passed. On one of these days, a young boy, who was hungry, said that the core of the river bank is not enough, and he wandered around looking at the reeds of Sarysu. The water of the whey is transparent, even when it freezes, the ice of some parts becomes transparent like glass, and the bottom is visible. The young boy was trying to cross the river, and when he saw something in his eyes, he crouched down on the ice and looked at the bottom of the water. He says that God is about to give him a gift, and he looks like a fish stuck under the ice. The poor man, who was hungry, found something like a peg or a stone from the water’s edge and began to wake up by hitting the thin ice that had not yet frozen. The idea is to catch fish with bare hands. How thick the fish of Sarysu was at that time! When herds of horses rushed through the shallows, the brothers were about to rise to the surface of the water. That boy pierces the ice with his hand and reaches the water. So, the fish gathers in the hole to breathe air. A hungry boy who spends a long day naked up to his shoulders comes home late, unable to grab anything. Our country does not eat fish from time immemorial because it is a water worm. Who knows from what time, somehow the words of the mullahs that it is forbidden for a Muslim to eat fish sounded like a sentence in the ears of Kazakhs. After not eating, he does not know how to hunt. The boy’s cold story started to fade, and the hungry country, which had ignited his hope, immediately took the iron and elbows from his hand and laid it on Sarysu. At first, nothing could entice the people, but after a while, the country will find a method of fishing that is not available in the country. It was to build a kepser. It turns out to be an indispensable tool for fishing. And the fishing is as follows: we hollow out the ice with a peg so that it can hold a lot of ice, and we put ice in that groove. After a while, the fish that came to breathe air begin to pile up at the mouth of the hole. At that time, we will hang it with a rope and throw it on the ice. We grew and bought bags of fish. We peel off the skin of the fish, clean the inside, and hang it in pots. What can you say, we were together that winter. The face of the open aran returned. Who knew before, the priceless fish from the frog-shrimp row turned out to be a kind of food? There is not enough meat for a horse, but if you keep eating clean, after a few days you will not be able to look at it and you will die. But all such reasons are in the recession. During the famine,

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not only horse meat but also beef and mutton were scarce. God forbid, the one who eats beef and lamb cleanly, not like a horse, will be blessed. And no matter how much you eat this fish meat, you will not come out and you will not be satisfied. What is the soup of brightness, if you drink the fat that has floated to the surface, it will give you a normal feeling. Then we saw—it seems that there will be no fish tank. He is a special creature created by God. The livelihood of the country that took refuge in Sarysu that winter was fish. Big and small, we don’t have any rods left, we line up like geese on the ice and fish from dawn to dusk. What we will catch there is the white-tailed deer. Blackfish (Taban—E.T.) with a hump-like flesh on its back does not come to the surface of the water, it is a disaster that lies in the depths. There is also a pike. But you can’t catch it with a kepser—it’s a very sloppy fish. However, a solution was found. The pike’s hair turned out to be a horse’s tail hair. It is as follows: a thin trap is made from three or four strands of hair. When the pike comes to the hole to breathe air, the dexterous young men do not touch the body of the snare, but deftly pass it from the head to the neck, put it on, pull it like a noose made by a deer, pull it and take it out like a calf on the ice. Thus, Sarysu’s whitefish and chubar pike became a blessing to the hungry country. A nation that eats fish and eats a lot of food will be satisfied quickly. This is how we spent the winter. At the end of March, when the ice broke and you left, another worry entered the country. It is not a weeping shallow water like it is now—Sarysu was a great river in those days when it overflowed its channel and took away the land. In such a case, not only fishing but even getting stuck in the flooded water is sad. Now there is no ice as before—how is the country going to catch and catch fish? This was his concern when he entered the country. There is a lot of energy, the country has caught and smoked fish. When the summer came and the river that carried it fell into the river bed, the country, which had destroyed the dried fish, after the water receded, did not know how to catch the fish. At that time, the people of the region did not know how to create a village by name. There is no hesitation in fishing. Where do these two come from in a country that has not considered fish as food since ancient times? The country, which started to shrink, came to its senses and found a solution for this. It was the usual method. At that time, the people used to pay attention to the yurt and the pigsty that was sewn together with it. Even if he spreads a worm on a tree or presses a felt, he will resort to this. So, with the wisdom of the elders, the young men put shi in Sarysu. When the shi is filtered, it is no less than today’s

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Russian hemp hunting, and God has already found two or three ways of making shi. One is to filter the fish in the shallows with tires and take them out, and the other is to make a circle with tires to trap many fish in the middle of the river. In this case, several people stay inside the fish, and the next group, holding the fish upright, forms a circle by drawing the bottom of the water so that the fish does not pass, and traps the fish in the middle. After surrounding the fish shoal in this way with ropes, those inside the ropes catch the flailing fish with their hands and throw them towards the nearby shore, if the shore is far away, those outside the ropes open their mouths and stuff them into a flexible bag. Thus, the country that found refuge in Sarysu lost its livelihood. The power of God is that a person can get fat from fish. We saw it too. Thus, in the summer of 1933, the country was dependent on cattle and grain provided by the government. Myrzazhan’s people took the census of the country, gathered the worn-out people in Toz, and started uniting them into subordinates. But when he was disgraced, it was terrible that he could not find a country to create an accomplice. If you want to build it, just yesterday, it could not fit into the vast pastures, and the long flowing river ended, and in one year, when the people settled on the shores of the shallow lakes, they were surrounded by people who were leaning on their shoulders. We heard from Uzynkulak that only five thousand people remained from the original twenty-five thousand inhabitants of Zhanaarka after the fire, that is, four out of five died! So many people died in vain while watching the moon and the sun. Horrible sheep! On a peaceful day, the thought that yesterday’s country will be barren and dark, if we sleep for three days, will it enter our dreams? A country without an owner is sulking and falling. Who knew before that the beauty of the land is the country? During the time of Mekalai (Tsar Nicholas II, 1868–1917.—E.T.), the country grew a lot. At that time, Kazakhs had two disputes, land dispute and widow dispute. During Mekalai’s time, cattle and people grew by thousands, and there was a lot of dispute over this land. Some fat-bellied, big-bellied rich people, big-bellied, full-breasted scumbags, chubby-breasted slobs, who were full of the world’s fumes, could not share the vast land of God, but were quarreling and quarreling with each other. Oh, treacherous world! A lot of rich and wealthy people cut themselves like forty knives for the sake of death and for the sake of life, in the hope of surpassing each other, wandered with blackheads, without even trying to fight for the land in the famine of the year of the Great Kampeske and Meshin. People saw the treachery of the world there. But it was too late. In the end, the

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divided country, which did not fit into such a wide world, without unity, was buried in a narrow grave, and most of them were not even given a burial, and their bones were scattered in the field. The day was like yesterday. It’s like my grandmother who said this is a handful before my eyes. After a while of silence, he said:—I am amazed by two wonders.—One is that at first the people were mistaken about what they knew, did not find a reason, lost their senses, did not have any courage, did not try to find a way out of the impasse, and fell in vain—wandered around and perished in vain. Who knows, if on page “a,” instead of following Sarysu’s river, he would come to his senses, stand on his feet, go fishing and make a living, so many people would not die in vain? At first, the people hoped that the government would not kill. Most of the country believed that “the government does not kill.” However, there was no help from the government. Again, the short-sighted activists who attacked the people like wolves roasted the already insane people like wheat and made them even more worn out. In such a situation, a sane person will be like a flock of sheep caught in the middle of a raging fire. When a sheep is caught in a fire or attacked by a wolf, it becomes chaotic, howls, panics, piles on top of each other, tramples on each other, crushes under each other, and dies, right? In the famine of the thirty-two, the people lost their minds and lost their direction—just like that, a sheep fell from the roof of a sheepfold and was slaughtered. Another thing that surprised me is that no matter what you eat when you’re hungry, a piece of bread is not enough. We saw that the old saying “If you don’t have enough bread, put the Qur’an under your feet and take the bread, but don’t take the Qur’an by pressing the bread” was not in vain when the hunger of the thirty-two people came to an end. In my opinion, there is no better food than bread. “Gold and silver are stones, and barley and wheat are food” from the long ago “Aktaban Shubyrindy,” a mournful saying that broke out from the dark core of the people, was probably said by this ancestor of food—the lord of bread. The fact that she remembered the past in such a way, in the dark, was evident from the fact that the tears gradually washed over the face of my grandmother, which was filled with sorrow. If I look at it now, my grandmother was looking for a lot of grief in her chest. I noticed that people of that time were deathly afraid of the government. He was a representative of the poor generation, whose hearts were shaken by the innumerable hardships and heavy punishments he had seen since “the

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time when the white ran away and the red chased him” until the death of yesterday’s fierce Stalin. And now, my grandmother, who was completely defiant due to the violence and humiliation of the foreign government, has overcome the fear that she has had for many years and is revealing to me the secret that she has not told her children. – Who are those cannibals, sister? Is he alive, where is he now?—I said, wanting to know the names of the cannibals. – Alive!—said my grandmother,—There are still people who are walking around… Tell me… – No, grandfather! Face off! Let him go! Just tell me where it’s dry. My grandmother regretted what she said. “Tell me, sister, I won’t tell anyone,” I told my grandmother in a caressing and curt manner. I deliberately spoke in a sarcastic tone. This is my own trick. I know that my grandmother will be happy when I grow up. Let me go back, I can’t wait to find out the names of the cannibals, my childhood obsession is getting the better of me. – You were going to come back when you found out. “What will happen to you knowing them,” said my aunt calmly. Even the poor people did not recover. Later, he was caught as an enemy of the people, and none of them returned from the war. There are those who survived the war and other punishments and are living on the land. But I will darken the ghosts of the dead and bring the living to follow. What will happen to me? I can’t be their judge, I can’t judge them. The difference between a human being and a beast is in his mind. Otherwise, both of them behave the same. The purpose of all four-legged animals is to survive. The aim of the bipeds, whose minds have died from hunger and turned into beasts, is to stay alive. A flying bird, a running animal on the surface of the earth is fighting for life. If you don’t say that you have a mind, so is a person. And the mind of a person who overcomes hunger becomes foggy and turns into a beast. How can you say that he is insanely hungry and has eaten human flesh? Even on the day they were recorded, they will not be punished by man. And if he is a real sinner, there is God. I myself have suffered a lot of abuse up to this age. I entrust everything to God. Let God weigh them, not man. But I am surprised by something, said my grandmother, trying to reveal another secret.—If you say that until God punished them, most of them did not disappear. From the navel of each of them, five or ten children have grown, and they have become big citizens, and some of them are in front of the country. As for them, their eyes are pale, their eyes are yellow, they don’t say whether they will drink

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or eat, they sit before drinking and behind when they don’t. Then where will the old saying “The abuse of this world does not go to the next” be left?! I am surprised by this,—said my grandmother with a slight sadness on her face, showing that she was tired of this bottomless conversation. It became known that my grandmother did not call cannibals because of this shrill excitement. I felt sorry for my grandmother, who remembered how to keep wintering from now on. No matter how many places I wanted to know, it was better now. However, I was shocked by the word “Enemy of the People”: – Tell me about “Enemies of the People,” sister?—I said, wanting to know this and turning the conversation to a different atmosphere. My grandmother was shocked: – Don’t worry, grandfather! Let him go! Tomorrow will be a disaster. Don’t forget what I said. The government has a long life, it will be taken away, he said embellishingly. – Who will take it, sister? – He’s whining, oh boy…—said my aunt, glancing at the window, in a voice close to a whisper,—Sit quietly! – They don’t exist, now the militia protects us, they don’t,—I said, growing up seeing and hearing beautiful posters that read “Militia— protect.” – Ohh… Both of them are children of the same grandfather… Who knows, tomorrow, if the wind hits your skin, how it will turn out. My stomach feels terrible. Even today’s beta is not getting better. The reputation of the country is deteriorating. The bottom line is that no one knows what the times will be like, or what the law will be like. There is no trust in the government. After the famine, he was blessed and married again at thirty-seven. Inkidi’s trouble was that he followed the talai who was talking like this, listened from the bottom of the window, and grabbed him with a squeal. When she said “sigh,” my grandmother looked out the window again. I also glared. It was too dark behind the window, where black darkness had already fallen. Only a hailstorm that blows in the middle of the night cuts the wires of the electric pole passing through the bottom of our house and howls like a wolf. In addition, the blue teapot on the stove makes a loud noise. The seven wells, drawn out by the blizzard, rumble like a roaring furnace. To these, my grandmother’s poisonous story about the horrors of the famine is added, and the atmosphere of the house is filled with a different atmosphere. Most of all,

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when I say “Inkibidi,” I wonder about my grandmother, whose appearance is disfigured. My grandmother imagined that moment as if it came from another time. The deep fear in his dim eyes was a cold image of the dark times that he had survived. That fear has now spread to me like an infection… As a child, a person is especially impressionable, I couldn’t get rid of my grandmother’s bedtime story for a long time. I was particularly impressed by what he said about cannibals. At the beginning of my story, I mentioned my classmate Audanbai. That Audanbay was also fond of old stories from his youth. Even if he was a child, he would make the listener forget the world when he told the stories he heard from adults. “A long time ago, Kazhimukan came to our house…,” he begins his story. Then he would leave. I first heard about the existence of the famous Madi in this world from the mouth of that Audanbai. To this day, I wonder how he knew Imanjusip, whose name was unknown at that time. Audanbai was also a poet who recited poems. One or two of his poems are still in my ears. He was already a master drummer. He played the guitar and the tambourine together and sang the song. The good thing is that we were neighbors. His house was a low-pitched, high-roofed house on the left side of our house. After the lesson, he would come to me after he had drunk his food. I had a tuning drum made at the “Osakarovka” factory. We would sit down on the flat-bottomed oak tree lying upside down at the base of the house, turn our backs to the afternoon autumn sun, and take turns pulling it. We talk in between. One such day, I broke my promise not to tell anyone and told a story about the famine that I had heard from my grandmother last winter. Audanbai listened with all his heart and enthusiasm. Especially when I came to the part about cannibals, his eyes widened. – Didn’t he say who they are?!—he said and flew away. “He didn’t say it,” I said, remembering why my grandmother didn’t say it. – Now I will learn from Aptai,—he said. He spoke and flew home like a bird. What Audanbai called “Aptayim” was his mother. It is said that this person named Kulpash Zheksenbekovyna was a very beautiful woman in her youth. As the saying goes, “Even if the secret of a beautiful leg is lost, it will not be broken.” Sister Kulpash always looked after her height and dressed beautifully. And when he sang, he calmed the whole world like alkali. He was my father’s close uncle, a descendant of the famous hero Saidaly Niyaz. “Your father never visits this house,” he

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sometimes complained to me. In fact, my father, who lives in another district and comes to the village every month or year, did not participate with his uncle Kulpa¸s. My father grew up as an orphan, I wonder if this was the secret behind his absence… That sister Kulpash was a very talkative person. Audanbay and I were speechless when we started talking about the old man. It was from this person that I first heard about the famous Toka Chonbi, the coachman Saydaly Sary Toka, and the cuter Kettebek. This person was the first to witness the poems of Tolebay Sal, who was famous for his work. I wonder if the secret of the fact that my friend Audanbai was a great storyteller from the very beginning and was writing poetry “from a young age” was in the moral teachings of Kulpashtai Cheshe. The next day we both went to school. I looked at him questioningly. – Everything your aunt told is true. I asked for my whole week. I also learned who the cannibals are. I’ll tell you in the afternoon, said Audanbai, who was engrossed in something important, and pulled his nose. It was awkward to talk inside the school, it would have been seen as a joke, and the children of that time were too far away from such talk. Since the schools of that time taught under the principle that “before the revolution, only two percent of the Kazakh people were literate, and the general masses were ignorant and savage,” many students grew up alien to the Kazakh past. Two old-fashioned boys in a gray class—anyway, we waited for the end of the lesson. As promised, we met at oak grove in the afternoon. “Aptayim didn’t want to tell me either,” he said, but I begged and took it. If it didn’t happen, I made a bet like a child who breaks the cobwebs of an old woman in a fairy tale,—said my friend Audanbay with a sly smile. Audanbai had a reason to make a condition to his mother, she was the youngest of nine children in the family, and Aptayn was the only child who was nursed until he was three years old. If I can summarize the story that I learned from his mother, it was as follows: – They were a gang as usual,—he said. “Shaika” was a popular word among the children of that time. – They gather and eat people along Sarysu. They are always at the mouth of the passage. If a person who is alone and defenseless is coming, they will attack him, kill him with a bull’s line, cut him to pieces and eat him. These people, who were used to eating people, were even freed and ran away without looking back. Sometimes they go into the country, roam around the village, and chase away those who stray. It is said that

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lice will roll over themselves after eating. One day, while he was looking at the mouth of the passage, out of the corner of his eye, he saw a welldressed young man with a horse under him. They sensed that he was a person coming from afar without asking, so they rolled up their sleeves and started their shackles. At that time, when a horseman was lost in the country, when the horse was gone, the meat could not be found. Then a bandit, who was crazy about horse meat, could not bear it and said: “Apyrim-ay, your horse is fat-ay” and swallowed. Then another one says: “You can change his name, he is fat!”—saying. I shook my head in amazement: – It’s terrible!—I said.—Did he say their names, who are there? Audanbai named two or three of them and said: – Many of them died. One of them, Mazhik (name changed), said. My eyes almost fell out. Because I was a scholar of Majik paralysis. He was a humble man. I was afraid of Grisha’s house, a cripple who always roared and sat in front of his door. Years have passed since then. The saying “time is a healer” has been forgotten from the country’s memory, like a dream seen by the time of famine, which killed half of Kazakhs. The eyewitnesses also became immortal and took many things with them. The story of cannibals was also buried with them. Now no one can ask them anything, except Munkir-Nangkir, who asks questions in the grave in religious legends… Nobody remembers anything these days. Today’s children of the smartphone age live on the Internet. The young generation is far from the stories of the past, living in the virtual world, not only that time—this era is alien to them. And I am probably one of the few people who saw the witnesses of that terrible tragedy and still remember the terrible stories they told me. However, I have only told the story of one person, my aunt, who raised me from childhood, and I kept my promise to her. My grandmother told me not to tell the names of those who ate people. I have not named anyone here. I won’t say… Recorded by: Yerlan Toleutai, singer and art critic.

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Aben Aitzhanuly “Naubet” (1953–2017), Ru: Argyn---Boshan-Baibory

Kazakhs have overcomed many troubles, Even “Aktaban-shuburyndy” famine. One of my brothers asked about hunger. I delivered what I heard without falsehood. (Aben) My father used to talk about the famine that happened in 1923–1933. The government swept the country’s livestock under the pretext of “fulfilling the meat plan.” The harvest did not grow, and in the fall, the country began to open. Ten–fifteen houses dug earthen houses from the slopes of the Jetymshok hill, at the bottom of the river, and took shelter. My father was a hunter. Uncle worked (in the Komsomol), and he lived in the village of Aktogai. My younger brother spent the winter with my father’s younger brother in the mountains. He had a good eye, and he took care of himself. Some citizens of the village went to Balkhash to find a job. My mother was sick, my three sisters, my one-year-old brother—we were all together. We kept a single cow inside the yurt, killed it with a long knife hidden outside the house, and divided it into a village. My father hunted, set traps, and did a lot to prevent the people of the village from dying of hunger. That winter, my mother died, and we were left with a child. One day, my father came back sick from the hunt. For two or three days, morning after morning, he complained. “In the morning, Aitzhan, my eyes have become blind, come with me, I will show you my traps,” he said. I went out early in the morning, collected the trapped animals and returned with my father. Both eyes were covered with white patches and he became blind. People used to say that “he was beaten

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by a beast.” He died twenty-eight years without an eye. (It’s a wonder, perhaps God’s help, animals and birds were torn apart in those years.) I used to knead the skins of wolves and foxes and exchange them for wheat to buy houses in Aktogai. We made an honest animal a meal. A guy named Zhumabek and I cut willows, carried them as much as we could carry them, and went to Aktogai in exchange for food. There is no limit in the country that flows from Arka to Balkhash, it asks for bread, to whom you give what. People who were dying on the side of the road, we would read the prayers we knew and cover their faces with snow and grass until we got sick. There is no courage to dig and no weapons. Once in the morning, we cut willows and packed them, and we were eating a little of our willows. When I looked at Zhumabek and said, “Aitzhan, look at my mother,” there was a 15–16-year-old girl standing at the edge of the path where the crossing was going. He hid both his hands in his sleeves, he was wearing a thin skirt, a shawl on his head, and his feet were wrapped in cloth. He was looking at us silently. We knocked the rest of our flour and put it in his mouth. He didn’t answer and walked away. We headed in the opposite direction. When we were coming back at night, we saw three or four healthy animals sitting on the side of the road. The pleading eyes of that girl would remain in my eyes for the rest of my life. Alas, he used to complain about helplessness. At the end of winter, people were leaving the village, especially children. Bas Hocher and I dug our knees and covered their faces until we had enough. They used to bury those who died along the road near the village when the snow melted and the ground opened up. It is worth mentioning that there was an old woman named Aydash in the village. He had a rich homeland where his children grew up. The character of that person was very stubborn, neither of them could enter his house freely. When I went to that grandmother, she used to say: “Abejan, Abentai” and stop everything in front of me. Once I asked my father: “Why does this Aydash sister have a special interest in me?” When asked, he said, “Well, he didn’t forget the cake he ate when he was hungry.” When I told him what to do, he said, “Aidash’s husband’s name is Zhumabek, we went through the famine years together. In March 1933, I visited Zhumabek’s cellar with a farmer. Zhumabek was eating something with his 7–8-year-old son by the fire.” When I asked to stay, he said: “You will come back, Mother Aydash is dying, go to her.” Basically, they are looking at it negatively. I shouted “Aidash” and barely spoke and said: “Aitzhan, mothers are living their days, I don’t want to talk about it, if you don’t kill me, give me

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something.” I came home and said to my 15-year-old sister Sarah: “Give me whatever you have at home.” Sara gave me 1 L cup of wheat. I took it to Aydash. He sorted the wheat and applied it to the prodpomosh, which arrived in April,” he said. At the beginning of April, many cars came from Balkhash with snow. A Russian officer watched and dropped a sack of flour on his head. So we started summer. We gave seeds to the country and planted crops. In the spring, the number of people who died without food was not less, if not more, than those who died of starvation. My younger sister and younger brother were taken to the orphanage in Karkaraly. My brother died in the orphanage without food, and my brother Kulmaganbet brought our sister Mariga from the orphanage in 1937. Later he got married. It is said that Batyrana was the principal of the school for twenty years, and that person is alive now. Now, one thing to say, my mother’s father’s house was with us during the famine. My uncle Kazangap was a tall, armed man, he had one son and one daughter. My mother’s daughter (my mother’s name is Mazzura) was taken away from Akbavur in Shet district by uncles who said: “You can kill the children, give them to us.” When my uncle Kazangap went to Balkhash to bring food, robbers robbed him on Karakula Mountain, leaving only his stomach and boots. He traveled 8–9 km and died at the bottom of the river, less than 200 m from his home. We found snow. He turned his head to the Qibla, opened the book of faith, and surrendered. They used to say, “We brought it to the base of the village and buried it with Zhumabek.” In 1978, when my mother’s brother Kazhen wanted to stone my father’s head, my father found it. There were many graves in the neighborhood. He used to say everyone’s name, saying, “That one is lying, that one’s son is lying.” At that time, who would have thought that there would be a time when people would search for victims of famine, people would curse Naubet, and it would be written down in history. We couldn’t write, I was too young to sing songs. Now I’m biting my finger and trying to remember a fragmentary incident. We, the generation born a few years after the war, grew up without any problems, and sometimes when old people talk about hunger, it seems like a fairy tale to us. The full extent of this hunger has not yet been revealed. Here, members of the younger and older generations are still alive. Maybe they heard something. If you ask them to dig, it is possible to find out the amount of famine suffered by one tribe and not one state. Of course, you can’t count. An elder named Kyzylbek had

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something to say when there was talk of hunger, he added a militia to about ten armed men and drove two or three flocks of sheep to the city of Karaganda. At that time, Karaganda was not a city. They brought the sheep blindfolded to a place and threw them alive into a deep pit. “Don’t let one of you say a word, otherwise you will be shot,” he threatened. Later, I heard that the hole was the door to the mine. Sometimes when I was tired from work, my father said: “Son, why are you tired? You have not worked for three days with sweat on your forehead. We have seen hunger, we have seen people eating human flesh, we have seen war, we have not seen it, let not such fate befall you. ‘It’s a shame to say that I’m tired and exhausted in this time of May,’ the deceased used to say. This hunger was just one tip of the hardship that the country experienced, it was the next fate of the sad Kazakh” (December 16, 2014). Shared her brother’s story: Aitzhankyzy Khadisha.

Smagul Yesekeyuly (1878–1960), Ru: Argyn---Boshan---Baib Seal My name is Rauza Aitzhanovyna, I was born on May 15, 1942, in the village of Saryterek, Aktogai district. My grandfather’s name is Esekeyuly Smagul, he was born in 1878, his family is Boshan, Baibori, and he died in September 1960 in Saryterek. Our father—Aitzhan Smagululy—was born in 1910 in the village of Saryterek, Aksai winter, and died in March 1999 in Saryterek. People who lived in times of famine. We have heard some stories from these people. Let me tell you about it. During the famine, people picked ears of wheat. At night, he stole and picked them, roasted them, put them on his skirts, carried them on his back, and fed them to his children. That spike itself is not investigated by the short-sighted activists of the government in the village. In the country, there were cases where brothers and sisters betrayed each other. In 1932, from Aktogai district, from Saryterek to Balkash, he hoped that “if we fish in the lake, we will save our lives.” Elderly people used to say: “Those who are leaving, if there are three children in one house, two are girls and one is a boy, there will be no offspring.” He kept leaving the dead children where he left them. On the way to Balkhash, near Partsyez, if you go to plant a crop in one year, it is said that the bones of a man did not eat the land. Until they reached Balkhash, they kept dying, staying, they couldn’t afford to bury, they

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didn’t have enough to bury. Those who survived are those who reached Lake Balkhash. There was a famine, if not, where, where should I go?! He was killed in the war. Hasn’t Goloshchekin come to Kazakh, look, we have heard, what didn’t Goloshchekin do?! At that time, my grandfather Smagul was a great hunter who saved my father and other children during the famine. He guarded sheep, Aitzhan’s son guarded sheep. Our grandfather Smagul’s screams reach places like Zhumabek. His voice was incredibly bitter. He was a wise man who was respected by the country. He prayed and fasted, and the heart of our grandfather, who recited old stories, was terrible. My grandfather saw what he did not see at 32. Supports one village. He hunts, eats meat, sells skins, and feeds his children. When his grandmother Nurzhan died, my grandfather was 28 years old. Nurzhan left 7 children: Kulmaganbet, Aitzhan, Tokmaganbet, Sara, Mare, Maryga, and Isagul. Our father, Kulmaganbet, who later became a director, even though he was small, got on a horse and took Mariga and Isagul to a children’s boarding school located in Karkaraly. Mariga and Isagul grew up there, one in the girls’ section, and one in the boys’ section. Mariga is a girl, she goes to the boy’s section in search of her brother. He was asking for a wife. While doing so, one day that boy Isagul disappears. He did not know where he was looking for his death. On one of his visits, Kulmanbet was afraid that his younger brother had disappeared, so he brought Marya back in the cart of one of his sisters-in-law (his sisterin-law used to cut pine trees there and transport them to Aktogai). Then my aunt Mariga said: “One cow with a calf, we will eat it in the cart.” The name of the sister-in-law who is bringing Marya is Sakyp. “Don’t let the calf suckle, you are hitting the calf next to it,” said Mariga and Sakyp from both sides of the cart, one of them hit the calf, and the other reached the point where the cow could not be nursed. While that was going on, my aunt Mariga fell asleep, and after falling asleep, she nursed the cow’s calf. even though he is young. So, he reached Aktogai with such difficulty. There is Mary before Mariga. I took that Mary to my father Aitzhan, and in Karatal there were uncles named Kushkin, Orysbailar, Kuanyshbai, and Zhuanyshbai, and I will take her there, how are we going to feed her, even if it is just one cow? He brought it to Karatal on foot. When he said, “Stay here now,” he said, “I won’t stay, I’ll go,” and cried holding his belt. Then our father Aitzhan said: “Stay, how will I deliver you?” he

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cried and moaned… They are children who have barely grown-up with little crumbs. Later, our grandfather Smagul married a widow named Akshöken. Lives with Akshöken for 2–3 years. Our great father will be a man who “shoots from the eye” and is not hungry for food. When he shot himself with one hand, he shot himself in the forehead so that the skin would not be damaged. One day, he shot a wolf, a fox, and a rabbit and trapped one of the three. He brought these animals, drank a cup or two of tea, and slaughtered the animals he had caught. “When I was slaughtering a wolf, my right eye was stung, while I was slaughtering a fox, my left eye was stung, and I lost my sight,” he used to say. After those three animals, he lost his sight. After he lost his sight, he went here and there, there was no doctor at that time… Akshöken, the wife of our father Smagul, was a good, wonderful person, and later she died. Father Smagul, who was blind, allowed Akshöken to leave after two years so that he would not be hurt by his wife. There was a person who took the place of parents for the children. Later, Aitzhan Smagul took his father in his arms. He did not see his eyes for 28 years. Then, when he went out into the field, his eyes had only a measure, but he could tell whether the sun was bright or cloudy. Even though he could not see, he could memorize the destination with his cane. Once he shook hands, he would recognize the person he greeted the next time. Aitzhan got Smagul’s trap and gun. Our father Aitzhan was also a great trapper. Our family was big. Our ancestors were strong. Shared their family memories: Rauza Aitzhankyzy. Recorded by: Ibraimova Zhenisgul.

Zhanylgan Saduakaskyzy (1923–1983), Ru: Argyn-Karakesek-Kara

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My mother Zhanilgan Saduakasovna was born on September 22, 1923, in the family of the Vostok state farm of Karkaraly district of Karaganda region (now Toktar Aubakirov collective). Her ru is Kyrgyz, Japek. Father Saduakas and mother Rysbala raised 7 children and lived off the little cattle they had. Later, together with his adult sons and daughters, he was involved in collective farm work, including ditch digging. My mother has 7 siblings: Bigaysha, Gabdolla, Batima, Smagul, Kanzina, Zhanilgan (because two girls were born at the same time), and Kanzikesh. Even when I was growing up, my mother used to tell me about her parents, siblings, and her life experiences. “Don’t let me show you what I saw, my slaves!” he would sigh and open his head a bit. One of them is the famine years! My mother was 9 years old at that time when she regained consciousness. According to my mother, in those years, there were hungry people wandering from house-to-house, either people from their own village or people from other places looking for food. It seems that during that period, my mother had a small amount of food left at home. When everyone is sitting at home with their hands free from late work and the meat is hanging, “At least give me the foam of the meat!” The begging stranger took pity on the hungry woman and remembered that despite the fact that they had many children, their parents shared food with them. But it is unknown where the woman came from, or whether she is a person from her village. What my mother remembers is the death of her 5-year-old younger sister Kanzikesh at the hands of that woman. My mother used to tell me about her parents, her brothers, and the life she lived. “What I have seen, my foals, do not show it to you now!” she sighed and shook her head. “I don’t know,” he said. My mother was 9 years old when she learned to remember. According to my mother, in those years, whether it was people from their village or those who came from other places in search of food, at least the house-to-house, hungry people were wandering through the door. At the same time, my mother’s house seemed to have a small supply of food left in her hands. In the evening, when the hands are free from work, the meat is hung and everyone is sitting at home, “most kurmsa eттiң give me the foam!” the visitor felt sorry for the hungry woman and remembered that despite the fact that they had many children, their parents shared food. But it is not known where the woman came from, or whether she is a man from her village. What my mother remembers is that her little sister, a 5-year-old concubine, was killed by the same woman.

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The incident happened like this. After eating, the woman, who was tired, thanked her and left. The next morning, when the parents went to dig a ditch with their grown-up children, as usual, the sisters Kanzila and Zhanilgan were engaged in farming outside the house. Only 5-year-old Kanzikesh was playing at home. At that time, that strange woman, who had sold all the meat in the house, returned. While stealing the meat, the little girl said, “I’ll tell my mother!” must say. For those words, the woman took a lighter from the burning stove and set fire to the hem of Kanzikesh’s shirt. When the sister heard a loud cry and ran towards the house, she saw that woman running out of the house. They both splashed water on her younger sister whose shirt was on fire and somehow extinguished it. However, the girl, who suffered severe burns, died a day later. The parents, who are suffering from adhan-kazan and suffering from nowhere, understand who this conspiracy was by the fact that their daughter told them what they saw and the fact that the meat they had hung up was found. So they know that they have suffered cruelty from the woman who took pity on them, treated them with humanity, let them into the house, and gave them food. It is unknown whether he caught the woman, whether he was caught, punished, or disappeared without a trace. Growing up, my mother realized that people lose their humanity when they are hungry: “This is the horror of those dark years!” he was about to sigh and cry. What my mother remembers with tears in her eyes is the death of her father and siblings one after the other during those famine years. According to my mother, they died within a year without food. According to that, it seems that typhoid fever was rampant along with the famine. Only her two daughters—Batima and Zhanilgan—survived, the grieving mother Rysbala could not afford to bury her children who died in the winter (it seems that there were no adults to dig graves), so she kept the corpses wrapped in felt in a pigsty. It was because they were afraid that when the ground was frozen in winter, the grave would be dug shallow and hungry wolves, dogs, birds, and even hungry people would dig it up and eat it. Only when the ground thawed in spring, the grave was dug deeper and lined up. A year later, our grandmother Rysbala also died, and Batima and Zhanylan suffered the consequences of their childhood. According to my mother, her mother died of grief. When my mother, who went through so much suffering, saw leftover bread, pies, and cookies left uneaten by small children while walking in

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the field, she said, “Obal-ay, may God himself forgive me! Don’t throw it!” I still remember that he would take it from the ground and take it to a higher place! My mother once saw that people were hungry for a piece of bread, and when we cut the bread, she used to make sure that we did not drop the cuttings on the ground. The memory of his mother was shared by: Ahmet Raikhan Galykyzy. Written by: Ibraimova Zhenisgul.

Toishybek Mynbasov (1905–1993), Ru: Kyrgyz

My father Toishybek was born in 1905. As a child, he was educated in the old Arabic alphabet and the new Russian alphabet. During the literacy campaign (1920), he taught children and adults in the village “Zhumysker.” In 1920–1928, the newly collectivized “Worker” and “Akhzharyk” (now Kyzylaray) with the rich and the hired workers were grouped together. Akzhark also has the name “Culture.” There were yurts and thatched houses in the village. He lived a semi-sedentary, semi-nomadic life. Kyzylaray is a mountainous, forested region. There are a lot of berries. Springs on the slopes of the mountains. The highest mountain in Kazakhstan is Aksorang in Kyzylarai. The nature is beautiful, the forest, the deep gorges may be the mountain forest that is still untrodden by humans. On the slopes of Mount Beriktas, the navel of the great scientist and public figure Alimkhan Yermekov was cut. Alikhan Bukeikhanov lives in the east of Kyzylarai, and Alimkhan Yermekov in the west. I will write what I heard from the stories I heard from my father.

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Before the 1928 Kampeske, the people of this region—rich and poor— raised livestock, drank kefir, kummy, went out to the khir, got married, mingled with each other, and lived very close together. Balkash (150 km), Karaganda (250 km) was reached in 3–4 days, 5– 6 days from the center of the district. In the past, the cattle shed was connected to a residential building and had one door. No matter how collectivized, most of the country was left without moving in the winter fields due to the lack of built houses and stables. 1928 was difficult not only for the rich but also for the poor. Because their livelihood is cattle, a country that has lost its cattle does not know what to do. The poor used to mow grass, raise cattle, work for hire, get paid, and make a living from their labor. There is no such day. The government (representatives of the soviet) was divided between the rich and the poor. The government sent the illiterate, illiterate, noisy, and thieving poor to the countryside with power-hungry thugs in their hands. Saying that “there should be no exaggeration, there should be no open hoofs,” he unknowingly caused the people to starve. The rich and the village elders were exiled and the young people who knew better fled to the city. The country, which lost its cattle, was left in ruins. Only the poor, the brothers of the rich, and the poor (no cattle) remained. If he did not take away his cattle (expropriation), he would not have been able to unite the Kazakhs and exercise their power in the summer and summer pastures, in the winter they run dogs and birds, and the grass grows. Poor and rich, they drove Kazakhs against each other. Those who resisted were called “the tail of the rich, against the government.” He also did it to the Kazakh. In a country that has lost its leader and advisor, there are no opponents left. Scared with a gun, he turned the country, which lost its leader, into a rambunctious sheep willing to be driven by a poor horse. Even though the tsar’s government took away his land, he could not take away his cattle. And the Soviet government deprived the Kazakh people of their livelihood and confiscated their livestock. “Kampeska” of 1928 was the most severe blow by the government, which cannot be justified. The famine was preceded by the “candy” of that summer. In 1932, my father became a teacher in the present “Saryterek” mine of Aktogai village. My father had 2 siblings and a wife in his family. His two unmarried brothers went to Balkhash city after their livelihood deteriorated. Then you don’t know. There are no people who say they saw or knew. My father returned to Kyzylaray with his family in the summer of

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1933. When they moved, they put their luggage on cows, oxen, or with a tow (if not, a cart). At the beginning of the famine, the people who were left without livestock remained in the hands of the collective. The government was unable to leave the collective. The main goal of the government is to unite the poor people in every village, to unite them in a cooperative. The poor have no cattle, the rich have wealth and cattle. The rich divided their livestock and registered it in the name of their tenants. When the cattle were taken away, the ignorant people pumped again. Rich gentlemen who believed in God found a way to hide: they hid their relatives and in-laws, fled to the city, and hid with their children who were in their service. And where is such an opportunity for the poor? The government was in a state of desperation, saying that it would not kill. Adults, old women, and young children put salt in black water and put a handful of flour or bran in a bucket of water. I heard that mothers cooked the family tulak (cow skin) for their children. He boiled the roots of the grass, even dry, because he thought it would be edible. I heard of people who hunted mice and ate their meat and even ate human flesh. One of my uncles went out on foot from Madeniet to Karkaraly to bring food, and on the way back, three kilometers before his village, he died while breathing. He did not cut the food he was bringing for his brothers!!! Help did not come from anywhere. Where is the help! The village is 150–200 km from the cities of Balkash, Karaganda, and Karkaraly. There is no car. The day of the walk is like that. Old people and children remained in the village. The young people who left did not want to share food with children, mothers, and the elderly. How many died on the way, unable to reach the city? How many people died of stomach aches without digesting the food they ate? I heard people say that in the city of Balkhash, the dead are collected from the streets with carts. One meal a day given by the government was not useful for the starving people. No bread, fish soup, or gurgling water. I did not hear from my father that help had arrived (to our village). It used to come to animals, but now it has come to humans, because there are no animals. In the fall of 1932, people who saw no profit from the collective began to steal and slaughter the animals they had brought to the farm. So some families survived. He returned some of his family’s cattle to the collective. “You will survive the winter, and you will return it in the spring.” But there are few animals left alive.

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My mother was born in 1924, and the only one in the House who survived. Two cousins died, and his mother died. After 1932, in the spring, he joined the “Artel” and remained in the “culture.” My mother was born in 1924, the only one in the family, and she survived. Two cousins died, mother died. After 1932, he entered the “artel” in the spring and stayed in “Culture.” The elders of the family died, and the boy who survived was in the hands of sympathetic brothers in that village. Because you are not aware of the closest ones. He doesn’t even know if they exist. Most of the people of our village went to work in the mines in Karaganda and went to work in Almaty. After 1933, our family lived in the “Kyzylarai” kenshar (collective farm). During the famine, villagers were in a state of nervous distrust of brothers, relatives, and brothers. The family was in the same situation. But the parents’ kindness and love for their offspring helped them to survive. Some elderly survivors still remember and talk about the famine. If you ask some of them, they don’t want to tell. If he remembered what he had seen and touched, it would seem disgusting and irritating. My mother was born in 1924, the only one in the house who survived. Two cousins died, and his mother died. After 1932, in the spring, he joined the “Artel” and remained in the “culture.” I have not heard of a special ban on famine. But the PCIA was known and feared by all the people. Maybe that’s why he hesitates to talk. Domalak was afraid of applicants. He was afraid of the word “That guy said something, defamed the government.” He was afraid of the trap of the PCIA, he was afraid of being arrested. He did not think that there would be plenty and famine like now if there was no war, and if people’s kindness towards each other was not narrowed. I can’t say that the Soviet government was bad, they gave free education, medical care, free trips to spas and sanatoriums during their vacations, and appreciated their work. The welfare of the people increased. A cultural and spiritual attitude was formed. Especially in the 60s and 80s, people felt that “I” was inside. Although the government gave freedom of speech and freedom of thought, chauvinism and censorship were strict.

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Кеңес өкіметіне дейін жалпы халық орыстың түрі қандай болғанын білмеген, би, болыстардың айтқанын істеп, салығын төлеп, малын бағып жата берген. Before the Soviet regime, the general population did not know what Russians looked like, they did what they told them, paid their taxes, and tended their cattle. Those who have seen and experienced famine will not forget. I personally did not feel hungry. I can’t talk about it. Famine, the first culprit of hunger is the Soviet government. Left-wing leadership: orders from the top leader down to the village prevailed. They threatened, tempted, and shot those who opposed them. No one dared to complain anywhere. There are no plains now. The policy of the government was to kill the Kazakh by the hand of the Kazakh. What can be said now? I want the curse to go away. There is no history that conveys this to the youth of independence, to the next generation, pours it into their minds, and teaches it. Such violence cannot be forgiven! This is chauvinism on the part of the government. He shared his father’s memories: Toishybekov Marden. Recorded by: Ibraimova Zhenisgul.

Zeynep Rakhimbay (1906–1998)

My mother, Zeynep, was born in 1906, and she was well versed in poetry and proverbs. As a child, among the first historical stories I heard were “Kalkaman—Mamyr” and “Yer Targyn.” Sometimes, in the middle of his conversation, he called Er Targyn a hero who died in vain. I would not understand it. I don’t remember whether he said that the hero died in the war without breaking his back. Since my mother’s story is based

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on her own experience, I consider it a document about the establishment of the Soviet government in the history of Kazakhstan. In the history we read under the Soviet government, the Soviet government came to Kazakhstan in 1918 and was established. My mother said: “In 1928, the government came (Soviet) and began to seize all the cattle” (that is, the policy of confiscating the cattle of the rich). My father, Rakhymbai, also had an average farm: about 20 sheeps, goats, 5 cows, 2 mares, and a blue horse that I rode only when I moved to the pasture. While taking all this away, the blue horse clung to my horse’s bridle and cried: “I won’t give it!” when I said, a Kazakh man in a military uniform pushed me, and I fell down and cried. When my mother Kulzhamila ran towards me, that Kazakh pushed her by the chest and said: “Counter-enemy!” he shouted. When the commission came from the outskirts of the village to collect the cattle, I noticed that my mother was burying a bundle of knots in the ashes under the stove, and then the cattle receivers scattered the whole house, looking for something, and took what they found. What is needed, they did not leave food and clothes to wear. After they left, I was surprised when my mother took out the bundle she had hidden under the pot and showed me, it contained silver Thai hoofs and ring earrings. I saved my life by exchanging them for wheat when the famine began, my child, this bracelet that I am giving you is the only eye of my parents from 1932 (they gave it to me, thieves broke into the house with all my gold in 2016, and that mother’s monument is the secret of history. I am very sorry that the only data was stolen). So, when I was barely making a living without all my possessions, my father married me to Nurakhmet, the head of the collective farm. His wife had died, he had a son named Smagul, and he used to take care of me. When our situation began to improve, in the spring of 1932, famine began in our country. According to the commission that inspected the warehouse of the collective farm, it turned out that 10 laundry soaps and one ox were missing from the collective farm’s livestock, and now they arrested my comrade as an “enemy of the people.” The country began to die of hunger. My father and mother were also weak from hunger. Throughout the day, I exchange silver earrings and rings for food and bring a little bread and flour to the wives of warehouse managers who hide the grain from well-to-do families in the village. Then I cook “black soup” called “atala” and give it to my parents. But they didn’t drink it themselves, they put it

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in my mouth, let me tell you, the government didn’t give it to us even though there was grain in the warehouse. And they say: “You are the wife of the enemy of the people, even if you drink the milk of the only goat in your house, you will not die.” One of the people who said that was Ospangali, our relative, who was the head of the collective farm at that time. Let me tell you about his closeness: the children of three brothers named Otegen, Otelbek, and Beisenbek: Ospangali from Otegen, Alseyit from Otelbek, Nurakhmet from Beisenbek (my husband). I saw that some people in the village ate their grandchildren because of hunger. In order not to die of hunger, we dig up the root of the marikarina flower (a flower that grows in our country) and boil it and drink it, and we boil the skin and leather belt and drink it like a soup. Seeing such humiliation, how long did I do… So, one day my father said: “My son, Zeynep, I’m going to die, you bury me in this opposite room.” When I said, “Dad, I’m afraid,” he said to me: “I’m alone, if I can, why should I scare you, if you bury me in the field, open the grave, people will eat it,” he said. So, my father died; my mother and I, with the help of our neighbors, buried him in the opposite room that he told us about and closed the door. After my father’s death, on the seventh day, my mother, who was weak and sick from hunger, called me to her and told me to “ask for the medicine for the gun from the neighbor’s house and bring it.” When I came back, he was already dead, my mother was shocked (here my mother cried). Neighbors came and wept, and we buried my mother next to my father in the opposite room. I spent the night crying alone next to seven or two corpses, I had nowhere to go. In Aksu, my father’s close relatives—someone who visited my uncle Syrttan from Aktuma (where I was born and grew up) said: “Yesterday, the friend of Zeynep, the only one who is wealthy and respected the country, Zeynep, was caught, and he was left alone between two dead bodies. Why don’t you look for him?”. When my brother heard about it, he came to the country from Syrt and took me to Aksu, completely weakened by hunger and grief. When we left, we destroyed the house and piled on the graves of my father and mother. After coming to Aksu, I was sick for about a month, and I started to join the crowd. My brother was working as the secretary of the district executive committee at that time, and he did not lack food for me. As soon as Nurahmet was caught, he was put in a prison under the PCIA in Almaty. Those who were lying there saw the effects of hunger

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and beatings. One day, a citizen named Bekinov will be in the commission that came to investigate whether the prisoners did not die of hunger. He was a person who visited our village as a representative several times when Nurakhmet was the head of the collective farm, visited our house, ate at our table, and showed our respect. He recognized Nurakhmet, came to him, and quietly said: “I will send you to work to look after the horses in the stable of the prison, soon the prison will be opened, I will make you a temporary document.” Then, when the government released the survivors of the starving prisoners, Nurakhmet ran away with the others. When he reached Aksu while hiding during the day and walking by moonlight at night, he was caught by the militia, driven along with other fugitives, and brought to the stable of my brother Syrttan. I saw a group of people with overgrown beards being chased by militiamen on horseback towards our house. My uncle who came for lunch—prepared hot soup in the evening, I will bring Nurakhmet in the evening, he is imprisoned in our barn, they were not arrested as “fugitives,” but he has a release certificate. I was so confused and didn’t know what happened that I cried. My sisters-in-law shouted: “It’s not necessary, he was arrested as an “enemy of the people,” and it will harm your work.” Then my brother said: “Hey, how can you forget the help he gave us yesterday when he was the management of the collective farm? Now that things have happened to him, what are you angry about? Let the food be ready” and went back to work. So, in the evening, when he brought Nurakhmet home, there was a living ghost standing in front of me with hair, beard, and overgrown nails (my mother cried after hearing this). My heart was hurt by this kind of Nurahmet, who was a beautiful boy, the slander and humiliation of being the seed of “enemy of the people” did not leave my mind all my life. The moments when my uncle lowered him into the water, removed his beard and hair, dressed him in new clothes, seated him respectfully at the head of the court, spoke good words, and gave him strength, revived me. After listening to Nurahmet’s story about the humiliations he had suffered until midnight, my brother took him back to spend the night with the “fugitive enemies of the people” in the yard (he was safe). The next day, my brother asked: “Zeynepzhan, are you going to Aktuma with Nurakhmet?”.

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Even though I wanted to go to the country, I couldn’t go beyond what my younger brother told me: “Don’t go with him, you can see his face, whatever happens, let’s see together, if you’re hungry, this is it. you were tempted by your younger brother, oh dog, isn’t it a shame to send yesterday’s guardian Nurakhmet to his country alone, your parents entrusted him to him during his lifetime, so, Zeynepzhan, go back to the country with your friend, I will go and live there, the situation will improve, the country will be safe from hunger will come out, and everything will be fixed,” I was happy. I could hardly bear it myself. So, I prepared to go to the country with your fathers. My sisters-in-law gave me a new shawl with yellow variegated flowers. He put a bucket in a flat belt around his waist and a cup of millet tied in a handkerchief in my pocket. Nurakhmet was given good chrome boots and clothes, exchanged pleasantries, and took us to the country on the way to Aktuma. On the way, I walk quickly, and Nurahmet can’t walk quickly, so we breathe a lot. As we were walking, someone behind us said, “Stop!” he shouted. When we stopped, an elderly citizen and a fifteen-year-old boy with shovels in their hands asked us, “Who are you?” he started to argue. I recognized them immediately, Nurakhmet was the guard of the kamba in our collective farm when he was the head. But as if he didn’t know us, he said: “Our chickens are lost here every day, you are the ones stealing them. Come on, show me what you have!,” he said. I was afraid that they would take away the millet from the belt wrapped around my waist, so I showed a bowl of millet tied in a handkerchief in my pocket and said, “We have nothing but this.” They took the chrome boots that Nurakhmet had hung around his neck and quickly climbed over the hill before sunset, if you stay overnight, people will eat you here. As we ran up the hill, the man yelled again, “Stop!” he said, he came and took the yellow spotted shawl from my neck and returned the boots. We, who were scared, ran and climbed to the top of the mountain until the sun went down. In front of us, the light of the fire was visible from all parts of the village. Being happy, he went to the edge of the village and heard from outside a house, “Who is there?” we shouted. Then Kabay came out of the house (he was our close relative). The village was also starving. Nevertheless, all the brothers and sisters gathered and we cried with each other. The next day, a group of relatives who survived hunger gathered and built a camp for us. It was spring. Together with the country, we dug up the land, planted crops, and started

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making a living. “This is what the government did to your father, but he died of starvation, persecution, as a soldier in the war. My son, don’t write this down, the government won’t hear it,” my mother cried. He told this story when he came to Karaganda in 1984. It was there that I realized that the humiliation she suffered as the wife of the “enemy of the people” scared my mother even in the 80s… As a historian, I read this story in ‘20–‘30s of the twentieth century of the Soviet government in Kazakhstan. As evidence of the tyrannical policy, we listened to the version recorded on a dictaphone to our students and discussed it during class. Today, I am very sorry to have lost the tape of that “story told by my mother.” Today, there is a scientific direction called “everyday history” in the science of history. The story told by my mother may be a source of future works in that direction. She shared her mother’s memories: Beisembekova Nursakhan Akhmetovna, candidate of historical sciences.

Kuat Moldakhmetov (1917–1918. Born., Year of Death Unknown), Ru: Tobykty-Zhailau

Daken Setikbaevna My uncles are natives of a place called Orta Deresin, located near Balkhash. My mother is Daken Setikbayovna (according to the document, she was born in 1921, but according to her saying that “I was born when the whites fled and the reds came,” she was probably born in 1919, died in 2005 at the age of 85). I still remember the stories my mother told me because she always had tears in her eyes and talked about her brother Kuat Setikbayuly Moldakhmetov, who did a great job during the famine. This person is my uncle.

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Near modern Orta Deresin (Orta Deresin—Aktogai district of Karaganda region, center of Ordaresin rural district), there are place names such as “Setikbay’s well,” “Setikbay’s winter.” Setikbai Bakyuly, who descends from the Tobyk clan, is Kuat Moldakhmetov’s father. It is said that in Setikbai’s time, he was a well-to-do, wealthy, and religious man. Semi-sedentary, herdsman. He had a nine-room house. Setikbai was engaged in trade between Karkaraly and Ordateresin, he brought small items such as thread, fabric, needles, and things necessary for farming and sold them in his village. Although he was not rich, he had quite a lot of cattle, he kept camels and horses. In the thirties, when he was “pursuing” the rich, he also took away our grandfather. When people drank bitter lake water, bloody dysentery broke out, and in those years, Setikbay’s father dug a well and found drinkable water. That’s why the locals called that place “Setikbay’s well.” When my mother died of dysentery, the children stayed at home. Like any man, his father went to look for food for his family. Seeing the children who did not know what to do, they did not even have time to bury their mother, and a woman from the village dug a hole in the ground and buried their mother. Now, as for Kuat, it is difficult to say the exact year of my uncle’s birth. One of the documents found in the Moscow archive states that he was born in 1917, while another one states that he was born in 1918. Setikbay’s father brought an open-eyed boy who studied in 1925 and tried to open the milk for his children. My mother used to say: “I was not in the mood to study, so I always ran away to the mountains, and my brother Kuat was very bright, intelligent, interested in studying, and maybe that’s why he was so smart.” Even though he was only 14 years old, our very bright and intelligent brother Kuat found out where the prodsnab was located and found out what documents and whose signatures should be put there, and what stamps should be put on those documents. The first prodsnab was located in the place of modern Konyrat, formerly known as the Navel. There was a metallurgical factory opened by the British at that time. Then he took a horse and cart from someone and went to prodsnab with a fake seal and a signed document. He filled his cart with wheat and barley and distributed it to people who were about to die of hunger. But it fell into the hands of the guards. When he said,

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“I’m still 14 years old.” Those who caught him did not believe his words, took him to the doctor, and killed him. I have heard many times from my mother the excerpts of his poems: Four days are coming soon, To the town Konyrat Most of the exiled ones, Were the victoms of slader. The Blue Lock is on the door, There was no hole shown, Gives 400 grams of bread, For thw whole one day. They do not look at your case, Neither show the pityness. There are insufficient food Only water and bread…

After the doctors concluded that Kuat was still a minor, the PCIA officers, who did not know that he was the son of Setikbai, who had been beaten up, realized that Kuat knew letters and was clever, and said, “You can’t judge him, he is still young” and sent him to work at the city printing house. Kuat, who was freed, went to Orta Deresin on foot, intending to move his father, brother, and sister to the city. When he was coming from Orta Deresin to the city, he saw corpses of people who had died of hunger scattered on the road. Kuat’s younger brother could not reach the city and died on the way. On the way to the city, the last time he saw his father was when he was crawling on the ground, weak from hunger. My mother used to say while crying: “People ate what they found on the road, even the growing grass, maybe some people died from poisoning from that grass.” After arriving in the city, Kuat taught his sister: “In order to be accepted into the orphanage, take the last name of a poor herdsman, reduce your age and say that you are from 1921.” Then the children, one older and one younger, were loaded into a truck with a wooden body and taken to an orphanage in Spassky, near Karaganda, where they were placed. There were no conditions in the orphanage either, the children were lying on the cold ground and living naked. During the day, he leaves the field and wanders the field, plucking grass to eat.

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The older children grabbed the smaller ones and ate them. However, he is happy that his brother brought his brothers to the city instead of leaving them in the village, because they say that all the people in the village were killed. This is the place where the orphanage was made of barracks, and later in 1937, the PCIA brought here the so-called “enemies of the people,” tortured and detained them. My mother is afraid of famine. Like the Kazakhs who lived in those years, her life path was very difficult, she suffered a lot: dysentery, famine, and war years—when I remember my wonderful mother, who was a witness to everything, tears come to my eyes. Shared her mother’s memories: Akizhanova Zarya Toleukhanovna Recorded by Zhenisgul Ibraimova

Kurgan Amirkhamzauly (Born 1927), Ru: Middle Zhuz-Torykypshak-Kara

He was born in Zhankeldin district of Kostanay region (the fourth village of Karakoga boly of Torgay district) of Albarboget village district (“Enbek” district). In our childhood, there were many graves at the base of the village, and there were graves like this: on the other side of the river, there was a special burial ground called Shakirtam for the burial of villagers, and in the vicinity of the village, apart from Shakirtam, there were graves like unknown soldiers’ graves, sometimes fenced, sometimes unfenced. To tell the truth, nobody seemed to pay attention to them (I realized that this was not the case when I grew up), everyone was busy with his own busy life, outside of that, there was not even a murmur of the people after work in the early hours of the morning. “What are these overgrown graves? My disciple’s cemetery is touching, but why are these scattered everywhere?” I was going to be surprised.

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I asked some people, but no one gave me an honest answer. Did he mean the red stars that were installed later, or the “grave of the Komsomols” when the Soviet Government was installed, and nothing else was mentioned. My desire to know the history of those tombs was awakened there. In fact, these are the places where Kazakhs died during the famine. Later, even though the location is known, he must have been afraid of the instructions of the superior that he should not know the victims of hunger, and was turned into a “grave of the Komsomols.” And since I only know about hunger from what I heard from my father, I want to tell about it. My father’s name is Korgan, and his father’s name is Amirhamza. Now we have to make a little retreat from here. It is rare that we did not read the story “Kipchak Seitkul” by the great Kazakh educator Ybyray Altynsarin at school. There is no need to repeat Seitkul, the main character of that story. Our grandfather Seitkul planted crops along the river Ryvba of Torgai from the Syr region and helped 400 poor people. At one time, our grandfather Seitkul built a big fortress—a mound—to protect himself from his enemies. My father was born in that Korgan dam, in Ayanbai village, in a place called Zhualy tübek, so he was given the name Korgan. Sometimes I jokingly say to my father: “Taldykorgan city in Kazakhstan, Korgan region and city in Russia, and Korgantobe city in Tajikistan are named after you.” My father was born in 1927 in Zhangeldin district of the former Kostanay region. According to him, he has never seen hunger. My father is a bright-eyed man, he lost his father during the hardships of the times, in the famine, and although he finished 10 years of high school and later entered Mendigara, he could not study because of his single mother. However, throughout his life, he held various positions in the village, the last place where he worked was the deputy director of the State Farm in charge of economy. But during the time of the Soviet government, joining the Communist Party was like an unwritten law, and my father was not a member of the party, I did not ask him why. But I found out his answer later. In 1928, “kampeske” began in Kazakhstan. All the Kazakhs who had little property and power should be confiscated. Some of our clan brothers crossed Kostanay and fled to the black forest of Siberia. Then the whole plain is barren—not poor.

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Many of the brothers who went to Siberia and the interior left, and the Kazakhs who stayed in the country were invented and demanded to pay various non-existent taxes. People who don’t grow crops (because our country is a desert, only millet is cultivated) ask our country to pay wheat tax. A country that never planted wheat in its life used to exchange its livestock for wheat and pay the government’s tax. New types of taxes are being invented (for example, horn tax), and if you don’t pay, you will be driven to Itzekken. The people of the entire district leave for Afghanistan, my grandfather and his brothers fish from the Ryvba river in the summer, sometimes they wander the fields and hunt mice-zorman (animal called zorman). My grandfather’s younger brother walks to his village 90 km from Torgai to visit his brother and brothers and take care of their lives together. In the meantime, the people who were dying of hunger along the way, our grandfather took an iron rod under his arm and reached his brothers. The darkness of hunger brought a special slaughter to the country of Torgai. The terrible famine of 1931–1932 hit Torgai country particularly hard. The village of Torgai was engaged only in animal husbandry and did not plant crops, with the slogan “no overgrazing, no open hooves,” the village activists, starting with the district leaders, swept away all the cattle that were lying in the hands of the people, and collected them in one center. He pulled the diary out of his hands to the ground. Since the time of my grandfather, the Kazakh people lived by moving and herding animals, so they ate only animal products. The officials of the Reds first took the cattle of the Kazakhs, and now they built settlements in every village, thinking that they would turn them into settlers by violence. The people who lost their livestock had no means of livelihood, and only grew old in the four walls of the house that was built by force. Since the country of Torgai was a unified Kazakh country, it did not know how to plant cucumbers, did not grow potatoes and cabbage, and lived only on the milk and meat of cattle. Torgai country was six or seven hundred meters away from the railway, so he could not go to the suburbs. Most of them could not reach Kostanay on foot, hungry and naked, and many remained on the road. The reason for this was the unspeakable harshness and arbitrariness of the district-village leaders, who brought huge losses to the people of Torgai. Korgan Amirkhamzauly, who has seen this darkness with his own eyes, lost his parents, dozens and even hundreds of relatives who experienced

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the tragedy of hunger in 1931–1932, and who is now 90 years old, with tears in his eyes, talks about the pain and humiliation he suffered during those years of hunger. tells: “I am a five-six-year-old child during the famine years. Our fathers were five brothers. The eldest of them are Khojait, Smagul, Amirkhamza, Amirali, Sadu. There were two other girls. The one who survived the famine of ‘31–‘32 was Smaguldan Seidagali, and Amirhamzadan was me. Our grandfather Kozhait got married early, and his residence and field were separate.” During the famine of 1932, our ancestor, Aubakir-Ahmet, who was married and had grown-up, fell victim to hunger with his two children. As for my father Amirkhamza, together with his younger brothers Amirali and Sadu, 10–15 km from the present village of Kokalat, in the settlement Karabidayik, my father’s in-laws Moldagali and Batyrgali, their two children and their wives, we live in one house, my elder sister Zagila and myself and two my mother, my younger brother Amirali with his wife and two children, my unmarried brother Sadu—a total of 16 people were under my father’s care. The famine of 1931–1932 began to enter our country from the fall of 1930. The reason I say so is that the village activists collected all the cattle and grazed them in only one place. Not even a mouse cub was left in the hands of any people. And my father’s brother Smagul stayed in Akkum with our grandfather Khojait. After facing many difficulties, he brought his only child, Seydegali, safely to Kokalat, where we live now, in the fall of 1932. The terrible famine of 1931–1932 hit us and our relatives hard. The terrible famine of 1931–1932 was devastating for us and our relatives. There is no more suffering or hardship that we did not experience due to hunger. In my father’s time, he was a good-natured, brotherrespecting, sociable person. There were times when he was imprisoned many times in order to support his relatives and in-laws. At that time, it was not possible for either of them to survive the hunger. As I have already mentioned, a straw cattle shed was built one kilometer away from Karabidayik village. Guards armed with rifles stood near the barn. My father would take 4–5 guys with him, called Pisiktau and Uzhet, and he would break the lock of the high barn of the collective farm, where it was grazed in the fields during the day and locked in the barn at night, he would take the cattle out, fatten them there, cut them into pieces, and

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bring them home. We are children like open-mouthed chicks, “When will our father come?” We used to watch it all night without sleeping. Our livelihood was only the meat of the stolen goods. We do not know what wheat means. Our mothers cook the meat brought by our father until dawn and send the bones of the meat to the Ryva river before sunrise. The next day, the district representative and village activists came from Kokalat, the center of the village council, searched every house, found the remaining bones, drove the companions of this sensitive father on foot, and brought them to the office of the village council, 15 km away. We, children, run after our father who is driving and run to our father saying “Daddy-Daddy.” We ran away only when the driving activists pulled us one by one with a whip. As the saying goes, “Put a fist to the fallen,” not the common famine, but another situation suddenly happened to our family. Aikumis, the wife of my father’s younger brother Amirali, left her two children, married a villager named Myrzakhmet from Dauletbike clan and ran away. My brother Amirali has two children, Kozgan—two years old, Rabiga—oneyear-old, without a mother. Do not spare the children, who are killed day by day by famine, after a month or two, both of them died of hunger. Many times passed after the famine of 1932. Only one daughter was born from the husband of our sister-in-law, and she also returned later, and since the man who left our brother, she did not have any children and returned to her brother. After having no children of her own, she put her close brother-in-law’s child in her arms, and did not show her daughter-in-law, saying, “If she sits, she is flat, if she stands,” the life of our late cousin passed in sorrow. I think that if there is such a thing as good luck in the world, it would not be good for two children who were abandoned. So, we reached the autumn of 1932. If I don’t forget, it must have been the beginning of September, when my father was sick with scurvy and was staying at home. We moved to Kystau earlier and lived in a place called Sartymak. After hearing that my father was sick, my father’s brother Smagul came on foot from Akkum, 80–90 km away. As soon as my father came, Smagul took the bread from his lap and put it on my father’s head. All of my father’s teeth were swollen into gums and he could not eat, so he divided the fresh bread among us equally. Once, my father raised his head from the bed and said with tears in his eyes: “Oh, Smagul-oh, how did you come from Akkum, didn’t you

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see the hungry people on the road hunting for food, didn’t they touch you?”—he is asking. My father Smagul was a big man, as if he could carry two men on his shoulders, he was a wrestler, and he was so armed that anyone who looked at him was afraid of him. He laughed and started his story: “I left the village early yesterday morning, and I didn’t meet anyone until Koimurat (name of the place). As soon as I came down from the side of the warehouse, three or four hungry hunters saw me and ran towards me as soon as they dropped their traps. I know the species and their names. People of this country. There is no way to feel sorry for me. If he takes away my faith, he has a way of killing me. Anadayan is shouting. “What do you want to eat?” What do you want to eat?!—as soon as he came, he started yelling at me. I have a hardened black machete hidden in my chest, and if I hit him on the head, I could kill him. When the other two approached, I knocked them down. Now that I knew how strong they were against me, I sped up my pace and got down from the side of Koymurat. That’s what I saw, Amirkhamza,” said father Smagul. This was the person of those times, kindred kindness, and human qualities. “God forbid such difficulties befall human beings. May our country be safe and our people be peaceful. May God give you life, grow and prosper,” my father finished his story. Shared his father’s memories: Amandyk Kurganuly.

Toty Musataykyzy (Born in 1944), Ru: Tobykty---Kuttybay

We are very grateful for God’s intercession. The first thing that comes to my mind is gratitude. Do you mean that my Kazakh father “repented” for every sunrise and sunset? Let me start my song by thanking the Lord

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a thousand times for putting this thought on paper, which has been a “trust of the ancestors” that will not leave my heart. My ancestors were literate people who ruled the country. Ruym Tobykty—Manas. We will be in a country called Kuttybay in Tobykty. Toleubai and Zhantas, born from Tuytebay, are two great figures for our family. We are descendants of these two brothers. Our grandfather Toleubai (1745–1827) was a dancer in Karkaraly district. My late father used to say the sweet words of our greatgrandfather Toleubay Bi: “I will destroy the thief and I will judge justice.” “As for me, I became Earth by saying ‘Earth-Earth’ in order to solve the dispute between people.” And our ancestor Zhantas was bolis. The children of our grandfather Zhantas also continued the ancestral path, and in 1878–1881, Zhantasuly Bizhan was a bolis. Between 1881 and 1883, Zhantasuly Madi and 1887– 1889 Zhantasuly Nurzhan were free and ruled the country. Our grandfather Khasen, the son of our ancestor Zhantas, also served for the welfare of the people in the present village of Narmanbet, where our ancestors were born and raised. Very educated, deep-thinking, preserving the welfare and unity of the people, he has remained in the mouth of the country with his business to this day. He hired Tatar mullahs and educated them for the children of orphans and widows of the village. Our grandfather Hasen was so inquisitive that he became an entrepreneur of that time. He opened a leather factory and provided work to the unemployed. By running a steamboat on the Balkash-Ile river, and developing the water-road connection, the produced leather products were sent to Almaty. Not only that, he sowed crops in the fields, made the growth for the benefit of the country, and met the needs of the people. Before Bertin, we saw with our own eyes (1950–1955) the place of the ponds for that irrigated field, and my father used to say: “This place was once planted.” Our grandfather Sol Hasen’s stable—“Hasen’s Stable” even the place of the built factory is still preserved as if you can imagine the life of the last century before your eyes. When the Soviet government came to power, it was transferred to Zhetysu region under the accusation of “enemy of the people.” Brothers and sisters around our grandfather Hasen sought education and many of them studied in that region. One of them is Myrzatai Ikhanberliuly, my father’s younger brother. Our father, who graduated from the Faculty of Language and Literature of KazPI named after Abay, worked as a

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teacher in Esik, Narynkol, and later in Shamalgan. He gave lectures on Kazakh language and literature to our first president. And my parents were resigned to what fate had written. During the turbulent period, those who fled to China passed over our village. Because our village is close to China, 300 km. When the villagers heard that the passers-by were robbing the village and doing violence, they put all their belongings on camels, put children and girls, old men, women, and young people in front of them and take them to the mountains and hide them. Middle-aged and old people stay in the village. My father says: “One day in the evening, the white army arrived safely.” It is said that they have carts, heavy loads, and armed soldiers. The villagers are shocked and startled. Father, I have my parents, I have my own parents. We slaughtered our animals and prepared our meat. After a while, the leader, accompanied by a Tatar and a translator, began to ask if there were any girls and young people in the village, and where they were. My grandfather and grandmother said to him: “There was a great plague, my daughters and sons returned from that plague. This is my son, this is my daughter,” he said, pointing to my mother’s mother. I don’t know whether he believed it or not, he got up, brought two handfuls of teapot, and poured it on his skirt. The grandmother, who did not know what shemishke was, did not know what to do. After that, he brought a handful of candy and poured it on her skirt. He gave teas tile by tile. My father and grandmother put 15–20 L of tea with a picture of Tsar Nicholas in a big samourin, cooked bagels, put worms, cheese, cream, served tea, and treated him well. He placed his soldiers in other houses and received them well. They stayed for one day and returned the next day. He took some small animals. He grew up and remembered that he had seen the whites run away. After the establishment of the Soviet government, my parents saw a lot of zabir, saying that “you are a descendant of a dancer.” The 8-winged white house inherited from my father’s great-grandfather was forcibly taken away, saying that it was necessary for a red wedding. Of course, inside the yurt, he grabbed a heavy mahogany bed, decorated with bones, a chest decorated with silver, a wooden food storage box, and a large straw made of horse skin. My father could not bear this cold winter and was very sick, my mother recalled that “his nerves were badly damaged.” Then he ordered us a 15– 20-L yellow copper samaur, which was accidentally left outside. Outside

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Samaurin, there are crowns of kings, we used to think and look at them as if revealing a history. My parents left their six-winged white house to their heart’s content. It is said that the things of our world are hidden, and the rotten things are rotten. They moved to Kyzyltas in Karaganda region and settled near Akshi. Later, when the children became adults, they moved to their ancestral home. My father and mother were very talented. They took care of their livelihood in order to raise children, and they made their own business by carving the country’s ribbons and color felt. Also, my father is a quality full of mystery, which is full of light. Thanks to God, my father, who was famous for his healing among the people, interceded for many people from death, was the navel father of many angels who were born, and became a holy healer of his time. When my mother told us about my father’s special qualities, we used to say “ugly-ay” in admiration. Our aunt Bibish, the daughter-in-law of Syzdyk, who lived with our parents, used to say: “You inherited the wealth left by your ancestors and managed to save it until the arrival of the Reds.” Although we have been taking care of your parents’ livestock, we have not experienced any shortages. He built a house for ten herdsmen at his door, took his wife with him, took care of his cattle, and looked after them with good morals. “We have never experienced any hardship,” he says. Later, the elders Seysembek and Zheksenbek, who were at our door, were like the eyes of the ancients, and they told us with admiration the great wisdom of our parents. They are sitting in bed. Then we will add our trunks and carpets to several camels and move to our summer house at the end of April or the beginning of May. We can calve our cattle on the way, and when the legs of the lambs are a little shriveled, we will continue our journey. They say that they will give birth again on the way, they will make a camp in each place, settle in each place, and then we will go to our pasture in a month. Sheshem married my father when she was fourteen years old. My father was twenty-four years old at that time. After the death of his first wife, he married my mother. It must have been 1919–1920 years. My mother did not give birth for two or three years. My oldest brother, Ziyada, was born in 1926. Before him, there were two aunts, Marman and Gulzhan. My older brother was probably 6–7 years old during the famine years. I had two brothers. My second brother, Ilyas, was born in 1929.

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My parents spent the famine year in that Narmanbet village. The center of the village is called Duanshi. They say we are fine. In 28–29 years, after all their cattle were confiscated, a famine began. There was no one to help the poor after their cattle were confiscated and they were displaced. My mother says we caught ten guys. Ten guys were mercenaries. One milks his mare, one milks his horses, one milks his sheep, and one milks his cow. In front of him were two sisters Marbyan and Gulzhan. My older brother was probably 6–7 years old during the famine years. I had two brothers. The second brother, Elijah, was born in 1929. Aunt Bibish says, “Your parents will move to the pasture, and we will stay in the dormitory.” We plant wheat and millet and they leave us a cow because it stinks and litters around the village. He would move to pastures with horses, camels, and sheep. Until they arrive, we will collect bags of worms, cheese, and fat. They say that we will reap the harvest and collect the grain and grass. Then he slowly walks two hundred kilometers to Karkaraly. He must have gone there, built yurts, and spent the summer. Now, after getting their cattle, there is no one to plant crops or take care of cattle. My father used to lead a caravan to Urumqi, take wheat and millet and go there with his people. They exchange wheat, millets, livestock for food, apricots, and raisins. Compared to that, we were close to Semipalatinsk. They bring clothes and dishes from the left side. They say that the world we brought will be very wonderful. My mother used to say that in 1932, the famine reached us, we saw it. Not to mention the 31st year. In 1932, when we were saying “we are dead now,” my father’s sister’s nephew Kaukenov Kabdirakym (who was a judge in Balkash for many years) was a judge in Aktogai. Then our sister cried to our nephew: “My only brother died. There were no seeds left. He was the only father. He cried, “I am the only one who has died.” “You should go there as a representative,” he said. At that time, he began to send representatives everywhere to find out about the situation of the people. Kabdirakym goes to Narmanbet (Duanshi at that time) as a representative. Then our sister bakes bread all night. He filled two baskets with bread, put some sugar, candies, and dresses for the girls, filled the basket, and said, “Hey, hurry up!” sends. My uncle first visited Duanshi, found out what was happening from other representatives and leaders, discussed the situation, and wrote down a bushel of wheat. It is said that he is coming from Balkhash, taking fish

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and distributing fish and wheat to hungry people. Then he takes some fish and wheat and distributes it to us. When we saw the chubar horse that our nephew was riding, our hearts almost burst with joy. If we want to let them into the house, hungry people are looking around. Anyway, we gave them a little food and let them in from the camel stable. Hungry people repeatedly begged, “Museke, Oseke, open your door.” They say that if we let them in, we will die. They say that we don’t have anything ourselves, we are scrambling. My mother says that we have only one cow, and I have my own cow here. They live in the next basket house. They say they came to heal us. They also have very young children. Sheshem says that I will help them from time to time. I tear my children’s mouths and look at my parents. I milk the cow and put a bowl of milk in the place where there is not a door, but a brick hole in the middle. It is said that my mother takes it and drinks it in her tea. Then he opened the door of the camel barn, took him in with his name, and closed the door, otherwise he would be overrun. They say we don’t even have the strength. Our nephew, who came in a hurry, gave everything and said without drinking a cup of tea: “I have to go back. People are dying. I have to distribute wheat and fish to hungry people. After checking the list, if there are dead people, I will take away their food again.” I made the fresh fish into soup, gave it to my neighbor, separated it from the wheat, grinded it with a mill, weighed it into kilos, and fried it. Then, thanks to my nephew, we survived the famine. We have collected our fuel. My uncle grazes a single cow during the day. We sit on the cow, give it a machete, and watch from behind. After grazing, he comes to the barn, then opens the door wide and a 5–6-yearold boy riding a cow enters the house with his cow. My mother, who often tells this story, is deceased. Now many people died during the famine years. They say that if you count each village, if you count each of us, more than half of us are gone. More than half perished. It was a bloated corpse. It is said that along with the famine, livestock was also killed. In those years, there was a severe storm, and cattle were killed. Imagine how many people, who lived a wonderful life alone, lost their homes and were left in the fields in search of food. We do not open the door to anyone. There were those who ate human flesh. What a pity for the poor when the rich are dying of hunger! The poor are not left alone, they are worn out, and those who can afford it head towards Balkhash on foot.

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During the famine, there were four children at home. Two of my aunts died during these years, but they did not die of hunger, they died of illness. My father also went to Balkhash to fish or bring food. Then the people who are dying along the road are walking. In those years, the crows were crowded. It lands on people’s heads and eats them. Our flesh got used to it. The distance between Narmanbet and Balkash is 90 km. Then we will not walk along the road. We are hiding among the bushes. We don’t go out during the day, we hide in the moonlight at night, or we go out early in the morning when we have a little time left. Then we have only a small amount of roasted wheat and flour. We soak it in water and put a little bit in our mouth from time to time. The worm and the cheese took away our souls. If a Kazakh has a cow that takes its life, it is said that worms and cheese are taken from it. We put a small worm in our mouth. At that time, the fat of the milk cannot be separated. He pours the milk into a bowl, removes the cream from the surface, and the rest is left with the cream, from which he makes worms and cheese. It is very important. He also makes serum. We will go to Balkhash to exchange the worms and cheese from our children’s mouths. Not only me, but some people in our neighborhood are weak and violent. Once we landed on the motherland, once we landed here, somehow we got there. If we go to Balkhash, the factory must be under construction, near the lake there are many people, and white Kazakh yurts everywhere. We went for fish. We can wrap the fish so that it does not spoil. At that time, Kazakhs did not consider fish as food. At one time, he did not eat because he was too lazy. But it was fish that saved Kazakhs from starvation. We just took those fish from the fishermen, dried them, smoked them, and packed them in sacks. They say it’s the day you don’t die anyway. We can exchange all the worms, cheese, and oil we have for other things. Then they say we will go for months. Our walk does not work. Then they say that if we can walk 10 km a day, and if it exceeds 15 km, we have walked, if we can’t walk, we have left. While hiding and running away, we saw a house in the desert. We walked slowly, one step, two steps, and we came home. Probably a rich man’s house. There are no dogs or livestock in the neighborhood. If we talk about a house standing in the wilderness, it is a very well-built house with carpets and slats on all sides, and on the right side, there is a wooden bed and curtains. In the middle was the body of a man who had died a

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day or two before we arrived, carrying two babies. What do you think of the bride’s hair? She falls out of bed with her silver hairband. The man is said to kiss his children at the base of the uterus. What can we do, we don’t even have the strength to bury them, we are getting weaker. He cannot say which side. There is a spring and water nearby. People who reached Balkhash very hungry, drank the water of the lake and passed out. My grandfather’s only brother, Nasip, was a victim of hunger before he could reach Konyrat and was buried under the rubble. His grave is there. Trouble has come to the whole country. At that time, we did not know who was running the government, we often heard from our parents, “Let not one calf remain in the Kazakh yurt (belt)!” he made an enmity. What a horror!!! In order to find out the condition of the murdered Kazakh, I don’t know who they are, they sent representatives one after another and checked again and again, thanks to which the life of the remaining Kazakh was saved. My brother Musataev Ziyada’s wife—my sister-in-law Kymbat Agybayeva (who was a teacher of the Russian language) and her parents were also victims of hunger. His parents were rich people. After they were taken away, the children were sent to an orphanage. “When I was sent to the orphanage in 1932, I was thirteen years old. When my parents were deported in 1927–28, we stayed at our relatives’ house. When hunger came and they saw that they could not support us, they took me to the orphanage.” In one of his stories, my father told how he was attacked when he went to Balkhash and how he escaped. All this is a separate story. We saw it. It is a way to somehow save our children from hunger. When the first famine came, we had a little livestock. Then we were hungry ourselves, thinking that we would help the hungry people. When will you give it to him? It is not only the people of our village. Winters and winters, people settled in different places. Hungry people of Bidayik, Karatal, which was kolkhozized in 1927–1928. Going to Balkhash. Even if we drink a cup of tea on the way, it is enough for those who reach Narmanbet, and those who do not fall down and die there. All of them set out with the hope that they will find work in Balkash. They are people who are going from all over to distribute food. How many Kazakhs died? Both rich and poor. My father-in-law also said: “When walking to Balkhash, there is wheat on my back. I was on my way. It is said that there is half a bushel of wheat. Half idol. I landed somewhere, they say, at the bottom of a tree.

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I was heading to Karatal from Balkhash. I came to Narmanbet and lay down under a tree. I was filled with fear. Looks like someone is around. It is said that I was afraid to land under a tree, so I lay down under a thick tree. It seemed that there were people at the bottom of the bed. He didn’t light a fire, soaked the frozen nanam in water and ate it, and fell asleep. He is a young man with a strong, bushy figure, a wrestler’s body, strong, and a hunter. In the morning, I carried my things on my back and dragged them towards the village. They say that two or three boys, men, ran towards me. “Hey, he’s gone!” Hold on! Hold on! I heard a voice saying that he is fat, and then they thought they would kill me. They make my meager food a bit boring. But he also wants to eat meat. So I escaped death,” he used to tell his story. My mother used to say this in one of her stories. The only brother brought his wife from far away in the thirties. They say I couldn’t care less. What will happen if you tear me away from my children? His wife cannot walk. Then he left for Russia with his wife and arrived safely. Lived in Leninogorsk. Later he moved to Taldykorgan. Then my mother cries: “I couldn’t afford to shelter my brother alone. I have a mother-in-law, we are a group of children. Anyway, we make a living with animals. The old man goes hunting.” We keep an eye on him and what he brings, and we spread them to the people around us. Although we didn’t have any bread to eat, we managed to get some meat safely. If we were a village with thirty houses, then we are left with ten or fifteen houses. “More than half of them died.” They used to say “Palen is gone, everything is gone” but we don’t remember them. When I went to a wedding in the village last year, you know that the nature of our Karatal is strong. Then we went to a place called Aulietas. Young people say: “This is a round grave.” There are no doors or holes around. Built of stone. A lonely grave. There is nothing else nearby. There are trees and thick grass all around. Located in the middle of two mountains. Then I asked: “Is this the only tomb standing in the desert?”. Unfortunately, this is the grave of one of our mother-in-law’s sisters. He is a man with a family and children. From somewhere, children are carrying a bushel of wheat. The hungry people they met in front of them killed the woman to get the wheat. Yes, this woman was a victim of the 1932 famine. The same is written on the tombstone. There is another story I heard when I was little. In the 1930s, hungry people killed an entire household to get their food. Only one child

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survived. He got into the oven, and somehow he survived. I don’t know how but somehow he survived. It was only then that we saw why the words “Gold and silver are stones, barley and wheat are food.” The famine that happened to the Kazakh people, where a thousand died and a thousand were resurrected, remained forever in history. Shared the memories of his relatives: Toty Musataykyzy. Recorded by: Mustoyapova Ainash.

Appaz Toreuly Torenov (1928–2009), Ru: Naiman-Aktaz---Kuttymbet

In 1931–1933, our family lived in Sarytau, Ulytau district, Karaganda region. My father’s name is Torenov Appaz Toreuly. He was born in 1928 in Sarytau, Ulytau district, Karaganda region. He died in 2009. There were five siblings in the family, i.e. three girls and two boys. His younger brother died of famine in 1932 at the age of 2. Our grandfather sent his sister Balmysha in exchange for a camel. That is, three survived. In 1941, when the war started, my father was repeatedly asked to join the partisan war, but he was not accepted. Because when the war started, he was only 12–13 years old, he was short and thin-boned. Later, he lived with his sister in the dormitory of Technikum (currently APTC— Agricultural Professional Technical School) and went to study. At that time, they were preparing shells. After returning to Karsakpai, he and Bazarkul went to work at the factory, casting shells, and engaged in menial

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work. That is, he worked in the rear. After graduating from Technikum, he entered the zoovet technical school in Karkaraly. My father used to tell us some stories about the years of famine and about his father. My grandfather’s name is Tore. Grandmother’s name is Mereke. In the 1920s, the judge tried to put my grandfather in prison, calling him “the seed of the rich” and not allowing him to live in the country. That is why he moved with his family from Kishitau settlement in Ulytau district to Maktaaral district. But even though he moved, he was caught and imprisoned. In the 1930s, my father and sister Bazarkul were left in prison with their father (Grandfather Tore) because their mother (Mereke Ahem) could not support them. They give three meals a day in prison. My grandfather worked all day in the forest, carrying logs in the swamp. However, after three months, they sent my father and his sister back. After a couple of years, during the famine years, he escaped from prison and tried to return to the country (Ulytau). While moving, he takes refuge at the doorstep of a rich man in his forties. Grandfather sells his 15-year-old daughter, Balmysha, to a 40-year-old man (a rich man) for one camel. With the help of that money, they reached the present village of Karsakpai, and later Ulytau district. However, soon after my grandfather was extradited to the country, he was convicted and died in a prison located in a grove in the village of Dolinka (Konyrtobe) in the present Karaganda region. Later, more than 50 years later, we found a daughter of our sister Balmysha named Aitansyk. Once Balmysha married the rich man who bought her and left behind a daughter. Unfortunately, even though my father was reunited with his nephew, Balmysha could not see his sister. He died. Ulytau is a very sacred place, vast, wild, forested, and water-rich, with wild deer playing in its fields. Kulan and Zhylandy rivers are nearby. Nearby were the modern villages of Karsakpai and Zhezdy (populated with only small houses) and the settlement of “Karakandy” (Karagandy), which was widespread throughout the country. Karaganda is a town with a rich history and a long-standing reputation. A legend about a shepherd boy spread around the country about the name of this settlement “Karagandy.” “When a shepherd boy left his cattle in the field and was bored, he passed the time by knocking flints together, because there were no matches in those days.”

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One day, the shepherd boy, who was having fun, threw the lit flints among the “black stones” in the cave. When he came back the next day, something unknown was burning and burning. If you look closely, you will see “black stones” with red streaks. Then the shepherd boy puts a handful of these “black stones” in his bag and goes home. Later, when he comes home, he and his mother try to throw a handful of “coal” into the fuel under the pot. After coals were thrown into the firewood and start to burn and emit smoke, it is noticed that the cauldron heats up quickly. Later, the competition for this coal will start in the country. It is said that there have been many cases of bloodshed among the people due to disputes over the price of coal. It is from this that the saying in the country “this was a place where blood was spilled, black blood.” According to my father, during the famine years, a handful of wheat would feed the whole family and last for two or three days. Then there was “black soup, porridge soup.” They boiled flour in water and drank it. During the famine, this dish was called “atala.” It is from this that the saying “we are longing for one atala” is left. Or he made a living eating “talkan” (by frying flour). Although the poor had flour during the famine years, they tasted ordinary bread after the war. How did you get flour in those years? Germinated wheat was ground through a mill by slowly placing a handful in the middle of two heavy stones. If you grind it from morning to evening, only one pile of flour will come out. He ate unrefined flour either cooked with bran or raw. In the summer months, he caught fish or zorman. Since the rivers and lakes freeze in winter, they cannot catch fish, so in summer, they salt and smoke the fish they have caught in advance, and then dry it. Smoked (smoked) fish. It is prepared like that for the winter, or in the winter season, the bones left from the carcass are boiled, then cut into small pieces and sucked until the end so that they can have “nili” in their mouths all day long. In summer, in the heat of July, the earth is a thicket, and if you want to look for a place to stay, everywhere you step, you will see corpses of cattle dying. It was said that the bodies of those who died of hunger were somewhat swollen and swollen. From what my father told me, men were often impatient during the famine years. One day, a woman screams from a nearby yurt. When he looked closer, a man was about to tie his 10-year-old daughter’s legs and feet. His wife tries to intervene. But the woman, realizing that her

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husband will not return, is going to leave the country with her 2 children. While running away, he found a dead body on the ground. Then he leaves his 2 children there and rushes home to save his daughter. In the end, he saved his daughter. During the famine years, he made and sewed hats and vests from animal skins. Among them, the skin of the zorman was quick-kneading, soft, shiny, warm, and cold-proof. First, the skin is kneaded and stretched. Then the skin was dried and sewn with thread. And the thread is made from sheep or goat. My father studied only three classes. When he was studying, his mother used to bring him clothes that he found from dead people, that is, berries and boots. He would wear those clothes and remember going to school. Listening to these stories, I realized that the famine did not end in 1931–1933, it lasted for a long time. The rich took advantage of their situation. There were even cases where some Kazakhs forcibly took their girls as young as a crow and made them concubines or third wives. In order to survive, the rich who could not tolerate such violence and had more opportunities and conditions than the poor fled to South Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Mongolia, China, or to the slopes of Tarbagatai Mountain, which is located between the borders of China and Kazakhstan. My father used to remember and say that he saw these situations with his own eyes. Currently, my relatives live in Zhezdi village, Satbaev, Zhezkazgan, and Nur-Sultan cities. Shared his father’s memories: tore Kairat Appazuly.

Suleymenova Korlan Halykkyzy (1928–2019), Ru: Toka

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During the famine years of 1932, when my father became the head of a bakery, the people asked my mother: “Give me the afterbirth of a calving cow, or give me something,” he seems to be asking. Give me a loaf of bread, give me half a loaf. Then it seems to give. It seems that my father scolded my mother for scolding me. One of those days, when I was running in the field with a girl and playing around the back of the house, someone led the girl next to me. She was a full-body girl, I was thin and she left me. He took the girl to the house next door before I ran into the house and ran around the back of the house. I don’t know who it is. Then I went home and was told that the girl next to me was taken away by a young woman. It seems that the woman who took her away took the poor girl home and slaughtered her. Those who have heard say that when they check the house in the evening, the woman is eating meat. It is said that the girl’s head, two hands, and two legs are lying near the stove. They say that the meat is cooked as usual. Now the woman who was caught trying to eat was beaten by everyone. After that, I don’t know if it was in his pocket or under his skirt, but somehow he took it away. Shared his mother’s memories: Dulatbekov Nurlan Orynbasaruly.

Apian Idyrisov (1917–1998), Ru: Khoja My father—Idyrysov Apian—was born in 1917 in Ku district (now Egindibulak district). In 1932, my father lived in the village of Egindibulak, Karkaraly district, Karaganda region. In the 1960s and 1980s, he was an accountant in the administration and taught at a school. My mother is Moldabekovna Nasip. According to my father, the famine was artificial. There was genocide. The number of Kazakhs began to increase at any time, once every 100 years they massacred Kazakhs. Then in 1932, according to what I heard from my father Apian, they locked animals in big ditches, collected and piled up dry wood and grass, and burned all the animals in the ditch. The Kazakhs, who made a living from cattle, began to die of hunger. Because at that time, Kazakhs were not engaged in fishing and gardening. In fact, it is said that the driving away of cattle started in 1928. People did not think that there would be famine in those years. There is a Kazakh proverb that says “If you are in the country, you will touch the people in

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the country.” If the rich have cattle, the poor will earn their bread even if they do some of their work. Most of the Kazakhs who slaughtered their cattle fled to Russia, Novosibirsk, and China. They confiscated the rich, so most of the rich ran away. The rest of the animals were driven away. Later, after the end of the war, there was peace in the country, Kazakhs abroad returned to the country. Kazakhs who did not return stayed in China. My father used to say that there are many in Russia, Pakistan, and India. Among the leaders who led our Kazakhstan, there was a man named Ernazarov Eltai during the reign of Goloshchekin. That man named Ernazarov Eltai (according to what I heard from my father) in 1932 did not even bring extra livestock to the country. He flew in the sky with a helicopter and slaughtered all the animals he saw, saying “Let there be no blue cubs in the sky.” The rich were confiscated, so often the rich fled. The rest of the animals were driven away. Later, peace was restored in the country, and after the end of the war, Kazakhs from abroad returned to the country. And the Kazakhs who did not return remained in China. My father used to say that there are many more in Russia, Pakistan, and India. Among the leaders who led our Kazakhstan under Goloshchekin was a man named Yernazarov Eltay. The same Yernazarov Eltay (from what I heard from my father) in 1932, the country did not keep excess cattle. In the sky, walking on a vertical line, “do not leave a blue flag in the sky,” he killed all the animals he saw. So he starved the people. My father used to say: “We are hungry for a cup of wheat. We used to collect the grains of wheat from the field, pick them, grind them with a mill at night, mix them with water, boil them and drink them.” My father’s family lived a sedentary lifestyle. My great-grandfathers planted crops and raised cattle. In the years before the famine, the family was rich, but after all the cattle were taken away, of course, it became a poor family. In 1931–1933, the family did not move anywhere, they lived in Egindibulak. In those years Egindibulak district was called Ku district. There was a river called Tundikty along Ku. The night is still there. It flows along Arkalyk, Ayryk, and Edirey sovkhozes among all the sovkhozes of Egindibulak. The famous Madi singer walked along this Tundikti. In those years, the nearest village was 11–18 km away.

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In those years, there were only a few houses in the village. The whole village lived on one cow. When the famine began to subside, after establishing a collective farm, he went and, according to my father, at the age of 17 he went to the chairman of the collective farm, asked for a plow, plowed the land, and did menial work to support his mother. His father, Idyrys Kurmanov, died early. He fell ill and died. During the famine, there were people who moved to other places on horses and carts. He moved to any village where he could live. Only those who could afford it could go to another country during the famine. Some people went from one village to another on foot to make a living. Those people were very old and died in the field. If there were other people with him, they dug a small place and buried the dead person as much as they could. One of its proofs is that when the 300th anniversary of Bukar Zhirau was celebrated in the Bukar Zhirau district, when the head of the grave of Bukar Zhirau was cleaned, the bones of heads, legs, and arms of many people came out. There was no one in the villages to oppose the government, no one could afford it. During the famine years, there were even people who ate the meat of their dead children. Those people lived until Bertin. But the elders did not tell us the names of those people. “You don’t need to know it,” he said. It is impossible to know. Before the famine, eating human flesh did not exist in the Kazakh steppe, such a situation occurred during the famine. In one of the cases, robbers even killed and ate the meat. And some people took their children and left them in the field. Because he left his son so as not to see him die. Those who left the country took their children to an orphanage in the city. Those who survived, found work, improved their conditions, regained their senses, and later took their children back. My father, brother, and mother survived the famine. I think the survival of some people may have been helped by the vitality of their flesh. My father is among those people. He survived the famine of 1932, then went to war, was captured by the Germans, and later was imprisoned in Kolyma. He survived all that. After arriving, he got married at the age of 40. He had 8 children. Graduated from teachers’ school in Karkarali. He taught at school until 1941. My father told us: “Don’t throw the bread on the ground, we were hungry for a piece of bread, don’t drop a piece of bread on the ground at all. We didn’t even have a crumb of this bread. Even though I was a

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small child, I used to do menial work and pick ears of corn from the field to support my parents.” I wish they would destroy all the descendants of Goloshchekin, who organized that famine. For example, Goloshchekin’s grandson now owns half of Kazakhstan’s wealth. Who is allowing it? Are Kazakhs plotting a conspiracy against Kazakhs? Such people should have no place in Kazakhstan. Those people do not deserve forgiveness. Absolutely unforgivable. Whoever thought of evil and conspiracy against Kazakhstan, they should be sent to another place with their smooth seed. We should not allow them to enter Kazakhstan in such a way that they are not allowed to enter at all. I would like to tell the future generation that we should not lose our Kazakhness, but we should raise the Kazakh language and language. Let’s save our country without losing Kazakh traditions. She shared her father’s memories: Idyrisova Aygerim Apiyankyzy. Recorded by: Mukanova Aknur.

Aralbay Seitenuly (1905–1967), Ru: Buranshi-Bakal My father is Aralbayev Tolendi (born on 01.05.1940), and my father’s father is my grandfather Aralbay Seytenuly (place of birth is the village of Duanshi near Balkash, year of birth around 1905, ru—Boranshi-Bakal) and his brother Agybay Seytenuly (born around 1900 year). Aralbay and Agybay Seiten were born to a man named Zhamantayuly. During the Tsar’s time, when he was young, our grandfather Seiten was a skilled craftsman, and it seems that he used to weave thirty or so braids of whips. In 1913, the senior sultan of Ayagoz announced to the country that a gift should be brought to the 300th anniversary of the Romanovs. Along with the gifts he presented to the king of the Romanovs, Seyten also presented the 32-braid ribbon-whip made by Ata Seyten. One of our relatives, an older man (unfortunately, my father could not remember his name, maybe his clan was Boranshi—Baybazar—Tolegenkazhi), when he was in St. Petersburg, he saw a whip made by our grandfather Seiten in the nearby Hermitage Museum. Under the whip, he wrote “…a gift from the steppe as an offering for such a festive event.” Even though Seiten had no special education, he built a water mill at the place where he lived in Duanshi on the Tokraun River. And to the country that, in modern terms, knows the direction of rivers, irrigates fields, and marks the channel of ditches like a “geodesian.” The

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mill must have been built before the 1930s. Grandfather Seiten and his children Aralbay and Agybay, and one daughter (unfortunately, the name is unknown) worked in this mill and lived as an average peasant. People came to the mill from all over, produced flour, and left one bag of flour from 10 bags of milled grain to Seiten’s family as payment. When my grandfather Aralbay died (April 17, 1967), I was an 8month-old child. I only know my grandmother, but she did not tell us stories about the famine. When I was studying at school, my father always told us about grandfather Seiten and father Aralbay. I remember a story my father told us. Let me tell you about it. When the process of removing kulaks started, there was a time when people, even close relatives, filed complaints against each other. At that time, our grandfather Seyten was called “kulak,” and in 1930, the mill was destroyed, drained, and confiscated. After that, the family was left without a job. Our grandfather Seiten died in 1930. Seyten’s family experienced the famine of 1932 in the Balkhash region. One day, merchants with carts full of wheat passed by Seiten’s house from the other side of Lake Balkash. Those merchants asked Agybay and Aralbay to “give your sister for wheat.” Aralbay and Agybay got angry and said: “We will not sell our sister, don’t stay out of your way, go!” the girl who was listening to this conversation said, “What is the use of me to you, I will leave while you are hungry!” said, he took down a bag of wheat from the cart and said, “Goodbye!” said, got into the merchant’s cart and left. Unfortunately, Aralbay and Agybay did not know where these traders came from and what their names were. It was such a time when hungry people were not looking for someone, they were living dead. Perhaps, there was no other option but to hope that the merchants had started a family, had children, and had a good life in the place where the merchants came from. He shared his father’s memories: Aralbayev Tolendi. Recorded by: Aralbayeva Bibinur.

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Bibekesh Kalieva (1918–2009), Ru: Takabai

My sister Kalieva Bibekesh was born in 1918. The tribe is Takabai. In addition to his family, he has an older sister—Toleu and a younger brother—Tursyn, and grew up with his parents in “Eski Kalya” in Karaganda. His father, Kali Katenov, worked as a security guard at mine No. 2 in Karaganda. Mother Zagypa was a housewife. These people had no children for a long time because their children went away when they were young. Only when she was older, sister Toleu was born, followed by our sister Bibekesh and her only brother Tursyn. During the famine years, my aunt’s father married off sister Tokiman (that’s how we called sister Toleu.—author) to a rich man, and my sister, except for Bibekesh, sent them to “Sekpirai.” When I asked my mother, “Where is Sekpirai?,” she said, “I don’t know, it’s further from Kereku,” and we understood that there is no such place. We understand that “Sekpirai” is the name given by them to “Severny Krai” or “Sibirsky Krai,” that is, people who migrated to the northern regions of modern Russia to save their lives from starvation. My mother Bibekesh was a good-natured person from her childhood. That is why he stayed with his father in Karaganda. At that time, there were shops in Karaganda that exchanged gold and silver for food. Father put my sister in line and he was busy with other work. Since the store is close to the houses where the miners live, when the line approaches, he runs and brings his father with him. Silver ring—my aunt says that we get “whiskered fish” for bracelets. We understood that the Russian name for “mustached fish” is catfish, and the Kazakh word is laka. Another memory told by my mother is about hungry people and cannibals. It was said that there was a man who would eat human flesh and pick up passengers who were traveling alone along the modern KaragandaKarkaraly road between the “Intaly” state farm. My aunt used to say

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that we knew about it from the relatives who came to Karaganda from “kyrdan,” i.e. from the countryside: “Those who go from the village to the city join together, get on a bullock cart and hang on the outskirts of the city.” From the left side, people led by our brother Ishak would receive them and place them in the miners’ sheets. Our brother Ishak was the head of mine No. 2. Thanks to his help, we did not suffer much from hunger, besides, only my father and I were at home, the others had gone to Sekpiray. “We used to share the food we had with those who came from all over the world,” said Aunt Bibekesh, who always told us about her experiences in those dark years. Especially when he saw crumbs of bread scattered or fallen from the table, he would pick them up by hand instead of sweeping them with a broom. They used to say, “My mother and brother, so many people went to Sekpirai for this bread.” The tradition of collecting breadcrumbs by hand has been preserved in our families to this day. Even Bibekesh’s great-grandchildren, who did not see their grandmother, who were born there, made a habit of collecting bread scraps with their own hands. My mother recited stories of the East, Kazakh liro-epos, sagas, and poems by heart. When there were no books about them, my aunt would write them down in a notebook and read them to older people. We have preserved some of his manuscripts. My sister Bibekesh Kaliyeva, who went through such difficult periods of history, married our grandfather Shokaev Smagul in 1936, gave birth to generations, and lived a long life. My mother died in 2009. Family shared their memories: Smagulova Gulnara Muratbekovna, Ph.D., world history and international relations associate professor of the Department.

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Makesh (Maryam) Suleimenkyzy (Born in 1900), Ru: Zhanibek

Since my mother, Abdigalymovna Batima (81 years old), did not experience the famine years of Kazakhstan, the following memories are told from the mouth of her mother—according to sister Süleymenovyna Makesh. Süleymenovyna Makesh was born in 1900 in Arkalyk (Shildebay) rural district. 1929–1930. Because there was no food to eat, food to eat in the Ku region, all the livestock in the village were handed over to the collective farm (they explained that there was no livestock, the meat tax went up, everything was lost, there was no grain, that is, because the grain tax started going up in the villages, because there was a mass death due to hunger in the country, and because the brothers began to lose their children), our aunt Makesh, who is thirteen years old, and four girls who are four years old, and her husband, Abdigalym, follow the people who are leaving the village to Karaganda and walk on foot. There was no car, the car at that time was a horse-drawn carriage. Few people had it. His mother says that at that time all people, especially poor people, faced a refugee situation. Then they put their daughters in the cart of someone who was leaving, because they didn’t have a cart (it is said that it was Abdrahman), and our sister reached the mining town in a month and a half. If he rides in a cart among hungry children all the way and walks in between, his legs and knees will bleed, his legs will be punctured and swollen, and he will reach Karaganda by force. The conditions of the villagers who were traveling for a month and a half were very bad at that time, some mothers were burying their children who died of starvation on the road, others were nursing their children,

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and even the corpse of the third was a dog or a bird??? My mother says that she remembers them with tears in her eyes because she saw them eating their meat with her own eyes. Ugly month, cunning life… When some brothers came to Karaganda to make a living, the city life at that time was very miserable. There was no bread, and plague and typhus were spread everywhere. It is said that there was no water inside except black water from the mine. My mother-in-law says that people have possessions in the settlements. The glittering world was not worth a handful of wheat. The person you saw and greeted in the morning is already dead when you arrive in the evening. Even in the stalls, he saw young married people dying, people with wonderful clothes dying, and people with a handful of gold in their hands, who were in need of bread. Sheshem’s mother was a slim, tall, and well-built person, and her father was a hungry, thin person who did not speak much. Both mother and father came to Karaganda, took care of their children, lived in a stall, worked as a flour bagger in a bakery, and paid four loaves of bread for four people. In two months, her mother, who experienced the terrible situation of starvation, mass sick people, and heaps of corpses (dead people), who came and loaded them on carts and took them away, lost her four identical daughters in two months. Out of great anxiety, he went to the Petropavlovsk region, taking his relatives (my uncle’s) with him and his surviving younger brother (because he heard that there was plenty of grain there at that time). “We experienced poverty, your possessions are not worth even a cup of wheat,” says my mother, squeezing back tears. At that time, my mother was about 32 years old (probably from the Molda family), and her father was an ordinary carpenter at 46 years. In Petropavlovsk, unable to cope with the loss of his children, his father became ill, his health deteriorated, and he became very depressed, unable to do anything, and lay on a small bed. Therefore, even though she did not have children, in order to make a living for herself, our aunt Makesh took a job at a canning factory in that region, brought home food, and made a living. According to my mother’s memory, around the fall of 1934, father and mother, father’s younger brother returned to the country (to the Ku region), the situation in the country seemed to have improved a little,

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there was a good harvest, and there was a time when the country in the village was destroyed. She shared her mother’s Memories: Abdygalymkyzy Batima. Recorded by: Gaukhar Makankyzy.

Kuspek Ybyraiuly Omarchanov (1925–1996), Ru: Argyn-Bertis

Omarkhanov Kuspek Ibraeva Katsha Our father’s birthplace is Karaganda region, Egindibulak district, the 10th village, Myrzhik, where my father’s father, Omarkhan Ibraev, was born. Grandmother Katsha Ibraeva, clan: Idabol—Karjas. We will decide big. Now those people, my father and mother, were all from the other world. Our great-grandmother died at the age of 97. One of the families that suffered from the famine was our grandfather’s and aunt’s generation. When I was a child, I heard rumors that my father had twelve siblings besides himself. In those famine years, the dead died, the lost disappeared, and only three were left alive in the orphanage. In order to survive, my grandmother, grandfather, and great-grandfather had to go into the railway industry. Now how can I say it, my grandmother used to say that we built a railway in SevKrai. Whether it is the Novosibirsk railway or Turksib, they built such a railway. He went to the factory, got a job, and saved his life. Because the government at that time seemed to give benefits to the workers, and after advocating that they would send their children to the orphanage and save them, some children were placed there, in the orphanage. Later, some of the sane children ran away with my father’s aunt Zeynep from the orphanage.

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Now, apart from them, Zeynel and Turussbek, one of the brothers they know, are staying in that orphanage. Later, when we went to look for those children, we could not find them. And now he does not reveal how he got away, or where he is, he does not want to hurt his heart, he does not tell such stories. At that time, the period of the Soviet government, maybe it was forbidden to tell such stories. According to what I heard, my grandmother Ibraeva Katsha gave birth to 13 pregnancies, and the only survivors were my father Kuspek, aunt Zeynep, and sister Karlygash. There were no such difficulties, and there is no information to continue the story. Later, after the Great Patriotic War, my father searched for and found my grandfather’s missing younger brother. He also searched for his brothers, Turussbek and Zeynel. He looked for his remembered brothers in the orphanage, but could not find them. He did not tell us, his children, such stories. Because I think that it was built by God, he was completely satisfied and did not want to hurt those souls. That’s all I know, I don’t know anything else. Our family did not like talking about famine. Recently, after the independence of Kazakhstan, the topics of whether they brought up the past history, faked the famine, or killed the Kazakh people due to hunger. Now God forbid. The family shared their memories: Omarkan Rauza Kuspekkyzy. Recorded by: Mustoyapova Ainash.

Rymkesh Donkebayeva (1922–2015), Ru: Kudaiberli My mother’s name is Rymkesh, surname is Donkebaeva. She is a native of “May 1” near Karkarali. A person who was a direct witness of the famine of 1932 and survived to become a victim of that bad time. According to my mother, her mother, Zilikha is my great-garndmother, worked in the orphanage in Karkaraly during the famine years. When there was an orphanage, a person named Deeva Lyudmila Vasilievna helped homeless, homeless children without parents to take care of them. That house still exists today, it is a house near the Karkaraly district education department (rayon). Lyudmila Vasilievna hired my grandmother to help her wash milk containers. At that time, milk was poured into bottles. Bottles emptied of milk are sent to the river to be washed. My mother Rymkesh also helped to wash the bottles. My mother was 10 years old at that time. According to him, there were a lot of hungry

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people at that time, and even they were weak and weak after not having enough food. He also hears that people are being kidnapped. Once, my mother went to the river with the children who went to wash bottles. Hungry hunters kidnapped Rymkesh and took him to the village of Kambar. My mother was very weak and could not get rid of them. The children nearby are making noise, saying “Rymkesh has been kidnapped” and crying. He immediately reported this incident to the representatives of the PCIA. A group led by Mananbai (I forgot his last name), who was the head of the PCIA at that time, went on a search on horseback. According to the children who saw him run away, searchers will come. Walking along the river, my mother found Rymkesh, who was imprisoned in a house, and saved her. My mother used to say: “I still remember those rooms. We saw clothes scattered in one room, and something was cooking on the stove in the other room. They locked me in a room…” Perhaps because my mother had the light to see, if the representatives of the PCIA had not saved her, she too would have become a victim of the famine of the ‘30s. One thing to mention here is that my mother didn’t tell this story much and was afraid to tell it …. Shared her mother’s memory: Mariam Toleukhankyzy Ospanova Written by: Smagulova Gulnara Muratbekovna, Ph.D., docent of the department of world history and international relations.

Lyailya Ilyaskyzy Mahabayeva (Born 1935), Ru: Argyn-Karakesek-Kerney

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I, Mahabaeva Lyailya Iliyasovna, was born on November 7, 1935. I was born in the village of Zharik, grew up in the village of Zharik, and studied here. I finished the seventh grade in 1952. After that, I didn’t study, I got married. After the death of Sheshem. I brought ten children into the world. Now seven of them are alive— five daughters and two sons. My mother’s name is Bopish, and my father’s name is Ilyas. He had two sons. They took them to an orphanage because they said they could not feed them, and they would starve them to death. He brought them to the children’s home for a day and when he went the next day, they both cried that they would go home. Educators did not send it. Then on the third day, there are no children there. He does not know where he was taken. At that time, it was a dark time, people of that time did not even know the Russian word “Zdravstvuyte.” So he does not know where he took the two children. Until now, there is no news, where did they go… One was nine years old, one was eleven years old. Two boys, then no, here it is… The family shared their memories: Mahabayeva Lyailya Ilyaskyzy. Written by: Mustoyapova Ainash.

Sapiolla Aldahiyaruly Nazarov (1910–194?), Ru: Khoja

Our grandfather—Nazarov Sapiolla Aldahiyaruly was born and raised in the village of Shorman in Pavlodar district.

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Our grandmother Zaida Absalamkyna (1910–1970) “was born in her ancestral home in Bayanaul, studied in the village, although not regularly, in a Russian-Kazakh school, although she was literate, she did not continue her education. She got married early and joined Sapiolla Nazarov, a local boy. Having a house, Zaida and Sapiolla mostly liked to live in cities, European style. Apa Zaida is medium height, bright and bright, she laughs out loud when she talks about something interesting, something interesting, someone’s behavior or character, or she says it herself, she could not stop laughing for a long time. According to people, Sapiolla and Zaida lived happily and richly, they have one son and two daughters. However, this harmony will not last long” (Satbaeva Sh. Sauleli aulet.—Almaty: Kazakhstan, 1996, p. 150). In Karakol, today’s Telman village, when I was a leader, it was a bad time for the country, I would take care of the country, so that it would not die of hunger, and one day when I was cooking food to distribute to the country, seeing the smoke coming from the house, cruel people showed my grandfather’s house and in the evening, PCIA people came and took him away. K.I. Being my grandmother’s brother, Satbaev asked my grandfather to come to Almaty with his family. Our grandfather and his family will soon leave for Almaty. Livestock was distributed to all residents of this district, jewelry and other valuables were buried in the territory of Kamystykul. He hoped to get them one day. But later, after some time, nothing was found there. Thanks to his loyal friends, including Bayanaul’s well-known artist Zhabay Togandykov, he reached Almaty with his soul mate Imantaeva Zayda Absalamkyny and children. He settled there, became the head of the Almaty post office for many years, and worked until he left for the war. Our grandfather Sapiolla Nazarov was drafted to the Great Patriotic War from the military commissariat of Frunze district of Almaty, died on that front, and was buried in Bolshaya Babka in Kharkiv. The family shared their memories: Nazarova Meruert Ginayatkyzy.

Nurkhaua Karibayeva (1888–1974), Ru: Naiman I grew up with my uncles. My uncle is Karibayev Shymyrbai (1870– 1953), my aunt is Karibaeva Nurkhaua (1888–1974). From the village

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of Koksala, Ayagoz district. Ayagoz is the place of my ancestors. My clan is Naiman. My grandfather and aunt lived in the village of Koksala, Ayagoz district, until 1931. My grandfather made Kazakh houses, skirts, and whips, and my mother made felt, sewed clothes, tanned skins, and did handicrafts. Their lives were average, they had sufficient livestock. There were about 10 cows, about 10 horses, and 30–40–50 sheeps. In 1931, my grandfather and his family were moved to the Sergiopol village in the district center by Beisengali Taikimanov, executive secretary of the Zhana Ayl district newspaper. Our brother Beisengali worked as the editor-in-chief of “Sovettik Karaganda” newspaper in 1943–1961. In 1932, my summer residence was taken to the Mynbulak state farm, our grandfather was employed as a herdsman, and our sister was employed as a milkmaid. That is why they survived the famine. If Beisengali had not moved them from Koksala, would they have died of starvation? They lived on the slopes of the Targabatai mountain, with the Shakirti and Mynbulak rivers, abundant grass, and good terrain. The nearest villages are 5–10 km from each other, and 60 km from the district center. After the state farm, I think there were at least 100 houses. There was no help from the government for people who joined collective farms and collectivization. He took away his cattle and transferred them to the collective’s property. During the famine years, they did not have the opportunity to leave the collective farm, they did not have any livestock or food to move. Only those who could afford it went abroad. My mother used to say: “People ate mice, snakes, and all kinds of creatures. People who were very open-minded used to boil the dried skin and palm in water, drink it, and press the skin on the palate. They collected dry bones in the field and boiled them and drank them.” War veteran Smagulov Kabden says: “There were people who ate their own children” and remembers the terrible events. “Let there be no calf in the belt!” After chanting, the poor people took their only sheep and cows to the collective farm. After there was no livestock left, the villagers who went to the Turksib railway in Ayagoz side in search of food and work could not reach the city and died along the way. Later, the bodies that came out from under the snow became white, swollen, and burst, and remained food for birds and animals. The men, of course, did not stand idly by, they gathered and tried to oppose the government, but the villagers, weak from hunger and

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unarmed, were killed by bullets, and those who survived were forced to flee abroad. My grandfather and aunt survived the famine and returned to Koksala in 1936. Since my grandfather and aunt were artisans, they made their living from it. But people who felt hunger for some time sat next to them and told about their difficult life. There were many people who were full and did not eat. There is not a single loaf of bread. They roasted a handful of wheat, spread it on the table, ate it like a chicken, and drank the boiling water as a tea. The names that stuck in my ears from the stories of my grandfather and aunt are Goloshchekin, Eltai Ernazarov. A Kazakh named Goloshchekin was sad. It was the cause of the death of many Kazakhs. “Don’t exaggerate, don’t leave a calf in the belt” was heard from Ernazarov’s mouth. From this word of Ernazarov, you can see his black face. The family shared their memories: Duissenov Cherkas. Written by: Ibraimova Zhenisgul.

Kabdulsamet Abdikadyrov (1895–1984), Ru: Karzhas-Altyntori Between 1925 and 1933, our family suffered a great fate in the Kazakh country. My father—Abdykadyrov Kabdulsamet was born in 1895. Some parts of this Bayanaul district belong to Karaganda region. When the land was divided and the map was distributed, it went to Bayanaul district. My father’s father (Akhmetzhanov Sergazy) and three or four of his brothers were imprisoned and eventually died there. At that time, some citizens of Alashorda wrote a letter to the higher authorities. Turar Ryskulov wrote a letter called “Letter to Stalin.” Gabit Musirepov wrote “There should be no trifles, no exaggeration” was said, but it was too exaggerated. People were shaking their heads in different directions. According to the elders, people were dying in rows on the visible road. A lot of lands moved towards Siberia. At that time, Kazakhs did not grow crops, there was no colonization, although there was colonization, we did not grow crops, and lived only with those animals. Therefore, the country that lost its livestock was very affected by this disaster. Every family, whether rich or poor, suffered. At that time, our family was located in a place called Kentau, Bayanaul district. Some of them could not go anywhere

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and became refugees. Some families moved to the most profitable place and settled there. During the revolution, the land was also Afghan Russian. Those Russians used to go to the shore of the lake and catch fish from the lake. Our fathers used to say: “Mouses come and eat the worms of the lake. Now we are going to eat that worm ourselves.” It is said that “he who lives by the river does not lose heart.” Some families fished on the shore of that lake and accompanied each other. In the Shalkar region, there was a family called the Kolpabaevs, my uncles, and my mother’s relatives. They also caught the same fish, and their relatives made a living from it. My son, your grandfather—Elder Janagulov Shakir, came from Kentau to Shalkar in the 28th year. He and my father were contemporaries, and I heard a lot of their words when they were talking in private. Those are the people who keep saying, “Don’t listen to it, you’ll come back, so many different things have happened to us.” From my father’s family, he and his sister, who are one year older, are left. All the rest were victims of that famine. During the famine, they took shelter in every place and made a living. Later, older men were not taken into the war and were recruited into the labor army. He went to the labor army. After he came from the army, after the population decreased, he took older men to the war and went to the war. Then, for some reason, the name had to be changed. After entering the name of his father’s younger brother and entering Shalkar, Abdykadyrov became Kaldyrbay. It happened later in the document. The main name is Kabdulsamet. After the end of the war and all the chaos subsided, my father came to that Shalkar. At that time there was a collective farm—collective farm “Pobeda.” He took care of Pobeda’s horse, received a diploma from the Supreme Council and went to the exhibition at VDNKH. He started a family with our mother—Nazymbekovyna Sholpan. We have two daughters and one son from our father. Holoshchekin’s genocide touched every Kazakh family. No one was spared from it, it affected everyone. Whether it is rich or poor, panic has hit very hard. Let there be no such thing again, let there be only safety, and let the next generation be happy. That’s what I want! The family shared their memories: Abdykadyrov Mukhametzhan Kaldyrbaevich.

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Sharzhan Kazhybaykyzy (Born in 1912), Ru: Kushikbay

How many people were killed because of the left-wing policy of the Soviet government! For example, artificial famine, confiscation of rich people. I am going to tell you the story that my mother told us. My mother—Sharzhan Kazhibayovna was born in 1912 in village №1 (“Enbek”) of Zhanaarka region. Clan—Kushikbai (Batyr, who fought against Dzungar). His father is Kazhibai, the son of Amiresh Haji, and his mother is Kulaisha. Kazhibay was wealthy and had enough livestock. He gathers the poor and poor in the neighborhood, builds houses, and distributes livestock. One of them was a man named Sat (I forgot his father’s name), whose clan was Tarak, and he sent his son Mukash to study (Akmola or Ombi). A man named Sat sewed boots, made horse harnesses, met the needs of the country, and died in the late fifties. The life of my great-uncle Kabylbai, who did no harm to anyone and sympathized with the country, was miserable. My mother’s sister, Nurbyga’s husband (I forgot her name), peace in Auli-Ata, sells her cattle to the villager there and takes away her gold, silver, and other valuables. According to my mother, to Merki district. It is not known whether there was starvation there, my mother’s father, mother, sister, and nephew died, and only brother-in-law survived. So, due to the dark times, my mother lost her parents, her brother in the thirties, and my father Kazhibai (born in 1908, surname: Toka—Aitu) who did not return to the war in 1942. My tenacious mother became a milkmaid and a needlewoman (during the war), and raised two daughters, Batken (my sister) and Batima (me).

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The family shared their memories: Kazhibaykyzy Batima, Excellence in education of the RK, methodologist, veteran teacher.

Kani Karimkyzy (1932–2017), Ru: Karakesek-Zhanibek My grandmother, Karimovna Kani, was born in 1932 in the frost of January in a place called Koryk. Koryk is said to be the place where traces of the famous Koyandy fair are left. He did not suffer from famine because he lived with the small livestock he had. However, the repression in 1937 took a bloody toll on my grandmother’s family. The PCIA men kidnapped his father Karim and his half-brother Abdirahman in one night. The brothers who were investigated in 1937 were imprisoned in Semey prison. A year later, my grandfather Karim was released and returned. And my grandfather Abdirahman, who studied at the Party School, was shot in the Semey prison. It is not known where the body was buried. His soulmate—our mother Rash and his only daughter Kalysh sheltered my father Karim and stayed in that house. He plowed the land with a calf, did all the farmer’s work together, joined hands, and made a living. Grandfather Abdirahman’s only daughter—aunt Kalysh, gave birth to 6 grandchildren. He passed away on this day. Our great-grandfather—the three sons born to Sabit: Karim, Abdirahman, and Mukazhan were well-educated citizens. At the time of his honor, my grandfather Mukazhan stayed in the country without getting caught by the repression. He served as the secretary of the Youth Komsomol Committee in Egindibulak. Later, during the Great Patriotic War, he was a clerk in the Krasnoyarsk region for about 5 years. He has offspring. My grandmother told me about this, whether she felt the return. I touched the paper. “Grandma, the archive is with us, let me go and ask and search,” but she did not let me search. This is what I learned when my grandmother passed away in 2017, she didn’t want to talk about her childhood and tried to hide it. She shared her grandmother’s memories: Gulistan Zharylpap.

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Makila Akhmetzhankyzy (1901–1981), Ru: Karakesek-Konyshtagai-Karamende

1931–1933 were the most difficult and sad famine years in our history. Few survived the famine. Among them were the father and mother of my grandfather (Skakbayuly Satybaldi (1930–2017)) and mother (Uyitkybekuly Skakbai (1881–1965) and Akhmetzhanovyny Makila (1901– 1981)). My sisters (my grandfather’s daughters) Skakbaeva Maral, Skakbaeva Zhanar, from what I heard, our great-grandmother Makila used to tell us how they lived during those years of hunger. There were only 7 grains of wheat with the lining. Grandma Makila used to distribute the small amount of wheat in her bag to the people of the house in 2 portions of 7 grains. And the food they eat is a herb that grows on the top of the mountain. He forgot his name. He was eating that grass as food. Also, he said, when he was moving to the place called “Mayzavod” between the city of Karaganda and the village of Nurataldy in the spring, he said that the hands and feet of many people were visible from under the melted snow. What did this hunger do? Poor mothers, who did not know how to feed their children, abandoned their small children in empty houses with a handful of wheat in their hands due to hunger. Just before this year of famine, my grandfather (Skakbayuly Satybaldi) was born. Grandmother Makila and grandfather Skakbay had 13 children. All of them—one of them died from illness, one from lack of food. Then, when my grandfather Satybal was born, he passed a ritual between the legs of 7 women so that our child would not die. Then he changed his name to Satybal. Later, after the famine years ended, another child (Skakbayuly Akatai) was born. Then my grandfather Satybaldy worked as an outsider during the Second World War from 1941 to

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1945. They brought grain, ammunition, and medicines to the people in the war. He was only a 10-year-old boy. He did not have proper shoes to wear and walked barefoot. In 1953, he entered the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of the Pedagogical Institute of Karaganda University, and in 1957, he graduated from the full course of this institute with the specialty “mathematics and physics teacher in secondary school.” After finishing his education, he moved to the village of Akshok, Shet district, got a job at a school there, started a family (married Bokenkovy Umitzhan in 1958). Grandma Umitzhan gave birth to 2 girls and 5 boys. Later, in 1973, my grandfather Skakbayuly moved to the village of Taldy, Satybaldi Shet district, and was assigned to a school there. The family shared their memories: Satybaldina Aymara Nurzhankyzy.

Idris Abikeyev (1918–1993), Ru: Karakesek

Dad-Abikeyev Idriss was born in 1918 in Ku district (now Yegindybulak district). He was an accountant in bolnitsa for 35 years. My father tells me that during the famine, my grandfather Abikey took my father to an orphanage, and at that time my father was a 12–14-yearold boy. During the famine, there were 13 children in my father’s House. Of these 13 children, only my father survived. Everyone was starving. For this purpose, the father placed his only surviving son in an orphanage. My grandfather had two names. One of them himself sat with my father, and led him, “after finding a good job, I will pick up the name,” he brought to the orphanage and left. But he didn’t come, he didn’t go. He doesn’t even know where his father is buried. According to my father, my grandfather’s horse was taken by robbers on the road and killed himself. My father did not even know where the 12 dead children were buried.

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According to what I heard from my mother (Ospanova Nurhamila, 1920–2000), there is a village called Kölbasy at the head of Egindibulak, overlooking Karatau village. That Kölbasy village used to be called Besik Adyr. My mother is with her mother who lives on that Besik hill. When the famine began, those people closed their houses with all their belongings, locked the doors, left everything, and left for the city. That is, he was going to go to Novosibirsk. But he couldn’t get there and stayed in Kereku. He stayed there until the hunger was over. After that, Besik returned to the hill. When he came, everything in his house was in its place. What can be understood from this? You can see the real proof of the folk proverb “Gold and silver are stones, barley and wheat are food.” The family shared their memories: Abikeev Baurzhan Idyrisuly. Written by: Mukanova Aknur.

Gulbaram Kiyakbayeva (1909–2004), Ru: Shekshek

Grandmother was born in 1909 in the village of Kent in the Karkaraly region. Compatriot of Kasym Amanzholov. Gulbaram was only 13– 14 years old when the population began to die during the famine years. Father said: “Wherever you go, be safe!” and sent Gulbaram to Siberia with his brother on a horse carriage. He got on and off the train and went all the way to the city of Vladivostok. He lost his brother on the way to Vladivostok. Gulbaram earns money wherever he goes. Soon, he came to the city of Kemerovo and got a job at a sewing factory. During the war, tailors sewed warm clothes for the front and sent them to the soldiers. He got married in this region, gave birth to 1 daughter and 1 son and raised them there. They have to work extra in many places to deliver their children. One of them works as a floor cleaner at school No. 10 in Kemerovo. Children

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help their mother. Our grandmother is looking for her lost brother, takes her children, and starts looking for her relatives in the homeland. They worry about their children’s future because they think they will become Russian. On the one hand, his longing for the country and land increased, and he returned to the country in the 1960s. But he could not find the rest of his relatives. After leaving the country, he takes care of sheep in the village of Karatau and engages in hard work. Son—Alpamys works as a tractor driver, and daughter—Baktibala works as a salesperson. She always blesses her descendants and people with a motherly, grandmotherly heart. It is a pity that Gulbaram’s work in those difficult and cruel days was ignored by the government. But we, her descendants, will never forget the bravery of our grandmother, who worked for our country. On October 17, 2004, at the age of 95, our grandmother passed away in Egindibulak region. Our grandmother is an unforgettable image for us and will always remain in our hearts. Kiyakbayeva Bakhtibala shared her grandmother’s memory. Written by: Kairzhanova Nurasem.

Mariyam Zhumakayeva, Ru: Karakesek When we first came as a bride to Shatan village, Bukhar Zhirau district, Karaganda region (near the village of Semizbugi), we used to hear from the elders how they lived during the famine years, how they coped with hunger. One day, a friend of my late mother-in-law came to the house. She introduced herself as Maryam (born in Karaganda region, near the present village of Ozyorny. Daughter-in-law of Altyntori region, her maiden name is unknown. She passed away). Mother-in-law and Aunt Maryam were talking, and the conversation turned to the value of bread and food. At that time, aunt Maryam, with tears in her eyes, told about the hardships she experienced during the famine: “At that time, there was no food, the livestock was gone, and there was not even a single piece of bread for the people living at home. At that time, instead of tea, we collect grass from the field and boil it and drink it. After that, we will go to the field, of course, then you think that the Soviets will leave some of the crops for us to go hungry?! We had collected everything, and even if we were rubbing a spike that had fallen

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on the ground, if a grain or two fell out of it, we would be happy and collect it. We used to grind only one cup of wheat to the mill, grind it into flour, and bake small bread from it. There is nothing left that hunger has not shown to human beings. You are lucky, the store is full of everything you need. At that time, people were doing various things to save their lives. There were also those who slaughtered and ate the dog. We have also heard the horror of man-eating man. After my sister’s husband returned, she was left alone with two children. The first child is 3–4 years old, the second is a child in a cradle. He takes those two and sets off on foot. Halfway between Karkaraly and Kerney, he had not eaten for several days, he and his children were very tired. The poor man had no choice but to take one or the other. There is no one who carries both of them equally, you know that a mother who has not breastfed for a long time does not even have milk in her breast. So, you come back, the god has left your baby in the field,” he said while crying. His younger sister’s name is Jamal, but he did not tell her the exact family name (his family is Karakesek, his place of birth is near the present village of Ozyrny, and he could not give specific information about the person). He did not mention the name of his child. All I know is that the surviving child died at the age of 70. His mother was holding him. She shared her aunt’s memory: Kaztaeva Aigul Kanatkyzy. Recorded by: Aliya Kudaibergenova.

Mukhtar Tursymbayev (Born in 1948) In 1932–1933, in Kemerbastau village, Tulkibas district, during the famine, an old man, whose name I forgot, said. That old man was the chief of Kemerbastau village during the famine. One day during his tenure as chief, the wheat crops planted by the people failed to germinate and the warehouses were empty. When the storehouse was empty, the people gathered wheat from all over the place and buried it in the barn. When the people were dying of hunger, they distributed the remaining wheat in the warehouse to the people. It was not enough. “Being a chief, I could not find anything for my people… I distributed all the goats I had. But not much, it was not enough for everyone.”

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“He says that there is no meat during the famine, he will pass the stomach.” At that time, a friend of the old man had buried a sickle of wheat, and he said that he had buried all the wheat and that this wheat would be enough for both of them. Then he said to his friend: “Oh, my friend, you bury this wheat, when you bury this wheat, this country is dying, you will be full, the country will starve. One day they will hunt you down, they will hunt you down and one day they will kill you, the people will not find food to eat. Let’s distribute this food”; his friend said, “No way, I won’t distribute it. My children will eat it.” Some of the countries will perish, and the dead will remain everywhere. After he became the chief, he was engaged in burying the dead. At that time, no one could afford it. A hungry person has no strength. So, one day when you don’t know what to do, bad news comes. The friend who hid the wheat died. So, every day he goes to the place where the wheat is buried, takes what he deserves and covers it again. People are following him. He was killed. The old man says: “I told him that you will not be buried.” I’m the boss, even though I’m the boss, I’m going. Even if I’m hungry, I’m walking along the country… If only they had eaten together, this would not have happened. He used to tell me that such a situation happened. At that time, aldi grows in the mountain. Like an onion. Those who find that aldi, bring it, wash it, grind it with a knife, and drink it as soup. Most of them fell and died on the way. In one collective farm, all the warehouses were empty, and the village was destroyed. Later, wheat was brought to their village from somewhere. At that time, the rich were arrested, their wheat was confiscated, brought to the collective farm, and the rest of the country was saved. Many of them, especially young people and women, died of hunger at work. We are close to Tashkent. At that time, those who could afford it drove one or two cattle and moved to Tashkent. Many of them could not pass and died. And now those who reached Tashkent survived and most of them entered the Uzbeks, were hired by them, worked, and lived out their days. Descendants of Kazakhs who moved to Uzbekistan at that time live in Uzbekistan today. Maybe they will come. So, those who reached Uzbekistan survived, and those who did not, died. My father had two younger brothers. My father hated Tashen. He sent his two younger brothers to this Tashen, saying, “You are finally going to the mountains, take my younger brothers too.” But both of his younger brothers accompanied Tashen, but they died of hunger on the way, and Tashen himself

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was not there yet, riding his donkey to bury them. A survivor. My father used to tell that man that you couldn’t save my two brothers… My father had three brothers. The memory of the old man was shared by: Muktar Tursymbayev. Recorded by: Ibraimova Zhenisgul.

Damesh Togyzbaykyzy (Born in 1948), Ru: Argyn-Karakesek-Karson Damesh Togyzbayovna, ru—Karson, Myrzageldy (mother Sultybayovna Tatjamar [Tatzhan] clan—Konyshtagai) was born in 1912. I heard this story from our sister Kulaisha while sitting next to my mother. Our sister Kulaisha comes from a rich family. The current Shet district was on the side. There was a severe famine in 1931–1932. Bolsheviks took all our cattle. I had a wonderful stomach. “I will exchange that drink for a handful of flour. Who will get it?” I offered it for exchange in the market of Karaganda, but no one took it. Then I took off my underwear and left. The next day, when I took some of my expensive clothes, carpets, and cars to the exchange, no one took them again. Then I left him too. No one had any food to give me in exchange. All the people say they are hungry. After that, we all continued walking. There is food on the Balkhash side. There is no land in the sea. We moved towards Balkhash, hoping to survive by fishing. We have almost reached Balkhash. On the way, we ate spicy garlic and spicy herbs and got some food for ourselves. There were many people who could not make it and died on the way. Half of those who accompanied us did not reach Balkhash. There were those who couldn’t bear the hunger and ate human flesh, there were also those who ate the flesh of their own children. But we did not eat human flesh. After reaching Balkhash, we went ashore and ate the remaining fish, or sucked the skeleton of the fish lying near the lake and got nourishment from it. Unlike us, the Russians had daily meals. Our aunt used to say that we ate the skins of the potatoes they threw away, and that’s when we learned the value of a piece of bread. Another sister from our village (the name is forgotten) reached Balkhash and after gathering, she said “everything is in the south” and now we went south. We went to the vicinity of Almaty. He planted potatoes there, dug up the roots of the plants, and fed them. After living on the left side for a while and the country’s condition improved, he returned

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to the country (Karabulak, the land of the Trumpets). Raspberries grow in our area. In those years, many people survived by picking and eating raspberries and sucking up the spills. It is now food and vitamins. They say that the famine was not easy, it was very difficult for 2–3 years. He watches and observes fat, plump people. He ate human flesh like that. People died and died of hunger. There is no money to dig and bury. Let’s put it in the spring, “Amanat!” “Deposit!” and placed people on the roofs of the shacks. He said that he was going to bury him next year, but he could not bury his face and left the country. The main cause of hunger is candy. Our aunt used to remember that they took her away without leaving a single hoof during shopping. Damesh Togyzbaykyzy shared her aunt’s memories. Recorded by: Mustoyapova Ainash.

Mansur Auesbayuly Iskakov (1916–1992), Ru: Argyn---Karakesek---Baibori My father was born in 1916 in Karkaraly and died in 1992 in Kyzyltau state farm, Karaganda region. My father used to say: “When I hear the proverb, ‘Barley and wheat became food, and silver and gold were stones,’ I remember famine.” Auesbay caught and killed my grandfather as an “enemy of the people.” But he did not stop touching his family, he did not close his affairs. He did not bother them, calling them the wife and son of the “enemy of the people.” Grandmother Kenzhetay was under intense investigation. The PCIA people came again and again, asking for the mother, asking for this, asking for her gold (she had a lot of gold), beating Kenzhetai with her son, so she thought of a way to get rid of the PCIA people. If they both run away together, they will be caught, so they decided to go separately. Grandma Kenjetay was the first to leave. The missing person vomited and ran away. When he was leaving, he said to his son: “You will leave on such a day, you will reach this way.” There were people who organized the escape of both of them to cover their tracks. The people who prepare their children for breeding in Karkaraly and wait for them in Karaganda are members of the Alashorda party. Mansur, a 15–16-year-old boy, left Karkaraly for Karaganda on horseback. After walking a lot, he saw people on the road who were hungry, their eyes were bulging, their stomachs were bloated, and they were covered in cannibals. On the way, he saw a winter on the slopes of a

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mountain. When no one was noticed around him, he childishly and fearlessly entered the new house. It was the house of a rich man who was left behind with his worldly possessions. His eyes fell on the trunk, which was tied with a cloth. He was curious and opened the trunk. When he opened it, he was shocked, a 5–6-year-old boy was lying inside. He was so shocked that he jumped out of the house, got on his horse, and ran away. People are moaning all the way, dying, and asking for help. According to the warning of his mother—Kenzhetay (ru—Tarakhty), he did not stop at a single person, did not approach a single person, and reached the current Maykudyk in 3 days. He was met there by his mother and brother Muslim Ermekov. My Muslim father and mother were put to work. My father got a job as a water pumper in a mine, and my mother got a job as a guard in a potato warehouse. According to his mother, even though a warehouse was full of potatoes, he did not give them to the people. Before his mother, how many guards were sentenced for stealing 1–2 potatoes. Mother lit a fire, cooked potatoes under the fire, and gave them to my father. My father used to say, “I get a loaf of bread for my work.” The family shared their memories: Iskakova Bakytgul Mansurkyzy. Recorded by: Mansur Kyzgaldak.

Kazanbai Zhanbyrshiuly (1902–1982), Ru: Naiman---Aktaz---Badana 1930–1940: There are few Kazakh families that have not seen the hardships and persecution, of the “birch milking” tragedy. Especially, the severe pain of famine destroyed whole villages. My grandfather—Kazanbay Zhanbyrshiuly (1902–1982) was the manager of a farm belonging to the Sark (Amangeldi) rural district of the modern Ulytau district. He did not remember much about difficult times. In his old age, he used to collect the pieces of bread left on the table with special kindness and put them in his palm. “There was a time when a handful of wheat saved the life of a family. I will never forget the days when I returned from the field and stole a bag of grain and distributed a handful to each house.” During the famine years, he was accused of hiding from the government, butchering the center’s cattle, and distributing them to the country. In order to get rid of that case, he got away with a bribe of a silver ring made entirely of cast silver. My grandfather’s younger brother was one

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of the veterans who did not return from the Great Patriotic War, and his remains were buried in the Pskov region of Russia. It is impossible to imagine the pain they experienced and the fate they experienced. All Kazakh families have crossed the bridge of famine. The family shared their memories: Kazanbaeva Ainagul Zikirkyzy, candidate of philological sciences.

Buldybala Bulekbaykyzy (1905–1977), Ru: Sredny Zhuz, Zhalantos The famine that swept the country in 1932 also happened in my native land of Aktogai. During this period, our ancestors had a very difficult time. My grandmother Tastanbekova Maghila (born in 1939, surname— Sarym) also confirmed that this famine was a fake act of the Soviet government. My grandmother heard about hunger from her mother-in-law. Her name is Buldybala Bolekbayovna, she was born in 1905 and died in 1977. Clan—Middle face, Jalangtos. According to what my grandmother heard from her mother-in-law, Buldybala, in 1932, the people were very hungry and needed a grain of wheat. In those years, Bulgybala and her husband Tursyn left their children with their parents and moved to Karaganda to make a living for themselves. In Karaganda, he survived starvation by cooking for the Russians and doing his work. When he returned to Aktogai at the end of 1932, his son Esen died of hunger, and only a few people remained. Tastanbekova Maghila shared her mother-in-law’s memories. Recorded by: Uzakbay Sagingul.

Zhibek Abildina (Born in 1935), Ru---Karsan, Three Brothers Duzei I was born in Zharyk Sarysu village. We lived in Sarysu and then moved to Kyzyltau. I had a neighbor named Kochen who experienced famine in that Kyzyltau. That Kochen used to tell how he survived during the famine. I remember one story. During the famine, Kochen wandered the fields with many people in search of food. There are several people with him. Trying to escape to the south, he set off. A camel is tied at the bottom of a sex tree on the road.

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Looking closer, a 15–16-year-old boy must be sleeping on the camel’s back. They were so hungry that they killed the child and slaughtered and ate the camel. What did the famine do? The hungry man did not hesitate to kill people, but also went to slaughter and eat the animals he had taken. The neighbor shared his memories: Abildina Zhibek. Written by: Mansur Kyzgaldak.

Marziya Bolendikyzy … My father went to a grocery store in advance… “There is no food in the country. Bread is coming out of Karaganda” and then he said: “I will go to work and earn bread. You, there is a father, there is a child, the three of you are going to do something with someone.” Then my father collected his fresh food and did his work. Sheshem was leaving the village with some merchants, she gave them all the food she had and said, “Now I won’t ride myself, I’ll walk. Take my grandfather and my son on a ride, they will eat me on the way, and my grandfather will not be able to follow me on foot,” he begged. there is a person in the cart. All the others kept making noise. “Then my grandfather gets sick, I carry him and take him to the place where I see him,” he says. “My son is on a new bullock cart. I said to the passenger on the way” (just sending a greeting to my father): “We are facing such difficulties. I carry my grandfather and my son alternately. I have no way to reach it, let me go.” Then my father appeared in front of him, took him, earned a living in Karaganda, and lived there. After that, his grandfather died: “My work was not justified. There was a disease in the country. He is dead” (Bolegen’s father is Bekturgan). After that, “My child is sick. He is the only son. He died too. We put those two in Karaganda. Then the times changed. We gradually moved to Balkhash.” I was born while living in Balkash. Memories were shared by: Bolendikyzy Marziya. Recorded by: Mustoyapova Ainash.

Auelbek Baikozhaev There was an old man named Jalangkok, who died at the age of ninety. That man used to say that during the famine in Balkhash, he came to the reeds growing in Balkhash to get rid of hunger. So, he lived only on fish and hid among the reeds, and he was among the reeds during the war, before the war, and during the war. So, he lived with that fish and fed all

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his relatives that way. His name is Sauirbek, his surname is Sadykov. He later became a party member, then left the party, and then became a party member again. A man named Jalangkok says that all the people who lived along the lake, hiding among the reeds and living on fish survived. He used to say that he survived with the power of that fish. Shared memory: Auelbek Baikozhaev. Written by: Ibraimova Zhenisgul. INTERVIEW

Interview with Kamel Zhunistegy, Member of the Board of the Writers’ Union of Kazakhstan, Winner of the Order of Honor

– Mr. Kamel, I would like to start our interview by telling you how long you haven’t written your trilogy “Kuba Belder,” which openly depicts the great fate of the Kazakh people in the 1930s. Please elaborate on this. Kamel Zh.: The writing of this book is, of course, a long time. The first book of “Kuba Belder” “Legendary period” is a book written in the times of socialism. It was written in the ‘80s of the last century. At that time, there was no idea that this book would be published. However, the people need it. It was written with the intention that it would be a necessary book for the next generation. Of course, if times had not changed, “Kuba Beler” would never have appeared. In the first book of “Kuba Belder,” “In the Legend,” we tried to show the legendary life of the Kazakh as realistically as possible. Showing this Kazakh life in this way does not correspond to the ideology of socialism. And now the second book of “Kuba Belder” novel “Apat” was written after the fall of the Soviet government. This is a work born out of researching the truth of that point, the horrors of the 30s. You can’t write without studying the problem, summarizing it completely, and weighing it with your mind.

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Now one more truth must be said. We, members of the “Esep” party, after facing political exile, decided our course again. The comrades who were not tried and survived asked “how can we start the struggle now?” asked the question horizontally. It was not possible to start an open struggle as before. That’s why he told his comrades, “Now the path of struggle will be different. The old road is closed. If we go down that road again, we will go hand in hand. And the punishment and sentence will be severe.” The next step is to start a cultural struggle for us. There are many untold secrets of Kazakh history. Our history and culture are stagnating, it is not being told or studied. Many people do not know the names of many people who rose to the top of Kazakh culture. Kazakh history lies in the legacies left by the tribes. Now you will not find a generation that will tell you the names of Bukhar Gorge, Shortanbay Gorge, Asan Gobr, and Sypyra Gorge. A special manifestation of Kazakh culture is the art of music. Mighilbek kuchi and his students brought the art of kuchi to a very high level. These are representatives of the click state. And the mood of the click is sad and mysterious. It does not agree with the Soviet ideology that “we are creating a wonderful time.” That is why the Soviet authorities shot the Kushin of Mighilbek along with his students. We said that the heritage of these people should be brought to the people. The famine of the 32nd year should also be studied. We must also mention the massacre of 37. These conditions were our new program. “This is the direction now,” I said. The rest of my friends said, “We can’t afford all of it.” “Well, if you don’t raise it, do it like this. Ask the country. Please send me the information you have received from the country. I will continue to do it myself.” The writing of the novel “Kuba Belly” is also related to this situation. Although the first stage was written in Soviet times, the second stage novel “Apat” was also popular. He was asking to be recorded. At one time, I even had the idea to start the novel “Kuba Bezler” with “Apat.” Because yesterday we heard a lot of strange stories from the elders. Especially my grandmother used to tell horrible stories about the hunger of Ghaziza 31. It’s our child. Hearing it, our souls were filled with disgust. All this was memorized in the child’s mind. In the true sense, all the events contained in the novel “Apat” are events that happened. Many characters in this novel go by their names. The events related by those people found their place in the novel “Apat.” So, we have written the second book. But it was difficult to imagine that he would take it out. In

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the 90s, it was a time when people couldn’t even make a living, let alone publish a book. Later, in 2001, Prime Minister I.N. Tasmagambetov initiated the publication of 100 essential Kazakh books. This is the beginning of the novel “Apat.” Now the 3rd book of “Kuba Belder” is called “Zamana Zeli.” The war years, the difficulties after the war, the damage caused by the Celina disaster, and the first years of independence are described here. Writing a novel is not writing a poem, it is not writing a saga, it takes a long time to study it, and the period of writing and publication is long. – Kumisbek Mullah, Dia Haji, Babas the poet, Borankul of the steppe, famous Ugar Zhanibekov, Sembek kushi, Aidar Mullah, his son Ziyada, Isa the activist, Baibokyshev secretary, State political administration Shishov, etc., depicted in the historical work. There is an opinion that people who lived in that era and were in the scientific world. Did their names remain the same in the novel or were they changed? Do you have any information about the descendants of those named today? Kamel Zh.: Kumisbek Mullah was a person in history. He was exiled from the 30s, but he was not arrested. He is the person who has been in Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and everywhere. Shortanbai, who used to live in Kumisbek Mullah, is a person who strongly adheres to the heritage of the valley. Shortanbay Zhyrau predicted the horror that would happen in the 1930s. At the time when such difficulties befell the Kazakhs, Kumisbek recited the songs of Mullah Shortanbay, introduced that he had told the day before that these events would happen, and urged people to keep their spirit as much as possible. Finally, in the 40th year, he was captured and shot. In the novel, Dia the pilgrim, Babas the poet, and Borankul the field blue-eyed are also people who were in real life. Today, there are no direct descendants of Dia Haji, Baba, and Borankul. Ugar Zhanibekov is a citizen of Karkaraly. It is not known whether there are descendants from him. In the time of Sembek Kushi, he was known as Sary Bi. Sembek kushi is one of the students of the famous Mighilbek kushi. Sembek shot the coachman at the head of a big spring along Zhambyl mountain. He has descendants. The drum of the Sembek coach is in my house. One of the shooters took the driver’s tambourine, and the tambourine gradually fell into the hands of elder Omar. When elder Omar was 85 years old, I went to his house and took the drum. Elder Aydar and his son Ziyada, who suffered in the novel, are citizens of Karkaraly. Must have descendants.

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In the novel, Isa, an activist who hurt many people, goes by his name. There is no descendant of Jesus. People who have done so much violence to the people have no descendants. This is like a law of nature. Maybe God’s justice. The secretary Baibokyshev is even a person from another country. I don’t know if there are descendants from him or not. The head of the State political administration in the work is a Russian named Shishov, whose real surname is Sychev, and he has only three grades of education. In April 1931, when the murderers led by this Sychev were mass shooting, a guy named Shoyinbek escaped from among them. He went to Almaty on the same side and reached Gaynolla of Alashordashil Karsybek. He told about all the terrible events happening in the country. In Almaty, the citizens of Alash raised a big issue, sent telegrams everywhere to save the remaining citizens, and tried to stop this horror. Thanks to their direct involvement, Alashorda boys, Sychev was investigated. The court sentenced him to 5 years. But he let him go when he went to Ombi. It happened. The names of people written in the novel were included in the book. This is a historical novel. – The story of the novel took place in the Shet district of the Karaganda region, in the Balkash region. Here, I would like to draw your attention to the following passage from your work: “…the men caught fish from the lake at sunrise and brought it to the open-faced brothers in Arka… Some of the people who had no teeth left had fled to Balkhash so that they would not die of hunger., found them to be runaways from a bright future, and were chased away by those who were members of this party. It was a hundred houses, a hundred families were not given a hundred grains. It was dying. Even if he went to drive, he did not see the ‘why are you dying’ party again. Kopzhan and Tungyshbeks, who were enthusiastic and sang, brought forty camels of grain from Zhaur Nura, and when they distributed it, they reached every house with only two bushels. After traveling sixty days from Balkhash, he brought back eighteen pairs of fish, ten of which weighed more than five kilos. There is no limit in the crying country, this is what a moaning man can do… When they heard that there was a goat, many hungry people flocked to enter the cowshed, hoping to drink even if it had milk. They don’t give it to the hungry or send it to the government and burn it. How many people shot in vain trying to surround the meat store, or their cousins, who did not know where they were, couldn’t even get hold of the stinking meat, and were crying when they saw what was burned” (K. Kuba Bezler in Zhunis. Apat: novel; 2 books. —Almaty: Foliant, 2001. p. 347, pp. 335–336).

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If we look at it, it is clear that there was no help from the Soviet government and the party. How to make a living for the people who are so careless?! Or was there a promise from the Soviet government that “we will support ourselves”? Why did they take away all the livestock of the Kazakhs, whose livelihood was connected only with livestock? Even the fact that he burned the collected cattle and squandered them so that they would not reach the people makes you wonder if there is a purpose to reduce the Kazakh population. Guess what? Kamel Zh.: There was never a promise that the Soviet government would support you. He drove away 18,000 horses of the rich people named Adambai-Tursyn, and left nothing of the 17,000 horses of the Jangir noble. In addition to them, there were many rich people who drove thousands, and there were rich people who had 10,000 sheep. All of them were hooked in one summer. They have nothing left. All the captured animals were slaughtered en masse, saying that they would send them to the interior of Russia. Hundreds of thousands of tons of meat were collected in the Uspen mine, which was left over from the British a long time ago. There was no way to send so much meat to Russia. And people began to starve. The starving people went to the Ospen mine where meat was stored. He went with the hope that maybe we can get our hands on something, that our children will get something from that meat. Thousands of tons of meat started to rot, and the streloks did not let the hungry people reach the neighborhood and shot them. How many were shot there. A scene of bloody times. There was no one who researched and wrote about these events in his time. The people did not talk about these events, let alone research them. Even people were afraid to tell each other what they saw. Many terrible events lived inside many people and left with them. In the middle of summer, hundreds of thousands of tons of smelly meat were poured with cabbage and burned! Such a situation happened not only in Uspen, but in many places such as Burma and Krasnaya Polyana. This is a situation where the collected cattle, taken by force from the people were put to death and not given to the open people. In the 1930s, chauvinists wearing the cloak of communism carried out the horrors that the tsarist government could not do. The main goal of the tsar’s government was to exterminate the Kazakh people or to subjugate them once and for all. And the Russian chauvinists, armed with the same idea of the same tsarist government, did not forget it. They made it happen. If those who came to America killed the red-skins and took their land, the goal of the

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Russian chauvinists was to kill the Kazakhs and take their land. They tried to implement it. It can be said that only God saved us, our country was saved only by God, otherwise, we should not have stayed on earth. So… – There was written in your novel, “At the time of the birth of the country, the illiterate and rude activists of Kazakh blood even exceed the violence against the people.” Compared to this, it seems that there are enough activists like Isa in Kazakhstan who don’t go without a gun. And if we listen to the words of Russia and our own Stalinists, it is not the Russian Bolsheviks who massacred the Kazakhs, but such short-sighted activists. Perhaps one or two Jesuses are not the basis for such a view! Even if it happened, these are only executive officers, aren’t the order givers from Moscow?! I’m not making excuses, but if those Jesus didn’t follow the order, would they also be executed? To what extent do you think there were many people who cared about their personal lives and fought for their destiny? Kamel Zh.: Yes, there was a man called Isa who did not go without his gun. He may have believed in the idea of communism, but behind it lies evil. Besides Isa, there was an activist named Musagan, who boasted that he spoke with his great leader in a dream, saying, “I saw Lenin in a dream, the leader instructed me, seize the rich man’s land, seize his cattle, reduce the wealth of the rich man.” These did not appear overnight. The book contains a wonderful poem written by Dia pilgrim to Musa. This is what happened. It is impossible for Kazakhs to have people like Jesus appear in one day. In order to answer the question of where Jesus appeared among the Kazakhs, we need to pay attention for a long time. For example, let’s remember the appearance of the rich and the Kazakhs in Kunanbai’s time. In Kunanbai’s time, all the bolys, judges, and elder sultans in the service of the tsar tried to protect the Kazakhs by following the government’s orders. Mass mosques were built in order to save Kazakhs at the time when Kazakhs started to be baptized en masse! Look, it’s a wonderful world! At that time, the Kazakh tried to protect himself. And now, as for Abai’s time, everything has changed. After the abolition of the Kazakh khanate, the authority of the elders, who held the country together, was destroyed, and the Kazakhs no longer obeyed their own laws. The time has come when the power of the “unstoppable” Russian, mentioned by Shortanbay Zhyrau, was fully established, which shocked Abai. In order to destroy the unity and integrity of the Kazakh people, they used the term election to divide the Kazakhs into clans, put them

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into conflict, and created disunity between them. Now the Kazakhs quarreled and quarreled with each other. At this time, complaints against each other were organized, which had not happened in the life of Kazakhs throughout the centuries. This is the root of the complaint that has been going on to this day. Shortanbay Zhyrau spoke about it as much as possible. Previously, disputes between Kazakhs were resolved by the elders of the country, but now Russians will investigate all such complaints. The rule of Kazakh rulers has stopped. This is a scene from the time of the great Abai. Now if you look at the time of Muk, the scene is even different. It was the beginning of the twentieth century. The foundation of the culture and tradition that has kept Kazakhs alive for centuries has been destroyed. The tsar’s power tried to destroy the faith by baptizing the Kazakhs once and for all. The time has come for Muk to poison Russia for centuries. People like Jesus were formed at this time and entered the arena of life. It was a time when the Russians had come to terms with it. The Kazakh era was destroyed, and the Russians destroyed the Kazakhs as a people. The birth of activists like Isa is a manifestation of Russian destruction of Kazakh people. The Russians prepared Jesus. They achieved what they wanted—they were able to create a person like Isa who would kill Kazakhs mercilessly. Of course, some of them may have believed in the idea of Marxism. You know it too. A terrible time has come, realized by the short-sighted activists of Kazakhstan. To say that the Russians did all this is not true. Russia did this with Kazakh hands. Behind the new Russian was the tsar’s policy. The king’s policy led to this. Apart from the activists who came out with their guns loaded and their clubs ready, there were also enough people who took care of themselves. After the destruction of the Kazakh society, after the loss of Kazakh unity, and after the Kazakh traditions and self-awareness have completely ended, the appearance of those who care for the black head among the Kazakhs is a legitimate phenomenon. The time has come when you cannot escape from them. – The line of thought again leads to your work. “A troubled country that dragged its feet. There is no country left behind. It is not suitable for walking, the ground is full of dung, and the one that moved earlier in the day was scattered everywhere. Will the Afghan Kazakhs, torn apart from their land, become a nation?” You wrote that he will not survive. What about you, what was the population of this Arka in 1931–1933, how many of them survived, have you ever searched for such information?

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Kamel Z.: Yes… The Kazakhs were devastated and suffered huge losses. It can be said that there is no country left behind… At that time, the educated citizens of Kazakhstan proposed that we move to China to save the Kazakh people. Of course, not forever, but until the end of this campaign, they thought of a situation where we would like to go to China for shelter and save our lives. Citizens of Shet, Aktogai, Karkaraly, and Zhanaarka gathered in Troitsky several times under the organization of Akbay’s Yakub and discussed the issue of crossing to China. The people supported it. The State political administration took great measures to prevent the emigration, using its agents and activists as much as possible to agitate against emigration and stop the mass emigration. As a result, the people who lost their livestock were massacred. Of course, in this novel “Catastrophe,” we are writing about the manifestation of famine in the region where we live. It is difficult to talk about the famine that covered the whole of Arka and how many people died there. The information I found related to Shet District was not easy. I was never allowed access to the archives. The 60th anniversary of Shet district had arrived. At that time, Saginbai Medeubaev, a forward-thinking and open-minded guy, came to the district as a leader. I suggested to him that in addition to the achievements achieved during the 60th anniversary of the Shet district, we should also tell about the hardships and the hunger of the 32nd. He accepted my proposal. He gave the document to a citizen named Mukashev, who worked in the Raikom, and sent it to the archives far and wide for inspection. After walking for half a month, the information he brought back was laughable. He brought figures that there were 12 thousand Kazakhs in Shet district, and 2 thousand of them died of hunger. I had to call this false information. I said, “Make it possible to let me into the archive, at least let me check the Karaganda archive.” Medeubayev accepted my proposal and wrote a message to the head of the archive: “Such a writer is going to the archive because of the anniversary of Shet district, please help him.” So I was able to enter the Karaganda archive. I looked through 50–60 folders related to the 1930s. I found some things. When I read about the violence they did to the Kazakhs, I groaned inside. But I had a hard time finding the information I was looking for. I had reached the last folder. I was very tired. I noticed a piece of information written in that folder. He wrote that it was cattle in the years 30–31–32–33. I flipped over two or three pages and thought again, “even if I don’t find the number of people, at least look at the number of animals” and took the information again.

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The information is written in Kazakh with Latin letters. If I look at it, in addition to the number of animals, there is also the number of people in 31–32 years of each year. I found a wonderful world! Of course, such information is preserved because it is written in Kazakh in Latin letters, otherwise, it would have been destroyed a long time ago. I started to copy it, and people in the archive felt that I had found something special. Most of the people in the archive are Russians, they send only a few Kazakhs. Both the Russian and Kazakh “What are you writing?” he asks. “It’s the number of cattle,” I say, deliberately lying. But it seems that you do not believe my words. I started to hesitate. It seems that these will not let me out alive. People like us who were convicted on political charges have no rights. They can beat us, drag us to a place, and kill us. It is a dangerous thing to say that you will come out alive. I was extremely happy to escape from the archive and go to a car. I added these details again with the help of some other guys. I thought it would be good to present and introduce to the public this information-table full of sobs of a crying child and tears of a moaning elder (K. Shyragdan from Zhunis.—Almaty: “El-shezhire” KKK, 2007. p. 312, p. 207). There were 48,311 Kazakhs and 165 Russians in Shet district. Of those 48,311 Kazakhs, only 5021 people survived in the 33rd year. Not a single Russian died of hunger. What a horror! As I wrote, I had tears in my eyes. Trotsky, whom we always vilify, wrote: “Holoschekin gave eternal happiness to the Russian villages, and declared an eternal war that massacred the Kazakh villages.” What more can be said? I am glad today that I was able to research and write this. Whatever I write, in any work, I only research and write. Because tomorrow I should not be left with the words “I wrote a lie.” My descendants should never be ashamed of anyone. And writing the truth is like falling into an abyss. – In your novel, it is said that Ahmet took the teacher’s two children and ran away to escape from hunger. Siberia is the land of Russia, the Bolsheviks came from there, why did the Kazakhs flee there? Kamel Zh.: Ahmet is a teacher, an educated person. Akhmet Abdirahimov was born in 1892. At first, he studied in Shayan madrasa, and then in Bukhara. He continued his studies at “Galia” madrasa. This is Ahmet, the fourth unknown person standing on page 130 of Tursynbek Kakishev’s book “Sadak.” (Sadak [Text]: essay/T. Kakishev.—Almaty:

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Zhalyn, 1986. 263, [2] p., [4] p. photo.—Tursynbek Kakishuly fund— 10,000 copies. (muk.): 250 tenge. http://kazneb.kz/bookView/view/? brId=1021977&lang=kk, pp. 130–131.) He graduated from the madrasa in 1915–1917. In 1916, he worked as a teacher in the village of Akhmet Baitursynuly. At that time, this region of Arka country was known as Ahmet and Aisa teacher. He was in contact with the leaders of Alashor. Worked as a teacher in the city of Karkaraly. In 1928, when Shet district was established, he came to this district and continued his service. In the early 1930s, he worked as a school principal in the center of the district. In 1936–1937, he was a teacher at Agadyr station. According to his son Suhibek, 5–6 copies of “Sadak” magazine were kept in his house during those years. Teacher Ahmet was arrested as an enemy of the people in 1937, and many of his papers were taken by the GPU, Magazine etc. with many other pictures. His younger brother Ospan, who was afraid of the activists, set him on fire. Teacher Ahmet is a victim of repression. In 1916, when the teacher Akhmet employed a Kazakh in the rear, he was sent to Gomel by the decision of the Alash Horde to protect Kazakhs who did not speak Russian from abuse, rape, and other cruelties, such as dragging them to the front lines, and he was among the Kazakh youth. After coming to the country, Alash would have continued the work of the party, but there was no chance. During the famine of 1932, she led her two children and left for Siberia to Russian land in order to keep her descendants alive. He had two children, Suhibek and Bahribek. It was the elder Suhibek who told me the sad stories about his father. He is a teacher of history, and the director of Kairakty school for many years. Ahmet, who led his two children and returned to the country with his life, was not innocent because the teacher was a troublemaker. Finally, he was shot. The Russians in Siberia were also starving, but the Russians did not experience such a terrible famine as we have. Mr. Kamel, I think it would be right if we expand our interview with this passage from your novel. “Calbits… Bits are contagious… March!”— shouted and pointed to the door. The madman is kicking the back of the sad people before they go out the door. The Kazakh who played horses yesterday and shook Europe with his club is not cool. Even more so… Will the Kazakhs, who left their country because of hunger, be driven out into the cold and massacred again? Is this a servant of God who will help the country, or has he perished?… It is worse than being chased by a dog when a Kazakh

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comes to the city from the village to save his life. Don’t let a dog see the days of those who are alive in the country, they are the living prey of “aktip” organized like a rabble that costs blood and demons. Suhi boy was shocked to see that the poor Kazakhs who were waiting in line in the store were beaten by the poor Kazakhs standing at the feet of the prostitutes and matushkas, and since then he has not found peace” (Junistegi K. Kuba bezler. Apat: novel; 2 books.—Almaty: Foliant, 2001, 347 p, P. 335–337). We can see from this that simple, poor peasants like him and their wives showed no mercy to an unarmed, starving Kazakh. Why? Why did they hate Kazakhs so much? What do you think caused this feeling? Once upon a time, the tsar’s government took away their peasant parents in unsuitable wagons, which were not adapted for transporting people, and left them hungry and naked in the open field …. Why did those exiles not come to help or show pity when things happened to the Kazakhs? Kamel Zh.: Elderly Suhibek used to say with tears in his eyes that he beat the Kazakhs at the railway station. Since when has Russia thought of itself as a colonizer, an invader. He brought them up like that. He explained that the Cossack of the field is not a man, but a beast. This is what the drunkard believed. And the Russian Empire created an opportunity for the Muzhyaks to oppress the Kazakhs. From the Tsar’s time, the Kazakhs were left without protection. Even at the time of Celina, the Russians brought us little good. Khrushchev, who is at the head of the government, needs only Kazakh lands, not Kazakhs. We have heard many times that the Celinniks of that time said that Khrushchev did what Tsar Nicholas could not do in five years and that he ruled the entire Kazakh steppe forever. That word will not leave our ears. The situation of Germans and other people who were deported during the war years is even different. At that time, the Kazakh people, who were also starving, shared what they had so that the Germans would not perish. An old German woman named Katya was brought to our house. There is nothing to eat in our house. Although we didn’t have anything to eat or drink, we let the old German woman into the house. When he saw the food we were eating, he started crying. We eat the wheat we have at home, we fry it, pour it on the table, and eat it. That’s just the type of food. When Katya wants to eat wheat, her teeth do not sink. The family grinds and grinds the wheat and gives it to Katya. What do you say? And there was no one who looked at the Kazakh, and there was no one…

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– then the ruling party did not care at all! is it all solved by the State political administration? Were there no citizens who tried to save the country? Kamel Zh.: It can be said that the Kazakhs were driven to famine. The wealth of the rich was taken away, leaving the poor and middle class completely without livestock. That government took away the only black of the poor, claiming to fulfill the meat plan coming from above. The country started to open up and organized an uprising. In order to prevent this horror, a group of citizens of the country, former Alashordans who joined the Communist Party, gathered and organized resistance. This group, led by Kopzhan, Altybai, and Tunguysbek, organized secret meetings, protested against the mass herding of cattle, and tried not to give them to the Russians. They were labeled as “rednecks” and later they were all persecuted. And the leader of the party, Baibokyshev, ran away. State political administration “Why are you going to the district committee without my permission?” and imprisoned Nygizbaev for three days. State political administration is above all else. Hungry people were walking around and dying. The dead covered the only street in the district. There is no way for man to help man. The crowd saw a teenage girl saying “Mother, please help me,” a crying mother with her dying son on her lap, and a crying grandfather. Since he was blinded by hunger, he went to the point of eating human flesh, which inevitably made people benevolent. Today’s hungry people should try to understand that famine with all their heart. Where can there be mercy in people who have suffered so much?! Is it possible to think of mercy and beneficence when you see your own brother and younger brother, and your child in your arms, suffering, and dying of hunger? The Kazakh was brought to this! – Yes, it is a terrible tragedy that happened to our people! Are there graves of those who died in the field during this famine? Why don’t the names of those who died in 1931–1933 be engraved on stones as victims of famine? Isn’t this our story! Kamel Zh.: People who are suffering from famine are dependent. They flocked to the district center in the hope that the government would help them. Here they began to be massacred. District head Baibokyshev opened the meeting. The head of the GPU is sitting next to the fuel Shishov. Baibokyshev: “We are building socialism, isn’t it the right way?” says. “Wrong!” If you want to say that, the inflammable Shishov is looking

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at everything. There was silence. Baibokishev asks again. “Is this the right way?” When he says, people grumble, “That’s right.” Only Tunguysbek stood up, tore off his hat, threw it on the ground, and kicked it. The street was full of corpses. No one is looking for those who are dying on the shores of Nura Oduvi. Four hundred and twenty-five people who were killed only on the only street of the district were dug and buried in a large single pit. This is history. The place where those 425 people were killed was not fenced off. Nearly 5021 out of 48,311 Kazakhs survived in the region. No one knows the name of the Kazakh who was killed so much, no archive has kept it. Searching for them by name is impossible. And now, during the first period of famine, each of those who died was buried in the street of the district. About 400 people were buried in the dug-out pit from the knee. A memorial plaque has been installed there. We visit once a year and remember the victims of famine. And there was an elder named Tospay who buried 425 people. Our teacher, an elder named Zhumatay Kutzhanov, and my father Ibyshev Zhunis (born 1902– 1993) brought this problem to us. I told these stories many times on TV. In order not to forget its place among the thick graves, I carried a stone as tall as a man and placed it there. It’s surprising that many marshals, who led the party yesterday and are now mayors, don’t even want to visit the pit where 425 people are lying. This was also one less world. The Germans living in “Prostorny” are people who came before the revolution. Those who directly interacted with the Kazakhs. They buried Kazakhs who were known to them, became comrades, and later died of hunger. At least, there was no one among them who wrote down which Kazakh was buried where. Today’s directors are happy to be the boss and win the tender. Those who carry their hairbands are happy that they have achieved it. Every sovkhoz had a party committee. The Party Committee does not deal with the economy, the work of the Party Committee is not to speak against the government, not to speak of history, not to speak of the sorrows and sorrows of Kazakhs. We saw… Some elders were approached by party commissars and asked, “Why do you speak the words of the old?” Why do you confuse the brains of young people? Why don’t you walk quietly? If you don’t do this, we will file a criminal case against you,” he threatened. This is the work of the Party Committee. Partkom is the local agent of the government. Their job is to make a denunciation about what they heard or knew 1–2 times a quarter. Here is the job. – As this passage from your work testifies to the fact that this unbearable pain that has befallen our people has not spared even small children.

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“Detdom was built to deliver orphans to the mountain side of the lonely street. In addition to the orphans, he also brought in other orphans for ‘new education.’ People are happy that they have established good things like white bed, white bread, clean clothes, free food, deep education. After that, he collected cattle ‘for the needs of the orphanage.’ Even though he became a typical person, after being called an orphan, the people who were bent down gave their all, like an orphaned cub, a lonely cat, a lost foal. There is no trace of that, as if the wind blew away one day… one day ‘Detdom’ hit his head on the house. Shocked, not knowing whether to go in or out, he got stuck in the doorway and stayed. Child-like creatures move like shadows in the dark shadowy rooms of the half-whitewashed dingy house. One of them has a shirt, there is no hem, and the body of the one with trousers is covered with something.” What is standing in the place of this detdom now? Where is it located? Kamel Zh.: Orphanage house is in the heart of the district, partially collapsed. At that time, I made a request to Ryskali Abdikerov, the regional akim, with the signatures of 7–8 people, saying, “Let’s save the foundation of the orphanage, how many children have died of hunger in this house.” Most of the dead children are buried in a large grave dug in front of the orphanage. Adults did not say “don’t go there.” But after being a game boy, we used to go. We used to see dogs gnawing on the bones, but we don’t know whose bones it is. We only found out later! Detdom’s house is… Now the Russian woman written in this book was the head of the detdom. Kuanyshev and Baibokyshev were also playing and enjoying themselves. Such an event happened. Half of that detdom is still alive today. I said to the mayor, Zhandauletov, “let’s save this, not tear it down.” He covered his face with a cloth. This is what you have saved, what are you going to do?! And now it could be made into a children’s library or a house of a music school. One thing is done, and one thing is not done. – Mr Kamel, now let’s talk about the history of your own family. In which region was your family during the famine years? Did your older survivors talk about the famine and remember it? Please elaborate on this. Kamel Zh.: My great-grandmother Ghaziza is the daughter of Dinasil (born around 1884). He studied religion in the old days. He prayed until he passed away. My grandfather, Ibrayim, passed away before he reached the age of thirty. My grandmother raised her daughter Alzhamila, my father Yunis, and my aunt Kassym, no matter how many difficulties

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they faced. It was necessary to go to Amenggar by the Kazakh road. He refused. My grandmother, who had a strong religious education, said that she would not let anyone sleep in the bed of her husband Ibrayim. After the death of his wife Aisha, his children Abishken, Harn, Musa, Aman, Asau, and his daughter Zmila were all taken into his arms and raised by him. Grandmother Ghaziza used to tell the horrors of 32 all the time. He died in 1956 at the age of 72–73. It was too dangerous to tell my grandmother such stories. My father was afraid of that and said, “Don’t tell the children this, if anyone hears, we will be treated badly.” But he would also take out the edges of that famine. It can be said that the novel “Apat” was written along the lines of stories told by my grandmother Gaziza. Of course, we have gathered a lot of other information. But the main reason is my grandmother’s stories. He was able to instill in my ears and set fire to my heart from my childhood. Wonderful world! So, all the events written in the novel “Apat” are sad situations that happened in this world. – Mr Kamel, to sum up our thoughts from here, what would you say now to the people who are guilty of hunger, that is, those who organized the famine in the Kazakh steppe and contributed to the occurrence of the famine with their actions? Can you forgive those people? Kamel Zh.: Those guilty people are not among us now. They are not people who appeared overnight. People who were formed thanks to the evil policy of the Russian Empire. Only their name is Kazakh, their worldview and inner faith are not Kazakh, they are lost people! Did you tell them this or not? How can you forgive people who made so many people hungry?! God Almighty created man, gave him intelligence, and gave him the freedom to know how to live in the world. Being a human being, a human being should maintain his human form. At the very least, you should think good of your relatives and fellow villagers. At least, how can you forgive people who don’t know how to think about this?! The absence of people who stood up for the nation, those who raised their heads like Borankul and Madi, and the absence of honorable people, burning like fire, led the people to such a situation. He destroyed their sight in advance. It is a well-thought-out business. He thought about how we can lead these people to such a disaster. A wellplanned work… How many people were shot by those Kodek activists! His real name is Kodebek, I met that person! I got hold of some archival documents. How can you forgive them?… Shortanbai was a contemporary of Zhyrau Kenesari, a close friend. Even after the defeat of Kenesari’s

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rebellion, Shortanbay was traveling all over the Kazakh steppes, taking up the method of not losing the Kazakh spirit and courage, encouraging the whole Kazakh nation with his songs to be good and fighting. “Why do you raise Shortanbai?” The people who filed a complaint against me are among us today. How can you forgive such people? I can forgive people who hurt me personally. But I cannot forgive those who slandered people who fought for the nation! It is impossible! When I was sentenced, there were people who had a party and said, “We lost their eyes.” But there is justice in the world. I met one of them on a stormy day. There were still 27 km to the district. He drove me to Siberia so that I would be destroyed. And world justice met me alone in the raging storm. That Siberia is a raging storm. “Come on, take your revenge!” as if I am alone in the car at the wheel. If I left him, he would have passed away in at least an hour. “Shut up!” such a situation. He opens the car door, opens and closes it again and again. Can’t get in. “Come in, what a dog!” I said. He doesn’t touch his teeth, but keeps his distance. When I came to the house on the outskirts of the district, I said “go now” and kicked him out of my car. I can forgive the person who wronged me. But I can never forgive people who have harmed my nation! God must have made me this way… – Mr Kamel, thank you very much for your time and interview, I think your works and this interview opened our eyes to many things. It is impossible to move forward without looking at our past. No matter how sad and bitter it is, it is our history. You and E.A., who is participating in this project. The teaching team of Karaganda University named after Boketov also aims to provide complete information about those dark years to the next generation. We wish you and your family good health! The interview was conducted by: Ibraimova Zhenisgul, candidate of philological sciences.

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Interview with the Famous Writer, Journalist, Local Historian, and Member of the Union of Writers of the Republic of Kazakhstan Zhanbolat Bashar

– Mr. Zhanbolat, if to talk about famine, we cannot avoid your story “Darkness over the grave,” written about the darkness of the 1930s. Is there a particular situation that brought you to this topic? How did you prepare to write the story? How long did it take you? Zhanbolat B.: I worked for many years in the Balkhash television studio, then I worked as the editor-in-chief of the city newspaper “Balkhash region” for seventeen long years. When I was in the TV studio, there were special programs called “Worker’s Family.” It tells about the first builders who laid the foundation stone of the city and mining and metallurgical plant, as well as their careers. During the preparation of the TV magazine, many elderly people were met and interviewed. Among them are Agdarbek Abualiyev, Zhumadil Makaev, Nygymetzhan Karsybekov, Kabdyrakhm Kuryshev, Muki Saginaev, etc. They were old men who had seen a lot and had a lot to feel. I can’t help but remember the memories of those brothers about the famine. Of course, you can’t write it at that time, you will weave it in your stomach. After our country gained independence, in the nineties, I had many conversations on this topic with genealogical elders such as Zhaksyrakym Galyuly, Kasymzhan Kagazbekov, and Kabylbek Ramazanov. But even then, I never thought that I would write something real. What I want to know: Uzbeks, Kyrgyz, Tajiks, and Turkmens living next door did not starve. So why are our people starving? Why? The field was bleeding. The Kyrgyz Kazakh, who had no hooves left, went wild, hunted mice, ate the

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roots of the grass, and his bones were scattered due to hunger. Kazakhs striving for production died without finding a cure. Why is that? Where is the state, and where is the government? That’s what I wanted to know. I was looking for an answer to that. In general, I concluded that the famine in the Kazakh steppe was actually a conspiracy against the Kazakh nation. After making sure of this, I started writing the work. I spent about seven or eight months writing. – What can you say about your family? Did your parents tell you about hunger? Zhanbolat B.: I was born in 1949. We didn’t know anything about famine. My parents didn’t talk about it either. It’s like a bad dream. My father, the elder Bashar Kaliuly, was a person who saw the famine and experienced its pain. If there was talk about Naubet, he would sigh deeply and think silently. Once I heard a story that my father was telling me: It was a time when the country was coming to its senses after a famine, and while walking, I came across a village with a visible roof. “There is no sound of rustling around, is this a fortified village?” he said, seeing two or three yurts next to him, he turned around. If he dismounts and enters the house, there is no soul in the house. On the right side, there is a bed with a curtain on it. he shouts. But when there was no sound, when he opened the curtain with his sword, the curtain fell on the ground by itself. Seeing the skeletons of two people lying on the bed, he got very scared and ran out into the field. There was no living person in the other two houses, apparently, they were empty due to famine, and he told this story with difficulty saying “may God forgive him.” I think that such incidents are not a one-off event, but a frequent occurrence during the Nauvet years. In 1928, during the confiscation of rich people in Kazakhstan, my mother took Moldakan, the father of Bagdat Moldakankyna, and took him away, calling him “the seed of the rich.” But he escaped from the hands of the PCIA men and went to Kyrgyzstan. In the end, there will be a lot of children. My mother Bagdat was around twelve or thirteen at that time, she had an older sister and brother. Embracing the three children, mother Bishim escaped from PCIA, walked along the shores of Lake Balkash, watched a long video, and finally followed the fishermen to Ultarak, an island in the middle of the lake, where she took refuge. Apparently, fishermen work there, and sometimes a steamboat comes over the lake and takes away the caught fish.

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These people lived on that island for many years. Just before the start of the war, his relatives in Shubartau sent a message that “the country has calmed down, let him return to the village.” Then he returns to the country and mourns with his relatives. The people of the country get together, build a house for them, and put a cow and four or five small animals in front of them. Our grandfather, who crossed over to Kyrgyzstan, returned to the government five or six years later, that is, in July 1934. Then he sent him to exile for ten years. On July 6, 1944, my grandfather Moldakan, who served ten years in the Komi ASSR, returned home safely. He also did not say anything important about his life. I started to ask her: “Come back to her, keep studying your Russian.” Those people took some secrets with them. This is what I heard from my parents. – If we go back to your work “Darkness over the grave,” we cannot avoid this passage, which describes how the starving Kazakh people, unable to find food in their villages, rushed to the city, but local Soviet forces pushed them to open death even though they entered the city: “Village Kazakhs suffering from hunger “If we reach the lake, we will not die even if we eat fish,” he muttered, starving in the open air, without a shroud or burial. “We will catch fish from the lake and eat it” was playing on the water’s edge… For poor Kazakhs who flocked to save their lives from the villages adjacent to future production, the construction of Balkash was the last hope, the last refuge. Mukum el sought refuge in the construction of Balkash, faced the lake, and could not cross the hundreds of kilometers of desert, and remained scattered on the road… There is no one waiting for the starving Kazakhs here… Thanks to Otai’s care, they are a little further away from death, but still he wandered around unable to find a parking spot. They surrounded the canteens, “will they pour something into their struggle, and if they spill, will they earn money?” worthless hope. The next day, Elkhan and his mother went to the lake shore to look for a fish that “takes out the waves.” There is no such thing as a sad person in the past. The thread is blocked. What are the villains?! It is unthinkable for a child to help the hungry and poison them to death. His heart cried. He found out that none of the children, who were starving and naked, died eating the white bread that was distributed for free. Could there be more evil than this?! Boy Elkhan could not understand the secret of this. Even later, he often remembered this situation, and every time he thought about it, he was overcome with deep sadness and cried. Having seen such merciless torture, he did not forget the only

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wish to somehow survive this darkness. For now, his mother is with him” (Bashar J. Darkness over the grave: A story, a collection of stories.— Astana: Profi Media, 2016, 256 pages. pp. 55–73). Where did you hear this information? Zhanbolat B.: The famine was not created by the Soviet government, it was deliberately created by the Communist Party with its partisan policy. Unfortunately, this great event in the history of the country has not yet been accurately assessed. The work, entitled “Returned from the other world,” describes the situation experienced by Akymbek and Kunimkhan. There is a saying that Akymbek, who has fainted from hunger, throws his body in the cemetery and says: “Hey, this one is still alive, let’s put it on the edge.” This episode is not a fantasy. The characters here are people who have suffered such hardships. In general, the story “Darkness over the grave” was written on the basis of the stories of witnesses who saw the famine with their own eyes, suffered from it, and experienced great suffering. If the boy Elkhan is the main backbone of the work, I think that the people who recovered from hunger and sacrificed themselves for the construction of Balkash, the above characters like Akymbek and Kunimkhan, show up from all sides of the work and make us feel the nature of the terrible fate that engulfed the whole country. More than sixty people are named in the work. The common suffering of all is hunger, and the country is struggling to survive. – In your work, you have made the main characters of well-known people who deliberately opposed the politics of that time, protecting the country and land during the war years. Who are they? Do you have descendants? Zhanbolat B.: In the 1930s, Zhabay’s Saduakas, Smayil’s Jakypbeg, Balzhan’s Tupeg, and other lions were the ones who organized the “Tokrauun Uprising” and led the disaffected group. For example, Zhabai’s Saduaka is the grandson of Zhabai Kumalakov. Wild 1890–1892. A person who was a deputy of a bolys in Kotan Bulak. Saduakas Zhabayev participated as a voter (voter) during the election of a deputy to the second State Duma in 1906 from Kotan Bulak bolys. Arystanbek, the younger brother of Saduakas, now lives in Astana. His son Kaidar Arystanbekov is a well-known scientist and academician. Rector of the Kazakh Institute of Agriculture, etc. a well-known person who held responsible positions.

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Smayil’s Jakypbeg—at the end of this man there was Muratbek and one daughter named Kunar. They have descendants. If we spread it all, it will be a long story. – the image of Elkhan, the boy in your work, is probably a common, typical image of all Kazakh children of the past years. However, did Elkhan have a prototype, that is, a real person in life? Zhanbolat B.: When I wrote the life of Elkhan, of course, I had a real person in mind. His name is Dzhangirov Alikhan, he was born in 1922 in village No. 5 of Balkash district, facing Almaty region. Later, he participated in the Great Patriotic War, earned the city of Balkash, and was awarded the title of honorary citizen of the city. He died in 2014 at the age of 93. – Then the late Alikhan was a child of the age of the famine years. All the tragic events that happened to Elkhan in your work happened to Alikhan? Zhanbolat B.: We can refer to Elkhan as a typical character in my work, the storyteller of the story recounts those events with his six-yearold self. It is worth saying that the fate of Elkhan and the tragic events that happened to him happened in every Kazakh family and happened to every Kazakh at that time. This is not only the fate of Alikhan—the fate of the entire nation. – However, what did you hear from Alikhan’s own mouth? Can you tell me? Zhanbolat B.: Yes, our brother Alikhan is a calm person who speaks seriously. In the year of Naubet, people who have no hooves left will flock to Balkhash. Aleken was a ten-year-old boy at that time. After the death of his only brother, whom he loved, he wanted to take his widow, his sisterin-law had an only brother named Imukhambet, and he came to look for him. Then Alekeng’s mother said: “Look, Imukhambet is the only hoof left in the family, take him with you, let him be safe, I trust you” says. His mother is unable to walk and stays on the road. Then the three face Balkash. In his stories, Aleken used to say that the road is a corpse with the same fingers on both sides. In the work: “…This is the same horseman from our big house, Uncle Nadir! Oh my God!” Gayni would have cried. When Alikhan told this story, he said: “May God protect you!” They used to say that there is a giant man sitting with his two eyes staring like a living person. I have heard this story from that person several times. He used to speak with a special soul.

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And the bread with kukala in the story is one of the terrible events that happened to our brother. At that time, a steamer used to go to “Borlitoybe.” “Sometimes we help orphans without parents. If there are such people among you, gather here tomorrow,” he said to his mother. His mother thinks “let’s go too, it will help.” Heeded by this warning, a hundred black children were loaded onto a steamboat and pulled across the lake to Burlitobye. No one knows where he is going. Without food, most of the exposed children die by the time they reach Burli. Only half of those who boarded the steamer arrived alive. At that time, the industrial work in Balkash was in full swing. The starving refugees, who were hungry from all sides, returned to their feet and took them to the distant Burli, in order not to get warts in their eyes. It is known that no one is waiting for them there. There, too, orphans and widows ransacked the kitchen and sorted through the garbage. At that time, the inhabitants of “Borlitobe” village were mostly Russians. Aleken says that it must have been summer, and one day he was handing out hot bread near the kitchen. Walking along the shore, the boy Alikhan, holding a bag of bread in his hand, runs to his mother, who is left on the sheet. He is also hungry, but he does not eat right away, he wants to take it to his mother first. When he brings bread to his mother, two strange women sit next to him. Kulshe takes the bread from her lap and gives it to her mother. The mother took a bite and put it in her mouth: “Oh no! Did you add this power?!” said. Even so, he could not bear the hunger and ate a piece of chewed bread. However, the women sitting next to them said, “If you don’t eat it, give it to us” and they ate the bread immediately. It is said that later both of them were poisoned and were shouting “the oil of the scoop, the oil of the scoop.” Alikhan, a ten-year-old boy, wanders around the village looking for oil in a pan, and finally finds it. All these were stories heard from the mouth of Alikhan Agha. Aleken is a person who has seen the situation in this region with his own eyes and has learned about it. Once a citizen working as a security guard at “Balkhash Meat Factory” said that (I don’t remember his name) a young man riding a two-legged motorcycle found a human skull and stuck it in the back of his car. “God forbid!” said. Where did you get it from?

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In the past, soil for construction was taken from the foothills of the small hills that were located an arm’s length away from the new meat processing plant. That guy found the skull there. At the foot of that hill, the bones of the victims of the famine were buried. Elder Alikhan Zhangirov showed me those places in 1989. Elders Spimukhamed Mustafin and Rakhishzhan Temirkhanov were with us. That place is the eastern side of the small hills on the left side of the dirt road leading to the present settlement of Shashubai. After climbing to the top of the hill, Aleken wiped off his wet skin, dug a big hole at the base of the hill, and buried the bones of those who died in the year of Nauvet. After that, he recited the Qur’an to the souls of the dead. At that time, Alekeng said: “If you put up a monument to the victims of famine in the future, it would be possible to put it up now.” And in the past, long ago, he used to make “Allawakbar.” Elkhan in the general story is a composite image. As I said above, the fate of the thirties was a tragedy that befell the entire Kazakh nation. – Was Aymyrza, whose fame is described as having reached Alash, a rich life? Zhanbolat B.: In our region, there was a rich man named Ahmet Kubyltai. According to some sources, rich Ahmet had twelve thousand sheep. Not to mention other animals. I sometimes compare it. In Soviet times, one unit of our Aktogai state farm (now Saryterek) had seven or eight winter farms, each of which had a flock of sheep. Each flock had six to seven hundred sheep. If you calculate in this way, Akhmet Bai’s cattle are close to two farms of the state farm. Then think, in those days, one rich man gave work to so many people and solved his situation. In 1928, the property of the rich man who stole thousands was confiscated and he went into exile. Ahmet transferred the rich to Kostanay. And what do you think happened to their herdsmen and shepherds? They got lost and wandered. Ahmet Bich survived the exile and died on reaching the country. His grave is located in the place called “Sarbulak” between Shubartubek and Torangalik. Aimyrza-Ahmet Bai is a person who has been in life. His descendants who survived the exile live in Almaty. It is also true that a member of the Parliament of the Republic of Kazakhstan came from their lineage. And there is no kinship between Ahmet Bai in real life and ElkhanAlikhan in real life. This is just a literary approach in the work.

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– In the story, the communists turned the tomb of Keiki into the office of the USPA Karamen wanted to destroy the mausoleum of the dancer and took a stone. What is the fate of these graves now? Zhanbolat B.: All this happened in history. Keiki was born from the first wife of the famous Dair duke. The place of Keiki tyru was first the office of the USPA, then the office of the district internal affairs department. Bertin built an additional building in front of it and turned the former office, that is, the grave of Keiki, into prison cells. This situation continued until 1980. Only after our country gained independence, a monument called “History Lesson” was erected there. It is written that Keiki, the son of Dayir, was buried there. And there is a mausoleum of a dancer in Karamen, thanks to God, in 1992, the mausoleum of a dancer in Karamen at the confluence of the Tokyraun and Aktas rivers was renovated and a large food was prepared. – What would you say at the end of our interview? What are your suggestions and wishes? Zhanbolat B.: In conclusion, I wish you creative success in these projects. This is a very serious topic. There are no living witnesses who saw the famine. When I was preparing to write this book, an acquaintance of mine took me to 90-year-old grandmother Bazarbekova Dildash. Despite his advanced age, Keiwana spoke intermittently about the difficult situations he experienced during the famine. He gets tired of talking for a long time. I did not dare to suffer much. That Grandmother told about cannibals, especially that they kidnap small children. “We would take the child to the environment of adults, and if we don’t watch over him, we might end up on the ground,” he said. It is very painful to hear such a story. That’s why we have to write about the famine of the thirties. The people of the world should know about yesterday’s red terror conspiracy against the Kazakh nation. It is necessary to tell the truth of the Great Naubet in order to prevent the repetition of such darkness for future generations. I thank you very much! May your efforts be fruitful! Blessings and unity to our people! I wish that the foundation of our independent Kazakhstan will be safe, the top will be high, and the future will be perfect. There is a saying of Uly Abay: “One of you, Kazakh, one of you is a friend, if you don’t see one, everything is in vain.” Let’s treat each other as friends and brothers.

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– Mr. Zhanbolat, as one of the writers who wrote derivative on the topic of famine, we are extremely grateful to you. Thanks to you, today’s and future generations will remember the innocent victims of famine. Thank you very much for participating in our project and sharing what you know! Interview: Ibraimova Zhenisgul, candidate of philological Sciences.

Alua Marzalieva (Born in 1936), Ru: Tortkara – Do you have grandparents or uncles? – Yes, my uncles were educated. – Your birthday and place of birth. – 24.03.1936 Collective farm—Kopzhik, Aral district, Kyzylorda region. – What was your profession, profession? – Due to the lack of circumstances, I got married after finishing the 10th grade. I have been working at the airport since 1960. Fuel and lubricant technician. – Where did you live during the famine years and where do you live now? – I was born after the famine. I was brought up by my grandmother and grandfather. That Kopzhik collective farm. Now I live in Karaganda. since 2004. – This place is their place of residence. Before the famine, after the famine, he lived on the Kopzhik collective farm. – What kind of lifestyle did your family lead? Sedentary, semi-nomadic, nomadic. – My grandfather and grandmother worked in that collective farm. – What did your parents do? – My parents… My grandfather was a shopkeeper and storekeeper in that collective farm. He did many different jobs. In order to raise us, my mother worked as a guard on the cow farm of the collective farm. – How was your family provided with food and clothes? – He gives four to three kilos of wheat, barley and millet to my grandfather and my mother for his work. So, we made a living from them. Our clothes were very bad. I went to school in sandals. – Grandfather’s condition was average, so we were in his hands. Sheshem’s condition was very bad—poor. – How many livestock were there before collectivization?

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– My grandfather had a cow and a camel in his house. There were no animals in my village. – Where did your family live in 1931–1933? – In that collective farm. – Where did you suffer from famine, at what time of year? – I don’t know him. According to my grandfather, they lived very badly, in 31–33 years. – What was the location of your winter? Was there a river, lake, or mountains nearby? – There were no mountains or rivers in our country. We drank water from the well. In winter, we melted snow water and drank it. – Did you have any more villages or summer cottages? – There were winters near our village. They were also engaged in similar activities. In winter, cattle are herded, and in summer, canals are dug. – How many yurts, people, or families were there in your village? – There were about 40–30 houses in our village. In the summer we live in a yurt, in the winter we live in a vremanka—a small house. – Did the family have a chance to move to another place? – No, it didn’t happen. – When and how was the seizure of cattle? – During the famine, the cattle of the people who had cattle were taken away. Among them, one of my grandfather’s cows was taken away. Later, when I was born, there was a cow. – Has your village been moved to a new place? – Our village was moved to a new place in 1952. Five kolkhozes were united and became the Abay state farm. – Why didn’t the family move away after the cattle were confiscated before the famine? Where does it go? – It was bad everywhere. There is no place to go. He was just doing business and working there. – Was it possible for relatives to relocate? – It didn’t happen. – Did the villagers hope that the government would save them? – He hoped. That’s how our situation started to improve. My grandfather worked well. – What did the mothers feed the children?

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– In the evening, we will cook a small batch of bread. During the day, we drink milk and kefir. My grandmother cooks us food from the products she bought. Kulche will bake bread. Kashi will cook. That’s how we lived. – What things did you have to eat instead of food during the famine? – According to our grandfathers, they don’t have any products. They are the ones who caught and ate the Balpak and the giants. He cheated and ate. He lived like that. Because there was no food. That’s why they call the quatkaras “the quatkaras who ate the bats.” – Were there old people in the village? What did they tell you? – According to my grandmother, there were many people who died during the famine in about thirty houses. There are no people called grandparents. My grandfather said that there was a time when we dug a pit and buried some of the weak ones. – Did the villagers wait for help? Was someone sent to deliver the message, for food? – This collective farm was the center of winters. They take a small amount of millet, corn… and come back. So he lived. After digging the canal, now there is water. Every winter there were cattle. He sowed crops and began to live. Our situation started to improve. – Were there men in the village and what did they do? – There were men in the village, big people. There are no young people. There are no young people after the war. Those who came after the war are lame and have no hands. Some of them were missing legs. If not, there were those who did not come. So there were many older people. Adults work. One of them planted crops, one of them took care of livestock, and one of them did other things. – Did these citizens oppose the government? – Our men are adults. Against whom? Young people who did not come from the army. Therefore, there was no chance to challenge anyone. – Do you remember when help came, food appeared? Who gave the food? – Who does he ask for help? Heads away. Gives help to relatives. He gives to his gods. Meanwhile, the Koreans earned 5–10 tenge for their work. If he sows wheat, corn, cattle, he drinks their milk. He dug up the ground and planted crops. – Do you remember how many cattle there were in the village? – When there were so many animals in the village, not every house had a single cow. There were probably ten cows in about thirty houses. He

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separates and drinks its milk. They became related to each other. If there was little food, they learned to share and drink. – How many people survived from your village? – Probably only 10–15 people came from about thirty houses. Black paper is coming. He said he was dead. Not one person came from one house. My grandfather’s only son went to the army and never came back. It disappeared. – How many people were there in your family and how many survived? – My grandfather had an only son, he went to the army and received a letter or two. And my mother had three children. One of them is that I was raised by my grandfather, and my older brother was raised by my brother-in-law. So, my mother had a daughter, and they lived separately from us. – You didn’t go to the orphanage, did you? – No, thanks to my grandfather, he raised me. I grew up thanks to that person. I don’t know what Detdom is. – Has the government banned the topic of famine? – I don’t know if it was banned or not. Our grandfathers and grandmothers used to say that they used to cover those who fell down with sand. No food, no bread, no milk. There is nothing. A lot of people died in the country. – Have you told your children and grandchildren about the famine? – What can I say about the famine?! Famine, war after famine, after war our situation is very low, we have no clothes, no food to drink. At that time, when I go to school, when I walk barefoot, I tell my children about my situation and how I grew up. I tell my grandchildren. – When talking about famine, was there a fear that adults might be punished? – Yes, it was possible. We are still afraid. – Did you know that there was a large-scale famine in Kazakhstan? – I knew. When our grandfathers and grandmothers drank tea and talked, they said: “Oh, what happened, people were killed, there was a situation where not a single person was left in one house. From the same family,” he used to say. When I heard such a story, I was afraid. After knowing my name, when I went to school, I heard from the teacher. – Are you worried that such a famine could happen again? – Yes, maybe. I am still thinking about what I heard from my grandparents and what my teacher said. This situation is becoming very difficult.

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What’s going on? All of a sudden, since this quarantine, I started to even think about it. – Have you experienced a feeling of hunger that does not go away for a long time? – I’m sorry. My childhood was very difficult. – Has the feeling of hunger subsided over time? – The feeling of hunger has subsided. I lived a good life. – Did you try to find your close and distant relatives when you were growing up? – After the times began to improve, one after another: our sisters, younger brothers, and younger brothers began to increase. I tried to see them, I searched. I’m still looking. – What did you hear from them about your family, relatives, clan? – What can I hear from them? There are no adults. There are those whose descendants do not know their clans. Now we invite our parents to see each other, and we all try to talk and communicate if we can. – Didn’t your spouse tell you how he grew up? – What will he tell me? We both grew up in the same village. Our parents did well in communication. We studied together at school. We lived as children of the same family. – What would you say now to those who are guilty of hunger, that is, those who organized the famine in the Kazakh steppe? Can you forgive those people? – What should I say to those people? I can’t forgive. They may have children and descendants. May they be safe. I will never forgive the person who caused the famine. We remember it all our lives. Our parents used to talk about them a lot. – Thank you very much for the interview, grandmother. Informant: Marzalieva Alua. Interview: Kenzhebay Sharapat.

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Kurmangali Kenzhebaiuly Alshynbayev (Born in 1941), Ru: Saidaly

My name is Alshinbaev Kurmangali Kenzhebayuly. I was born on April 1, 1942, in Zhanaarka district. Currently, I live in the village of Taldybulak, Zhanaarka district. In 1930, the first plague came. The plague killed some of the countries, and its end was followed by the famine of 1932. During the famine, the country was in great difficulty confiscating the cattle of the rich and confiscating the country’s cattle. And now in 1932, the country ran out of food. Everyone was running away to where they knew. I will tell you what happened to me: Our grandfather, Alshinbay, had ten sons and three daughters. Out of ten sons, only two children remained, eight of them died in Eskene’s family due to the disease called plague during those famine years. The oldest of the two children, Kalmurat, has a younger brother, his father is a man named Eset, and my father is a man named Kenzhebay. He arrived with one cart and one horse. Father Zholshibai had a younger brother named Daulet. Zholshibai died. After reaching that Akmola, there is a place called “Maybalyk” at the bottom of Akmola gone. In order to find food in this Akmola, and at that time people were robbing each other in the market, a man named Eset did not give alms to two or three people, probably saying “if I’m alive, I’ll come, and if I can’t come anymore, don’t look for it,” he went to Akmola. did not return. It is not known where his bones lie in Akmola. Then my father Maibalyk saved his life that year, gathered the rest of his people, and was going to move there with his wife—my mother, since then, in late 1932, early 1933, a new Mirzoyan arrived. Mirzoyan came and organized the people into AJCL, organized food for the country, gathered the rest of

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the country, and then there was a tractor driving school in Akmola under Maibalik, my father studied for about a year, worked on that tractor and saved his life there. Then, after the end of the famine, he searched for who was left and who was not among his relatives in Zhanaarka, came to Zhanaarka district, and came to the stone quarry, where he worked, and then the collective farm was organized, the first collective farm was Moyinserik, then he came there and worked in Moyinserik. worked as a collective farmer. Then we were born: I was born in 1942, and I have an older sister, she was born in 1939, our parents brought up two or three children, and we lived like that. The family shared their memories: Kurmangali Kenzhebaiuly Alshynbayev. Written by: Beketayeva Venera.

Zhanyl Amanzholova (Born in 1946), Ru: Alsai

In 1932, the people had a shortage of food, there was no bread, they pulled wheat from the mill and earned a living by working. During the famine, there was no meat, milk was made into milk soup, and meat was occasionally found. At that time, he raised cattle, made cheese from milk, and ate dairy products. The people continued to go where the road led. My parents lived in Nura. My father was the only sibling. My father made a living by selling and working on wagons. While my father was working, thinking, he was hit by a train and went to the hospital. My father wrapped the money he earned from his work in his pants and hid it under the snow. When the snow melted, after my father was discharged from the hospital, he found his pants and his money was still there. My father saved his money to support his children. During the famine, my father’s family lived in Akmola region.

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So, it is said that my family survived those famine years. The family shared their memories: Amanzholova Zhanyl. Written by: Beketaeva Venera.

Kapira Amanzholkyzy (Born in 1948), Ru: Saidaly

My name is Kapira Amanzholovna who was born on January 9, 1948, in Nura district. Currently, I live in the village of Taldybulak, Zhanaarka district. The time of famine was a difficult situation that happened to our Kazakhs and other nations, may God protect us from it. God forbid that such a situation should be shown to the human race. According to elders, bones of dead people are scattered in this village. The monument near the old school was erected by Abuyirkhan and village elders and citizens to remember the years of famine. It is said that the spring at the foot of the mountain is covered with human bones. In the Kyzyloba area of this Eskene village, grandmothers used to say: “There is no food, we are hungry, we slaughtered the few animals in the collective farm and made a living until we arrived.” During the famine years, many countries scattered and left for survival. My father lived in Nura district. The government helped with some food. In those years, many children died of hunger, adults died, and many people were killed. There used to be an orphanage in Nura district, and when the children of that orphanage were dying, they would throw them out into the field, God forbid. It is said that dogs and birds ate them.

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According to the writings of our grandfather Khalifa Altai, many people go on the road during the famine, but only one or two people of that people reached the border of Afghanistan. The people expected food and clothing from the government. Lately, there has been a panic on the television news, and there is a fear that those years will come again, because today’s food is very infertile, and there are many people in Africa and other countries that need water. It is also a problem of the times. Anyway, let the country be safe and peaceful. May it be a time of peace. The Soviet government was good at that time, it helped the country, I have no grudge against the government. We do not know what caused the famine because it was a secret. The family shared their memories: Kapira Amanzholkyzy. Written by: Beketayeva Venera.

Karlyga Abentaykyzy Esenzhan (Born in 1959) – I would like to interview you about the effects of the famine between 1931–1933. First, please introduce yourself. – My name is Esenzhan Karlyga Abentayovna. I was born on March 24, 1959. – Your profession? – I am a history teacher. – Where did your family live before 1931? – According to my parents, we lived on the Tan collective farm. – Is the Tan collective farm a place of residence? Or did they move during collectivization in the twenties? – Former place of residence, when the artel was organized there, he joined it. – What customs did your family follow, sedentary, semi-nomadic, or nomadic? – Sedentary, of course. – What did your parents do? – Since my parents lived on that collective farm, they must have been engaged in rearing animals and raising children in the household. – Was your family rich or poor? – According to what I heard, my family lived an average life. – How many livestock did your family have before collectivization?

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– There were not many livestock, probably two or three cows and ten sheep. – What did your parents do in 1931–1933? – Our parents were engaged in animal husbandry and production of animal products. There was no shop at that time. All used handmade products. – When did you suffer from famine? – In 1927–1928, 1930s, he began to starve. At that time, in many places, the “rich-kulaks” were punished, after taking their cattle, the poor became even poorer and began to fall into poverty. In 1932, there was a great famine in Kazakhstan. In the 30th year, 113 thousand people died, in the 31st year, 755 thousand people died, and in the 32nd year, 769 thousand people died from this hunger. – Do you know how many yurts and families there were in the village? – According to what I heard, there are probably 20–25 yurts. – Were there settlements or villages nearby? Were there towns and cities? – The city was far away, of course. It is seen that the city is reached by horse-drawn carriage. There were times when he went on foot. – For example, he went with a horse cart to buy products and necessary equipment. – Did your family have the opportunity to move to another place? – He had no chance. He was sitting there. He was in poverty, he was starving. – How many livestock were removed from the village, how many were left? – At that time, there were not many animals raised, the government was seizing surplus animals. New collective farms have started to be established. There were times when a collective farm was established in three days instead of three years. There is no doubt that people are poor and starving after their livestock is confiscated. – Has the village been moved to a new place, to a collective? – At first it was a collective farm, then an artel. They gathered the tools in one place and formed an artel. Even so, the shortcomings are evident. – Why didn’t they move after the cattle were confiscated before the famine, when they were left without livestock? Why didn’t he go to his relatives? Did he think there would be a general famine? – There were no opportunities to move. Lived in poverty. There was no situation. According to my grandmother, people’s bones were scattered

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on the road. There were no opportunities. The hunger was so severe that some people threw wheat in front of them and locked them up. There were a lot of people who abandoned their children and migrated. It is not even suitable for human consumption. There were people who ate their children because of hunger. There were also people who tricked their children by boiling the skins and saying that the food was cooked. All this according to my grandmother. – What did mothers feed their children? – There was no bread at that time. Raised on wheat. He was fed with wheat and black water that was scattered in front of him. He tried to grind wheat with a hand mill, make flour and bake bread. They mainly fed on wheat, millet, and oats. – Have you ever eaten food that you had never tasted before in your 30s? – He even went so far as to cook skin and drink its soup. – Were there old people in the villages? What did they say? – There were old people in the village, of course. It is said that he would come near the evening and tell stories about his experiences. – Were there people who went to the neighboring towns and cities to ask for food? – There was not enough people to help each other. But they used to say that we shared a grain of wheat together. Helping and caring for each other was probably at that time. – Male breadwinners. At this time, men’s duties have increased. What did the men do then? – Men took care of their cattle, brought meat products to their children and tried to support them. Even after not being there, he went hunting. If there was no game, he also hunted a mouse. – What did he say about how the cattle were taken away? Did he object to the cattle drive? – His protest was against. But he has not yet come to the government. They were sentenced to be shot. There were times when even a whole family was executed. – Were promises made that the Soviet government would support them? – Yes, it is said. But the Soviet government did not react. He did not lend a helping hand. Inevitably starving. – How many people survived in your family?

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– According to our grandmother, an older girl named Kamaria must have given her child to a rich Tatar man. A merchant travels with a horsedrawn carriage and sells. He gave her as a wife and tried to take her safely. Our grandmother, grandfather and two children survived. – How many children did you have? – He had 7–8 children in total. Then there are two children left. – After 31–33 years, did your family stay there or did they move? – There was an artel, later AJCL, a state farm was established. Our settlement was reorganized into Shubartau state farm. We stayed here. We live here. Now it is called Koshkar. This is the former name. Koshkar is basically the name of a hero. – Do older people remember about hunger or do they not want to remember? – He used to say. He used to tell a lot of shocking stories. – Are you afraid that the famine will happen again? – May God protect you! There is no such fear. In those years, how many people were killed and how many people went abroad. The rich people of our village could not take their belongings away and hid among the mountains of Shubartau. Later it was all found. Samaurin, 10 L of water. It was hidden inside the plague. Yurts and their equipment were found in our Beysendy mountain, but they were rotten. – What is your attitude towards the Soviet government? How did you live before the Soviet government? – Before the Soviet government, we were under the rule of the Russian Empire, and then under the rule of the Soviet government for 70 years. The Soviet government shot our citizens in the face, and you don’t even want to remember this hunger. How many Kazakhs were killed. Of course, we have a grudge against the Soviet government. Now our population is small, the reason for this is that we lost so many of our citizens during the famine, repression, and the Great Patriotic War in the 1930s. If not, everything would be different now. Sometimes I think that if our citizens were alive, we would live differently. I think Kazakhstan would have gained independence not in 1991, but earlier. – Did your spouse’s family and parents suffer from hunger? Did he talk about it? – Yes, their parents experienced it. He used to say. There is no family that has not experienced this. – Can you forgive people whose actions affected the occurrence of famine in the Kazakh steppe?

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Oh, it’s getting difficult now. There were 379 riots in the republic. 80,000 people took part in it. 888 were shot. 100,000 people were punished during the famine. This is genocide. Extermination of people. This is the policy of the Soviet government. So I can’t forgive him. – Teacher Karlyga, thank you for your kind interview! Informant: Esenzhan Karlyga Abentaykyzy. Interviewed by: Serik Manas.

Klara Mukazhankyzy (Born 1932), Ru: Toka

– What is your name, surname, clan? When and where were you born? Where did you live? Where and who did you work? Who did you hear about the famine? What did you see? What events do you remember? – My name is Klara Mukazhanovna, I was born on January 22, 1932. Clan-Toka. I was born in Zhanaarka district. My cousins have children and descendants. There are no older ones. I have been a teacher for 41 years. I lived in Zhanaarka district during the famine. In 27, 28, and 29 years, my father came from Erkinchikh district, Akmola region and worked in Zhanaarkada Komsomol committee, party work, and agricultural and financial institutions. My parents lived an average life. It’s not bad. He did not suffer from hardship or poverty. Lived together among the people in Zhanaarka. He helped as much as he could and helped his neighbors, relatives, neighbors, relatives, and the children of those neighbors who had few relatives. He took care of the orphaned children in orphanages and orphanages and brought them up. Until now, the children of the children of those relatives are living. They are our closest relatives now. My father is Zhumazhan Mukazhan, born in 1904. He became a communist

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under the supervision of the government and worked in the Komsomol committee since the twenty-seventh year. At that time, in 1931–1932, when the famine came to Zhanaarka, he worked a lot there and provided a lot of help among the people. My mother stayed at home as much as she could, the children of relatives, the children of neighbors, orphans in the field without parents. All the crying children were brought home, fed, and helped. In general, when we lived in Zhanaarka, according to my parents and my father, I don’t know anything about 1932. According to them, he helped a lot among the people and relatives, took them under their care and did a lot of good. In general, when they lived, the famine situation in Zhanaarka was very bad. I heard it all from my mother. It was a very bad time. Especially when I was born in 1932, there were very difficult conditions. I won’t tell you everything. Thanks to my father, our situation was good, we did not starve. – Tell me about the game your mother shared with you. – He talked about the hardships of the people and hunger at that time. Then people were dying on the streets. When they were dying, they made their children sit next to them. People passing by were leading the children away. It is a well-known situation that people are all hungry, there is no food, why they are being taken away. It was such a time. – When we are at home at night, there is a sound of banging and banging outside. The sounds of digging in the ground could be heard. These are all signs of hunger. – So what did they do? – They dug the ground and ate people. After the food is gone. Informant: Klara Mukazhankyzy.

Nesipbala Kusainkyzy (Born in 1959), Ru: Tinali-Amandyk – Aunt Nesipbala, I would like to interview you about the effects of the famine in 1931–1933. First of all, please introduce yourself. – My name is Nesipbala Kusayinkovyna. My ru is Tinali, among which I am Amandyk. I was born on April 1, 1959. – Your hometown? – My hometown is Karasu. I was born and raised in the vicinity of the current Silk Road. – Your profession? – My profession is agronomist.

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– Where did your family and parents live in 1931–1933? – My father lived in the territory of Korgalzhyn. My father was 14 years old at that time. Sheshem lived near Erementau. It was in 1925 when he was six or seven years old. – Is this the place of residence, or did you move during collectivization in the twenties? – This is the former place of residence. Current Akmola region, Arshaly district, Volgodon village. – What kind of lifestyle did the family lead? Sedentary, nomadic, seminomadic? – Sedentary. – What did your parents do? How was the family provided with food and clothing? Did they buy it or make it themselves? – They produced it themselves. They provided themselves with their livestock. They knitted and sewed their own clothes. – How was the well-being of your family? How many animals were there before collectivization? – My family is wealthy. Both my father and mother came from a wealthy background. They had a lot of cattle. – At what time of the year did the famine begin? – The famine began in 1927. The harsh winter of that year was followed by a rainless summer. There was no snow in winter and no rain in summer, which resulted in severe drought. His legs stretched to hunger. That is, I have heard elders say that twenty thousand people of the country are suffering from famine. The famine continued until 1927–1928–30. According to what I heard from the elders, 313 thousand people died of famine in 1930, 755 in 1931, and 769 in 1932. – How many cattle did they drive away from the village? How many do you think are left? – Maybe there is no rest. Be it one, two, or ten, all of them were confiscated. As a result, the Kazakh people are suffering from famine. – How many people from your family and village survived? How many children did you have in your family? How many do you think survived? – My father was a 14–15-year-old boy at that time, and because he lived well, he survived even when his cattle were taken away. Although the village was smaller, no one moved anywhere, they lived there. I am speaking from my mother’s side. Sheshem lived in the villages of Koygeldi and Baldudan. There were not many famines in this area, because there

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were three lakes around, and thanks to their fish, they survived the famine safely. – What do you think helped you survive? – Lake Tanakol, Zhaltyrkol Lake, and Zhakypkol Lake are located on three sides of the village, and the fish from that lake are caught. – How many houses were there in the village during the famine? Were there any towns or villages nearby? What kind of car would you go to the city? – During the famine, there were only ten houses in the village. Our village was near Akmola. He used to go there by ox cart in summer and ox sled in winter. At times, there was a time when he was generalizing. – Would the survivors remember the famine? – He always remembered. Will such a day be forgotten?! It will never be forgotten. All this is criticism. Sheshem used to tell me to cook the meat in samouryn and hide it myself. It would come out of the backs of their necks before they were cooked and eaten. He was afraid to take children outside. There were times when children were kidnapped and eaten. This is a famine. It was a bad time, so it was a terrible time. My mother always said that. Five families, four families lived together. There was a time when children were not allowed to go outside day and night. – Was there a story that we ate the meat of the dog, we ate the meat of the mouse? – It was like that. My father used to tell such a story. – … Wasn’t it bothering you with fear? – No, there is no such fear. – What is your attitude towards the Soviet government? – My attitude is wrong. Informant: Nesipbala Kusainkyzy. Interviewed by: Ardabek Nazgul.

Altyn Shortanbaikyzy (Born in 1936), Ru: Karzhas – Golden grandmother, are you in good health? We have come to you now. He said, “Don’t ask someone who has seen a lot, ask someone who has seen a lot.” You have seen and experienced a lot. Every word you say matters. Please tell me your full name and surname. – My name is Shortanbayovna Altyn. We come from the Karzhas clan. And my friend is Altai, within Altai is Esen. According to my parents, we moved from this place called Karkaraly to the station called “Anar.”

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We stayed there. Then I was born on November 24, 1935, at the 42nd Razezed. After completing the ten-year course, I studied a 6-month accounting course. After graduation, on October 29, 1956, I got married. – The question we are asking here is what happened to the Kazakhs? There was a genocide, there was a famine, there were many other events. I wanted to ask you about the famine. You have seen the edge. Then you passed. According to my parents, we moved from Karkaraly to the station called Anar. My parents called this place Ushkoz (at that time “Karys” state farm). Then he comes and works as a cook. When you work as a cook during a famine, there are many hungry people and many thieves. They say that many people are sick. According to Sheshem, there were two long pages in the commissariat. I saw that page until 49–50 years ago. They gather people on that page, even if I am small, I wash their table. Mother-in-law cooks, then she puts the leftover food under the bucket, puts the leftover cabbage on top of it, and puts the leftover potato on top of it, and goes to the garbage dump. People are lying there, ants are vomiting. When they come back, one out of 3–4 people is dead. He came back and said that someone had died. But he does not know who he is. But they take away leftover food. He says that he does not know who took him where and why. They say that’s how we lived. – Some have wheat, some don’t. Someone hides and eats. Do not drink in public. It was a time of holding each other. It is said that at that time there was a famine, and at that time they ate each other’s meat. They say there were times when they ate mouse meat… – You say a mouse, when we lived in the “Karys” state farm, there were many Koreans there. When I wake up in the morning, the dog at the door is gone. We don’t know where he went. So, Koreans eat human meat, including children’s meat, dog meat… Informant: Shortanbaikyzy Altyn. Interviewed: Bolatbekova Gulzira.

Kabdikarim Tilesov (Born in 1925), Ru: Naiman My name is Tilesov Kabdikarim. I was born on January 1, 1925. In the village of Koktuma, Alakol district, Almaty region. I was engaged in animal husbandry. 1931–1933. We lived in the village of Koktuma, and we still live in the village of Koktuma.

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We followed a sedentary, semi-nomadic lifestyle. My parents were engaged in agriculture and farming. The family produced their own food and clothing. The family was from a poor class. Before collectivization, there were 20–30 animals in the family. From 1931 to 1933, the family lived in Koktuma village. At that time, my parents were engaged in planting millet and wheat. It was a small village. There was a lake and mountains near the village. The nearest villages were 10–15 km away. There were about 10 yurts, 12–14 families, and about 30 people in the village. There were rural villages nearby. Half day, located 10–15 km away. The family could not move to another place. Because in the time of trouble, there was neither a situation nor a thought to move. Only poor people remained in the village. Rich people with money had migrated. About 100 cattle were taken from the village, only 15–20 cattle remained. The village was not moved to a new place. At the beginning of the famine, after the confiscation of livestock, after we ran out of livestock, poverty began, and we had no money to move, we could not move. We did not think that there would be hunger. Relatives had the opportunity to relocate. For example, my mother’s brother moved away. Of course, there was hope that the government would save. At that time there was no bread, wheat, and millet were taken and roasted. I was a child at that time, and there were times when I hunted marmots. Mothers fed the children with millet and wheat flour. To distract children from thinking about food, the elders of the house used to mow grass and keep sardines. The family did not eat wild animals before, but during the famine we had to eat them instead of food. There was no elderly person in the family, but in the village, the aunts and uncles used to sit with sticks. We waited for help. There were people who left the village and migrated to China and Mongolia to survive. There were men in the village. They raised cattle. There were 3–4 cattle in the family. Six people from my family survived. The family had 10 children and 5 survived.

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After 1933, I lived and grew up in the village of Koktuma. The family stayed there. I heard about villages that moved with their cattle before collectivization. They left. From Kazakhstan to China, Mongolia, etc. Not much was said about those who went there. There was no news from them about how they got there, how they settled. After 1933, I lived in my village. In the old place. Famine had a great impact on family relationships, I lost five of my siblings. Worms, cheese, and millet helped to survive. Elderly survivors talked about hunger and remembered it. They used to tell the younger generation every day that bread is precious. The topic of famine was banned. There was a fear of being punished for this. Yes, I told my children and grandchildren about it. I don’t like to remember this with my peers and relatives. The fear that such a famine and lack of food may be repeated will haunt him throughout his life. I had a low opinion of the Soviet government. There were thoughts of dying when there was nothing to eat. Over time, the feeling of hunger was not forgotten. He became a symbol in my life. My wife’s family also suffered from the famine. It is impossible to forgive the people who are guilty of hunger, that is, those who organized the famine in the Kazakh steppe, how many people suffered because of them and died in the afterlife. He lost his family and mourned his children. Informant: Tilesov Kabdikarim. Interviewed: Zhibek Tolegenkyzy.

Ulbosyn Ushankyzy Tyrmatova (b. 1947) – My name is Tyrmatova Ulbosyn Ushankovyna, I was born in November 1947. – Where did your family live during the famine? – According to my parents, he lived in a place called Bergishek. But I don’t know the current name. – What did your family do? – Our family says that we planted crops and had livestock. At that time, if the rich had a lot of livestock, they became hired laborers, took care of their livestock and planted crops. They had their own farm. It is said that

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when there was such a good time, the government confiscated all the cattle, taxed them, and there were such bad situations. – What kind of family did you come from? – I came from a middle peasant family. – Please tell me about that time of famine and what you did. – In 1931–1933, there were 6 million Kazakhs, and it is said that 2 million of them died of starvation. They confiscated the livestock of most of the people and taxed their crops. It was a difficult time. Many people suffered from this, left the country, became poor, moved to another place, seized the wealth of the rich, and went abroad. Famine is a great tragedy that befell the Kazakh people. Famine is hard to describe. In order not to die, people used to eat animal feed, and they used to say that they ate up to the roots of trees and grasses. We have heard them. The people who saw them said that they saw people crouching and dying at the bottom of the duans and willows. Now it’s a terrible situation. Many people… left. They used to eat each other’s flesh. Now they used to say that you should not see what we saw. Informant: Tyrmatova Ulbosyn Ushankyzy. Interviewed: Aruzhan Balabekova.

Abdirakhman Bildebayuly (1896–1980), Ru: Karakesek---Karson---Baimurat

I will try to tell the story of my family from the 1930s, my family, and my ancestors. My surname is Abdirakhmanov. In my passport, my name is Zheksenkul. This is the story of my grandfather Abdirahman. We, Kazakhs, are few historians, we know our genealogy, we know not only our ancestors by

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name but also the deeds they committed during their lives. In our nation, history has always been spread orally. This was an element of patriotic education of our children. From time immemorial, from grandfathers to grandchildren, good, heroic deeds have always been told, passed down, and preserved among the people. My grandfather Abdirahman—son Bildebaya (1840–1918). If I’m not mistaken, in 1918 they moved to Sary-Arku, Kyzyltau district. There is such a place in Ushbulak. This was their pasture, and for the winter they migrated to Nizovya Shu, Moyinkum district, now Moyinkum village. Nearby was such a state farm, Zhambul. On the northeast side is the place Orta, the place of the former state farm Argyn. Before the collective farm there in the 1920s was the public association Orta. This place is called “Manure of Argyn Kolkhoz.” Wintering was over. The fire migrated to the pasture for about 19– 20 days. On the way, on the tenth day of the journey, they made a stop, rested, and rested. This is in the area of the current Andasay reserve, there is Almaly near the Andasay river, where wild apple trees still grow. At that time, Kolchak, who wanted to restore the Russian monarchy, declared Omsk the capital and began to exterminate all revolutionary committees, including those in Akmola. The “reds” who ran away— Russians, Kazakhs, and people of different nationalities, supporting the revolutionary committee—got into our village, robbed, and almost completely exterminated my family. “Reds” fled to the south, in Karabalt, there is such a city in Kyrgyzstan. There was a fortress there—the Red Fortress. They could not run to the north, northeast and northwest, because Kolchak’s troops and detachments were already present there. And now they had to run to the south, and on the way, they exterminated and looted all the rich villages. I got to our village and met resistance, they killed my grandfather Bildebaya. My grandfather Abdirahman was my youngest son. He had two scary brothers—Maypen and Suleiman. My father was still married at that time, and his older brothers were already married. Two brothers were also killed. When he was buried in Bildebaya, nine people were found from his body. He fought with them, because in his youth he was involved in military service. Together with Bildebaem, his brothers were Eleusuz and Tuyte. U Eleusiza had five adult tests. All of them were shot. U Tuyte had six adult tests. Five of them were shot, only one son, Smagul, remained alive. That day, he was not found in the yard, and therefore he remained alive. My grandfather Abdirahman remained alive because he

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was among the children of hired workers, all of them are our relatives. We are from Karakesek-Karson-Baymurat. Nasha family—descendants of Kurymsy. And other descendants of Baymurat, our less wealthy relatives, were employed by us. My father, Abdirahman, was among them when he left for cattle, and he was left alive as the laborer Bildebaya. According to my information, except for Bildebaya, Eleusiza, and Tuyte, their twelve sons also shot Abdrahman’s third cousins. A whole big village. About thirty adult men. Women were raped and left alone. After this, my father, according to the law of marriage, took two wives of his brothers—Maipena Zeynep (this is my grandmother) and Suleiman Aliman. In the years of Licholetya, when they decided to move to Kyrgyzstan, Aliman did not agree and then died together with her children. There was a lot of talk about it in the family and at the hearth. Or fragments, from different memories, he made a general picture in his mind. After that, my ancestors could not come to Sary-Arku. They came to Almaly and the Andasay reserve, making a small nomad. Tam honored the dead and returned back. Smagul married seven widows of his brothers—sons Yeleusiza and Tuyte. What does it mean to get married? Other people will not understand. Smagul formally took them to his wife so that the women would not separate from their relatives in order to preserve and restore the family. Such a fate befell many families, many Kazakh families. Many people forgot about it, there was no one left from many families to tell anyone about it. During this period, the confiscation of livestock from everyone began. There were various rumors, they said that the “red” horses were driven into a hollow and were retrained… I think that during the famine, the 1920s–1930s, Sary-Arka nasha, formerly a densely populated area of Kazakhstan, was destroyed by the famine of the 1920s and 1930s. In 1928, when cattle expropriation and collectivization began, my grandfather Abdirahman and his brother Smagul founded the association, the community, created during the NEP. They give to their less wealthy relatives who dreamed of becoming rich. About 800 horses, 100 camels, and 400 or 600 cows were transferred. Cows were not considered at that time. In Sary-Arku, dairy cows were driven to collect oil and worms for the winter, and the rest were left in the lower areas, and they grew by themselves. Baranov was small—about 250, according to grandfather.

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Abdirahman-ata poshel na assembly bednyakov and said: “You will leave the herd of curly stallion to me, take the rest…”. You will leave me one stallion, one herd, one cow, ten camels, one bull, and ten cows, i.e. he left behind one horse and ten horses, one bull and ten cows, one camel and ten she-camels. I left 50 sheep. I. Abdirahmanata added: “If you are a state farm, stay in line, if you are a collective farm, stay afloat.” He got up and left, it turns out. That’s how another life began. Yesterday’s poor relatives, who used to work at Abdirahman’s father, received cattle. One of them, who suddenly got rich and became an activist, arranged cockfights twice a week and slaughtered horses for treats. It was summer, and in a month he spent eight cockpars each and, arranging a feast, mindlessly reduced the number of horses. My grandfather had a thoroughbred stallion. This distant relativeactivist said that my grandfather, Abdirahman, would put up his stallion and harvest grain as a prize. Father refused. They threatened him that in this case they would send him into exile as a former rich man. Father refused even after that. The remaining camels and sheep were taken from him. In this period, the confiscation of livestock began. There were various rumors, they said that the “red” horses ran into the den and were lost… Cattle were driven to western Russia, to cities, primarily Moscow, Petersburg, Tver, Smolensk. In order for the proletariat not to strike, they had to be fed. At that time, cattle were sent through Auli-Atu, now Taraz. This cattle was run in the flag. Camels and cows, which Abdirakhman-ata gave to the poor, were taken away, slaughtered, and sent to Russia. Horses were not accepted at first. When the cows and sheep ran out, they took away the rest of the livestock. There was a severe famine. In 1931, my ata and his family left on the two remaining horses. The famine had already begun. We left for Kyrgyzstan. There he got a job at a meat-packing plant. But the meat-packing plant performed the same function: it provided and sent meat day and night to starving Russia. Stalin fed them meat so that the proletariat would not rebel. That is why all the outskirts were starving: Ukraine, the Volga region, Kazakhstan, especially the northern, central, and western regions of Kazakhstan. Then his poem continued: Have you seen Alatau of Kyrgyzstan?

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Clouds don’t leave your head, it rains every day We came here in a difficult year We don’t know the health of the back. Recorded from the words: Zheksen Abdirakhmanov. Posted by: Mustyapova Ainash.

Toleu Zhunusbekov (1904–1983), Ru: Alteke---Baigara

My grandfather Zhunusbekov Toleu, a native of Alteke, Baigara, was born in 1904 in village No. 14 of Bektauata, Karaganda region. His father had two brothers and a sister. Before these terrible events, the family lived in Bektauata, Sarzhan district. My grandfather’s father, Junusbek, was against the Stalinist regime and did not agree with the policy of collectivization in general. His ancestor Sarzhan-batyr participated in the national liberation movement of Kazakhs, which was headed by Kenesary Kasymov. Junusbek brought up his children in the spirit of patriotism and love for his people and land. He distributed duties to his children, for example, Bolatay, the eldest son, looked after the cattle and order in the yard. After my father Toleu graduated from the madrasa, where his uncle Balagazy taught him, his father sent him to study in Karkaralinsk. Uncle Toleu had another uncle Khasat, a craftsman. Unfortunately, nothing is known about the fate of Balagazy and Khasata. During the Holodomor, he disappeared without a trace. In the yard, life was full, and everyone was engaged in his own business, honing his skills and mastery according to his talent or abilities. Somewhere in 1920–1922, my ata Toleu successfully studied in Karkaralinsk. He was settled in the house of a then-famous merchant, who was

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the son of Seifullin Khasan (Khasen) akhun from the Bekmetev dynasty. By the way, Hasan was the first imam of the Kunanbai mosque, described in the book by Mukhtar Auezov “Abai zholy.” It was Hasan who brought the holy fire from Jerusalem and consecrated the land for the construction of the mosque built by Kunanbay, as well as the blessing of Kunanbay for the completion of the Hajj and the construction of the mosque (in Karkaralinsk, the local expert Yerlan Mustafin wrote a book about the dynasty of Seifullins, the son of Hasane, and the merchant Bekmeteve). So, let’s return to the life path of my grandfather Paying. He successfully studied, acquiring knowledge of Arabic and Latin languages. In these fruitful years, my grandfather was taught by Alimkhan Abeuovich Ermekov. Payment of financial assistance to the Seifullin family. Then Maitap, the merchant’s daughter, fell in love with him. This is my grandmother, she was very beautiful with long hair braided. An interesting fact: usually Tatar merchants did not marry their daughters to Kazakhs, but married them to people from their circle—Tatar merchants. But Toleu became an exception, and he married Maitap. I think that the good friendship between father Toleu, my great-grandfather Junusbek and merchants Seifullin contributed to this decision. Grandfather and grandmother told that the Koyandin fair was held near Karkaralinsky. The city was full of foreign traders and merchants. Then people gathered from all regions. It was at one of these fairs that an interesting incident happened, which was told by my grandmother Maitap. He laughs and tells this story. One day, the famous wrestler Kazhimukan Munaytpasuly came to Karkaralinsk. He was huge, very strong, as grandma used to say. He took a log in his hand, a firewood and a log, like wood chips, on his knee. At that time, the young grandmother and grandfather were present at this fair. After the circus and strength competitions, Kazhimukan stood in the center of the arena and shouted: “Who will fight with me?.” The winner Kazhimukana was given a sugar-sized bull’s head prize. Sugar, as I understand it, was gold at the time. After Kazhimukana’s exclamation, there was a grave silence, and suddenly my grandfather Toleu said: “I will leave.” And everyone started to laugh at him because he was skinny and not athletic. Grandma Maitap was scared for him. And then he ran out to fight with the great wrestler. Kazhimukan wanted to grab him and throw him, Toleu turned away, kicked his leg, and ran away. People laughed at what was happening, Palun frowned at first and then laughed. Then

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Kazhimukan asked to bring sugar and give a prize to my father for courage. After graduation, Toleu brought Maitap the horse to his native Bektauata to receive his father’s blessing. Later, Maitap said that Zhunusbek, father Toleu, left the country quietly, he was a little displeased with what was happening, it was clearly visible from his facial expression. Grandmother Maitap was then about 17–18 years old. Junusbek ordered him to sit on his horse and lead a flock of sheep. Young Maitap quickly sela na konya, took a whip, and soon ran away. Junusbek smiled and gave his blessing. After some time, two children were born to Toleu and Maitap, they lived in Karakaralinsk and grew up peacefully. Tolu was taught at a local school. And suddenly there are difficult times for the entire Kazakh people. The policy of collectivization causes irreparable damage to our family. In 1931–1932, PCIA representatives raided the village, took Zhunusbek (father Toleu) under convoy, took all the cattle, and carried out a complete confiscation of the property. Junusbek’s eldest son and Toleu’s brother, Bolataya, were also arrested and sent to the Konyrat mine for exhumation work, later he died and was buried behind the dumps near the mine. Junusbek himself was sent to Omsk to be imprisoned. There is an interesting moment here, which my grandfather told about payment in detail. He managed to save his father Junusbek from prison in Karlag. Payment enabled the father to escape from Omsk. There were people who helped him in this, who exactly helped him, what did grandfather Toleu say? According to the documents, Junusbek appeared to have disappeared without a trace. Junusbek died of gangrene. He injured his leg and got an infection, it was impossible to seek medical help, because he did not officially exist, and when he found out that the Bai family lived here, they could destroy the whole family. At the beginning of collectivization, my grandfather Toleu and his family lived in Karkaralinsk. Having received news of the confiscation of cattle, he secretly returned to his native village in Bektauata. Many people were arrested in the village. These were people who did not agree to give cattle to the Soviet government. Then a terrible famine began. People had nothing to eat. They were dying of hunger and dehydration. By some miracle, he managed to pay off his younger brother and his stepmother and transport them to Karakaralinsk. But they couldn’t stay there either, they had to hide constantly, because they came from the Baev, and changed their place of residence,

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and changed their place of residence. I am amazed how my grandfather saved his family, because he had to hide his belongings. To pay, he told everyone that he was a simple herdsman. In 1932, around the summer time, a family from Karkaralinsk moves to Semipalatinsk, on a camel, harnessed to a rope. On their way, they met hungry and sick people, tired of thirst and hunger. Toleu had to fend off these hungry people. He had a little grain in his bag. He scattered a handful of grain, and hungry people madly collected it. Toleu was holding a rifle in his hands, which was not loaded, the barrel was bent and in a defective condition, but it scared away these poor and starving people. To pay for the preservation and protection of the family, it was necessary to hunt, just to survive and escape from hunger. Ten steel knots and traps, but he was always lucky. One day Tolev caught a chicken in an abandoned winter house. How do you tell grandma Maitap, she cooked this chicken. The family was big, and the payment was more than that of my brother and stepmother. Maitap was a little offended by Toleu, because he left only broth for his children. Then grandfather Toleu scolded his wife Maitap very much and told her that it was necessary to keep her brother so that he would live and continue the family, and we still had many children. Fortunately, the family survived. Paying was a very wise and honest person. Today, everyone thinks in such a way, as they say, he only thinks about himself. At that time, people survived to preserve their family, to believe in the future of the Kazakh people. The time was very scary. One night, the family was walking near the cemetery. There is a crystal fire nearby, someone has a bonfire. As I understand it, there were people who were sitting on recently buried people. The Toleu family quickly bypassed such places, trying not to catch the eye of these people. Many corpses lay on the steppe. As the grandfather said, these corpses were collected by hearses and loaded onto carts, and later they dug huge pits for burial and covered a large amount of ash to prevent an epidemic, or burned the corpses. But the Soviet government could not dispose of all the corpses, because so many people died. The entire steppe, it can be said, was filled with corpses of people. There were cases when parents left their children on the road, but they left because there was no opportunity to take them with them. Grandmother Maitap told how one of her relatives abandoned her younger son and took her older daughter with her, but later, somewhere in the 1970s, the older sister found her brother. He managed to survive,

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and now his family lives in Almaty. It turns out that another family picked up this boy and raised him. When the mother leaves the child, she hangs a charm with a note. He thought that if he suddenly survives, he will be able to find out his origin, name and from where he came from. Abandoned, abandoned children, of course, cried. In order to somehow calm and deceive the children, they gave them kiziak in their hands, because there was nothing left to do. I can’t imagine how hard it was to tear away a piece of my heart and go to such a step of self-preservation. My grandfather Toleu said that in order to survive in those terrible years, they collected the bones of slaughtered cattle, which they had previously thrown out near the parking lots. These collected bones were boiled several times and the broth was drunk to somehow support the body from hunger. I believe that my grandfather committed a heroic act. He managed to survive these terrible years and save his family. He is an intelligent and honest person. He met the creative personalities of great Kazakh educators, and was a participant in the first meeting of the Kazakh intelligentsia. Pay to save your family, children, wife, brother, and stepmother. Bratishka, indeed, continue the family. His family is now large, so the dream of Paying has come true. Grandfather and grandmother had nine children: Galia, Zufar, Nazir, Samat, Marat, Aliya, Galya, Murat, and Nafisa. Before the war, Galiya and Nazir died at the age of five, the grandmother said that they were saddened. The rest of the children survived. In 1937, Toleu entered the Semipalatinsk Kazakh State Institute as a teacher of the Kazakh language and literature. On July 1, 1941, he enlisted in the ranks of the Soviet Army and was sent to the front. At the end of 1945, in the autumn of 1945, Toleu returned home alive and unharmed with combat awards, a medal for the victory over Germany, and a medal for the victory over Japan. He finds his family, which until then lived in the village of Konyrat. Recorded by: Zhunusbekov Yerlan Muratuly.

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Rabiga Suleymenkyzy Zhanagulova (1907–1997), Ru: Kozgan

My grandmother Zhanagulova Rabiga Suleymenkyzy is a Bai daughter. My great-great-grandfather Suleimen was one of the bais of the Bayanauyl region. He had five children: three sons and two daughters. My grandmother Rabiga is the eldest daughter of Bai Zhanagulov Zhanadil (1899– 1982, ruy Karzhas). My dad’s father was a laborer with him, and he fell in love with a Bai daughter. Rabiga grandmother was so majestic, very beautiful, tall, and white-skinned. My grandfather Zhanadil was such a small, dry guy, black. But he was very vociferous, and he always sang. He tended the Bai cattle of rams, horses, and cows and always sang in the mountains of Bayanauyl. But, in particular, he sang Balkadisha. With his voice and singing, he conquered this Bai daughter, my Rabigu apa. When she was 17–18 years old, he stole her and ran away. They fled and hid for a very long time in the mountains and caves of Bayanauyl. This girl’s father and her brothers have been looking for them for a very long time. If found, they would definitely kill grandfather for such an act. But they were not found. Zhanagulov Altyn Shakirovich was born in 1927. It was he who only saw this grandfather of his, who is our great-grandfather. Only Altyn Shakirovich saw this Bai Suleimen. Then the entire nation faced the famine of the 1930s. Including Rabigaapa and my grandfather Zhanadil. Bai was dispossessed. The cattle were unmeasured. And the whole family died of starvation, and father, and mother, and three sons, and a daughter. That is why the apa cried all her life, looked for them, and named her granddaughter Razia in honor of her sister. She has been alone all her life. Why did the grandmother survive?! Because she married a laborer. He had nothing but a few head of cattle. They were not touched, but this

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Bai was dispossessed. Apa and ata went through hunger. She always said that she and the whole aul witnessed that during the famine, one woman ate her child on Mount Semyzbuga. This woman went with the child to the mountains, and a few days later she returned alone. From Shalkar to Karaganda the whole road was strewn with corpses. Because people went to look for food in the city. Then Zhanadil ata became the chairman of the village council, so they improved their position. Then ata went to the front. Rabiga apa worked for the collective farm. There is an entry in the book in which Zhanagulova Rabiga is recorded as an advanced milkmaid-collective farmer. In the 1940s, a column went out on bulls from Shalkar to Karaganda and carried clothes and food and sent everything necessary to the front. It took a week to get there and a week to return. Zhanadil ata returned from the front in 1946 and went through the entire war. He was the commandant of the city of Prague. He was literate and an order bearer. Rabiga apa was kind, she raised a lot of orphans. Nurtured, raised, and married. Therefore, she always said that she was dear to me and a sister to me. She lost her family, but she always protected others. Altyn Shakirovich later studied and became a professor. Honorary resident of the city of Karaganda. He raised all universities, he founded the department of political economy at the Cooperative Institute. Worked at KarSU, at KSTU. Recorded from the words: Zhanagulova Galiya Ulanovna. Recorded by: Syzdykova Tolganai.

Orymbai Donentayuly (1894–1971), Ru: Argyn---Karakesek---Alteke

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Orymbai Donentayuly Daria Bisembayovna Yesenaman Zhidebaev was a bi (Bi dealt with controversial issues under the customary law of the Kazakhs), elder son of Zhidebay-batyr, ru- Karakesek-Alteke. Son of Yesenamana, my great-great-grandfather— Mamyr Yesenamanov who is a grandson of Zhidebay-batyr. There were 78 households in the village of Mamyr Yesenamanov, with 234 men and 312 women. The village had 322 horses, 302 cattle, and 3500 sheep (according to the census). Bektauata is our ancestral lands. Son Mamira Yesenamanov is my great-grandfather Donentay, then my grandfather Orymbai, then my father Asylkhan. My sister Daria Bisembayovna (1906–1994) told about the hunger strike that at night the belsen (poor activists) and PCIA workers came. In one night, everything was taken away. There were 7–8 houses in the yard, all property was confiscated. Father left with his wife and daughter that same night. They managed to take the small river silver that had been hidden earlier and ran away. They took a camel and a dairy goat with them and left for Karaganda. It took 2–3 weeks to get to Karaganda. I walked at night so that no one would see me. Grandmother explained: “Because if stronger people meet, they will eat us.” So, during the day, hiding, they sat in reserved places. A blijhe k nochi shli dalle. That’s how the two of us were, and the eldest daughter was my aunt. They arrived in territory Shetska and spent the night near the grave of Zhidebai-Batyr, in his grave. Two Russians with rifles passed by at night. We prayed that they would not notice us. They saw us and passed by. Mother said that around Karaganda, where they got to, machine gun nests were set up, because Kazakhs flocked here from all over the steppe. He was in Karagandy. On the way, they saw that there were many corpses of people lying in the steppe who died on the way. Ded podhodil and kikral im glaza; What was there to bury? When they got to Karaganda, dad got a job at the mine. Ten camels pulled the winch and lifted the coal. A sister sells “chekushku” (alcohol). I bought one cup, diluted it with water, got two cups and sealed it with an adhesive. She told me that she was selling near the mine: “Shater comes out of the mine, first we sell him undiluted chekushka. Ten will drink in a gulp, then give another five. And the rest are already weakened, we give diluted ones.” That’s how they survived at that time.

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After Karaganda, my grandfather moved the family to Balkhash, where my father Asylkhan was born in 1939. They were 9 years old, because they drank lake water. And then they moved to Akshatau. A mine had just opened there. My father, aunt, and uncle—Bisembay—were of Baisko origin. All the cattle were confiscated from him, and he and his family managed to reach Karaganda. Ten burials between Maykuduk and the current center of Karaganda. There was Gazetny village. Mother asked: “Don’t tell anyone that you are descendants of Baev. Never tell anyone who you are; answer that you are the children of the miner.” Along the way, we saw that there were many corpses of people lying in the steppe, who did not reach, and died on the way. Grandfather came up and closed his eyes; there was no strength to bury them. Recorded from the Words: Toleubek Donentaev. Recorded: Mustopova Ainash.

Smagul Mukhamedzhanov (1895–1980), Ru: Karakesek Mukhamedzhanov Smagul lived in the region of Egindybulak (mountain Ku) and had 60 rams, 15 horses, and 10 cows. In 1931, he was dispossessed, taking everything from his family, including the yurt. In what they were, in that they remained. Mukhamedzhanov Smagul was arrested and, as it became known later, sent to the White Sea Canal (1932–1937). His wife, Khaziza, with her mother-in-law and son (5–6 years old) remained on the street. Relatives were forbidden to shelter them. One of the activists (he was a distant relative of her husband, who grazed their cattle and received payment in cattle), riding a horse, drove her, a young woman, through the village and whipped kamcha, shouting: “See how we punish Bai wives!.” And he whispered to her: “Forgive me, Haziza, I’m afraid for my family, forgive me.” She: “Allah will forgive.” She thought that it was good, even though the apu was not driven with Kamcha through the village with her. There was already famine in the steppe. Khaziza left the village with her mother-in-law and the child. We went towards Karaganda. There were corpses everywhere along the way. There was nothing. We reached Karbyshovka. Mother-in-law lost all her strength. We stopped at the mazar, she said: “You go, leave us here with the child. Look for food, even buy a cat” (to buy meant to exchange for a ring or bracelet). The

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young woman left, changed the ring for bread, and when she returned, she found that the apa had died, and the child was not with her. Either they regretted it and took it away, or they ate it. She dug up, as best she could, the ground near the mazar and buried the apa. Until the end of her life, she was looking for a son, already in old age, she kept thinking about this son: is he alive or has he been eaten? Khaziza went further. Through Menkovo, Petrovka, I exchanged the bracelet for food and reached Karaganda, not knowing anyone, not speaking Russian. There she found fellow countrymen who gave her a place to live and found work—laying sleepers on the railway. Then they moved to the kitchen. And so she survived. Lived in Kopay-gorod. People dug dugouts, made dilapidated buildings, under one roof there were several exits in different directions, and they slept in “stacks.” Five years later. Mukhamedzhanov Smagul returned in 1937. Not finding his aul in the same place, he came to Karaganda. He met fellow countrymen in the city, someone told him that Khaziza lives somewhere here. So they met. Only then did she find out that he was on the White Sea Canal. Mukhamedzhanov Smagul lived and worked among criminals. People were dying by the hundreds from work and malnutrition. Rations were sometimes taken away from him, he did not fight for rations. He knew that he could be killed for a piece of bread, but he could fight against hunger himself and he had a chance to survive. As he said, faith and water saved him. He was always hungry, drank water, and prayed whenever possible. The spirit was preserved. Natural health and stamina are saved. Mukhamedzhanov Smagul told Khazize: “Let’s go home.” So they returned to Yegindybulak. There, in 1939, their son was born. The day before, an aksakal relative had a dream that they had a son and thought: “Wow, I consoled them.” With this thought, he woke up. When the boy was born, the aksakal said: “Call him Watkan.” Watkan means comforting or reassuring. Then Smagul and Khaziza still had children. Recorded from the words: Smagulova Rymdzhan Shakenovna. Recorded by: Mustyapova Ainas h.

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Ibrai Ramazanov (1915–1995), Ru: Atygay---Karaul

My father, Ibrai Ramazanov, born in 1915, said that during the famine of the early 1930s, he studied at the agricultural engineering school. This technical school was first located in Zeren, and then it was transferred to Petropavlovsk. Tam, in Petropavlovsk, father, and finished school. He studied ten land developers. Around 1930 or 1931 (I don’t remember exactly, but at that time there was already the worst famine), my father was sent to demarcate the land for the collective farm. Then collective farms were created, and ten lands were divided between them. Then there were no specialists in Kazakhstan, and he had an American as a curator. At the same time, my father was an American coachman, and he was practicing land management. He learned how to divide fields. They live on a horse-drawn carriage or foreign-made carriage. The father took this American from collective farm to collective farm, dividing the land. And they always warned them not to stop anywhere on the way, no matter who asked, because they will eat horses, and they can eat them themselves. Father told what he saw there. Crowds of people went to the northeast, called Sevkrai; I went to Russia to somehow survive. There were many corpses along the way. Sometimes they went to the empty village. There was the order inside the country, everything was cleaned up as if people had just left. Touch the bed cover and it crumbles. It turns out that without a person, abandoned things and fabrics begin to decompose quickly. Saw a woman who was looking for her child. They said that she herself ate it, but she doesn’t remember it. And now he is looking for an ego.

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It was in Akmola region and part of Karaganda region. It is called a collective farm. Father’s parents live in Petropavlovsk. Tam holod osobo ne vubilsya. Russian trees planted potatoes and cabbage. So they survived. Recorded from the words: Ramazanov Murat Ibraevich. Recorded by: Mustyapova Ainash.

Anipa Ynkarbekkyzy (1878–1980), Ru: Kudaiberli

My grandmother, Anipa Ynkarbekkyzy, lived in Krakaralinsk. She was married to a mullah named Amirzhan, who was persecuted in 1932–1933, because there was a clergyman. His 10 horses were confiscated from him and exiled to Irkutsk. This happened around 1933. The two eldest married daughters remained in Kazakhstan, while the rest were sent to Irkutsk. Remembering Irkutsk, Anipa-apa talked about severe frosts and forests that struck her. In Irkutsk, Anipa-apa buried 3 or 4 brothers, 2 sons, and a daughter with her in 2 years. Her husband also died there. They died from an unknown disease. At the same time, people were swollen with hunger. Left alone, she decided to return to her homeland. Knows “Karaganda” and knows nothing else. It was 1935. He doesn’t know Russian very well, he says to people: “Karaganda is for me.” Kind people suggested to her that she should go along the railroad tracks, turning where the railroad turns. So they said: “You go along this railroad. As the road turns and you turn. Don’t hesitate to go anywhere. So you will reach Karaganda.” She had some food with her, tea, a knapsack, and a small kettle. In the oncoming villages she asked for boiling water. She was on the road for 3 months. Legs hurt. Later she said: “Uh, bul ayak not kormedi.” She

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said that she dipped her feet in icy spring water to relieve pain. She said this: “I felt better, I’ll rest for 2–3 h and go again.” Grandmother told us this to explain that you need to be able to survive everything and that you need to be strong. She taught us this from childhood. I am grateful to her for teaching me: “Do not curse anyone, it has two ends. Do not steal. Do not lie. Don’t take someone else’s.” So it came to Karaganda. She realized that this was Karaganda. At the station in the Maykuduk area, she turned to a Kazakh she met, asking for the village of Sverdlovo and giving the name of Sarken Omarov. Sarken was her son-in-law, the husband of her eldest daughter. It turned out that this Kazakh they met knew Sarken and either showed them how to get to Sverdlovo or put them on some kind of transport. She found Sarken’s house and went in. He was at home, looks at her, and finds out. He was dumbfounded. Embracing, they cried. The daughter of Anipa-apa, named Maria, was not at home. She was at work, she worked as a milkmaid. He went to her work and says: “Your mother came.” At that time, a one-year-old child was crawling in the house, he had just begun to walk. It was my oldest brother, born in 1934. Apa came in 1935. Sarken and Maria Omarova are my parents. Apa lived with us. Sometimes she went to Temirtau to visit her second daughter, but she was always in a hurry to return home. That daughter was offended, saying that we try to do everything for her mother. But the apa said: “This is not the main thing, everything will work for me, I have not seen that in my life.” Everyone loved her. So we buried her in 1980, at the age of 102. She retained her memory until the end of her life. She told us everything, taught us what to do and how, educated us, and told us how to behave with her husband and mother-in-law. I am grateful to her for this. She said that we must be prepared for any situation. Like, it’s not always good. Any difficulties can be, Kudai sends trials to a person. She said: “I haven’t seen anything in my life, but you see how much I have lived.” Recorded from the words: Mayra Sarkenovna Mukhamedieva, born in 1946. Recorded by: Mustyapova Ainash.

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Saduaqas Manyzuly (1880s---Approximately 1935), Ru: Bori---Basentiin My great-grandfather is Saduaqas, son of Manyz, grandson of Isa, greatgrandson of Mendeke, great-great-grandson of Kelden, great-great-greatgrandson of Baidaulet Boriev. Baidaulet is mentioned in textbooks on the history of Kazakhstan. We are from the genus Bori—Basentiin-Argyn. Saduaqas was born approximately in the 1880s and died approximately in 1935. The Holodomor, as a result of collectivization, left a huge imprint on our family tree. Our Atameken is located near Pavlodar, now this village is called Rebrovka, earlier in pre-Soviet times it was called Karakol, later the 9th village. The lands of our grandfathers were on the coast of the Irtysh. The convenient location in such a fertile place made it possible to live not in poverty, but to keep a fairly large number of livestock. According to information found in the Omsk archives, my greatgrandfather Saduaqas had 1000 sheep, 500 horses, about 400 cows, and 30 camels. Moreover, if we compare his property with what his father, grandfather, and great-grandfather acquired, then one could notice that this wealth increased from generation to generation. Such a favorable development of the dynasty was probably due to the fact that all the ancestors were boys. And my eighth grandfather Baidaulet Boriev, on behalf of the Kazakh Khan Kaip (son of Tauke Khan), participated in the coronation of Elizabeth, daughter of Peter I. All this dynastic prosperity stopped in 1931, when great-grandfather Saduakas was asked to head the newly formed collective farm. The refusal of the great-grandfather led to the complete confiscation of all property, land, everything that was multiplied and passed down through the centuries from generation to generation. Saduaqas was exiled to the Volgograd region for 5 years. The seriously ill wife of Saduaqas Sakypzhamal, with five children of different ages, her younger sister Gulzhazira, who lost two of her children during the move, on the advice of a relative, first moved to Almaty, then to the Shu station, then to the village of Novotroitskoye. The relative who called them to the south was the elder brother of Saduaqas’s wife, he worked in a senior position in the People’s Commissariat of Education. Later, in 1937, he was sentenced to death. His name was Akhmetbek. He was very friendly with Mukhtar Auezov and Kanysh Satpaev, they studied together in Semey.

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My father was born in 1931, and two daughters of Saduakas were 3 and 5 years old that year. I could not ask Gulzhazira-ap, who saved everyone from starvation and lived with us until the end of her life, until the age of 87, because I was not up to it at 11 years old. The only episode I remember was when Gulzhazira-apa with her young nieces were gathering grains on a mowed wheat field, the brigadier who saw them invited them home, fed them, shared the products. Then they moved to Pakhtaaral and finally to Kyzylorda. Returning three years later from exile, Saduaqas died of tuberculosis, having managed, after returning to his relatives, to bury his wife Sakypzhamal, who could not bear the hardships she had endured. Sister Sakypzhamal Gulzhazira, who lost her children, dedicated all unspent motherly feelings to her five nephews, their children, and even grandchildren. I, being her great-grand-nephew, fully felt all the spiritual strength of this heroic woman. Thanks to her, all her nephews, the children of Saduaqas and Sakypzhamal, received higher education and became worthy citizens of their country. The eldest son of Saduaqas Mubarak, my grandfather, got a job at the oil plant in Pakhtaral. The middle son Magauiya was among the first graduates of KazPI, a biologist, who died at the front. The third son of Zakaria, after studying in Tashkent and Moscow, went through the entire war, rose to the rank of colonel, and taught at the Ryazan Tank School. The eldest of the daughters Kulken, after graduating from the philological faculty of KazGU, married the future academician of medicine Atchabarov B.A., a native of the Karkaralinsky district. The youngest daughter of Saduaqas, Zuken, worked as a teacher at the school. My parents also worked at the school all their lives. The surname of the Saduakasovs found its continuation through the eldest son of Saduakas—Mubarak. I, the grandson of Mubarak, was the first of the descendants of Saduaqas who visited our Atameken after almost 90 years of forced resettlement to the south of the country. In 2019, together with their children and grandchildren, they visited the homeland of the forefathers, found relatives, published a book—the shezhire of our family, spent the ace in memory of their ancestors. A visit to Atameken instilled new vitality, instilled confidence that I would do everything so that the connection between generations, once broken by an evil force, would never be interrupted. Because the life we have lived with dignity will always be fertile ground for our children, and the

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connecting thread in the form of the continuity of generations should never again be subject to any external force. Recorded by: Daulet Sadvakasov.

Mullah Kabysh (Approximately: 1894–1938), Ru: Argyn-Karzhas My name is Nygmet Eldar Marlenuly. I was born in 1983 in the city of Tselinograd. He was brought up by his maternal grandfather Kapyshev Kamilash Kabyshula. Veteran of the Great Patriotic War, colonel of the USSR State Security Committee. He was the head of the office of the Tselinograd region of the USSR State Security Committee, the chairman of the republican commission for perpetuating the memory of veterans of the Great Patriotic War, a poet, and a translator. He left many works, including translations of A. Pushkin into the Kazakh language, translations of the great Abai into Russian. Here is the story of my grandfather’s family. My maternal great-great-grandfather was Ysen Kazhy (ruy: Argyn— Karzhas). Period of life: XIX century–early XX century. They lived in the area “Kishi Maylan” of the Erementau region. They had their own mosque and house on this hill. Grandfather Kamilash and I periodically went to pray at the family cemetery, which is still preserved there. I’m assuming it’s at least 3 centuries old. Ysen kazhy made the pilgrimage at the age of 80. According to the stories of my grandfather, they saw off Ysen ata with the whole aul, without hope of a safe return. No one believed that at such an age one could go such a long way and return. Taking with him a small amount of money, some food, Usen ata left on horseback for the dream of his life. At that moment, he was a mullah and believed that at the end of his life, as a true orthodox Muslim, he was obliged to do his duty. In the end, he returned after 2 years. When the famine began in 1931, the son of Ysen kazhy, my great-grandfather, Kabysh mullah, and his family decided to move to Zholymbet to the mines, since they paid at least some money there and gave coupons for food. According to the grandfather’s stories, the Ysen қazhy s azhe did not want to leave their mosque and decided to stay. Ysen kazhy was a literate person, he could read and write in Arabic script. He put all his Korans and manuscripts in chests and buried them next to the mosque, pointing

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to the place. My grandfather was 5 years old at that time, and he could not remember the exact place. Ysen kazhy was worried and afraid that the holy Korans would fall into the hands of the atheists and desecrate them. Since no one was left in the village except them, they died of starvation in that mosque. The exact date of death is unknown. Kabysh mullah (approximate years of life 1894–1938), ruy—Argyn, Karzhas. According to the stories of their grandfather, they hid that they came from a family of clergymen. Mullah Kabysh, my great-grandfather, after working in the mine for several years, later died from hard work and illness at the age of 43. Their mother got married, their stepfather went missing on the fronts of the Second World War. My ata, Kamilash Kabyshuly, his brother Nazhiken Kabyshuly and their little sister, survived due to the fact that mothers were given ration cards at work. Both brothers later went to war. Ata Kamilash at the age of 16, ata Nazhiken at 18. Nazhiken ata went through the whole war, was wounded 7 times. He accomplished many feats and named a street in the town of Raseiniai in Lithuania in honor of his company. The battle under his command was described in the magazine “Soviet Soldier” and recognized as an ideal battle in the environment. My great-grandfather on my father’s side is Sabyr Tleugabylov (1897– 1993), Ruy—Argyn-Atygay. My paternal family also have memories of that time. My ata (Sabyr Tleugabylov) was repressed for damaging Soviet property. He was a mullah, and the reason was far-fetched (when harvesting, the forks flew out and broke the harvesting equipment). After being exiled for 2 years, he and his family moved from Zhanaul to the Bestobe mine in Akmola region. Sabyr Mulla was a participant in World Wars I and II. He did not turn away from serving Allah, until the end of his life he was a mullah, was the elder of the Bestobe mine, and died at the age of 93. He was literate, and able to read and write in Arabic script, Latin and Cyrillic. Most of the mullahs of that region are still its shakirts. Recorded by Nygmet Eldar Marlenuly.

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Abdrakhman Sakauov (Died 1954), Ru: Karzhas My husband, Abdrakhmanov Kazali Abdrakhmanovich (1928–2002), talked about how his family escaped the famine of the 1930s. He knew about it from the memoirs of his parents. The family lived in the Bayanaul region. There were 9 children in the family, of whom 6 children died in early childhood due to infectious diseases. In 1930, when the famine began, his father, Abdrakhman Sakauov, decided to migrate to Omsk. On the way, the father left one daughter in an orphanage in the territory of Northern Kazakhstan. After a while, they tried to find her, but to no avail. One son died due to starvation. Of all the children, only my husband, Casali, survived. On the way, during the migration, they saw dead women lying along the road with babies. The family recalled that they survived due to the fact that they ate the skin of a cow and some herbs. In 1935, the family returned to Kazakhstan in the village. Jastlek of the Voroshilov region (now Bukhar-Zhyrau region). My husband passed away in 2002 at the age of 74. Recorded from the words: Akhmetova Zubaira. Recorded by: Abdrakhmanova Kymbat Kazalievna.

Smagul Rayys (1934–2016), Ru: Aydabol His genus comes from the Argyn branch of the Turkic tribes that have inhabited the boundless steppes of Kazakhia since ancient times. The descendants of Aidabol bi from the Argyn clan in ancient times moved from Zhetysu along the Ili and Chu rivers, through the Balkhash and the Tarbagatai ranges and settled on the endless steppes of Saryarka. The ancestors of our Smagul-ata (1899–1985) settled in the valley of the Muryntal area. We grew up on the stories of grandfather and father about the history of each hill, each burial place on these lands. But never, neither grandfather nor father did not talk about relatives or close male relatives on the grandfather’s line, their history. Only limited to a short “babalarynnyn ziraty”—“ancestral graves.” To the questions of the grandchildren, who are the parents, whether he has brothers or sisters, the grandfather dryly answered that at the age of 18 he was left an orphan and he had sisters who died at different times. Before collectivization, Raiys’ father was a herdsman and shepherd collective farm horses. The whole district treated Smagul-ata with

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respect, reverence, and gratitude. Adults always said that in the years of Asharshylyk he helped his relatives and fellow villagers a lot to survive hunger and deprivation. Being an avid hunter and well-aimed shooter, he brought prey not only to his house but also divided among all the villagers. And even during our childhood, I remember that if my grandfather rode a horse to remote areas for guests or for haymaking, he did not return without prey: rabbit meat, game, cooked by my mother, ate in one sitting. Smagul-ata had only two children: Rayys and his sister Razia. Raziaapa once recalled the story of our Azhe that when rows of hungry people moved northward past the village, Rabiya-apa hid the children among the corpses and blankets. Smagul-ata raised the children, gave them an education, helped them to stand firmly on their feet. Despite the fact that Ata spoke about the absence of close relatives, the house on the outskirts of the village was always full of people who came from distant places, who either seemed to be his nephews, or some other relatives along someone’s line. We, the grandchildren, did not attach much importance to this. Even when two adult women with children arrived in the same year, calling themselves their father’s sisters, they did not attach any importance. Perhaps our late mother knew the history of the grandfather’s family. But under the strictest ban, she did not dare to speak. And only after the death of his father, his only relative who survived today, Mariyashapa, told us a story that once touched, I think, not only the Smagul-ata family. The fact that Ata remained an orphan is most likely due to dispossession during the civil war and the establishment of Soviet power. According to Mariyash-ap, Smagul-ata had an uncle—Daut, the brother of his father Zhenis. Daut had two sons, his grandfather’s brothers— Yerden and Tursyn. According to Mariash-apa, they were wealthy people. During the confiscation and collectivization, their clan was subjected to persecution, winter quarters and auls were torn apart, livestock was confiscated. She does not remember the fate of Daut-ata, but his sons, forced to leave their homes and flee, hiding from persecution, wandered in a foreign land for a long time. Tursyn, as Mariash-apa recalls, died in a foreign land and the fate of the family is unknown.

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The second son of Daut Yerden was married, but his wife dies in childbirth during her wanderings. Yerden, fearing for the fate of the newly born boy, sends him to an orphanage so that his son can survive. Later, grandfather Smagulad receives news that his blood relative, the son of a cousin, is being raised in an orphanage and he goes in search, finds, and takes him to be raised. Grandfather Erden, after long wanderings, settles in the northern regions, marries. Later, he moves closer to his native places. And even trying to find a son, relatives, somewhere in the 1960s. However Smagul-ata, firm and unshakable in his decisions, will flatly forbid communicating with his brother’s relatives. Only after the story of Mariash-apa about the history of Raiys, it becomes clear that Smagulata was afraid of the echoes of repressions of the communist authorities, which absorbed millions of people from almost every Kazakh family, forever instilling fear for the life and safety of their relatives. This also explained his distant communication with his relatives. Smagul-ata survived the oppression of the tsarist authorities, the revolution of the Soviets, the civil war, and the repressions of the communists. Due to disability, he did not fight. But he loved horses. This is probably why the collective farm herds have been grazed for a long time. Until his death, he did not recognize the power of the Communists and the Soviets, who had stirred up his home, deprived him of his relatives and inflicted wounds and pain on his descendants. Smagul-ata has been dead for a long time, even earlier his cousins left. Rais-Ake also died. And each of them, taking this story with them to the grave, apparently did not imagine that after much persuasion, despite the ban, Mariash-apa would tell it to the children of his own brother Rayys, who were separated by the cruelty and ignorance of the communist regime. (At the request of relatives and close people, names have been changed for ethical reasons) Recorded by: Dana Smagul.

Rymtai Ermakashevna Balieva (Born 1936), Ru: Karzhas My mother was the daughter of a bai. Her family was dispossessed, everyone—her father, brothers. And they sent him into exile, to Siberia. Almost barefoot, they chased them on foot. This was in 1929. Then the

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grandfather remained there, in the Omsk region. And his sons, my uncles, returned home. How the grandfather’s fate turned out is not known. There was no connection then. Maybe he got married there and left descendants. They say that in those places in the Omsk region there is a whole village of Karzhas, where those who migrated during the years of famine live. My mother’s cousin stayed here, in Kazakhstan, and starved. Her name was Bibigul Tabanova. She was still quite young. She was swollen with hunger. This is already the beginning of the 1930s. At that time my father’s brother was not married. My mother told my father that, they say, my sister is swelling from hunger, let’s marry them—my sister and your brother. Those. this is my uncle, my father’s brother, and my great aunt, my mother’s relative. They agreed and got married. Saved each other. Then they had a family, two sons left, and the rest of the children died. These are my two cousins. Before dispossession, my father and his brother worked as shepherds for my mother’s father. Then my nagashi-ata worked as a shoemaker and nagashi-apa was a seamstress. Our family didn’t face starvation. Dad was an avid hunter, and grandfather worked for a miller. Recorded from the words: Balieva Rymtay Ermakashevna (maiden name—Tabanova) (born 1936). Recorded by: Mustyapova Ainash.

Khafiz Husainovich Valitov (1905–1978) Valitov Khafiz Khusainovich was born in Karkaralinsk. During the famine, the Valitov family lived in Semipalatinsk. About that terrible time, grandfather (Khafiz Khusainovich) said: “Most people were starving and dying of hunger (there was also some of those who ate well). They ate the human body, cats, dogs, rats, caught badgers. From a strong weakness, people could not only speak, but also move their lips … people moved in search of food, a lot of people, never reaching, died along the way.” During dispossession, all cattle were taken away. When grandfather was asked why this happened, he said that it was because of the intensive, thoughtless dispossession of kulaks, the mistake of collectivization. Besides, bad… The children of Khafiz Khusainovich were born after the famine, in the late 1930s and 1940s. Recorded by: Valitova Zulfiya Khafizovna.

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Zeitin Akishevich Akishev (1911–1991), Ru: Argyn

Certainly, I was not a witness to those events, and the little that I want to share is from my father’s autobiography. My father, Akishev Zeytin Akishevich, was born in 1911 in, as he writes, aul 8 of the Dalba volost of the Kereku district of the Semipalatinsk region. I have the manuscript of my autobiography, it was signed by my father on March 31, 1941. My parents, people of pre-revolutionary birth, like their entire generation, were not inclined to talk, especially on political issues. And children, unfortunately, during the life of their parents are not too interested in their past and the past of relatives. So it is in our family. From the father’s autobiography: he was the youngest of the children. One older brother died in 1923, which is why he does not write. The family was poor. Two older brothers were employees of merchants, and a sister was born in 1919. Was married off. In 1924, my older brother went to work in Omsk and took my 13year-old father with him. There, my father graduated from the Russian elementary school, then studied at the workers’ faculty for 3 years. In 1931 he came to Bayanaul. There he began working in the education system and worked as a teacher, director, zavoblono, then from 1952 in Alma-Ata as the editor-in-chief of the Mektep publishing house, etc. He died in September 1991. In 1931, the elder brother and his family left for Semyzbuga, at that time there was some kind of enterprise there, to earn money. In his autobiography, his father writes briefly: “At the enterprise in Semyzbuga in

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May 1932, the whole family died.” But I remember conversations in the family that my father’s brother and his family died of starvation. He writes further that in July 1932, his father’s parents left for another son in Karaganda, and “a month later, father and mother died,” but again he does not write what they died from. After that, the brother took the family and left for Sibkrai, while the father remained in Bayanaul. Certainly, in 1941, no one would write about the death of relatives from starvation. By the way, we still do not know why the father did not know where his parents were buried. You can read the father’s memories of those events in A. Zhumabaev’s book “Kezdesuler kundeliginen” (“From the diary of meetings”). It contains an essay about my father, “Karymdy Kalamger.” One more thing: in the newspaper “Azat” in issue 18 (October) for 1991, the first part of my father’s article “Genocide of money is not?” In it, he examines the history of attempts to oppress the Kazakh people since the time of the Dzungarian invasion. I do not remember that there was talk about the fate of my mother’s relatives in those years. Certainly, one way or another, the theme of the famine of the 1930s sometimes sounded in the family, some vague memories remained from the conversations of adults (relatives, parents’ friends), but it’s all so vague that I can’t vouch for the authenticity. Now, in my late 70s, I think that the youth of our generation fell too calm and happy years to ask parents questions about their youth. Unfortunately, this is so. And don’t ask anymore. Recorded from the words: Akisheva Umyt Zeytinovna. Recorded by: Kharitonova Larisa.

Descendants of Tazhekeuly Upi Kazhy, Ru: Karakesek Upi kazhy was buried in Mecca. Before the Hajj, knowing that he would not return from Mecca, Upiqazhy left his flocks to his three sons: Duisekey, Beisekey, and Magzumbek. Our ancestral lands were on the border of the current Pavlodar and Karaganda regions. The territory of the clan extended from the tract Karashengel to the mountains of Edreytauy in the Karaganda region. When collectivization began, expropriation of livestock and repressions against bays, Duysekey, the eldest of the sons of Upi kazhy, decided in

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1928 to make an attempt to migrate and drive herds abroad. Together with him were his brothers Beisekey and Magzumbek. Before moving away, they hid a tarantass—a vehicle, as well as jewelry made of gold and silver, in the Edirei mountains. During the migration, the brothers were overtaken by the “Reds” and after that they disappeared without a trace. There were three sons from Duisekey: Sagadi, Kazhygul, and Nygmetolla. They stayed in Kazakhstan. Duisekey left his sons, apparently assuming that they would survive apart. According to Sagadi, no information has been preserved. Kazhygul, my grandfather, he drowned in the river when Azhe was pregnant. She gave birth to my father Shamshiden, who was brought up by Nagashi Mubarak, whose name we now bear. The youngest of the brothers, Nygmetolla, turned out to be the only survivor due to the fact that he managed to leave Kazakhstan in time and go to the city of Omsk. There he was advised to change his documents, because he, as the son of a bai, could be subjected to persecution and repression. In 1937, Nygmetolla returned to Karaganda, got a job at a mine, and worked there until his retirement. He died in 1987. The aksakals told my father about his uncle Nygmetolla, saying that “he is your father’s brother, lives in Karaganda.” The father from the Pavlodar region came to Karaganda, found Nygmetolla, and they maintained family relations until their death. My father gave one of his sons, Zarubek, to Nygmetolla, since he had no children. So, relatives, scattered and separated in the 1930s, decades later found each other. This is the tragic story of my grandfathers. Recorded by: Mubarakov Aidar.

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Gabdiyazdan Yerzhanuly (1902–1993), Ru: Kypshak

According to my father, in those years, my father and mother lived near Karkaraly, in the village of Akterek. There was hunger. Having heard that mines were operating in Karaganda, and they could earn money there, somehow feed themselves, they went to Karaganda. Home belongings were carried on a cart. They saw many dead lying along the road. They weren’t even buried. Those who walked in a group of relatives were buried. Those who walked alone, having died, remained unburied. The father was afraid to move away from the cart and leave his wife even for a short time because he already knew about the facts of cannibalism. If someone remained defenseless, a woman or children, they were stolen and, worst of all, eaten. All the way, the father was worried that if he left the cart and did not inspec, then the grandmother might be stolen. This is such a terrible story. They traveled to Karaganda for one week. We stopped in the area of the Old City, lived in Kopay-gorod, in a dwelling underground. There they filmed a corner. My father got a job in the mine. That’s how they survived. Then they gave birth to eleven children, including me. Recorded from the words: Erzhanova Mayra Gafizovna. Recorded by: Zhumabekov Meiram Kenesovich.

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Tleugabyl Uskembaev (Born 1924) and Zura Sharipova (Born 1921) In the early 1930s, when there was a famine, the father’s family migrated from Kyzyltau towards Balkhash. They fled from hunger. Dad and he was born in 1924, was then 6 years old. The older brother of Tleugabyl, Kazhken, born in 1903, left to meet them from Balkhash. Kazhken worked as a driver under the head of the PCIA Balkhash. At some point, during the stop, little Tleugabyl moved away from his relatives. Later, he said that he remembers how some uncles, and adults were chasing him. Tleugabyl ran through the chia bushes and they nearly caught up with him. He said: “And I was chubby, small … Apparently, they wanted to eat me. I understand it now.” The older brother saved him by chasing after him in a car. Then already in the steppe they heard about cases of cannibalism and, fearing this, they warned children. Uskembaev Tleugabyl safely reached Balkhash with his relatives. Grandmother Zura (the older sister of Tleugabyl’s wife), born in 1921, said that people began to starve as early as 1930. Hungry people passed through their village Uspenka and the Nelda tract, and they exchanged kese of gold for kese of grain. In the spring, when the snow melted, the bones of the dead people became visible, the entire gorge in Nelda was covered with them. Recorded from the words: Uskembayeva Aisha, Uskembayeva Akzhan. Recorded: Mustopova Ainash

Karybay Akhmetov (1912–2002), Ru: Sarmantai

Before the famine, the family of Karybay Akhmetov lived in the Karaganda region, behind Karakuduk, Kymyzkuduk, village Taskara.

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Until the 1930s, there were five people in the family: father—Karybay (1912–2002, Sarmantai ruy), mother—Kulyanda (1914–1968, Murat, Salia ruy), daughters Ukitai, Maria, then the son Soviet was born. The rest of the children were born later—Rymtai, Nurtai, Kamet, Manat, Maira, Magaz. Until the 1920s and 1930s, the family lived happily. But then, with the advent of the Bolsheviks, the “extra,” according to the “Reds,” cattle were taken away from the family. The family lived by subsistence farming. They consumed what they grew. There was said a bit about the famine in the family, they explained it by the fact that the government had changed. Since then, my favorite food has been the simplest: ayran, bread, and soup. The family was helped by the fact that Karybay’s father had his own well, had his own clean water. There were not given any rations, because my father was a subsistence farmer. There was no medical assistance provided. Recorded from the Words: Akhmetov Soviet Karybaevich, born in 1939 Recorded by: Akhmetova Altynai Sovetovna.

Zhakan Smakhanov (1932–2018), Ru: Tobykty---Asylbay The family lived in Akshkol settlement, Aktogai district. According to Zhakan’s father, in 1931–1933 he was a small boy. The mother wore a wide robe (shapan), tied her children’s arms to her waist with a belt, and hid them under her robe. People starved completely. He did not want to expose his children to the public, especially starved people’s eye. After they entered the collective and began to seize their cattle, the father slaughtered two of the remaining three cows, dugged a deep, wide, and large cellar underground, and stored the meat there. In addition, he hid his cow with a calf there, plucked grass at night, gave it to his cow and watered it. They drank the milk of that cow and saved his family. The memory of her father was shared by: Smahanova Mariam Zhakankyzy.

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Batima Amanbaykyzy Ikhanbayeva (1919–1996) Batima Amanbayovna Ikhanbayeva lived in 1919–1996. There were two children in the family. His father was a middle-class man. They take away their livestock during collectivisation. The father hunts with a trap and supports the family. During a famine, Burylbai moves from Tal to Myungeral near Lake Balkash. Before he reaches Mynaral, his son died of hunger. He survived by fishing. Shared her mother-in-law’s memory: Ayafova Gulim.

Kalybek Turbekov (Born 1936) I am Gaini Mukhtarova, the granddaughter of Kalybek Turbekov. I am telling from the words of my grandmother Tenge, the wife of Kalybek. Now my grandfathers and grandmothers are gone, but the stories of grandmother Tenge remained in my memory. The family was rich. Kalybek’s father Turbek was a very good orator, writing in Arabic and Latin. They lived in kystau Aksu-Ayuly near Karmys by the lake. They had their own farm, there were a lot of cattle, their own forge, and madrasah for children. Kalybek led educational activities. The expropriation of livestock took place in 1930–1933. Grandmother remembers that her husband told her: “These are very bad times. Take this bundle and hide it in the steppe, where the records are very valuable. A person will come from me, give it back. Take your son yourself and go towards Karaganda. When people in leather jackets take me away, they can take you and your son and take you to Akmola in Algeria.” He already knew that there was such a prison. He was afraid to tell the truth and knew a lot of the truth about the government. He helped the people of Alashardin, papers with records were taken to Orenburg and Turkestan. At night, people in leather jackets came, turned everything upside down in the yurt, and took grandfather away. That same night, the grandmother harnessed the camel, changed into men’s clothes. I put food in a large korzhun, and in another korzhun I hid my father, he was 8–9 years old, and set off at dawn. In the yurt, she specially kindled a fire in the stove and did not unleash the cattle, let them think that she was sleeping.

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So at night she walked, and during the day she hid in the hills with her son. My father’s name was Mukhtar. Of course, the grandmother was afraid, but she walked. Most of all she was afraid of people in leather jackets. I got to Karaganda. Whoever reached Karaganda was saved from hunger. Before reaching Spassk, where there were many gorges, she hid the bundle. She wrapped the bundle again in mutton skin so that it would be well preserved. Grandfather was shot in 1936. In Spassk, in Karaganda, my grandmother got a job in a mine printing house, and newspapers were printed there. Grandmother read and wrote in Latin and Arabic. This is how my father Mukhtar stayed alive and escaped from starvation. There was very little talk about hunger in the family. It must have been forbidden. Now we know our whole history. Recorded by: Mukhtarova Gaini, ru: Koyanshy Tagay-MambetkulMamay-Baygazy.

Bitim Akhmetov In those years (early 1930s) many people died. They say that it was arranged by the authorities of that time. Certainly, I agree with this and I can clearly give a couple of examples of how everything came to this. First, they began to confiscate all cattle, and secondly, the people who were nomads were subjected to the forced stoppage of their centuries-old culture. The people, who were not used to farming, were subjected to severe starvation. Once upon a time, my mother told me how our family ended up themselves in Kyrgyzstan. At that time, they lived in the Shetsky district, which is located in the south of the Karaganda region. When the famine began, our relatives began to move to the south, or rather to the Balkhash district. Eating fish, they lasted, and then decided to move even further. Pereehav na yug, they survived thanks to the fruits, and came to Kyrgyzstan. After the hungry times passed, they moved back. Parents told about the incident in the neighboring yard. There was one family with a small child. Once the father of the child was so hungry that he wanted to eat his child. Noting this, his wife took the child and wrapped him in a towel. When they left the village, they went to the steppe, they found the corpse of a wolf, and it died, eating it. Recorded from the words: Akhmetov Bitim, born in 1945.

CHAPTER 4

Migrant Nomads Ainash Mustoyapova and Zhenisgul Ibraimova

Bikamal Kalkabay (1930–2015), ru: Naiman

I, Kali Amangul, live in the village of Bestogai, Ereymentau district, Akmola region. Sheshem Kalkabai Bikamal was born on November 10, 1930 in Arkalyk, Kostanay region. At the beginning of drought, mother

A. Mustoyapova (B) · Z. Ibraimova Karaganda University Named After Academician E.A. Buketov, Karagandy, Kazakhstan e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 N. Dulatbekov (ed.), The Famine of 1931-1933 in Central Kazakhstan, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8574-4_4

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Bikamal and her parents head to the Altai hills to survive the drought. He went on foot. During the long journey, our mother lost her brothers Kapas and Kasym. After going to the Altai hills and settling down, one younger sister, Zhanilgan, was born in 1951, and one younger brother was born. His name is Umirbek, he was born in 1943. There, my mother married my father (his name is Kali, he was born on May 23, 1930, his clan is Naiman, his father was one of the local Kazakhs of the Altai mountains) and they had children (7 children. Names: Anapiya, Anuar, Mariya, Amangul, Erzat, Marzia, Dariga). Parents are engaged in animal husbandry, mother is a seamstress in the household. I got married to Sidyk Kanat (08.01.1967, ru- Kerey), after having one son and one daughter, I returned to my homeland in Kazakhstan in 2006. The rest of my siblings—Anapia, Anuar, Marya, Erzat, Marziya, Dariga—still live in the Urumzhi district of the PRC. My mother Bikamal died in the fall of 2015 in the Urumzhi district of the People’s Republic of China. The family shared their memories: Kali Amangul. Recorded by Kanat Lira.

Abdikabai Calykbaev (1898–1982), ru: Alteke – Zharas

My grandfather was born in village №14, Konyrat district, Karaganda region. However, he spent most of his life in Balkhash. When I was a child, I heard from my grandfather that during the difficult times that befell the Kazakhs (about 1932), he was forced to go to Russia, to Ombi, where he was hired by some people and worked as a shepherd. My grandfather used to say, “When the famine started in the country, many Kazakhs left for neighboring Russia.”

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He did not stay in Ombi for long. It was gave him a gold ring as a wage for his hired work, and my grandfather exchanged it for a horse in the market and returned to his village after two months. When he returned, the people in the village were surprised that he did not die on the way, but returned alive. My grandfather was a very thrifty person who did not spend much, he always collected gold. He often said that he saw people who exchanged gold for bread during the famine: “If you have gold, you will not starve.” When my grandfather talked about famine, he remembered that their parents went to eat their weak children. “My father witnessed how people ate their own children. Maybe that’s why my father got married late,” says his daughter Jamal (this person is my mother). I regret that I did not inquire about his life in detail during my childhood. Apparently, he thought it would hurt our psyche, not to mention that he suffered a lot. Or was the spirit of the people of that time strong? My grandfather died in Balkash in 1982. The family shared their memories: Akhtanova Zhanar.

Tnali Asainov (1890–1970), ru: Zholaba---Kypshak---Istyk

Tnali and Elemes Asainovy My father is Tnali Asainov, born in 1890, ru—Kypshak, Zholaba, Ystyk. Mom—Elemes Asainova, born in 1906. Mom was the second wife of the father, there were no children from the first wife, and the father was forced to marry a second time. According to the stories of my parents and the stories of other residents of that area, 1929, 1930, 1931 is the time when we had a real famine in

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the Irtysh region. People died in families, there was no strength to bury, they buried them as best they could, even threw them into old wells where there was no water. There was a drought, there were no livestock, they ate every living creature that caught their eye. And the father, in order to save his relatives from death, gathered his parents, brothers and decided to leave for Russia, in the Omsk region. This was in 1931. As it turned out, this was the right decision, because in those places where they migrated, a lot of people died. It’s good that the father took the family away. The father’s relatives set off on horse-drawn carts. Then the father had two daughters—born in 1928 and 1930. My father had two younger brothers—Kamar and Karibzhan. The father’s younger brothers were not yet married. His married sister Magripa left for Kupino, Novosibirsk Region, with her husband’s relatives. They also fled from hunger. Father said that they had been on the road for more than a month, traveling along the banks of the Irtysh, then along the banks of the Tobol. Along the way, there were settlements of Tatar families. When the food supply ran out, the father, who had several Korans, decided to change them for food. The Tatars took the Koran with pleasure and gave food in return. Along the way they changed 6 or 8 Korans. There are still 2–3 books left in the family. I have one of the surviving Korans. The father said that he was sorry to give away the Korans, but it was necessary to save the family, and for the children to survive. They got to the place where they stayed to live—the village (state farm) Novoivanovskoye Maksimgorkovsky (later Nizhneomsky) district. Father said that they received them very well. The village was small, but very prosperous. The people lived well there. Siberia. There were a lot of vegetables, fruits, there were livestock. My father began to work as a carpenter, and my mother went to work on the farm. Mom—Yelemes Asainova (1906–1998)—said that they lived well in the Omsk region, because both their father worked and my mother went to work. The children were small, but they helped each other, looked after each other. Mom said that she learned to plant potatoes, and carrots, and rutabaga, and cabbage. There were cellars in the house, vegetables were stored there in winter. In the village of Novoivanovskoye, we were the only Kazakh family. One of the younger brothers of his father, Asainov Kamar, married there, in the Omsk region, a girl, Zhamal. They had two children: Uzak (b. 1939) and Berdaly (b. 1941).

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Two of my father’s younger brothers were taken to war in 1941. Father was not taken, because he was already over 50 years old. The father fed all relatives, old people, children and the family of one of the brothers (wife and two children). This married brother Kamar went missing somewhere near Moscow. And the youngest—Caribbean—returned from the war. According to the law of the Amengers, he married the widow of his elder brother, who died in the war. To the two children of the brother in the family, five more of their joint children were added. Then they lived in the state farm Kosagash, Irtysh district, Pavlodar region. My sisters went to work from the age of 12 because they had to help their father. Kulzipa worked on a dairy farm, taking milk to a delivery point. And Kunsulu brought bread and sold it at the state farm. We had no shortage of food. From 1930 to 1947 they lived in this village of Novoivanovskoye. The older daughters graduated from high school there. In Russia, five more children were born to my parents, the youngest of us was born in 1945. And in 1947 we returned back. Father said that he was drawn to his homeland. We packed up and went to Kazakhstan, the Irtysh district of the Pavlodar region, where they used to live. In 1950, twins, a boy and a girl, were born, but the boy died after 3 months. There, in the Omsk region, one grandfather and two grandmothers were buried. Only my mother’s father—Bayan Ailbekov—returned with us to his homeland. He is a long-liver, lived to almost 90 years. He died and was buried in Irtyshsk. Mom’s family also migrated to the Omsk region in the early 1930s. They remained there until 1968. When we returned to Kazakhstan in 1947 I was 5 years old. Life in Irtyshsk was very hard then. But my mother, having learned to grow vegetables in the garden in Russia, began to plant everything that could grow there. Father worked. Well, the children began to grow up, help with the housework. My father said that when they returned to their homeland, they did not find many families who used to live in those places. It turned out that whole families were dying. There were many Chechens and Germans in Irtyshsk at that time. There was a large orphanage where there were children of different nationalities. I remember that a crowd of children came to our house on Saturdays and Sundays. And their mother gave them bread, kurt, and some of what she had. She fed them. Afterwards, when I went to school

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and was already in the 3rd or 4th grade, the orphanage was closed. Maybe the kids were separated. All the Chechens left Irtyshsk. However, the Germans remained, they lived until the 1990s, only then they began to leave for Germany. Thus, the father saved the family and all the children, raised them, paved the way to everyone to be educated. Recorded from the words: Mukanova Tleules Tunalievna (maiden name—Asainova). Recorded by: Mustoyapova Ainash.

Isiny Iskak (1885–1958), ru: Atygai, and Kadisha (1903–1970), ru: Karaul

This story was retold for two generations, from the grandfather to his children, and they, in turn, passed it on to their children. I wrote it down according to the recollections of my late father, who was not yet born, my aunt, who was not yet born, and also my sister. In the family of my paternal grandfather, Iskak, four children survived, three brothers and one sister. The rest died as children. At the time of the Goloshchekino famine, there were two boys in the family. One was called Galymzhan, 5 years old, the second Seitzhan, 2 years old. My father, Kakesh, was born a little later, in December 1932. Grandmother’s name was Kadisha. This story happened before my father was born. The grandfather’s family then lived in one of the disappeared auls of the now Aiyrtau district of the North Kazakhstan region.

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The years were 1930–1931. Hunger set in. Everyone knows the causes of hunger. Livestock was taken away from the Kazakhs, and it was the main source of their food. My grandfather’s family was no exception. However, my grandfather, in my opinion, was at that time an advanced person, a jack of all trades. He knew how to build houses and baths, make dombra and play it, hunted, knew how to dress and dye animal skins, sew leather shoes, carpentry, make wooden nails, soap, and also profitably exchange one product for another. He had a gun, and at the most decisive moment he was able to get a horse and sleigh, which allowed him to save his family from starvation. There was nothing to eat, and people began to swell and die of hunger. My grandfather’s family was no exception. Little Galymzhan and Seitzhan were swollen from hunger. At that time, many families gave their children to orphanages. Iskak also offered to send his eldest five-year-old son to an orphanage, but his wife was against this, saying that if we were destined to die, then we would all die together. Then an incident occurred that played an important role in the fate of the whole family. One day, the mother was doing housework on the street, preparing a decoction of grass collected in the forest, in the hope of satisfying the allconsuming feeling of hunger. And out of the corner of my eye I noticed that a woman was taking her five-year-old eldest son into the forest. At that time, they already knew that people began to eat because of hunger. She realized that they wanted to eat her son. Exhausted, with her last strength she barely caught up with the woman and grabbed her son. And she, too, was very weak and could not take the boy back. After that, grandfather decided to leave for Russia. Although Russia was also hanger, people said that it was possible to survive there. Somewhere in the Tyumen region lived relatives, and decided to go there. It was autumn and winter. There was snow on the ground. The head of the family harnessed the horse to the sleigh, seated his wife next to him, wrapped the children in a felt mat, loaded some simple belongings and set off, entrusting his life to Allah. The gun he had, it saved their lives. It was, in my opinion, a primer gun, with a charge through the barrel, using black smoke powder, 1849.

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And now, having traveled a certain path, already on the territory of Russia, they stopped for another lodging for the night, not yet knowing that they had stopped in the place where fate had predetermined them to live. It was still light. Two suspicious horsemen with rifles behind their backs drove up to the place of lodging for the night, at a distance that made it possible to see faces. And then, after a while, they left. It was a warning sign. At that time, travelers were often attacked by robbers and murderers. I had to be careful. It began to get dark, and the riders returned. Apparently, they wanted to take the horse. Grandfather was a good shooter, and with a loaded gun was ready. Kadisha told him not to kill anyone, because the relatives of the murdered person would want revenge. Suddenly a shot rang out, the bullet passed next to the grandfather’s ear or hooked the ear, in the future this ear often reminded of itself. Grandpa told Grandma to take the reins and ride, and he would shoot up into the air. And so they went, as fast as they could. Ignoring the riders, whether they are or not, grandfather, as soon as he reloaded his gun, immediately shot upwards. Soon the village appeared. They drove up to the nearest houses and began to run between them, knocking on all the doors, shouting for them to be opened. Frightened people heard shots and screams, but the doors were not opened. Finally, one of the doors opened, and the grandfather and his family tumbled inside. As it turned out later, it was the village council. The dim light of a kerosene lamp illuminated grandfather’s face black with gunpowder. He, knowing little Russian, with the help of gestures and a few Russian words, was able to explain what was happening. Even before the revolution, grandfather exchanged goods with Russian merchants. This allowed my grandfather to learn a little Russian. The villagers in the morning advised them not to go anywhere and stay in this village. Grandpa and Grandma happily agreed. So, this village became their second home. My father was born there. After living in this village for six years, the family returned to their homeland in Kazakhstan, although the villagers persuaded them to stay. Recorded by: Iskakov Bakhytzhan Kakeshovich.

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Abdrakhman Sartabayev (b. 1912), ru: Karakesek---Tleubai---Taishyk

My parents are father Sartabaev Abdrakhman, born in 1912, Karakesek-Tleubay-Taishyk ru, mother Baltabaev Zhumabike, born in 1921, Karakesek-Baltabaykyzy clan, and their relatives lived in the village. Bokty (Bakhty) of the Karkaraly region. My father had 4 brothers and a sister, my mother had 6 brothers and sisters. I relate these memories of the famine from the words of my aunt Toleu, my father’s sister, born in 1901, and my mother. Mom passed away in 2018, at the age of 98, and the aunt died at the age of almost 100 years. According to my aunt, the population of the village was subjected to confiscation of livestock. There was no trade, and there was nothing to exchange for goods. Hunger has begun. In 1927–1932, all the villagers began to leave the village in search of a better life. Only my close relatives and their children remained. There was no transport, and they could not leave as a family with elderly parents. At the request of my grandmother, my mother’s uncle nevertheless arrived on a wagon train and decided to take everyone to Karkaraly. He thought that it would be easier to survive there and decided to take the children and parents out. In Karkaraly there was a terrible mortality in the famine years, especially among children due to infectious diseases. My uncle brought his family to Karkaraly on a wagon train, but he was killed on the way back. The body was not found. Everyone believed that he was killed by robbers and possibly eaten. One of my mother’s sisters was married off, she took her younger sister with her. And my mother was sent to the Karkaraly boarding school. The mother does not know the fate of the rest of the children, she said that

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three sisters remained, and the rest were given to strangers or they died. Mom studied at the boarding school for 4 years, and studied so well that she was awarded a cut on her dress. One of the relatives decided to bring all his relatives to Russia. It was believed that it was possible to survive there. My father and my mother were distant relatives (descended from Karakeseks), they decided to stick together. Together with their parents, brothers and other sisters, they went to Semipalatinsk around 1931–1932. There was such a famine in Semipalatinsk that gold lay on the ground, no one needed it, but there was no bread. My parents lived in an adobe house-shed, my father went to the field, to the steppe and collected spikelets of wheat in order to make a bumper for food. But it didn’t help. Then my relatives realized that they could not survive here, and decided to go further by train, and stopped in Ulan-Ude in Buryatia. There they met with their fellow villagers. From there, the paths of relatives and friends parted ways. In Ulan-Ude in 1939 my brother Sembek Abdrakhmanovich Sartabaev was born. Some of the acquaintances migrated to China, someone further to Russia, someone deep into Kazakhstan or to the south. Many remained in the Novosibirsk region. My parents did not linger in Ulan-Ude. When they were on the train, my father lost all his papers. Then he took the surname of the husband of his elder sister Toleu. My father’s surname was Otebaev, but since that time our surname has become Sartabaev. By train, my parents and relatives reached almost Vladivostok. They stopped in Khabarovsk. There they could somehow live, there was fish, forest, and they also brought with them and saved a sewing machine. Therefore, my mother and father’s sister Toleu sewed things and sold them at the market called “Tatarka” in Khabarovsk. That’s how they survived. The war has begun. My father worked at an aircraft factory, Chkalov in Khabarovsk. From there he was taken to the front. In the war, my father was a sapper. He had three orders of the Patriotic War. He returned a year after the end of the war due to a wound, he was an invalid of the 2nd group. In 1947 my father and his family decided to return to Karaganda. He got a job at the processing plant of mine No. 86 in the city of Karaganda.

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During the war in Khabarovsk, my mother worked in the labor army, sewing jerseys for soldiers. In our time, 8 thousand tenge was added to my mother’s pension, because she was a home front worker. At our request, a document came from Russia confirming that my mother worked for the front during the war years. All the Kazakhs who endured the famine in 1927–1932 collected and ate bread crumbs from the table, never throwing them away. In my family, during dinner, only my father cut the bread. He didn’t trust anyone. Bread was sacred to him. He also liked to have all family members eat together at the same time. Father did not allow us to have lunch or dinner separately. My parents have never seen anything good in their life. They worked and lived honestly. Mom always said that one of the brothers was a Red Army soldier, but he could not protect his family, relatives either. Nothing could help. If he had stolen or deceived, the family would not have suffered so much. He was an honest man, he believed in communist ideas, so he could not do anything. Grandfather (father’s father) went to work in Kemerovo and did not return, he died in a foreign land. The grandmothers of my father and mother died of starvation. My relatives on my mother’s and father’s side suffered greatly in the hungry years of 1927–1932, and many of them died. My aunt, my father’s older sister, talked about the famine years and cried a lot. Hunger is the worst. In Karkaraly, children died from infectious diseases. In the villages, for lack of food, even children were eaten. My loved ones in Khabarovsk were saved by a sewing machine. My mother knew how to sew and worked part-time with my father’s sister. Parents lived in the same room with the aunt’s family. During the war, several families lived together in the same house. Many relatives remained in Russia. There is still a large Kazakh settlement there. They went there in 1930–1937 from hunger and repression.

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In our time, my father-in-law, a participant in the Patriotic War, a disabled person of the 1st group, Akhmetov Karibai, a neighbor of Russian nationality once said that if you, Kazakhs, knew how to plant vegetables, sow wheat, then in famine years, maybe you would be saved. And not two million would have died of starvation, but less. Perhaps he was right. Mom said that they ate fish in Russia, and the relatives who stayed there sent us red fish for a long time. Of my mother’s six brothers and sisters, only three survived. Our Kazakh solidarity, friendship, hospitality helped our people to survive. According to the memoirs of Aunt Toleu, in our family they spoke about the famine in an undertone, they were afraid. Fear remained, even when they began to live better. In the state farm “Victory” in the Karaganda region there is a place of mass burial of those who died of starvation. This place is fenced off. It would be necessary to erect a monument or a sign. When they stop at the cemetery in Pobeda (Zelenaya Balka), people always pray, ask permission from the dead—to visit, to disturb them. This is a sacred place. The experiences of my parents were passed on to my generation: there is a fear of being left without food. And although life is good now, I definitely buy more products. When my parents lived in Khabarovsk, my mother washed on the Amur River, in cold water, since then she has developed arthritis. After the war, my mother wanted to stay in Khabarovsk, but my father could not live without a homeland, although some Kazakhs (relatives) remained there. The generation of my parents is strong, they worked all their lives and we were raised healthy and honest. Recorded from the words: Akhmetova Orken Abdrakhmanovna. Recorded by: Akhmetova Altynai Sovetovna.

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Kali Baimenuly (1890–1978), ru: Kyrgyz

Until the 1930s, the Bolshineev family lived in Karkaraly, in the village of Bokty. There were 6 people in the family—parents: Baimen Bolshineev and Rakila Bolshineeva, and their 4 children: Kali Baimenuly, Kadisha Baimenuly, Ziyada Baimenuly, Kanapiya Baimenuly. Until 1928–1929, the family lived safely. But later the family was persecuted. The persecution began against Baimen Bolshineev, who was called a fist. Then his son, Kali Baimenuly, in order to save his father, took all the “guilt” (they say, his cattle, and it is he who is subject to dispossession). From the memoirs of Batima Kalikyzy (daughter of Kali Baimenuly): “During the years of persecution and repression, it was not easy for the descendants, they had to leave their native places. For example, my grandfather Baimen, who kept a loan in Karkaralinsk, began to be persecuted like a kulak. But his son, i.e. my father, in order to protect my father from severe trials, took everything upon himself, saying that he himself would be responsible, and sent his parents to Semipalatinsk to Zhumash. Bolshiney’s son Zhumash left there long ago. So my father was confiscated instead of his parent. Apparently, he was afraid for us and decided to send us to Semipalatinsk as well. So Tishbala and I also ended up there. Kutpanbay, a resident of Karkaralinsk, helped my father, he made some kind of document for a member of the collective farm, and my father was able to leave. Kutpanbay’s warning: “If you don’t leave, they will put you in jail.”

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Kali Baimenuly sent his parents to Semipalatinsk. At that time, Kali Baimenuly (1890–1978) was already married to Rakhima Kyzylbaykyzy (1900–1990). Kali Baimenuly and his family were confiscated. He managed to send his daughter Batima and wife Rakhima to Semipalatinsk. He was helped to make documents stating that he was a member of the collective farm. Therefore, he later came to Semipalatinsk, then moved with his family to Aleysk, from there to Kemerovo, and then to Ulan-Ude. There were also persecutions, but nothing happened. Other relatives of Kali Baimenuly (Baimen Bolshineev, Tishbala Bolshineeva, Zhumash Bolshineev) also hid from the authorities in Ulan-Ude. Three of the relatives died in a foreign land. (The son and daughter of Bolshineya, Baimen and Tishbala, died in Aleysk, and the son, Zhumash Bolshineev, died in Ulan-Ude). In 1946 the family returned from Ulan-Ude to Karaganda. They lived in a foreign land from 1928–1929 to 1946. Kali Baimenuly and Rakhima Kyzylbaykyzy had 5 children. The eldest daughter, Batima Qaliqyzy, was born in Karkaraly in 1920. But the rest of the children were already born in a foreign country. In Ulan-Ude were born: Khamza Kaliuly (1930), Kaharman Kaliuly (1934), Amir Kaliuly (1938, he died when he was 2 or 3 years old), Bati Kalikyzy (1941) and Maria Kaliқyzy (1944). In Ulan-Ude, Kali Baimenuly worked as a security guard at the base. The family lived in a barracks. His eldest daughter, Batima Kalikyzy, married Galym Nikombekov. He was an employee of the PCIA, fought heroically during the Great Patriotic War, was the commandant of Berlin. He helped the Bolshineev family return to their homeland. After 1946, Kali Baimenuly worked at the mine, as there was no education. Was a handyman. They lived in the Old City. Recorded from the words: Akhmetova Bati Kalievna (maiden name—Bolshineeva), born in 1941 Recorded by: Akhmetova Altynai Sovetovna.

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Satu Kakenov My father, Kakenov Satu, had a higher education back in 1934. He graduated from the Tashkent Oriental Faculty, now it is the Central Asian State University. My father and mother lived and studied in Tashkent in the early 1930s. And so they say that ten people from Bayan-aul reached them, hungry, ragged. Well, everyone knew that people were starving there. Mom, Kakenova Zhamilya, said that she had royal gold pieces. He says: “I break them in half with an ax, and then the halves for another quarter.” Then there was such a system—Torgsin was called (All-Union Association for Trade with Foreigners; during the famine of 1932–1933, its networks were used to seize valuables from citizens by selling food at inflated prices—A.M.), something like the Beryozki store (a network of branded retail stores in the USSR that sold goods to foreigners and Soviet foreign workers for foreign currency or certificates, checks—A.M.). Mom told me that there she exchanged quarters of royal gold pieces for food. With these products, he and his father quietly fattened the people who came to them. They were afraid that they would not have a volvulus of the intestines. Their parents fed them, dressed them up as best they could. Then my father bought a team and drove them back to Bayan-aul. Imagine what kind of parents and ancestors we had—strong, sympathetic, devoted to each other. Now those people who were saved by my parents, of course, are gone, but their descendants always talk about it with such gratitude. Their parents told them how they survived during the famine. This is the memory and continuity of generations. In the meantime, those surviving people were alive, they almost carried their father in their arms. It is necessary to pass on this memory of those events to the descendants. Now I am already 75 years old, I have almost become an old man. This is what my father and mother told me about the Holodomor of 1932. The parents themselves were from the village of Azhar, now in the Bukhar-Zhyrau district of the Karaganda region. Recorded from the words: Kakenov Zhanat Satuuly. Recorded by: Mustoyapova Ainash.

CHAPTER 5

Special Migrants Larissa Kharitonova and Ainash Mustoyapova Bikmaev Yunus Husainovich (1905–1955) and Kashifa Sabirovna (1905–1988)

Bikmaeva Kashifa Sabirovna and Yunus Khusainovich

L. Kharitonova (B) · A. Mustoyapova Karaganda University Named After Academician E.A. Buketov, Karagandy, Kazakhstan e-mail: [email protected] A. Mustoyapova e-mail: [email protected] © The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 N. Dulatbekov (ed.), The Famine of 1931-1933 in Central Kazakhstan, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8574-4_5

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They were expelled from the Tatar saiman of the Nikolaev district of the Ulyanovsk region. My great-grandfather was engaged in trade in small things, two horses, three cows, his sheep, there was a brick house, they lived in trade. They did not live well, but the family did not live in poverty. Well, they counted them as fists. In 1931, my parents with three children were sent to Osakarovka, there was one red trailer on which was written “Osakarovka”. Unloaded at night, it began to rain, people began to hide in large pipes, lay there nearby. Many then fell ill after that cold night in the pipes in the draft, and my father saved our family—he stole one board from the train, split it and made it a hut, and so they were saved. Then they drove them on foot with all their belongings through the villages. And there were no settlements at all, only pegs. We arrived here, in the middle of the steppe there was a peg “Village No. 8”, and across the river “Village No. 7”. That’s where they were assigned. That’s the whole village. What to do… dug holes… and lived in them the first winter. The father was taken to the labor army for the construction of the railway, and the mother remained here with three children. Father leaves for work, fills the hole with all sorts of rags and pieces of wood, and then he comes—these holes are covered with snow in a snowdrift. He shouts: “Hey, where are ours …” and listens to his voices, waiting for someone to answer him. They gave bread to those who worked. The father was given 800 g per day, and dependents 400 g each. In the spring, houses were already being built from turf. And the hunger was fierce, the bare steppe! They ate everything that grew— quinoa, nettles, hare cabbage. Soup was made from quinoa. They caught fish, made head over heels … But mostly—grass … There were no bulls in the first spring. The field was dug by hand to plant potatoes, no tools. They brought the seeds so worthless, they planted them as shallow as they could dig up, but still the first harvest was small. Sometimes, in the winter, they found frozen potatoes, rejoiced, carried them home, and their mother would rub them and add bran. The potatoes are frozen—solid starch, so the bran is what stuck together. Those were delicious donuts! And then they began to plant vegetable gardens, built turf houses, brought in collective farm cattle. They began to build bases for cattle, and in the bases people lived with the cattle.

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Here’s another case. The horses died, they were taken to the cattle cemetery, guarded. Several people of the Tatars decided to go for meat. Well, whoever had a knife—they cut off pieces for themselves. In the dark, one to the other even cut off a finger. And my father didn’t have a knife, he began to wind the guts on his hand. And so the father brought home this prey. Granny, let’s cook at night, they were afraid that the authorities would not smell the smell. And everyone wanted to try it faster, and the grandmother drove away from the cauldron … That’s how she saved it. And many who cooked the stolen meat—without waiting, ran into it, almost raw, and in the morning everyone suffered from diarrhea, and someone even died … People were mowed down by diseases—typhus, dysentery, lice. People died en masse, in the winter they put them in one heap, and in the spring, when the snow melted, the corpses were put on wagons and taken to the cemetery. Gravediggers were given a kilogram of bread. They drank water from the river, then they built two wells. My father told me: he comes home, throws off his shirt and into the snow—and she stands in the snow, all black from lice. Our parents gave birth to four more children here. They lived together, but more often they clustered around the regions from which they were expelled. Parents were afraid to talk about those times later. Stalin was cursed for the rest of his life. Bread was always appreciated, every crumb of bread was appreciated, not a single one fell off the table. Recorded from the words: Bikmaev Yusup Yunusovich. Recorded by: Kharitonova Larissa.

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Anikina Daria Stepanovna and Arefiy Timofeevich

Daria Stepanovna, Arefiy Timofeevich and their children—Nikolay and Stepan Grandmother Daria Stepanovna and grandfather Arefiy Timofeevich Anikin were expelled from the Samara region, Syzran region, the village of Pecherskoye. They lived well, prosperously, the wooden house was capital, I was there later, I saw it. Then they made a state farm veterinary clinic out of it. My father Anikin Nikolay Arefievich (1919–1948) and my mother Sayapina (nee) Tatyana Petrovna (1922–1983) met already here. The mother’s family was expelled from Uralsk. There were six sisters and two brothers, they all were brought here, and the father’s family was divided, three sisters, brothers remained there. They were evicted in 1931, to the seventh village, there was Chechnya, Greeks, Kuban Cossacks, Ternian Cossacks. Stalin turned them as enemies of the people. In total, there were 24 villages in the Osakarovsky district—all those deported lived here, and in the 8th village there was a commandant’s office, here, on our street. They worked for rations, there was no money, they were not paid, they celebrated workdays. And the work was all and only for rations, the first years there were no cattle, no tools. They did snow retention with a plywood shovel, but how much can you work on an empty stomach? They arrived in the winter, dug pits, lived in them, and in the spring they began to make houses from turf and adobe. Mother with women

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went to Korneevka, about 15 km from here, at home they smeared a loaf of bread. It was there that the peasants had lived since the Stolypin reforms, they were already prosperous, they could have workers, these were free settlements. And we are all under surveillance. They left the village only with permission or ran around at night. When spring came, they began to walk along the hills, collecting hare cabbage, wild garlic, thyme quinoa (my mother, as a girl, was bitten by a snake in these hills, however, they realized, they sucked out the poison). That’s all the food. There weren’t really any fish in the river, but they caught something, however, there weren’t any hooks either. Who from Russia still had darning needles, they heated them, bent them, made hooks, then exchanged them for an egg in a neighboring village, one hook—one egg. The bulls were collective farm, but this was not the first year, so the first lands began to plow on them. Later, a highway was laid from the river, water went to the fields. They began to grow vegetables on the collective farm fields—cabbage, cucumbers, tomatoes, set up a collective farm garden. In it and went to work for workdays. Sticks were placed in the magazine. Vegetables were salted in large vats, 6 m deep, women in rubber boots were lowered there, they crushed cabbage. And then, at the end of the year, these sticks were counted and food was distributed for workdays, who earned how much. They were not allowed to have their own gardens, cattle. Before the war, there was already a settlement here with its own farm, with a collective farm garden, vegetable gardens. There was no more hunger. They began to come here from Russia, they fled from hunger. At first, they were not taken away from here to the war, they were considered enemies of the people, in 1942 they began to be taken away. And no money was paid until 1961. Recorded from the words: Anikin Evgeny Nikolaevich. Recorded by: Kharitonova Larissa.

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Philippova Matryona Petrovna (1888–1971) and Andrey Afinogenovich (1887–1954)

Philippov Matryona Petrovna (in the center) with her daughter

Andrey Afinogenovich Philippov My grandfather and grandmother Philippov were expelled from the village. Berezovsky, Middle Volga Territory, Syzran District, Samara Region. The family belonged to the middle class, was not poor. Here is their farm: a five-room log house, brick outbuildings, barns, a pigsty, a sheepfold, a poultry house, a tractor with plows, a garden, arable land, a bathhouse. Grandfather was a strong business executive, grandmother came from wealthy peasants, was literate, knew the Bible well. And besides, she was a craftswoman of all trades, sheathed her entire large family. 16 children were born in the family, but the boys did not survive, only one remained—Grigory. All housework was distributed among the girls.

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From 1925 to 1928, three girls and one boy were born, who were looked after by older sisters. My mother, Maria Andreevna, was the oldest, she was always with her father, looked after the cattle, helped to manage the household. They were dispossessed in 1931 and sent to Kazakhstan with 8 children—Maria (1911–1993), Natalya (1914–1943), Seraphim (1915– 1974), Ekaterina (1916–1997), Alexandra (1925–1972), Praskovya (1926–1990), Anna (1927–2011), Grigory (1928–1989). We landed at Osakarovka station. Grandmother, leaving a bag of breadcrumbs for storage for the children, went in search of water. While the mother was gone, one man tricked the children into taking this bag away from them. So hunger entered their lives. But he was not the only test. In the cold autumn of 1931, it was necessary to dig out a dwelling for themselves, to equip a pit for 11 souls. The deeper the hole, the warmer. Grandfather did everything according to the male part, he was a good carpenter, grandmother tried to feed her children. She collected quinoa, hare cabbage, wild onions, cooked soups, baked cakes. The children were given rations, but still there was not enough food, and the smallest daughter, Anna, was sent to beg, as the little ones were given more. Once Anna was given an egg, she brought it home, and her older sister sent her for salt, Anna returned—and the eggs are gone. There were many tears… Hunger is cruel. In the spring, the first houses were erected. The workers were given rations, and if a person did not complete all the tasks or was guilty of something, he was either deprived of rations or reduced to a child’s norm. Those who worked above the norm (housing had to be built) were given another 200 g of bread. The bread that grandfather brought was spent carefully and piecemeal. Grandma first chews the bread herself, then she puts this crumb in a rag and gives it to small children to suck, and so they deceived hunger. Children were tied to beds or tables, and they themselves went to work. Sometimes they came home from work, and there was already a small corpse. But the Philippov family was spared this grief. All the children survived and, thanks to the stove built by their grandfather, were saved from typhus. Grandmother threw things into the snow or into the river and they seemed to come to life—the lice came out and the things seemed to move, and then the things were thoroughly dried by the stove. The first small harvest was already in the autumn of 1932—grains brought from Russia sprouted and gave a harvest.

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By some miracle, my grandmother managed to bring a Singer sewing machine with her, thanks to her the family survived—Matrena Petrovna sewed the entire village. Grandfather wove baskets, exchanged for food in a neighboring village. Then he also laid out a collective farm garden, until the 90 s people fed there. Three children had to be sent to Russia later, otherwise it would be difficult to feed them all. Orders in the family were strict, everyone worked hard. The lazy did not survive at that time. They lived together, helped each other build houses. So they said: “Today we are going to help”. Only thanks to prayer, work, friendship and survived. Recorded from the words: Kharitonova Zinaida Pavlovna. Recorded by: Kharitonova Larissa.

The Ermolayev’s family

Asabin Maksim Yefimovich with his wife Feodosia My great-grandfather Maxim Yefimovich Asabin (1881–1957) together with his wife Fedosya, three children—Semyon, Ivan, Ksenia, daughter-in-law Daria and two-year-old granddaughter Taisiya were subjected to decolonization and exiled to the Kazakh steppes in 1931. All property was confiscated—a house, a barn, 2 horses, 2 cows, a thresher, a thresher, a hay mower, a self-tying machine, two harrows… The farm was small, although there were hired workers, they were considered exploiters… His daughter, my grandmother, Ksenia Maksimovna married Loshmanov Semyon Petrovich is already here. Loshmanov Semyon Petrovich (1913–1977) was from poor peasants, he and his family survived two famines—in Russia and Kazakhstan, his

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parents died here from starvation when he was still a child. He was so economic, zealous, that even his dog survived. So… people’s children died of starvation, and grandfather’s dog survived… Grandfather could make food out of nothing and feed it. Once I went fishing with him, so my grandfather made a wire hook, instead of a fishing line he pulled out some thread from his pants, tied it to a twig, caught a dragonfly for bait, caught a fish, found a rusty tin can, scooped up water from the river, boiled fish soup in it—fed me! This is how they were saved in hunger—with labor and ingenuity. He knew how to survive, he always told me—Misha, in the field and the beetle meat … The grandfather was mined, he knew all the herbs, there was nothing to eat, they ate herbs in the first year here. Grandmother Ksenia Maksimovna Asabina worked on the railway—it was cold, her feet were wet, there were no clothes to change. It was hard to get bread, but then she fell ill, they let her go from this hard work, she was in the hospital. She broke her heart. In the 1930s they worked at common works—they made adobe, they worked in the field, they built houses, calves. But all this was work for workdays. Already in 1932 they began to plow and sow. The field was plowed on bulls, they also carried large loads. The first harvests went in 1933. Then they were given a plan. At first, the collective farms handed over the plan to the state, then they left the rest for themselves, distributed it among families, and gave out the products as workdays. Closer to the war, they already lived well, subsistence farming, the first equipment was some kind, in vats they salted cabbage, tomatoes for the whole village. So they won the war later. Civilized Germany broke down, but ours, torn by famine and repression, withstood everything and defeated the Nazis. Grandmother said that if there had been Lenin, then there would not have been such a violent policy against the peasantry. And already when Stalin came, the kulaks began to interfere with him, there were peasant uprisings, which he suppressed. He was afraid of the peasants, especially the wealthy ones. The conscious extermination of the peasantry can be traced, the oppression of the working people was hidden under common slogans.

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Ermolaev Vasiliy Maksimovich The parents of my father Alexander Vasilievich Ermolaev are Vasily Maksimovich Ermolaev (expelled from the Saratov province) and Luneva Natalya Egorovna (expelled from the Tambov province, the village of Lebyazhye). Grandfather Ermolaev Vasiliy Maksimovich (1915–1977) was a teenager, 14–15 years old, in the early 1930s he worked on a corpse truck. He collected corpses on carts, in winter on a sleigh. Every night people died, the bodies were taken out into the street, piled along the street, and the grandfather collected and took the corpses to the cemetery, for this people gave him alms, and survived. More than 2,000 people are buried in this cemetery in the Semtovsky village, as my father told me. This is a real mass grave, somewhere there are stones instead of a fence, somewhere wooden crosses, forged crosses, and on many graves the names and dates are preserved, and the year of death is mostly 1932. This year had the most deaths. A memorial cross should be put up there… There is also such a cemetery in the 9th settlement, a memorial cross was erected there. Many people died from hunger, hard work, the losses were great, but they did not become beasts. Their hearts did not harden, on the contrary, they became softer, held on to each other, families were very strong, together they collected branches for the boiler, someone caught gophers, birds, fish, someone cooked … Only labor helped to survive. Everyone worked, labor saved them. Here, there were different estates—the peasantry, and the merchants, and the clergy, and the intelligentsia. Everyone knew how to do it, they experienced a lot of grief, but did not break. Remained people. Recorded from the words: Ermolaev Mikhail Alexandrovich. Recorded by: Kharitonova Larissa

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The Mikhailov’s family

Mikhailova Olga Ivanovna My father Mikhailov Vasiliy Nikiforovich, born in 1912, a native of the city of Abdulino, Orenburg region. His father Nikifor, my grandfather, was engaged in horse breeding, bred an elite breed, had 40 horses. Grandfather was exiled with his wife Anna and six children to Kazakhstan. Until 1950 they lived in the 8th settlement. My mother Mikhailova (nee Shatilova) Olga Ivanovna (1910–1974) and her brothers Ivan and Nikolay lived with their parents Ivan Stepanovich Shatilov and Maria Mikhailovna in the village of Dryazgi, Usmansky district, Tambov province. Mom’s parents were wealthy peasants, grandfather Ivan was a large tenant of tobacco plantations, he was engaged in the cultivation and sale of tobacco, had 50 hectares of land, hired workers. The farm had two horses and two cows. In May 1930, my grandfather was dispossessed and exiled to Kazakhstan with my mother (grandmother and sons had died by that time). The families of my parents were sent to the same village, where they met. Mom’s stories about that time are scary to remember. They threw it into a bare field, feather grass everywhere and nothing more. All the supplies that they took with them ran out on the road. There was no food. Herbs were saved, soups were cooked, the sweet root was collected, dried. Many died … because of the many corpses that did not have time to bury, dysentery broke out. Grandfather died in the spring of 1931. And my mother was left alone, then strangers took her in, she lived with them for a year, and then she

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was in the nannies of Chairman Muzychenko, since she had nowhere else to live. She was employed in general agricultural work for a piece of bread. The father’s family was very large, many children died of starvation. There was nothing to feed, and the diseases of people were mowed down mercilessly. Women left small children for older ones, and they themselves went to smear houses in neighboring villages for a loaf of bread. Recorded from the words: Malkina Raisa Vasilievna. Recorded by: Kharitonova Larissa.

The Shabanov’s family

Nadezhda Dmitrievna Shabanova My parents, Shabanov Ivan Simonovich (1900–1984) and mother Shabanova Nadezhda Dmitrievna (1900–1982), were dispossessed and still suffered because of their faith. Before disenfranchisement and deportation to Kazakhstan, my parents’ family lived in the village of Tyushevka in the Voronezh region. His grandfather’s mother, Andreev Dmitriy, had seven daughters and two sons. One class was in the soldiers (First World War), ten under two meters tall. What did he return from the war? Yakov got married for the second time. Earlier, when peasants were allocated land, they did not give land to girls, only to men. And that’s why there was not much land. But then he said buy the land. After the revolution of 1917, apparently, the landowners already knew that they would take away the land. And he began to sell his land, and he said he was greedy.

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Grandfather grew several varieties of wheat and vegetables. He had a large orchard, where Antonovka apples were grown, which were then transported by wagons to Moscow for sale. Mom, tell me about tomatoes. They knew beets, turnips, and cucumbers, but they didn’t know tomatoes. Some father brought some seeds, and when they started to bloom yellow, he said: “There will be green round tomatoes here. Don’t touch them, you can get poisoned. And when they turn red, that’s when it’s possible.” When mother and grandmother saw that they were blushing, they took them and plucked them. But they did not like their taste, nor were they used to it. When grandfather came from the city, they told him about it. Grandfather was on the agricultural line, and tried to plant new ones. The year is rich. Mom told me that he had two Orlovsky trotters, a traveling carriage, three workhorses, they rode on them in the forest in winter, and they had two heavy-duty horses, strong, with hairy legs, and they ate them. Then grandfather gave me one pape. Then dad bought another truck. Even the women of the revolution came from the city in strollers, in hats, with umbrellas. Grandmother’s table cover. Mom was the eldest daughter and helped babushka set the table. Mom, tell me a funny story. One day, after these guests, grandfather and grandmother went to see them off, and mother was left at home to clean the table. Mom said that there were crystal decanters and glasses on the table, everything was overflowing, there were red, burgundy, yellow, even green wines in them. She took it, poured the rest into a glass and drank. And she closed herself in the house, and where the rest of the children were at that time, I don’t know. Mom says: “When dad and mom came back, they knocked on the door, but the door was closed. He looked into the window, and he was lying on the floor. They broke the door, went in, drank her milk and said that there was no more that she could be poisoned.” Mom told me that her parents lived well, they fed chickens with eggs, they gave them wheat porridge and milk. Yes, it is rich. And papa always said, and grandfather: “Who worked, lived well.” Mom told me that they worked all the time in their father’s house. He says: they envied my neighbors, who sat on benches, clicked seeds, and we worked all the time, worked, rested only on holidays. And on holidays, my mother and father

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hitched a stroller, a second one, and went to the city, where they bought shoes, polo shirts and all kinds of things. And the babushka was on the other side of the father’s house and nursed. They are also very good. She was a little forgetful, so she separated my mother. It is also very rich. But the money was in my wallet. It was necessary to change it to gold, but paper money was kept in the chest, and then it was canceled. Someone wanted to play with the children, but she didn’t care. They said: “Obklei imi svoi dom, it is no longer necessary for anyone.” My parents, Shabanov Ivan Simonovich and Shabanova Nadezhda Dmitrievna, got married in 1921. At first they lived with their motherin-law, but then something happened between them and they separated. It was already during the councils. Grandmother did not want to give mom’s gift. And mother sued her dowry through the court, which her father gave her when she got married. So mother took all her dowry. Parents live well. They had a wooden house on a stone foundation. There was a stroller. There were two heavy trucks with short legs. They had two cows, one of them my grandfather, my mother’s father, gave as a wedding present. This cow produced 36 L of milk, and the milk was very good. Mom remembered this cow all her life. Mom told me that when she drove herd of cows to the shepherd in the morning, and met them in the evening, she passed by a small hut on the outskirts of the village and heard a beautiful song. Mama stood at the door and listened. A few days later, an old grandfather came out and said to her: “Go. Listen. The service is going to us.” Mom and dad went to the Orthodox church, there was a priest and everything. And there was nothing there, grandfather read the Bible, explained it, and he sang a song. Mame liked it, she started going there, then she got baptized and believed. Then papu privela. A papa u nas ne pil. But it burned, it burned hard. Samosad oni sajali. When papa came there, to my grandfather, he quit smoking and also received baptism and believed. These were Evangelical Christians-Baptists. When dad got a job at the mine, they started giving cards and products were given on cards. And it got better. His mother had six boys and three girls. The first three, who were born in the Voronezh region, died. Then my mother gave birth to Nikolay (born in 1921), Dmitriy (born in 1928), Tolik (born in 1936), Antonina (born in 1939), Lilya (born in 1943) and me. I am the last one, in 1946, already after the war.

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That’s it, dad already worked, gave cards, received products. Wheat, buckwheat, barley groats, pearl barley. When Tolik was born, there was a children’s kitchen at the Red Hospital (as the district was called). Food was provided for small children. They gave out milk, cottage cheese. Mom said: “Kolya came from work, if at night, on the way, he went to the dairy kitchen, and there they gave Tolik food.” After Tolik was born in 1936, women were brought to Temirtau to block a dam or something else, but they were laying stones. Mom said: “It was already autumn. I go to the water, I work. And we leave, our legs are blue and purple.” Ih eshche i na open car vehicle. This pillar will then become a leg. Nikolay was already big. He was born in Voronezh region in 1921. He died when he was 22 years old, when Lilya was born (1943). At one time, he was taken to a mine, and he had sick kidneys. They didn’t give a ballot, but his legs were swollen, like glass. They started calling him to the front, but his legs were so swollen that they did not take him to the front, but put him in the hospital. He lay there for a week and died. Papu fell into the mine twice. But both times were quickly dug up. Later, in the 1950s, we started to build a house in the distant park, on Shkolnaya Street, there was a railway, and there was a school on our street, either the 53rd or the 52nd. They started to build houses, everything has been fixed, shops have started to work, the card system has already been canceled. Where the Red Hospital was, there was a shop where they started selling bread without a card. There was little white bread, and there was always a queue for it. There was black, rzhanogo, and white—rarely. Lily and I went for bread and always brought black bread. And mother said: “Well, at least once, you will bring the white one?” I left early, and then we were pushed out of the queue, and we were brought a black one again. They have already given out money. It was good in the 1950s and 1960s. Mom, send the parcel already. Grandfather and grandmother, her parents, went somewhere in Donbass. Grandpa saw a whole log. Grandpa was very sick, he had rheumatism in his heart and legs. Tam ten died, and then the grandmother decided to return to Tyushevka. It is allowed to return. She moved to the city. Lipetsk, Voronezh region, lived with her daughter Ksenia and died in 1955. My mother’s seven sisters moved to the city at one time. When the grandfather was raskulachivali, the girls were already adults, and who moved to where, who was a nanny, who went to the city. And Aunt

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Natasha, one of my mother’s sisters, hid herself so that she would not be scolded when everyone was being disarmed. Somebody told me where she is hiding. But she ran through the distant gardens, hid in the peat pits and heard how two horses galloped by, but did not find her. Then she also went to the city. She remained illiterate. I still remember that my parents said that they had to go to the commandant’s office or the office to be marked. Then they allowed to leave only for a certain time, but only one of the parents, and the second one stayed here with the children. The pope was crushed, because no one was released from the mine during the war. And then, when the money was already there and the cards were cancelled, Kolya sent and met him. Papa was at work. Mom met with my little one. Recorded from the words: Lyudmila Ivanovna Parkhomenko. Recorded: Mustoyapova Ainash.

Butuzov Dmitry Antipovich and Praskovya Vasilievna My parents Dmitry Antipovich Butuzov and mother Praskovya Vasilievna were exiled to Kazakhstan in 1931. They were deported from Donbass with two small children. Uvezli ih s Osakarovki na 10 settlements. My father then worked in the collective farm where I was the chairman. The Pope received many awards, including “For the highest harvest”. The people loved him, he always made sure that people did not starve. At first, they lived in huts, and then barracks were built, but it was crowded there, 5–10 families in barracks. All that they brought with them—all authorized. Father and mother had 12 children, 10 were born here, six children died. It’s very, very tight. There was no cattle, land too, everything was only kolkhoznoe. But it is not immediately. At first, nothing at all. But mom told me that she saved their friendship, they started laughing, there were no other people’s children, they shared each other’s stories. The clothes were nothing but pants made of my mother’s skirt. Instead of pacifiers, children were tricked with a soft cloth in gauze, and they went to work, it happens that the gauze gets stuck in the throat and the child suffocates. Tumors are hot and painful. Then, when the grain harvest was over, the women secretly made canvas bags and hung them on their chests to store the grain there. And then they brought it home, and they did it. Recorded from the words: Butuzova Valentina Dmitrievna.

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Recorded by: Korzh Sergey.

Ivan Philippovich Malkin (1876–1932)

The Malki’s family My grandfather Ivan Philippovich Malkin and his wife Marfa Andreevna (b. 1877) were wealthy peasants in the village. Yekaterinovka, Ulyanovsk region. During the NEP, it was possible to rent land from the state and cultivate it. And those who know how to work live comfortably. According to the law, 1 hectare of land was allocated to each tenant, and it was also possible to rent additional land. He had 15 eaters and added 25 tenants to his 15. Ded was a very skilled householder, he obtained the offspring of his three mares and sold them on the market. He managed to build a house with stables for two sons and their families, separated them. Together with the family, they bought a threshing machine and a threshing machine from another strong householder. But as soon as collectivization began, in 1930, people began to be persuaded to enroll in collective farms, and those who did not agree—fell into the “kulaki”. As a result, they took away all the property, clothes, and all of them from the dissenters and put them all in one house “by special order”, allowing them to take a chest and a table. The food was not given, the food was brought to the village, which was dried and dried for the long journey. Out of 9 deported families, 4 families were Malkin’s. My father, Fedor Ivanovich, turned 12 that year. They unloaded everyone in Osakarovka, and the drivers quietly warned them that they should take

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all their supplies, because upon arrival in the village, they would still take everything from them. They brought them to the seventh point, started to settle down, built a barracks out of grass, firewood and clay, and tried to make it to the winter. And the frosts lived in huts and huts. People were crammed into barracks of 10 families, unsanitary conditions, nowhere to wash, hunger, cold… many died in the first winter of 1931–1932. People were on a paycheck, workers were given 400 g each, and dependents 200 g of semi-raw bread, some frozen potatoes, frozen horse meat, and a pinch of wheat. There were stoves in the barracks, but there was no way to heat them, because all the wood went to construction. In December 1931, the men returned from the construction of the railway. Soon, grandfather’s brother and his whole family died. Grandpa came back from these jobs quite strong and managed to save the family. He built a stove from the imported cast iron, and made my grandfather and his brothers go to Vishnevka side (to leave in the dark and come back in the dark, so that the commandant does not catch his eye), to root out birch stumps. That’s how I saved them and a few more families from this baraka and a small cast-iron stove. Now it was possible to fry clothes to remove lice, to warm up, and to cook simple food. But soon trouble came—my father died of typhus. But the family still managed to survive, in large part, thanks to grandfather’s instructions. In the spring of 1932, an agricultural artel was formed, but it did not deal with the land—there was nothing to sow, but the construction of new barracks. And in the fall of 1932, my father ran away from home, putting bread in his bag. He got to his native Ekaterinovka by different and complicated paths, but this is another story, described in detail by Dmitry Chirov in the book “For what? Special migration year”. Recorded from the words: Chistyakova Nina Fedorovna. Recorded by: Kharitonova Larissa.

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Bushuev Efrem Vasilyevich (1886–1932) and Natalya Rodionovna (1890–1979)

The Bushuev’s family They were expelled from the Vladimirsky district of the Astrakhan region. Property: Lobogreyka, cart on springs, sleigh, bird, livestock, two houses were recorded on the grandfather (on him and his brother). They kicked me out of the house, began to take out the chests, opened one chest, and there was a winter hat, my godmother, Katya (she was 3 years old then), grabbed this hat, put it on herself and holds it, and the guards to her, rip off the hat, grabbed it, and she screams, squeals, does not give back … but this hat was taken away from her. Grandfather and grandmother brought five children here, one daughter stayed there, and my mother was 7 years old when they were deported. They sent me to Tikhonovka, to the empty steppe, in late autumn. The children were reduced in years because the children were given extra food, in fact she was seven, and recorded as five years old. Grandfather, Efrem Vasilyevich, died here in 1931 at 42 from pneumonia. They lived in the same family with their grandfather’s brother. His wife fed all the children, and my grandmother and other women went away for the whole day to smear at home with the Kazakhs, so they earned food. Even Kazakhs took straw and manure for adobe bricks to build dugouts. My uncle Mitya, as a teenager, worked in the canteen, my mother and other children went to the canteen, and he gave them potato peels, but

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there were different leftovers, then his wife processed it all, and they fed. From potato peelings, those with eyes were chosen, then by the spring they germinated and planted them. Then the vegetable gardens began to grow, they survived thanks to the fact that there was a well with good water on their territory, and where the water was bad, people died. Faith helped to survive, icons and sacred books were secretly brought. Mom said: we go along the steppe to the mine, and along the road the dead lie, the children were no longer afraid, they looked and ran to report to the village who had died. They collected quinoa, nettles, boiled soup from them, baked them. Flour was worth its weight in gold. No milk, no meat. Recorded from the words: Nedelko Lyudmila Fedorovna. Recorded by: Kharitonova Larissa.

Kulikov Yakov Yakovlevich (1898–1983) and Vasilisa Ilyinichna (1900–1981)

The Kulikov’s family The Kulikov family is my father’s family. Grandfather and grandmother were expelled from the Rostov region, the Bokovsky district, the Konki farm. They were from the White Cossacks. Dedan’s fate is Grishka Melekhov’s fate. He was a cornet, a white Cossack, then the Reds took him prisoner, made him red and even made him chairman of the village council. His family was prosperous, because

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his father had 7 sons, and for each boy the Don Cossacks were given a plot of land. But the babani, on the contrary, had 7 girls in the family, they didn’t give allotments for girls, so the family was poor. And when she came to the Kulikovs’ house, she saw full barns of grain, stables, a full bowl of the house—she even burst into tears. They had their own house, farm, land. Before dispossession, they had two children, including my father, and the third woman was pregnant. During dispossession, the house was taken away and our matchmakers settled there, they did not like to work, they sold their lands. Grandfather was sent first, my father, he was 10 years old, sent to his grandfather and grandmother, and the pregnant woman remained alone, walked through the ravines and spent the night and her relatives did not let her into her own house. She did not go to her parents, because she was afraid to miss the train, which would allow her to leave for her husband. Finally, she was taken out in calf wagons. Dear a lot of people were dying. And here already in Tikhonovka grandfather met her. When the woman arrived, the barracks had already been built, and the old man lived in a pit upon arrival. Several families lived, the territory was simply divided with rags. They have three more daughters who died one after the other from measles. Grandfather, when she gave birth, got some melted butter in a bottle somewhere, and the grandmother took butter from there with a knitting needle, smeared butter from this knitting needle on bread. She ate and fed the children herself, then she boasted that she had even gained weight on such food. These times could not be remembered, the word “fist” was afraid to pronounce. Recorded from the words: Nedelko Lyudmila Fedorovna. Recorded by: Kharitonova Larissa.

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Savchenko Pelagia Yakovlevna (1878–1963)

She was expelled from the village of Peski, Losevsky District, Voronezh Region. My grandmother Pelagia Yakovlevna Savchenko (nee Perebeynos) was left a widow in 1921 with eight children, the ninth was born on the day of the funeral of my grandfather, husband Pelagia Yakovlevna, but the baby died. My grandmother had a cherry orchard and a hardware store. It must be assumed that everyone was busy with work. In 1931, my grandmother’s family went under dispossession. And the reason, according to the stories of my mother—Olga Ivanovna Nedelko (nee Savchenko) and aunt Lyubov Ivanovna Zavyazkina (nee Savchenko), was a primus stove. My grandmother had two stoves. The chairman of the village council knew about it. Once he came and asked for a second stove, and his grandmother gave it to him. Time passes, but he does not return the stove. Then his grandmother reminded him. And I did not want to return the primus. So he decided to crack down, including the Savchenko family (in the street—Ivanikhins) in the lists of the dispossessed. I don’t think that this primus could have been the reason—just a rural myth. And the reason is a strong, hard-working family, a hardware store and a garden. Grandmother was taken away with six children, the two older ones, Peter and Stepan, lived independently: Peter lived in Tbilisi, and Stepan studied at a flight school in Saratov. They unloaded my grandmother and her family, like everyone else, into the bare steppe. It was March. They settled in a place that became known as Kompaneysk. Survived the winter. In the families in the neighborhood, many were dying of hunger. But Grandma saved everyone. My

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aunt, Lyubov Ivanovna, explained it this way. Adult children were already working—both aunt Lyuba and my mother, Olga Ivanovna. They were paid for their work with bread rations. Grandmother taught me to bring the received rations home. And they brought them in full. And then divided among all. And although the rations of bread divided among all did not give satiety, everyone got to eat a little. And in other families, as Aunt Lyuba said, the received ration of bread was eaten by one person on the way, and the family remained hungry. There was a market in New Karaganda. They went there to exchange or buy something. We walked from Kompaneysk to New Karaganda. On the way, Aunt Lyuba recalled, horsemen stopped those who were going to New Karaganda, gave them baghrs (long sticks with sharp tips) and forced them to drag the corpses of people exposed under the spring sun to one place. There were many corpses. They worked out the duty for several hours, and then those who worked were released to go about their business. Recorded from the words: Savchenko Taisiya Timofeevna. Recorded by: Kharitonova Larissa.

Bragin Ivan Semyonovich (1900–1980) and Maria Ivanovna (1900–1956) Unfortunately, my husband, Anatoly Ivanovich Bragin, has been dead for 2 years, but I remember well the stories about his repressed parents and the children who were deported with them. Father—Bragin Ivan Semyonovich, mother, Maria Ivanovna, both born in 1900, children—Anna, Ivan, Victor, Misha and two more, a boy and a girl, I don’t remember the names, were deported as kulaks from the Voronezh region, the village of Khrenovoye in the summer of 1931. Their grandfather, Semyon Ilyich Bragin, was also sent with them. Grandfather was a mighty Russian hero with a bushy beard, who, already being middle-aged, raised the corner of the house. Previously, after all, the foundation was not built, five-wall huts were placed directly on the ground, notches were made on round logs and laid on top of each other. A five-wall is 4 outer walls and inside a partition that separates the kitchen and the room in which the whole family lived. The stove was placed in this partition and it heated both halves. The fun was such—very strong men could raise the corner of the house.

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The family was dispossessed, their livestock and property were taken away, although they were just hardworking people with a strong economy. People had the misfortune of being just hardworking, non-drinking business executives. And they were dispossessed by drunkards. That’s what my husband told me. They were brought to Kazakhstan, landed in the steppes, where Kompaneysk is now located. People began to prepare for winter, dug dugouts, worked, some walked to the mines, some to build the railway. The husband’s father had 4 classes of education, was considered a literate person, and he was appointed a supply forwarder. In the very first winter, an 8-month-old girl, a 5-year-old boy, and 8-year-old Misha, as well as grandfather Semyon, died. Mother said that Misha kept asking: “Mom, I won’t die, will I?” Mom, I want to live! They lived like everyone exiled at that time: hunger, lice, typhus. They received rations of bread, workdays. My husband told me that there was a ravine in the steppe. There the quinoa was spicier. People descended into this ravine for a quinoa, but there was no longer enough strength to get out. Many were left there to die. Lydia, Tamara, Anatoly (my husband) and Yuri were born already in exile. Mother Maria Ivanovna died in 1956. Father, Ivan Semenovich, lived until 1980, having worked all his life as a freight forwarder in the ORS. Despite such hardships, they brought up worthy people. Anna worked as a teacher all her life, lived for 84 years. Ivan fought, died in 1944. Victor fought, returned from the front, worked as a prosecutor in the Tyumen region. Children who were born already in Karaganda lived a long, decent life. Unfortunately, no one is left. My husband Anatoly wrote poetry. The “red thread” in his work is the tragedy of his parents. Anatoly Bragin. Companeysk-31 The echelon was walking in an enchanted dream The hills stuck out like humps in the steppe Red sun, melt your run

The locomotive makes its heavy moan The wagon train woke up in the middle of karagan Vagonzak opened the doors to the slaves Tears froze in the women’s eyes

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Children will fall wearily to the ground… The city of steppe originates here A dugout and a bush will become their home Only their hollow tummy was empty

Stalin will be in trouble from the sky Many then were not saved by the swan The village of adobe was modest and simple Near the village there is a huge graveyard

Rye will grow here sometime… Typhoid louse mows down kids The corpses are silently carried out by the fathers The groom leads the horse by the bridle

The sleepers were lying on the bare ground Creepy cargo rests on the sleigh So the toddler did not wait for spring The third child and the wise old man Here in the snow his head drooped.

Recorded from the words: Bragina Galina Viktorovna. Recorded by: Kharitonova Larissa.

Shishova Anna Andreevna (1888–1954)

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The Shishov’s family The story of my grandmother reflects the life of all our fellow villagers—special settlers living in the village number 11, exiled to the Kazakh steppes. All our grandfathers, parents, who survived in a terrible time, managed to preserve human dignity, faith in goodness and justice. Our great-great-grandfather Shishov Ermila was a native of the village of Staraya Chesnokovka, Samara province, Isaklinsky district. The lands of this village belonged to him; from all over the county, workers came to him. Ermila had an only son, Ivan, and Ivan had an only son, Grigory, my grandfather. Grandfather Gregory and grandmother Anna had 8 children. Grandfather Gregory was an honest, hardworking, joker. Managed the entire household, which he inherited from his great-great-grandfather Ermila and father Ivan. Merchants and trade people constantly came to him. They lived prosperously: there were working horses, traveling horses, a plow ordered from America, a lobo-heater, melons, the lands of Staraya Chesnokovka, a big house. There were no hired workers, they managed on their own. There were 18 souls in the family, along with adopted children. The house in which the Shishov family lived was a school for 46 years after dispossession. It was called “Yermilov School”. In the 30s, the Soviet government recognized our grandfathers as “kulaks”. To be full, healthy, to work with the whole family on their land plots has become a punishable matter. Everything had to be taken away and expelled from the fertile lands. They took everything! The half-dressed were herded into the woodshed and locked up. Greatgrandmother Vasilisa put on several skirts, but they took off the extra ones anyway … Son Ivan and daughter Seraphim by that time had their own families and did not fall under dispossession, they remained in Russia. Loaded into cattle cars and sent to Kazakhstan. They brought them to the steppes, where pegs with the numbers of the settlements were hammered. 1500 people were brought to settlement № 11, the same number to settlement № 13. Only the 11th settlement remained, and the 13th turned into a cemetery. They dug deep holes for dwellings, made beds from turf. Several families lived. The winter was fierce and hungry. Grandfather Gregory and sister Tatyana were buried in the first winter in a mass grave. Soon typhus began, the special settlers were dying out in families. Typhus, hunger and cold claimed thousands of lives. In the spring, scurvy began. Scurvy is a consequence of hunger, constant malnutrition, lack of

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vitamin C. Children are especially affected, lack of nutrition has led to the fact that people weakened, their teeth fell out, their bones became brittle, their legs swelled. Diligence and great love for her children drove Baba Anna to the mountains. There she collected hare cabbage, mountain garlic and all kinds of greens, cooked stew from the collected herbs—and saved the children from scurvy, her whole family survived. Great-grandmother Vasilisa died in the second year of exile. In Russia, she asked her grandchildren to bury her with all Christian honors. And they wrapped her in a sackcloth, took her to the cemetery and threw her into a mass grave. For a long time, mother and brother, with their fragile hands, dug up the ground and put it in this dig so that the corpses would not fall on it. They dug virgin soil with shovels, sowed wheat. They secretly went to collect spikelets, but if they came across to the rider, he drove them to the village and whipped them with a whip. If it was possible to carry wheat home, it was chewed or fried for a long time. It seemed to everyone that there was no tastier food. No wonder they said “The best food taster is hunger.” Mother recalled how women gathered at Baba Anna and said: “Why didn’t we fry in Russia! It’s delicious—you’ll eat your mind!”. In the second year, dugouts began to be built. The roof was covered with reeds. The mother, along with other teenagers, was sent to cut reeds in Telman until the very frost, and they were all undressed and undressed. To feed, it was necessary to heat stoves and cook food. Furnaces were heated with feather grass. They gave a certain rate of collection of bunches of feather grass, and later they drowned them with straw. Children often ran away, tried to escape to Russia, but they were caught at the Osakarovka station. At the 4th settlement there was a jail, they were imprisoned there. Baba Anna went there, 4 km away, picked them up. One of them—Athanasius—managed to escape, after the abolition of the commandant’s office, he returned and stayed to live in Kazakhstan. For a long time, my mother had nostalgia for her homeland. But when we went to Russia in 1974, we were horrified by poverty and mismanagement, despite the fact that the land is rich, fertile, black earth. All hard-working people who love land and work were exiled to Kazakhstan. Despite all the difficulties, hardships, our grandfathers continued to work, create families, build houses, set up farms, grow gardens, sow fields, harvest crops, sew clothes, shoes, felt felt boots.

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Nevertheless, everything was taken away! Naked, hungry, landed in the steppe and left to survive! But only they could not take away diligence, love of life and faith in God. I was struck that people had no resentment against the authorities, against Stalin. There was no time for resentment: I had to work, save my family. Recorded from the words: Karapidi (Yakovleva) Nadezhda Borisovna. Recorded by: Kharitonova Larissa.

Stepan Tikhonovich Grechkin (1882–1974) Grandmother Maria Ignatievna and grandfather Stepan Tikhonovich Grechkin were exiled here from the Samara region, according to the official wording “for the exploitation of hired labor.” Here is their property: a house with outbuildings, sowing 11 acres, a threshing machine, a seeder, a reaper, a winnowing machine, 8 horses, 6 cows, 18 sheep. All were confiscated … and they were handed over just by those people who went and begged, did not work themselves. Somehow they gave them two loaves of bread for alms, and they reported: Like, the Grechkins have a lot of extra bread … They arrived in Kazakhstan, in the Osakarovsky district, in calf cars, my mother recalled with a shudder how they drove until her death. They assigned them to live in the 6th village, immediately began to work in common work, they had to live somewhere, settle down, there was bare steppe around, and winter was coming … Came with five children. Two sons, Vasily and Ivan, fled the expulsion. It wasn’t life… it was survival. Everything that they managed to take with them from Russia was taken away from them here, they went about naked, hungry and cold. Survived the first winter with loss. Son Nikolai, 5–6 years old, died of starvation and illness, the rest survived. In the spring, they rushed to plant what they managed to save and bring from Russia—grains, seeds. They rarely gave potatoes—they also kept the peels, cooked soup from them, and those with seeds were set aside for sowing. And if cake or bran brought to draft cattle was mined, it was a real holiday. There was no flour, the dough was kneaded on bran. Plantain was a real delicacy, but it was an infrequent find, there were a lot of people, and it grew only on wet ground above the river. Nature itself saved our parents—picturesque places—a river, hills, small woods in the hills, they went there—they collected all kinds of greens and cooked stews.

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Parents met and got married already here, in Kazakhstan. My mother, Anna Stepanovna, punished before her death: Daughter, never throw away bread, let it get to birds, cattle, but just don’t interfere with garbage. That’s how I live. I myself did not survive the famine, but the memory of those terrible times lives in me and I keep a careful attitude to bread and all food. Recorded from the words: Elizarova Zinaida Vladimirovna. Recorded by: Kharitonova Larissa.

Papanova Anna Andreevna (1887–1977) My grandmother Papanova Anna Andreevna was deported to Karaganda in 1931 with four children, one of whom was an infant. He lives with his grandfather in the village of Rozhdestvenno, Valuysky District, Belgorod Region. They were middle-class, but they wrote them down in their fists. There was a small household—horse threshing machine, windmill, cattle. There were hired workers who sat with them at the same table. In 1931, they were subjected to administrative disenfranchisement. People in “red bandages and handkerchiefs” ordered to hand over the cattle. Father Papanov Hristofor Semenovich, to save the cattle, drove her into the forest. For this, the grandfather caught them, tied them to a pole and began to pour cold water over them. It was a cold autumn. Grandfather fell ill and soon died. A family loaded it into the pod and took it to the station. It is not allowed to take anything, only small knots. Grandmother sat in a carriage with a small child in her arms, wrapped in a down blanket. But the woman in the red scarf took this blanket from her and put a rough blanket on it (a cover that is thrown over the croup of a horse to protect it from hypothermia or insects). They loaded them into a calf wagon. Nobody knew what they were going to. My dear, typhus broke out. People fainted in fever, dying. The corpse was placed in a separate compartment, then thrown out at the station. Grandma was also taken to this compartment, but then someone said: “She’s still alive!” and returned to the car, where she was waiting for four children. In Karaganda, they were already unloaded under winter in the village of Kompaneysk. But it was difficult to call it a settlement. Wide endless steppe with rare buildings. They began to dig pits to somehow overwinter. My mother Praskovya Khristoforovna, she was 5 years old at the time, told me how they often woke up under snow or needles.

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With the first heat, straw was made to build houses. Their first house was a five-story house with five owners. A master stove, which became the breadwinner of five families. There was a severe famine in the steppe. Local Kazakhs, even though they lived on their native land, were also starving, their whole families died. There was no place to work, small rations were given, but people had to survive on their own. And here one more misfortune happened in the Papanov family. The older son Mitrofan, fourteen years old, was taken to Karlag, to Dolinka. And they blamed him for my father, my grandfather, who wanted to hide cattle in the woods from the Soviet government. However, this misfortune unexpectedly saved the whole family from hunger. Mitrofan was put in a cell due to his youth, and a place was assigned to him in the household part of Karlaga, in the dining room. All the guidance was there. The boy managed to inform his family of the place where all the waste was dumped. And my grandmother and other women from Sortirovka went to Dolinka for food waste, the most valuable were potato peelings—you could cook soup and bake pancakes from them. Sometimes Mitrofan gave him his prison sentence. The whole day was spent on the road, and even more, along the way they collected lebedo, plantain—everything went into food… When the women returned home, the food was distributed to the whole barracks for a common pot. That’s how a fourteen-year-old boy saved several families from hunger. It is even possible to say that he saved, because of which Mitrofan ended up in this camp. There were many nationalities, all united by one problem—separation from the homeland and the struggle for survival. Many did not survive this struggle, people died of hunger… The worst was in 1931–1932. After that, a vegetable store was already built, and my aunts—Anna and Maria, worked there. The girls put them in a big pot with cabbage and they ate it with their feet. Fire, salt and cold led to convulsions in his legs, he earned arthritis and gout for the rest of his life. The girls worked for a day. A babushka then got a job as a cleaner at the railway station, earning a salary. Nobody died in their family. My grandmother strictly followed us in the rest of her life—so that we treated the food with care and did not throw anything away. Not a single piece of bread was lost. I live by my principles.

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Despite all the hardships, the members of our family turned out to be long-livers. Grandmother lived to be 90 years old, and her children also lived to old age. An interesting meeting took place after many years. One day, my grandmother decided to visit her native village in Russia. I met a woman at the station who took a down blanket from her. The woman looked poor, emaciated and poorly dressed. A plush coat (poludoshka) was fashionable at that time for my grandmother, she was well dressed. “Well, look at me,” babushka said to the wedding woman.—Dress up, dress up, or die there, but she stayed as she was in her red dress! My grandmother had a strong resentment for the unjust actions of the authorities, she never wanted to return to her homeland, which was so mercilessly thrown out. And people living in Russia are better than here. Grandmother’s story is firmly in my memory, I don’t know why she chose me as her audience. She was afraid to talk, the topic of hunger and those terrible times in the family was forbidden. Recorded from the words: Kashtaeva Svetlana Alekseevna. Recorded by: Kharitonova Larissa.

Podvigin Nikolay Vasilievich My father, Nikolay Vasilyevich Podvigin, was exiled to Kazakhstan from the Voronezh region, my grandfather was exiled to Udmurtia, and the family was divided. The family was not prosperous, they had their own farm, cattle, hard workers. However, when they applied for rehabilitation, they saw in the documents that there were employees in our family. This is not true, of course. I remember a ditty, it was popular in our family: Thanks to Lenin Thanks to Stalin Dispossessed me for the old shit.

They took with them everything they could carry. Who was more informed, in advance the belongings were collected. This was a surprise for ours, little that we managed to take with us. Brought to an empty land—survive. Many died in the first year especially. The typhus was terrible, they were dying of hunger, they were swollen from hunger.

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They began to build houses from turf, adobe, and they saved. The ration was 800 g per worker, half as much for a dependent. Tall people, of large build, with rations that were rationed, especially quickly died of hunger. It was impossible to leave the village without the permission of the commandant’s office. They took permission—went to neighboring villages (Okolnoe, Beloyarovka, Korneevka) changed things brought from Russia for food. Over time, a collective farm was built, it was a large farm. Even Anastas Mikoyan came to the 5th village (the central estate). He climbed on a tractor, examined the cultivated fields and said: “Yes, kulaks, you know how to work!”. Recorded from the words: Podvigin Vladimir Nikolaevich. Recorded by: Kharitonova Larissa.

The Kolesnikov’s family Grandfather Kolesnikov Pyotr Emelyanovich and grandmother Kolesnikova Anna Petrovna lived in the Orenburg region, Orsk district, the village of Baku. They were deported in 1931 to Central Kazakhstan, Karaganda region, to the regional center Osakarovka, from which they were transported to the village № 11. The Kolesnikov family had three sisters—Anya, Luda and Yulia and an older brother Nikolai, who died of starvation. When they were brought to 11 villages, they dug dugouts, in which they later lived. Grandfather Petr Emelyanovich was taken to work in Osakarovka for the construction of the Karaganda-Akmola railway, and grandmother Anna Petrovna remained to look after the children. In the Novopokrovsky fund of the Novopokrovsky district executive committee, the following is written on the kulak Kolesnikov Pyotr Yemelyanovich: “In January 1930, the fist Kolesnikov Pyotr Yemelyanovich was deprived of voting rights for exploitation, in the same year the property was confiscated under item 61 “Seizure of inventory, livestock and houses””. “On March 1, 1930, Kolesnikov Petr Emelyanovich was taken through USPA, and on March 21, 1930, he was expelled with his family from the Orsk region, the village of Baku, in an unknown direction,” the archive mentioned.

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In the Karaganda region, the Kolesnikov family ended up in the Osakarovsky district in a special settlement, where there were settlements № 4, 5, 6, 9, 11: all the exiled and dispossessed people lived in them. There was snow, there was nowhere to live, and there was only a flat field where people began to dig dugouts. Over time, a severe famine began, which led to mass deaths of people. The food was given out from the commandant’s office of the Osakarovskiy district, and it was a small piece of bread. Cold and hunger still continued, but in the spring it became easier, as people began to collect grass, quinoa and use herbal tea as a soup. In the village № 11 there is a large common grave in which the victims of political repression and famine lie. About a thousand people were buried, and maybe more. Grandfather worked on the construction of the Karaganda-Akmola railway and died there from a heart attack. Soon the grandmother died, and the children ended up in orphanages. The orphaned girls Nadezhda, Yulia, Agrafena, Anna and Valentina ended up in an orphanage, which was located in the village № 9. There was also hunger and cold, the children walked barefoot, there were no clothes, no shoes—nothing. Children were also forced to report to the commandant’s office. In the Kolesnikov family, 5 people died: two adults (father and mother) and three children. The surviving children were in orphanages located on the territory of the Osakarovsky district. Already grown-up children were still considered the offspring of kulaks, and therefore they did not have the right to vote, it was not possible to walk or walk anywhere, as they were under special supervision. People were very hungry. Children had toys, they were carved from wood, dolls were made for girls from pieces of fabric. In this way, children somehow tried to distract from hunger. There was practically no sugar, and its existence was known only in 1948. At present, the orphanage, which was located in the village № 9, is operating, and the orphanage, which was located in the village № 11, was disbanded and merged with the orphanage in the ninth village. At that time, people did not have livestock, everyone lived on swan grass. The children were fed soups, which were made from water, grass and flour—the mamalyga stew. According to the recollections of grandmother Valentina, all the girls Nadia, Yulia and Anya, growing up, worked for wear and tear: manual labor prevailed, starting from the age of 9.

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And only after some time, cattle began to appear little by little, and then they began to grow plantations, which are still in operation. And the work of little girls was under the strict supervision of the supervisors from the commandant’s office. In 1948, special supervision was removed from these 4 children and they could move freely, over time, someone got married or got married. Many who remained in the village number 11 died there. Everyone who left the orphanage began working on collective farms for sticks, which were given to them as “workdays”. Clothes were sewn from what they brought. Grandmother Valentina has the Order of Honor for her honest work for the benefit of Soviet society. People earned their own workdays, and for these workdays they were given grain, flour, etc.—everything from food for a certain number of workdays, and people had to live on the issued products throughout the year. There was no monetary measure. When collective farms appeared, cattle began to appear, vegetable gardens—everything began to develop and rise, but before this period there was a terrible famine, pestilence. Relations with the local population were peculiar: the local special supervision treated the special settlers very rudely, the poor and middle peasants welcomed and helped the special settlers, and those who were richer organized bloody games: they caught the settlers who went one by one for water, catching them, put wooden shackles on them and cut off the head or parts of the body. When the Great Patriotic War began, all the young people and girls who were in special resettlement were taken to the front. Grandmother Valentina did not get to the front, but she was on duty, went to Osakarovka on foot, delivered mail. Recorded from the words: Tamara Ivanovna Shilina. Recorded by: Alexander Shilin.

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Kositsyna Lyudmila Grigorievna (b. 1946)

My mother is from Saratov (Kuybyshev) region, and my father is from Uralsk. Father is Grigory Abakumovich Kositsyn, mother is Lyubov Illarionovna Kositsyn (maiden name Semina). There are very few of us in Kositsino, Karaganda. It is an uncommon surname. Parents came to Karaganda during the decolonization (1931–1933). Mom worked in a mine, and dad worked on a lift. They met each other and got married there. They lived in Maikuduk. My oldest brother was born in 1935, my second brother was born in 1938 or 1946, then my brother was born in 1952 and my sister was born in 1953. All the brothers have died, and now only two sisters are left. Here dugouts were dug, the parents lived there. Then dad began to work at the mine, and from Maikuduk they moved to the Old City, where the Kazdrama Theater was located. Then they lived near the cinema. There was the first mine. Dad worked at this mine. So he provided for the family, and they had five children. In 1953, they lived in a barrack, in one room. Since he worked at the mine, we had a telephone hanging on the wall. We have always had a connection with the mine. They lived there until the time when I was in the 4th grade. Then we moved from the Old Town, we were given an apartment on Pervaya Verticalnaya Street in the Mining Village. The houses were wooden. Then the parents themselves built the house. It was as if we did not live in poverty, because we worked and there was some kind of cattle. At first we had bicycles, a motorcycle. Then my dad

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had a car. I don’t remember that we ever went hungry. Parents planted gardens. Now I remember, in childhood, certainly, they did not live in such luxury, but they always had everything, and they were fed, and dressed, and were shod. None of our relatives went hungry. They were taken to the war, then my mother worked on the collective farm. And dad had a reservation, because he had to work in the mines. He was illiterate, but he worked on a lift. Then, when all the children were born, my mother was a housewife. I remember that with my dad I drove a car all the time (Moskvich) to collective farms, and when we drove past the Karaganda-Sortirovochnaya station, he always approached the railroad track and stood for half an hour, crying. I remember I asked him: “Dad, why are you crying?”, He says: “Forty people brought us here, and only five of us survived. People laid sleepers, fell, they laid sleepers on them. I come up and hear a groan, people were dying under these sleepers”. There the road lies on the bones … During the dispossession, my mother was a worker, she washed people. It was in the Kuibyshev region. Mom told me that they drove up to the courtyard in a cart and dispossessed the wealthy. And her family, because they had one cow and something else. I also heard that later they paid something to those whose parents were expelled, but I didn’t receive anything, I didn’t apply, because I went on disability. Parents did not say that it was hard for them. They lived like everyone else. Everyone lived like this. When they were expelled, in those years a lot of typhus was ill. When we go to the cemetery on Zelenaya Balka, there is a large grave there, people were simply buried there. Grandparents were all buried here, they all came here. We do not know them, only by conversations. There was nothing to eat. My mother was working on the farm at the time. During the war, she and her children went to the collective farm, they were sent, and at home dad was only with a dog. Mom worked there in the dining room, and they also knitted mittens and socks for the front. In the 1940s and after the war, dad brought his relatives here. There were 11 children in his parental family. And he took his relatives here, because it was a little easier to live in Kazakhstan. Dad died early because he had a stomachache. He said that out of the 40 people with whom he was expelled, five remained. Dad said: “what we

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could catch, we will catch, we will immediately fry.” Doves were caught. There was hunger. And my childhood was fun, good. I was already in high school when my dad died. And when my mother died, I was married. My mother knitted for us. Helped us. She did not marry again. There is no such thing in our family that we get married 2–3 times. Recorded from the Words: Kositsyna Lyudmila Grigoryevna. Recorded: Rustambekova Diyona

Interview Romanova Valentina Alexandrovna Questionnaire, informant data: 1. Surname, name, patronymic: Romanova Valentina Aleksandrovna, granddaughter, born in 1952, native of Kazakhstan. 2. Date and place of birth: 13.06.1952, Karaganda, Kazakh SSR. 3. Nationality: Russian. 4. Profession, occupation: chemist-technologist of light industry. We are talking about the old informant—Philipp Semyonovich Romanov, born on November 13, 1906, Russian, who had a cross during the period of the described events.

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Romanov Philipp Semyonovich 1. Where did Philip Semenovich live before he was sent to Kazakhstan? • RSFSR, Altai Krai, Ugly village. 2. How many people were in the family? • 6 people: parents and 4 children. 3. How well did the family live before eviction? • They were prosperous peasants, they even had farm workers, their own pasture and a garden field. Lives in a big Finnish house. Cattle were kept in special pens. There were cows, pigs, horses, chickens. 4. What was confiscated from the family? • They took everything: house, livestock, property, land, savings. 5. Where was the family exiled, where they lived in the period 1931– 1933? • In Karaganda region, village Dolinka. 6. How many people from the family of Philipp Semyonovich came to Kazakhstan? • All 6 people. 7. How do adults explain to children that there is nothing to eat and it is not enough? • Nothing. Seeked the food. Later gardens were planted. In 1937, the grandfather, standing in line, carelessly protested: “When will bread appear in this rich country?”. The funnel arrived in the evening. They were sentenced to 10 years in Karlag. Grandmother was left alone with 4 children. They lived hard a year. Grandmother went to work at the mine, in the lamp house. During the war, she worked at a sewing factory. Grandfather returned from the camp in 1947. In 1955, they were rehabilitated. He returned from the camp and was silent for the rest of his life. He did not speak a lot. 8. What did you buy and exchange? • Philipp Semyonovich was a shoemaker. 9. How many children were there in the family until 1933? and how long did you live? • One of us died. 10. What did the adults say about the causes of hunger? If they did not tell you, why? • They were afraid to talk about it. Sometimes they quietly regretted that they worked a lot and suffered because of it. The people who

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worked, they lived and survived well. Social evil gave birth to envy of those who are able to work. It was said that idlers have come to dispossess. 11. Did you tell your children and grandchildren about it yourself? Did you remember this with your peers and relatives? • Yes, but with strokes, fragments. There are very few memories. 12. If you did not tell about hunger to your family, then why? Were there any fear that they could be punished for talking about hunger? • Yes, this was a forbidden topic. 13. Did the fear exist throughout life that hunger and deficit could happen again? • Yes, this is psychological. But the golden rule in the family was to feed the guest generously. They were treated carefully. We valued the bread very much. 14. Did Philipp Semyonovich remember how the family was destroyed? • Little. They were compared in favor of that time. They were in internal conflict with the Soviet government. 15. Do you remember the feeling of long and sharp hunger in the family? Is the feeling of hunger forgotten over time? • Judging by the awe-inspiring attitude, it is remembered. We were sincerely happy with any product. There was a cult of food. 16. What are your most vivid childhood memories? What kind of food did you love? • Grandpa loved to eat: borsch, bread, onions, meat. In childhood, he ate well. When the famine began, he was already a little over 20. He was able to do everything himself: canning, gardening. He salted tastily Astrakhan watermelons, made jam, dried mushrooms, berries, apples. In the courtyard of the condominium, on the Zhambyl-street, he organized a small garden, grew potatoes, cucumbers, greens. 17. What kind of work did adult members of the family get after relocation? What is paid? • Grandfather had to be a shoemaker. He was able to do a lot with his hands. This is how they survived. After rehabilitation, he taught, because. had a 7th grade education, then worked as a foreman. Grandma knitted well. 18. Did you manage to make some supplies? • Almost none in the 1930s.

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19. How was the situation with drinking water? Was it freely available? • I know that in winter we melted snow. 20. What diseases were the most terrible? Was medical assistance provided? • They suffered from rickets. 21. Can it be said that along with hunger and deprivation, crime has increased? Did they steal food? • Grandfather said that the need forced people to steal. Many received a sentence for a spikelet or a couple of potatoes from a rural field. He always emphasized that there were more good and kind people. Despite the difficult life, grandfather did not become embittered. He was always kind to people, especially to the guest. He warmly spoke about the Kazakhs, who helped as much as they could. By the way, he spoke Kazakh well: he learned it by communicating with the Kazakhs in Altai. 22. Did you change things for food? • There were few things. He said there were flea markets. 23. Did you manage to deceive hunger? What unusual food was eaten? • They ate grass, potato skins, tops, steamed hay. Nothing was thrown away, not even eggshells. 24. Do you remember the preserved food (gastronomic) habits of your relatives who survived the famine? • Grandfather loved simple food: borscht, bread, onions, sausages. Loved cream. According to the habits, it has become fixed never to leave half-eaten food, not to throw away food, to cook more than you eat. Recorded from the words of Romanova Valentina Alexandrovna. Full name of the interviewer: Dyakov Dmitry Viktorovich, son of the informant. Date of interview: 02/20/2021 Place of interview: Karaganda.

Elena Vladimirovna Strahova Data informant: 1. Name, surname, patronymic: Strakhova Elena Vladimirovna

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2. Date and place of birth: 18.12.1973. 3. Nationality: Russian 4. Profession, occupation: philologist. We are talking about the grandmother of the informant—Schatskaya Alexandra Yakovlevna, born 12.09.1909, Russian, who was 11 years old during the period of the described events. 1. Where did Alexandra Yakovlevna live before she was sent to Kazakhstan? • RSFSR, Kursk region, Marmyzhi village. 2. How many people were in her family? • 5 people: parents and 3 children. 3. How well did the family live before eviction? • They were wealthy peasants. 4. What was confiscated from the family? • House, livestock, property, land, savings (golden products). 5. Where was the family and where did they live in the period 1931– 1933? • In Karaganda region, village Dolinka. 6. How many people from the family came to Kazakhstan? • 5 people: parents and 3 children. 7. How do adults explain to children that there is nothing to eat and it is not enough? • Explained more about how to replace the usual food. 8. How did mom feed the children? • What they collected in a small garden. 9. What did you buy and exchange? • For work, for contribution. 10. How many children were there in the family until 1933? and how long did you live? • One of the 3 children died. 11. Did Alexandra Yakovlevna talk about those reasons? • Very little. They were afraid to talk about it. Grandmother sometimes tells a sad story about how they were planted in the steppe, and their parents dug the ground with their hands to make a dugout.

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12. Did Alexander Yakovlev tell about this to his children? Did you remember this with your peers and relatives? • Yes. But it’s just a fact: they were exiled, they lived hard, they were hungry. 13. If they were hungry in the family, why? Was there any fear that they could be punished for talking about hunger? • Yes, it became a part of genetic memory. 14. Did the fear exist throughout life that hunger and deficit could happen again? • Yes, they were very afraid of this. That’s why they treated the house sparingly and carefully. 15. Did the adults remember how the family lived until the break-up? • Little, they spoke in whispers. It was said that life is good. A lot of work. Internally, they did not accept Soviet power. Grandmother constantly went to church, thanked God for help in difficult years. 16. Do you remember the feeling of hunger? Is the feeling of hunger forgotten over time? • Yes, it became part of the worldview. Soviet queues strengthened these memories. They were happy later that there was food. Despite the deficit, the years 1970–1980 were perceived as prosperous. 17. What are your most vivid childhood memories? What kind of food did you love? • I didn’t like any food. 18. What kind of work did Alexandra Yakovlevna get? What was paid? • For 15 years, my grandmother worked at a sewing factory. Sewed for the front. Like everyone else, I received a ration. 19. Did you manage to make some spare parts? • Almost no. The stock appeared only after the war. 20. What was the situation with drinking water? Was it freely available? • These were street pupms, then we melted snow in winter. 21. What diseases were the most terrible? Was medical help provided? • People with scurvy used to take vitamin supplements. They were treated with folk medicine. 22. Is it possible to say that crime has increased with hunger and deprivation? Did you steal it? • There were occurred such situations. They even stole children. But there were many kind-hearted people. Kazakhs helped as much as

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they could. A mutual understanding was also gradually developed among the immigrants. Grief united people. 23. Had you changed things for food? • Yes. But things were small. There was a flea market. 24. How did you manage to deceive hunger? What is unusual in food? • I know that they ate grass, they were engaged in gathering. 25. Do you remember the preserved food (gastronomic) habits of your relatives who survived the famine? How were you treated in the family? Bread? • Everything is appreciated, the opportunity to eat. Bread is special respect. They could eat bread, onions and water. Recorded from the words: granddaughter of Strakhova Elena Vladimirovna. Full name of the interviewer: Spouse of the informant Dyakov Dmitry Viktorovich. Interview date: 20.02.2021. Place of interview: Karaganda

Index

A Adobe, 230, 273, 308, 309, 554, 564, 569, 579, 585, 592

B Barley, 132, 162, 165, 202, 380, 395, 419, 435, 460, 465, 493, 575 Barracks, 169, 223, 224, 244–250, 255, 266, 268, 270, 421, 558, 576, 578, 581, 590

C Cannibalism, 262–265, 540–542 Cattle breeding, 4, 14, 72, 73, 126, 293, 294, 351 Collective farm, 6, 7, 25–35, 40–54, 56–64, 57–69, 73–84, 91–95, 102, 105, 106, 109–123, 125–132, 134–136, 140–150, 152–168, 172, 173, 176–184, 186–200, 204–214, 217, 220, 222, 226–228, 230–233, 235, 236, 239, 243, 255–283,

291–295, 300–326, 337–343, 348–352, 355–357, 359, 407, 412, 414–417, 424, 441, 446, 453, 493–499, 500–502, 513, 515, 522, 526, 527, 529, 533, 535, 557, 558, 562, 565, 568, 569, 576, 577, 591–594 Collectivization, 1, 5–7, 30, 34, 35, 39, 40, 44, 47–53, 56, 64, 72–75, 83, 93, 95, 109, 113–115, 119, 129, 130, 133, 136–138, 155–158, 160, 164, 173, 195, 197, 201, 212, 213, 256, 291, 299, 316, 328–330, 337, 453, 493, 501, 507, 510, 511, 514, 516–520, 529, 533, 534, 536, 538, 577 Communist, 54, 71, 118, 119, 125, 259, 261, 318, 322, 505, 535 Communist Party, 1, 73, 74, 83–87, 119–124, 422, 480, 488 Confiscation, 15, 36, 39–45, 48, 57, 66, 75, 108, 365, 368, 369, 456,

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2023 N. Dulatbekov (ed.), The Famine of 1931-1933 in Central Kazakhstan, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8574-4

605

606

INDEX

486, 510, 514, 515, 518, 529, 534, 553 Cooperation, 31, 32, 61–64, 75, 115, 128, 131, 133, 134, 185 Corpses, 175, 257, 387, 408, 415, 420, 437, 447, 481, 519–524, 526, 534, 563, 570, 571, 583, 585, 587

D Deceased, 257, 382, 386, 387, 404, 431 Disaster, 278, 327, 393, 397, 454, 471, 483 Disease, 2, 7, 101, 150, 169–172, 220–225, 244–246, 249, 253, 254, 257, 260, 261, 275, 322, 367, 468, 498, 527, 533, 553, 555, 563, 572, 600, 602 Dispossession, 1, 3, 10, 30, 31, 33, 39, 40, 50, 52, 53, 64, 65, 534, 536, 557, 581, 582, 586, 596 Dugouts, 169, 174, 223, 224, 246–248, 270, 282, 525, 579, 584, 587, 592, 593, 595

E Epidemic, 2, 7, 169–172, 176, 197, 223–225, 244–250, 254, 255, 267, 275, 519 Expropriation, 9, 10, 410, 514, 538, 543

F Famine, 1–5, 7, 10, 150, 175, 206, 207, 362, 365, 368, 369, 373–385, 387, 389, 390, 392, 394, 395, 397–405, 407–412, 414, 418–423, 425–442, 446–468, 470, 476, 478–513,

515, 518, 521–524, 526, 531, 533, 535–540, 543, 544, 546–556, 559, 568, 569, 589, 590, 593, 594, 599 Fist, 44, 557, 562, 581, 589, 592

G Genus, 160, 529, 533 Goloshchekin, 194, 226–228, 356, 405, 440, 442, 454, 550 Grain procurement, 1, 19–22, 25, 30, 39, 55, 64, 67, 68, 70, 79, 104, 149, 182, 256, 260, 262, 283, 317

H Hare cabbage, 562, 565, 567, 587 History, 1–4, 48, 71, 369, 370, 378, 380, 403, 413, 414, 418, 422, 429, 435, 436, 445, 449, 458, 470, 471, 478, 481, 488, 492, 501, 513, 529, 533–535, 538, 544 Holodomor, 516, 529, 559

J Jute, 10, 11, 15

M Memories, 2, 3, 5, 7, 370, 382, 383, 385, 400, 444, 446–457, 461–466, 481, 514, 528, 530–532, 538, 543, 553, 559, 589, 591, 599, 602 Mill, 20, 37, 431, 437, 440, 442, 443, 462, 499, 503

INDEX

N Nomadic, 1, 4, 6, 14, 67, 70, 73, 82, 83, 87–91, 95, 107–109, 115, 156–160, 164, 173, 201, 205, 208, 213, 291, 298–300, 312, 323, 349, 355, 493, 501, 507 O Orphanage, 172, 219, 231–243, 257, 270, 374, 403, 420, 421, 433, 441, 448, 449, 451, 459, 482, 496, 500, 505, 533, 535, 549–551, 593, 594 P Party, 6, 13, 22, 49–55, 59, 67–73, 79, 83–87, 89, 99, 107–109, 115–130, 137, 139, 140, 156, 158, 163–168, 182–186, 200–203, 206, 207, 242, 243, 248–262, 265, 272–275, 279, 280, 296, 297, 316–320, 323, 331, 378, 422, 465, 469, 470, 478, 480, 481, 484, 505 PCIA (People’s Commissariat of Internal Affairs), 111, 385, 412, 415, 420, 421, 450, 452, 457, 465, 486, 518, 523, 541, 558 Pits, 22, 23, 199, 265, 318, 519, 564, 576, 589 Poor man, 32, 47, 57–59, 62, 63, 70, 85, 86, 105, 259, 294, 390, 392, 462 Procurement, 6, 10, 19, 23, 63, 67–70, 98–105, 116–127, 162, 180–183, 185–187, 199, 202, 211, 217, 218, 238, 256, 262, 298, 315 Property, 9, 15, 21, 26–28, 36–45, 48, 49, 54, 55, 58–62, 66, 68, 69, 74, 78, 79, 84, 85, 97, 108,

147, 334, 422, 532, 592

151, 335, 453, 568,

187, 365, 491, 577,

205, 369, 518, 579,

226, 371, 523, 584,

607

250, 374, 529, 588,

Q Quinoa, 256, 562, 565, 567, 580, 584, 593

R Rations, 135, 177, 242, 264, 268, 276, 277, 282, 525, 542, 564, 567, 583, 584, 590, 592 RC ARCP (b) (Bureau of the Revolutionary Committee of the All-Russian Communist Party of Bolsheviks), 321, 325, 328

S Soviet power, 16, 46, 63, 68, 69, 71–74, 83, 86, 151, 173, 534, 602 Soviets, 12–17, 20, 71, 83, 86, 166, 365, 461, 535 Special settlers, 234, 239, 267, 268, 270, 277, 586, 594 Starvation, 2, 8, 101, 178, 228, 261, 271, 386, 403, 418, 432, 444, 446, 447, 453, 456, 467, 512, 521, 530, 532, 533, 536, 538, 544, 551, 555, 556, 569, 572, 588, 592 State farm, 89–95, 107–115, 125, 126, 129, 136, 138, 147, 149, 154, 157, 161, 162, 165, 174, 179, 188, 196, 198, 199, 202, 209, 213, 215, 226–233, 235, 236, 239, 243, 256, 274, 277, 280, 294, 295, 297, 298, 312,

608

INDEX

317–322, 324, 326, 327–331, 334–337, 348, 351, 359, 360, 382, 407, 422, 444, 453, 465, 491, 494, 504, 509, 513, 515, 548, 549, 556, 564 Subsidence, 87–90, 108–115, 129–137, 139, 156, 163, 189, 192, 194, 214, 229, 230, 298–305, 309, 310, 312, 347, 359

U USSR, 2, 3, 22, 35, 131, 186

W Workdays, 163, 193, 200, 227, 228, 282, 318, 332–334, 337–339, 564, 565, 569, 584, 594