The Excavations at Mut al-Kharab II: The Third Intermediate Period in the Western Desert of Egypt (Dakhleh Oasis Project Monograph) 9781789257137, 9781789257144, 1789257131

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Dakhleh Oasis Project: Monograph 21

THE EXCAVATIONS AT MUT AL-KHARAB II The Third Intermediate Period in the Western Desert of Egypt

Dakhleh Oasis Project: Monograph 21

THE EXCAVATIONS AT

MUT AL-KHARAB II The Third Intermediate Period in the Western Desert of Egypt

Richard J. Long

Published in the United Kingdom in 2021 by OXBOW BOOKS The Old Music Hall, 106–108 Cowley Road, Oxford, OX4 1JE and in the United States by OXBOW BOOKS 1950 Lawrence Road, Havertown, PA 19083 © Oxbow Books and the author 2021 Paperback Edition: ISBN 978-1-78925-713-7 Digital Edition: ISBN 978-1-78925-714-4 (epub) A CIP record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Control Number: 2021946957

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Front cover image: The Greater Dakhleh Stela (© Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford). Back cover image: Cartonnage case within a wooden coffin from Tomb 8 at ‘Ain Tirghi in Dakhleh Oasis (© Colin Hope).

For Elaine and Bob Cornish

Preface Colin A. Hope

At the beginning of the first season of the survey of Dakhleh Oasis by the Dakhleh Oasis Project (DOP) in 1978, a brief reconnaissance of the remains at Mut al-Kharab was undertaken. Little was known about this site, situated on the edge of the modern capital of Dakhleh at Mut, which is dominated by the largest mudbrick enclosure in the Western Desert and contains numerous large mud-brick structures. The acquisition of three stelae in Mut of the Third Intermediate Period indicated that a temple of Seth was located here at that time. The probable location of this temple was indicated by a depression in the north centre of the site with a scatter of stone. The Project made a collection of ceramics from the surface of the site; it indicated activity from the Old Kingdom to the Islamic period, though there was little material of the second and the first half of the first millennia BCE. This collection was used as the basis for a typology of ceramic fabrics to be used during the remainder of the survey. In 1980, three test trenches were opened at the site, two within the area where the temple was assumed to have been situated. They confirmed its presence there, but only at foundation level, and some epigraphic material was recovered. In addition, artefacts indicated activity by the indigenous group termed the Sheikh Muftah Cultural Unit, which was coeval in its latest stages with the Old Kingdom. Subsequently, the survey progressed further east. With the completion of the surface survey in 1986 it had become apparent that the two periods of most prolific activity in Dakhleh were the Old Kingdom and Roman period, with surprisingly little evidence for the Middle Kingdom to Ptolemaic Period. The cemetery at ‘Ain Tirghi in the east of Dakhleh did yield some burials from this timeframe, and of course it was highly improbable that the oasis would have been unoccupied. Indeed, data from the Nile valley confirmed this. In the second phase of the work by DOP several sites were selected for more detailed examination to enable a better understanding of the survey data. Naturally, the Roman period demanded more detailed study, so excavations commenced at Ismant al-Kharab, ancient Kellis, in central Dakhleh, the conservation and recording of the temple at ‘Ain Birbiyya in the east was continued, and the temple of Dayr al-Hagar in the west was cleared and partially restored in collaboration with the local antiquities inspectorate. In addition, excavations were undertaken at ‘Ain Tirghi, producing considerable evidence for the first millennium, and others commenced on the Old Kingdom settlement at ‘Ain al-Gazzareen in western Dakhleh to complement the work by French colleagues at Balat. As part of this phase of study it was always intended that Mut al-Kharab would be investigated because of the undoubted importance of the site. Following discoveries at Ismant al-Kharab, Mut was known to have been the capital of Dakhleh during the Late Roman period, when the oasis was a separate nome called the Mothite, and further that the cult of Seth was venerated there into the Roman period. Excavations commenced in 2000 under the auspices of DOP and Monash University, and continued until 2013, after which they ceased due to security concerns, though hopefully they can be resumed in the not-too-distant future. The primary aims of the work are to determine the history and nature of activity at the site, its role on a regional

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and national level, and particularly what it can reveal about the veneration of the cult of Seth in the oasis especially in the first millennium BCE when the cult suffered a degree of proscription elsewhere in Egypt. Forty-three excavation units have been opened and a wealth of data have been recovered. The principal discoveries indicate: • activity by the Shiekh Muftah Cultural Unit and their interaction with settlers from the Nile valley, and the dominance of the latter in the early Old Kingdom; • the existence of a cult of Igai and the erection of chapel dedicated to the god by a local governor in Dynasty XI with the cult probably continuing into the Third Intermediate Period; • building activity under Thutmose III followed by the erection of a shrine dedicated to Amun-Re under Horemheb; • the veneration of Seth in the Ramesside Period from the reign of Seti I onwards and most probably from Dynasty XVIII; • the importance of the cult of Seth to the central regime and on a local level throughout the Third Intermediate Period, with abundant evidence for the priesthood and temple offerings; • building activity under Psamtek I with the construction of the massive enclosure either during Dynasty XXVI or XXVII and the establishment of a cemetery adjacent to the site on the south with at least one decorated tomb belonging to an official named in honour of Seth; • veneration of Seth throughout the Ptolemaic period and until at least the second century CE with decoration of inlaid, over-life-size figures of Seth shown with outstretched wings and a falcon head added to the decorative scheme of the temple; • probable fortification of the enclosure in the late third century; • Mut became the probable centre of a bishopric in the fourth century and some remains of a church have been found; • Activity throughout the Late Roman period continuously to the Mamluk period. This information, in conjunction with the other discoveries by DOP, those at Balat, especially of the Old Kingdom and Second Intermediate Period, Amhida by American colleagues, occupied over a similar duration to Mut, and Egyptian colleagues in a variety of cemeteries, now reveal the significance of Dakhleh in the study of Egyptian history and culture. The present volume on the Third Intermediate Period in the Western Desert draws heavily upon material from Mut al-Kharab in the same manner as the study by James Gill of the Ptolemaic period in the same region. The former formally inaugurates a new sub-series of DOP monographs devoted to the excavations at Mut al-Kharab and the latter has been added retrospectively to the series. Neither would have been possible without permission from what is now the Egyptian Ministry of Antiquities to conduct excavations at the site, and this debt is duly acknowledged here. The officers of the Dakhleh inspectorate, especially the former director Maher Bashendi Amin, are likewise thanked for their support, as are the various inspectors who worked with the excavation and recording team. Members of the latter are largely responsible for the success of the work. They are, in addition to the author of this volume: Gillian Bowen, Rufus Churcher, Jessica Cox, Wendy Dolling, Josh Emmett, Luke Falvey, David Garland, James Gill, Fred Hardtke, Caleb Hamilton, Emmeline Healey, Caroline Hubschman, Olaf Kaper, Paul Kucera, James Milner, Racheal Minos, Bruce Parr, Amy Pettman, Sarah Ricketts, Barry Rowney, Martin Rowney, Anna Stevens, David Stewart, Ursula Thanheiser, John Tsitouridis, Dan Tuck, Günter Vittmann and Ashten Warfe. As in everything to do with DOP, its founding director, Anthony J. Mills, is thanked for his consistent support and interest in the work. Logistical matters were handled by the Dutch-Flemish Institute in Cairo. Finally, I wish to acknowledge funding for the excavations from the Australian Research Council, Australians Studying Abroad (Melbourne), Monash University, The Museum of Old and New Art (Hobart) and the Egyptology Society of Victoria. A subvention towards the publication of this study was received from DOP through the current director Pawel Polkowski.

Acknowledgements

Many people have contributed to the fruition of this volume. First and foremost, I would like to thank Colin Hope. Over many years he has provided continuous support, allowing me to partake in his excavations in Dakhleh Oasis and use the material from Mut al-Kharab for my research. He has generously shared his expertise and taught me so much about the value of ceramics as a means of interpreting the past. Above all, he has fostered my passion for Egyptian archaeology, with a particular focus on the Western Desert, and for this I will be forever grateful. Thank you to Gillian Bowen for her enduring support. She has offered ongoing and insightful guidance on the structure, style and presentation of this volume; her positivity and enthusiasm will always be greatly appreciated. Bruce Parr has also played a significant role in this project. His tutelage in the craft of pottery drawing has been invaluable, while his efforts in producing maps, figures and artefact drawings, and helping to finalise this manuscript have not gone unappreciated. My warmest regards also go to the many people who have shared their expertise and offered additional resources to help with my research. These include Olaf Kaper, who compiled comments about the inscribed material from Mut al-Kharab, and Leslie-Ann Warden, who provided me with the pre-publication manuscript of her work at Amun Rock. Sylvie Marchand too, generously gave me access to some of the ceramic drawings from Qasr Allam, again, before they have been published. Thank you to Aidan Dodson, Roger Bagnall, Frédéric Colin, and Günter Vittmann, for allowing me to reproduce photos from their fieldwork and personal research. I would also like to acknowledge Oxbow Books and thank all staff who assisted with this volume. I have had the privilege of attending numerous fieldwork seasons in Dakhleh Oasis and I would like to thank all members of both the Monash archaeology team, and the Dakhleh Oasis Project (DOP). These experiences have been memorable and enjoyable. In particular, I would like to acknowledge the founding director of the DOP, Tony Mills, for allowing me to contribute to the already impressive work achieved by the project. Finally, the unwavering support of my family and friends must be acknowledged. The greatest appreciation, however, goes to my wife Kiah. Her ongoing love and dedication has been immeasurable. Her efforts while I have balanced work and family commitments, while completing this volume, have been remarkable – I thank her dearly.

Contents

Preface (Colin A. Hope)

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Chapter 1: Introduction .. .. .. .. .. .. .. New Fieldwork and New Material .. The Third Intermediate Period .. .. .. Regionality .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Theoretical and Methodological Approach Chapter Outline .. .. .. .. .. ..

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Chapter 2: Interaction between the Oases and Egypt: Evidence from Nile Valley and Delta .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Textual Sources .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Papyrus Pushkin (A Tale of Woe) .. .. .. .. The Onomasticon of Amenope .. .. .. .. .. The Banishment Stela .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Bubastis Temple of Atum Inscription .. .. .. Kawa Stela VI .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Ceramics .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Tanis .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Tell Nebesheh .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Tell el-Retaba .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Heliopolis .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Memphis .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Lahun .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Herakleopolis (Ehnasya el-Medina) .. .. .. .. El-Ashmunein (Hermopolis) .. .. .. .. .. Amarna .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Matmar .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Abydos .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Thebes – Mortuary Temple of Seti I .. .. .. Thebes – Medinet Habu .. .. .. .. .. .. Thebes – Karnak North .. .. .. .. .. .. Thebes – Karnak East .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Thebes – Mut Temple at Karnak .. .. .. ..

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Thebes – Ptah Temple and Chapel of Osiris Ounnefer Neb-Djefaou at Karnak .. .. .. .. .. .. Abu Id .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Elephantine .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Chapter Summary .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..

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Chapter 3: The Temple at Mut al-Kharab .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Description of the Site .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. History and Exploration of the Site .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. The Dakhleh Stelae and other Inscribed Blocks .. .. .. .. .. The Greater Dakhleh Stela .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. The Smaller Dakhleh Stela .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. The Stela of Khai .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Block of an Oasis Governor .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Evidence from Monash University’s Excavations .. .. .. .. Inscribed and Decorated Temple Blocks .. .. .. .. Block 1: Fragment from a Hb-sd jubilee scene .. Block 2: Relief of a head of either a king or High Priest of Amun .. .. .. .. .. .. Block 3: Inscription of a High Priest of Amun .. Block 4: Part of a cartouche .. .. .. .. .. Block 5: Palimpsest of the name Seth .. .. .. Block 6: Block with an epithet .. .. .. .. .. Block 7: Epithet of Seth .. .. .. .. .. .. Block 8: Inscribed block .. .. .. .. .. .. Block 9: Block with royal epithet .. .. .. .. Block 10: Fragment from a formal inscription .. Block 11: Fragment from a relief showing a king Stelae .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Stela 1: List of names .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Stela 2: Offering formula and the name of Seth .. Ostraka from Trench 38B .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Small Finds from Trench 38B .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Faience Chalice .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Small Faience Jar .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Metal Stamp .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Weight in the shape of a calf .. .. .. .. .. Clay Seal Impressions .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Horsiese Cartouche .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Padiamun .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Priest of Heri-shef? .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Priest of Seth .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Djehuty-ir-dis? .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Chapter Summary .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..

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Chapter 4: The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Overview of the Material .. .. .. .. .. Fabrics and Wares .. .. .. .. .. .. Presentation and Discussion of the Material ..

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The Third Intermediate Period Pottery Deposits West of the Temple .. .. .. .. .. Trench 38 – overview .. .. .. Trench 38B – pottery .. .. .. Trench 34 – overview .. .. .. Trench 34 – pottery .. .. .. Trench 36 – overview .. .. .. Trench 36 – pottery .. .. .. Trench 37 – overview .. .. .. Trench 37 – pottery .. .. .. Trench 6 – overview .. .. .. Trench 6 – pottery .. .. .. .. The Dump (Trenches 8, 16, 17, 9 and 38A) Chapter Summary .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..

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Chapter 5: Contextualising Mut al-Kharab: Third Intermediate Period Activity throughout the Western Desert .. .. .. .. .. Dakhleh Oasis .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Western Dakhleh .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 33/390-L9-1 (Amhida) .. .. .. .. .. .. 32/390-K2-3 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 33/390-K9-2 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 32/390-M4-1 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 32/405-A2-1 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Central Dakhleh .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 31/405-F9-3 .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 31/405-G9-3 (Humiyat B) .. .. .. .. .. 31/405-M9-1 (‘Ain al-Azizi) .. .. .. .. Eastern Dakhleh .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. 31/435-D5-2 (‘Ain Tirghi) .. .. .. .. .. 31/435-G-1 and 31/435-G2-2 (Qal’a al-Dabba) Wadi Batikh .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Miscellaneous Items .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Statue of Penbast .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Statue of Penseth .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Kharga Oasis .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Amun Rock .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Theban Road Desert Survey .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Bahriyya Oasis .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Qasr Allam .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Qaret el-Toub .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Abu Ballas Trail .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Chapter Summary .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..

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Chapter 6: Typology of Third Intermediate Period Oasis Ceramics .. .. Wheel-Made Containers .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Very-Shallow Bowls .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Form 1: Very shallow bowls with rounded bases Form 2: Large very shallow bowl with a thick rim

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Shallow Bowls .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Form 3: Small roughly-made shallow bowls with flat bases Form 4: Shallow bowls with flat bases .. .. .. .. Form 5: Shallow bowls with rounded bases and inflected contours .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Form 6: Shallow bowl with a rounded rim and ring base Form 7: Shallow bowls with thick flared rims and inflected contours .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Medium-Deep Bowls .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Form 8: Small medium-deep bowls with convex walls and direct rims .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Form 9: Medium-deep conical bowls .. .. .. .. Form 10: Medium-deep with rounded bases .. .. .. Form 11: Medium-deep bowls with carinated shoulders Form 12: Medium-deep bowls with inflected contours and rounded bases .. .. .. .. .. .. Form 13: Medium-deep bowls with flat bases and concave flaring sides .. .. .. .. .. .. Form 14: Medium-deep bowl with a thick modelled rim Form 15: Medium-deep bowls with crenellated rims .. Form 16: Medium-deep bowls with ring bases and flared rims .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Deep Bowls .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Form 17: Deep bowls with protruding ledge bases .. Fragmentary Bowls .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Form 18: Bowls with projecting flat rims .. .. .. Form 19: Bowls with modelled rims .. .. .. .. .. Form 20: Chalices .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Slender Jars .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Form 21: Large slender short-necked jars .. .. .. Form 22: Miniature imitation situlae .. .. .. .. Form 23: Short-necked slender jar .. .. .. .. .. Form 24: Medium-necked ovoid jars .. .. .. .. Form 25: Slender necked jar with a ‘bulging’ upper neck Form 26: Slender necked jar .. .. .. .. .. .. Medium-Broad Jars .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Form 27: Beer jars .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Form 28: Short-necked medium-broad jars with out-turned rims .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Form 29: Short-necked medium-broad jar with wide shoulders .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Broad Jars .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Form 30: Small short-necked broad jar .. .. .. .. Fragmentary Jars .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Form 31: Neckless jars with modelled flat rims .. .. Form 32: Broad wide-mouthed neckless jars .. .. Form 33: Neckless jars with globular/bag-shaped bodies Spouted Vessels .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Form 34: Spouted vessels .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Handled Vessels .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. Form 35: Two-handled short-necked jars .. .. ..

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Form 36: Flasks .. .. Form 37: One-handled jars Form 38: ‘Fry pans’ .. Form 39: Open stands .. Wheel-Made Non-Containers .. .. .. Form 40: Slender stands Form 41: Ring stands .. Handmade Containers .. .. .. .. .. Form 42: Bread moulds Form 43: Bread trays .. Form 44: ‘Torches’ .. .. Chapter Summary .. .. .. .. .. ..

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Chapter 7: Conclusions .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. The Temple of Seth at Mut al-Kharab .. .. .. .. .. .. The Extent and Nature of Third Intermediate Period Activity in the Western Desert .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. The Egyptian State and the Western Oases .. .. .. .. .. Regionality – The Existence of an Oasis Culture .. .. .. Future Directions .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. .. ..

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Bibliography ..

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Appendix: The Third Intermediate Period Pottery from Mut al-Kharab

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The Dakhleh Oasis Project Monographs

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Introduction

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Chapter 1:

Introduction

In 1894 British Army Captain Henry Lyons purchased two sandstone stelae while in Dakhleh Oasis. Dating to Dynasties XXII and XXV respectively, the Greater and Smaller Dakhleh stelae (Plates 1.1 and 1.2; Gardiner 1933; Janssen 1968), as they came to be known, derived from Mut al-Kharab, located in the central part of the oasis (Figure 1.1). These two significant documents indicate that a substantial temple dedicated to the god Seth existed at the site. In fact, the Greater Dakhleh Stela describes the visit by a member of the royal family to Dakhleh to resolve a local dispute, showing this oasis was certainly valued by the central administration. In 1928, a third stela dedicated to a priest of Seth named Khai was recovered from the vicinity of Mut al-Kharab (Plate 1.3; van Zoest and Kaper 2006, 24–5), further alluding to temple activity during Dynasties XXII–XXIII. When formal excavations at Mut al-Kharab commenced in 2000, under the direction of Colin Hope of Monash University, it was believed that extensive Third Intermediate Period material would be unearthed to corroborate the Dakhleh stelae (Hope 2001a, 29 and 34). Unfortunately, definitive evidence from this period was difficult to identify. This was especially surprising given Mut al-Kharab was a major site and the likely capital of Dakhleh at this time (Hope 2001a, 43). Nevertheless, as excavations have continued significant progress has been made. As a result, a far more detailed picture of Dakhleh Oasis during the Third Intermediate Period is now emerging. This volume evaluates both the extent and nature of Third Intermediate Period activity in the Western Desert. The central focus is the collation and analysis of all available evidence from the Third Intermediate Period temple at Mut al-Kharab, but for a comprehensive investigation, relevant material from the Nile valley and Delta, as well as other desert and oasis sites must be considered. Although the vast Western Desert is characterised by its desolate and barren environment, the existence of the principal fertile oases, namely Siwa, Bahriyya, Farafra, Dakhleh and Kharga (Figure 1.2), provides a unique perspective from which to view the ancient Egyptian civilisation. Despite their location far from the Nile valley, these oases have an incredibly

long history of occupation and during pharaonic times, were valuable assets over which the Egyptian state attempted to maintain authority. As such, this study will also consider the nature of the oases’ relationship with the Nile valley, with a specific focus on the extent of formal control exerted over the Western Desert by the central administration. European interest in the oases commenced in the early 1800s, with four separate individuals visiting Dakhleh in 1819 alone. These were Edmonstone, Drovetti, Hyde and Caillaud (Kaper 1997a, 3; Boozer 2013, 120, 126–33). Important observations were also made by Rohlfs in 1873– 1874, and Winlock in 1908, the latter being the first professional Egyptologist to visit Dakhleh and Kharga (Kaper 1997a, 5; Boozer 2013, 120, 136–42). Winlock (1936) made significant notes on the preserved antiquities in Dakhleh, and took valuable photos which greatly helped later investigations. It was, however, Ahmed Fakhry who laid the foundations for modern research in the Western Desert. From the late 1930s onwards, his substantial work highlighted the importance of the oases during pharaonic times and included excavation of the governor’s mastabas near modern-day Balat in eastern Dakhleh, but also detailed studies of Bahriyya and Farafra (Fakhry 1939, 1942, 1950, 1972 and 1974). In response to these exciting discoveries, l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale (l’IFAO) began working at ‘Ain Aseel and its cemetery Qal‘a al-Dabba in 1977; in the same year Anthony Mills made his first visit to Dakhleh and founded in the Dakhleh Oasis Project (DOP) in 1978. These two projects marked the first systematic exploration of this oasis. Currently, only Dakhleh, Bahriyya and Kharga have produced material from the Third Intermediate Period. Siwa, located further north and west than the other main oases, does not appear to have formally commenced its association with the Nile valley until the Late Period (Giddy 1987, 18; Kuhlmann 1998, 161–3; Hardtke 2019, 245–7), while interestingly, Farafra is yet to produce any evidence of pharaonic activity (Giddy 1987, 16; Cappozzo and Palombini 2014, 55). An investigation of the three former oases is important for three key reasons: (1) recent fieldwork has produced a growing corpus of new material, thus an updated

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Chapter 1

Plate 1.1

top: The Greater Dakhleh Stela – Ashmolean Museum 1894.107a (© Ashmolean Museum, University of Oxford); bottom: detail of the lunette.

Introduction

3

Plate 1.2 The Smaller Dakhleh Stela – Ashmolean Museum 1894.107b Museum, University of Oxford).

Plate 1.3

Stela of Khai – JE 52478 (after Van Zoest and Kaper 2006, 25).

(©

Ashmolean

Figure 1.1

Map of Dakhleh Oasis showing key sites mentioned in this study.

4 Chapter 1

Introduction

study is necessary; (2) well-dated sites in the oases can contribute to the overall understanding of the Third Intermediate Period, which is a complex and somewhat challenging phase of Egyptian history; (3) the oases provide an excellent opportunity to examine regionality, namely the development of cultural variation within Egyptian civilisation. A discussion of each of these factors is provided below.

New Fieldwork and New Material An increase in recent fieldwork in the Western Desert has led to a growing corpus of Third Intermediate Period material. A significant contribution has been made by Monash University’s excavations at Mut al-Kharab, which are part of the DOP. This multi-disciplined, international research project aims to study the interaction between humans and the environment in both Dakhleh Oasis and the surrounding areas of the Western Desert, from the earliest populations in the region down to modern Islamic times.1 The DOP survey was undertaken between 1978– 1987 and initially identified only three sites in Dakhleh that preserved evidence of Third Intermediate Period activity (Churcher and Mills 1999, 259; Hope 1999, 229), but as excavations have evolved and our understanding of the local material culture has developed, in particular the ceramics, numerous more sites can now be added to this list. Work at the site of Amhida in western Dakhleh, led by Roger Bagnall on behalf of New York University’s Institute for the Study of the Ancient World,2 has also produced relevant material, showing the existence of another important site in Dakhleh during this time. Other projects are currently exploring the Western Desert. The aforementioned IFAO is conducting fieldwork in Bahriyya, Dakhleh and Kharga, with the latter also being investigated by the Northern Kharga Oasis Survey (NKOS).3 With regard to the Third Intermediate Period, the sites of Qasr Allam and Qarat el-Toub in Bahriyya have produced valuable results (Colin and Zanatta 2006, 28–9, 32, figures 13–16; Colin 2011, 47–84), as has Amun Rock, a location surveyed by the NKOS (Warden, forthcoming). The Theban Desert Road Survey4 also continues to document contact between the Nile valley and Kharga, while the Abu Ballas Trail, located in the southwestern part of the Western Desert, is being investigated by the University of Cologne as part of the ACACIA Project (Arid Climate, Adaptation and Cultural Innovation in Africa). To complement these projects, there has also been an increase in publications on Third Intermediate Period

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pottery in recent years. In 1996, Aston described the investigation of the pottery from this time as ‘Tentative footsteps in a forbidding terrain’, due in particular, to a lack of well-stratified and in situ material; this was exemplified by the total of only four deposits which Aston (1996a, 20) could date to specific Third Intermediate Period rulers. Since then, substantial progress has been made with assemblages from this time being identified at numerous sites including Elephantine (Aston 1999), Memphis (Aston and Jeffreys 2007), Tell el-Retaba (Rzepka et alii 2011; 2014), and many sites at Karnak, such as the Mut Temple (Sullivan 2011; 2013), the Treasury of Thutmose I (Jacquet-Gordon 2012), and the Ptah Temple and Chapel of Osiris Ounnefer Neb-Djefaou (Boulet 2016; 2017). To this list can now be added deposits from the Western Desert, including those from Mut al-Kharab. Collectively, this work has resulted in a deeper understanding of the period’s ceramic traditions, thus building greater confidence to identify key forms and fabrics. These developments are especially valuable for this study as the ceramic material plays a central role in determining the date and function of sites in the western oases. It is also worth noting that no study focusing solely on the Western Desert during the Third Intermediate Period has been undertaken. Giddy’s Egyptian Oases (1987) provided a meticulous analysis of all the available data relating to the oases, including evidence from the Nile valley and fieldwork at ‘Ain Aseel in Dakhleh Oasis; however, it did not go beyond the New Kingdom. A more recent study by Hubschmann (2009) examined the oases during both the Third Intermediate and Late Periods, but significant new evidence, such as ceramics, ostraka and other inscribed material, has emerged since then. Much work has been published about individual sites and specific discoveries, but a collation and evaluation of all these sources is yet to be undertaken.

The Third Intermediate Period Information from the oases can make a significant contribution to the overall understanding of the Third Intermediate Period. Comprising Dynasties XXI–XXV, this phase of Egyptian history continues to present challenges to Egyptologists and archaeologists alike, so new material is always welcomed. Kitchen’s pioneering work The Third Intermediate Period in Egypt (1972, 1996 revised edition) provided a comprehensive examination of the epoch as a whole, including the rise of foreign rulers, the existence of contemporary dynasties, and a reduction

1 Dakhleh Oasis Project, https://www.monash.edu/arts/philosophical-historical-international-studies/dakhleh-oasis-project/aboutthe-project; for a recent overview of the project’s goals and achievements see Mills (2007, 157–60) and Bowen and Hope (2019). 2 The Amhida Project, http://www.amheida.org/. 3 North Kharga Oasis Survey, http://www1.aucegypt.edu/academic/northkhargaoasissurvey/home.htm. 4 Theban Desert Road Survey, https://egyptology.yale.edu/expeditions/past-and-joint-projects/theban-desert-road-survey-andyale-toshka-desert-survey.

6

Chapter 1

Figure 1.2

Map of Egypt and the Western Desert, showing key sites mentioned in this study (based on Manning 2010, iv).

Introduction

in Egypt’s influence throughout northern Africa and the Near East. It is, however, the chronology of the era that has been the source of much debate. This issue has seen a plethora of publications in recent years, with scholars continuing to investigate the many intriguing elements of this period, for example, the wHm-mswt ‘Renaissance’ and the transition to the XXIst Dynasty (Jansen-Wilkeln 2006a, 218–33; James and Morkot 2010, 231–60; 2013, 217–54; Dodson 2012, 181–9; Thijs 2014, 209–23). This is further exemplified by the 2007 ‘Libyan Period in Egypt’ conference where four separate papers focused on royal sequence and regnal dates (Aston 2009; Broekman 2009; Dodson 2009; Kitchen 2009). Despite this valuable discourse around an absolute chronology, it must be stressed that a relative chronology is more relevant to this study. This is due to the lack of royal names and regnal years at sites in the Western Desert. This means that material culture, in particular ceramics, must play a crucial role in dating activity, and with styles and traditions often spanning long periods of time, alignment with specific years is almost impossible. Therefore, the regnal years of kings are not included in the text. Rather, they are outlined in Table 1.1, which presents an overview of three key chronologies of the Third Intermediate Period, namely those adopted by Kitchen (1996; 2006), Jansen-Winkeln (2006a; 2006b) and Dodson (2012). This is designed to show the range of regnal dates proposed by these scholars, but also phases that share some consensus (e.g. Dynasties XXI and XXV) and clear disagreements (e.g. Dynasty XXIII). Nevertheless, progress in this complex field continues to be made. At the aforementioned conference, a resolution confirming the numbering system for the numerous Shoshenqs was passed (Broekman et alii 444–5), providing confidence for subsequent chronological discourse about this period. In addition, recent discussions have confirmed that King Shabitku of Dynasty XXV actually preceded, rather than succeeded Shabaka (Jurman 2017, 124–51). It is also worth noting that in accordance with Table 1.1, all dates in this volume are BCE unless otherwise stated. Another feature which defines the Third Intermediate Period is the marked difference from the preceding First and Second Intermediate Periods. In particular, this includes the clear phases of political stability and its extended duration, lasting over 400 years. Sub-phases identifying political divisions are therefore necessary to provide a more manageable chronological framework. During the first phase, comprising Dynasty XXI, power was shared between the royal line in the Delta and the High Priests of Amun in Thebes (Kitchen 1995, 3; Assman 1996, 287–8). The next phase, covering Dynasties XXII– XXIV, saw the emergence of contemporary rulers throughout the country, with many being of Libyan heritage. According to Piye’s victory stela, by the late eighth century there were ‘kings’ at Bubastis, Leontopolis, Hermopolis and Herakleopolis, four autonomous ‘Great Chiefs of the Ma’ residing in the Delta, and a ‘Prince of the West’ named Tefnakht controlling the western Delta and Memphis (O’Connor 1983, 242; Kitchen 1996, 366–8; Taylor

7

2000, 337). In the final phase, Dynasty XXV, Egypt was again unified but under a line of Nubian kings. Taking a more traditional approach to kingship, they looked back to the Old Kingdom pharaohs for inspiration, especially in relation to royal titularies, burial customs and artistic styles (Taylor 2000, 356–7). The Third Intermediate Period came to a close following the Assyrian conquest of Egypt, when the Nubian kings of the XXVth Dynasty were expelled, and Psamtek I, initially acting as an Assyrian vassal, then became an independent ruler (Lloyd 2000, 371–82). Our understanding of the Third Intermediate Period is constrained by a lack of sites containing well-stratified material which can be accurately dated. Exceptions include Tanis, the royal capital of Dynasties XXI–XXII, and Thebes, the primary religious and political centre in the south (Figure 1.2). Much of this material, however, tends to derive from tombs, cemeteries and temples, thus information from non-funerary contexts is often at a premium (Taylor 2000, 331). Another problem contributing to a dearth of sites providing in situ remains is the central role of the Delta during this period. This area became increasingly prominent following the New Kingdom, but for many years, fieldwork was hindered by geological factors, such as rising groundwater and expanding modern-day settlements, both resulting in poor levels of preservation (Bennett 2019, 13). It is known that in the aftermath of the Libyan wars of the XXth Dynasty, large numbers of Libyan captives were resettled throughout the Nile Delta (Kitchen 1990, 20–1; 1996, 245) and it was sites such as Leontopolis, Bubastis, Mendes and Sais which became the centres of Libyan influence (Taylor 2000, 339–45). Fortunately, much progress has been made in recent times, with excavations occurring at many sites in this part of Egypt. Despite these challenges, important progress in our understanding of the Third Intermediate Period continues to be made. Volumes such as The Libyan Period in Egypt (Broekman et alii 2007), Thebes in the First Millennium BC (Pischikova et alii 2014), Thebes in the First Millennium BC: Art and Architecture of the Kushite Period and Beyond (Pischikova et alii 2018) and The Archaeology of Egypt in the Third Intermediate Period (Bennett 2019) present not only the latest research, but the growing interest in this unique phase of Egyptian history. The discovery of new Third Intermediate Period material in the western oases can contribute significantly to these developments.

Regionality The oases provide an excellent opportunity to examine the existence of cultural variation within Egyptian civilisation. According to the central ideology of the Pharaonic state, the Egyptians were a homogeneous group who shared a unique culture, language, and belief system, and lived within a clearly defined homeland. This territory was marked by the Nile Delta in the north, the First Cataract at Aswan in the south, and the narrow Nile valley to the east

8

Chapter 1

Table 1.1

Chronology of the Third Intermediate Period.

This table provides an overview of three key chronologies of the Third Intermediate Period. All dates prior to the accession of Taharqa in 690 are approximate. All dates are BCE. UE = Upper Egypt; LE = Lower Egypt.

Kitchen (1996 and 2006)

Jansen-Winkeln (2006a and b)

Dodson (2012)

wHm-mswt / Renaissance (starting in Year 19 of Ramesses XI) Ramesses XI (1098–1069)

Ramesses XI (1106–1077)

Ramesses XI • LE (1110–1095) • UE/LE (1095–1078)

Dynasty XXI Smendes (1069–1043) Pinudjem I (1054–1032) – as king Amenemnisu (1043–1039) Psusennes I (1039–991) Amenemope (993–984) Osochor (984–978) Siamun (978–959) Psusennes II (959–945)

Smendes (1076–1052) Psusennes I (1051–1006) Amenemnisut (1005–1002) Amenemope (1002–993) Osorkon (992–987) Siamun (986–circa 968) Psusennes II (967–944)

Herihor (1078–1041) – UE Smendes (1078–1049) – LE Amenemnesut (1065–1049) – UE? Panedjem I (1063–1041) – UE Psusennes I (1049–999) Amenemopet (1001–992) Osorkon the Elder (992–985) Siamun (985–967) Psusennes II (967–941)

Dynasty XXII Shoshenq I (945–924) Osorkon I (924–889) Shoshenq II (892?) – co-regent? Takeloth I (890–877) Osorkon II (877–852) / (877–847) Harsiese I (865?) Takeloth II (852–827) / (847–822) Shoshenq III (827–788) / (829–790) Shoshenq IV (788–778) / (790–778) Pimay (778–772) Shoshenq V (772–735) Osorkon IV (735–715)

Shoshenq I (943–923) Osorkon I (922– circa 888) Takelot I (887–874) Shoshenq II (873) Osorkon II (872–842) Shoshenq III (841–791) Shoshenq IIIa (?–790) Pami (789–784) Shoshenq V (783– circa 746)

Shoshenq I (943–922) Osorkon I (922–888) Takelot I (888–872) Osorkon II (872–831) Shoshenq III (831–791) Shoshenq IV (791–779) Pamiu (779–773) Shoshenq V (773–736)

Dynasty XXIII Dynasty XXIII Pedubast I (820–795) / (822–795) Iuput I (806–806) / (808–807) – co-regency Shoshenq VI (795–789) Osorkon III (789–761) Takeloth III (766–759) – co-regency Rudamun (759–756) Shoshenq VII [VIa] (756–736) Iuput II (736–715)

Dynasty XXIII (UE) and Rival Kings Takelot II (845–821) Iuput I (820–809-) Osorkon III, Takelot III (780 +/-20) Padubast I (834–812-) Shoshenq IV, Rudamun, Iny Dynasty XXIII (LE) – 730 Padubast II (?), Osorkon IV

Dynasty XXIII Osorkon IV (736–716+) Gemenefkhonsubak Padubast III ( -666) Thebes Horsiese I (-840?) Takelot II (834–810) Padubast I (824–800) Shoshenq VI (800–794) Osorkon III (791–762) Takelot III (768–753) South Delta (?) Iuput I (810–799+) Padubast II Herakleopolis Rudamun (753-) Peftjauawybast (-721) Hermopolis Nimlot D (fl. 734) Thutemhat Leontopolis Iuput II (fl. 734)

Introduction

9

Table 1.1 continued

Kitchen (1996 and 2006)

Jansen-Winkeln (2006a and b)

Dodson (2012)

Dynasty XXIV Tefnakhte (728–720) Bakenrenef (720–715)

Tefnakhte (736–729) Bocchoris (728–723)

Tefnakhte (734–726) Bakenrenef (726–721)

Dynasty XXV (in Egypt) Piye (749–716) Shabaka (716–702)* Shabitku (702–690) Taharqa (690–664)

Piye (753–723) Shabaka (722–707)* Shabitku (706–690) Taharqa (690–664)

Piye (754–722) Shabaka (722–707)* Shabataka (707–690) Taharqa (690–664) Tanutamun (664–656+)

Dynasty XXVI (Late Period) Psamtek I (664–610) Necho II (610–595) Psamtek II (595–589) Apries (589–570) Amasis (570–526) Psamtek III (526–525)

Psamtek I (664–610) Necho II (610–595) Psamtek II (595–589) Apries (589–570) Amasis (570–526) Psamtek III (526–525)

Psamtek I (664–610) Necho II (610–595) Psamtek II (595–589) Apries (589–570) Amasis (570–526) Psamtek III (526–525)

* It is now generally accepted that Shabitku preceded, rather than succeeded Shabaka. This change is a recent development and was therefore not included by the authors whose chronologies are summarised in this table.

and west; beyond these boundaries lay the distant, unknown, non-Egyptian world (Shaw 2000, 318; O’Connor and Quirke 2003, 17; Smith 2003, 4; Jeffreys 2010, 103). In this book, the territory within these frontiers will be referred to as ‘Egypt’. From a geographical perspective, the location of the oases beyond Egypt’s traditional border implies their populations were considered foreign. Indeed, oasis porters are represented in many New Kingdom tomb scenes of foreign tribute (Giddy 1987, 69–74), while the Egyptian word for ‘oasis’ (wHAt) contains the hieroglyphic determinative indicating a foreign land (Gardiner 1957, 488, N25). Juxtaposing this situation is the archaeological record in the oases which has produced material and textual remains from the pharaonic era that are typically Egyptian. Prominent indicators include religious practices, ceramic repertoires, artistic and architectural styles and the use of the hieroglyphic script. (Giddy 1987, 174–212; Soukiassian et alii 1990; 2002; Hope 1999, 217–26; Mills 1999, 174–5; Marchand and Tallet 1999; Hope and Kaper 2010a and 2010b). This apparent contradiction raises important questions about the culture of the oasis populations. Two key factors of the Third Intermediate Period make it a conducive era to investigate regionality in the Western Desert. The first is political fragmentation, which is characteristic of the period. According to Jeffreys (2010, 104), the ‘intermediate periods’ provide perhaps the best opportunity to explore the true diversity of the Egyptian culture. The absence of a unified central government may have reduced the dominance of statewide cultural norms, thus allowing local traditions to flourish. An example can be seen in the aftermath of the Old Kingdom, where the changing political situation saw an increase in the number

of elite cemeteries and the emergence of different pyramidbuilding patterns (Jeffreys 2010, 104). Given the location of the oases, and their relationship with the Egyptian state, they offer an interesting case study for exploring the development of regional culture. This is further reinforced by the significant impact of the natural environment on regionality (Jeffreys 2010). While the populations of the Nile valley shared numerous geographical features, such as the dominance of the Nile and the annual flood which created fertile agricultural fields, the unique landscape of the oases provided a wholly different experience. Despite the occurrence of typically Egyptian material culture throughout the Western Desert, a re-examination of the archaeological record, in light of these considerations, is necessary. The second element is the growing influence of ‘Libyans’. The term Libyan is used to describe various groups of semi-nomadic pastoralists who inhabited areas to the west of the Nile valley in antiquity. Unfortunately, this term is rather misleading, as has been highlighted in numerous studies (for example Gardiner 1961, 35; Spalinger 1979, 125; O’Connor 1990, 30; Snape 2003, 94–5). From Predynastic times, two specific groups termed the Tjemehu and Tjehenu, were identified by the Egyptians as traditional enemies of the state (Uphill 1965, 394, 406–7; Spalinger 1979, 126–36; Baines 1996, 364–6; Hope 2007, 399–403). From the New Kingdom onwards, however, the emergence of new ‘Libyan’ groups resulted in their influence increasing greatly. This was due, in particular, to a series of invasions and population movements led by groups named the Meshwesh and Libu (Kitchen 1990, 16–22). Over time, members of these groups

10

Chapter 1

were able to gain positions of authority and eventually succeed in taking control of the Egyptian throne. By the time of the XXIInd Dynasty, the most dominant figures in the Delta were the ‘Great Chiefs of the Meshwesh’ and ‘Great Chiefs of the Libu’ (Kitchen 1996, 285–6, 291; Taylor 2000, 338–9). The association between these Libyan groups and the Western Desert is well-documented. They appear to have utilised Farafra Oasis and possibly Siwa or Bahriyya during Merenptah’s Libyan War of Year 5 (Kitchen 1990, 19–20; 2003, 1 and 4; Manassa 2003, 28, 31–2 and 94–5), while texts from Deir el-Medina refer to Meshwesh and Libu arriving in Western Thebes from the desert during the closing stages of the New Kingdom (Haring 1992, 73– 4). Moreover, the Smaller Dakhleh Stela reveals that a Libyan group called the ‘Shamin’ was residing in this oasis during Dynasty XXV. Considering the Western Desert’s close association with ‘Libyans’, the oases are wellpositioned to explore this defining element of the Third Intermediate Period. Finally, the excavations at the temple of Seth at Mut alKharab allow for an examination of a regional cult centre. Seth was one of the great state gods of Egypt. Known from predynastic times, he formed part of the Ennead of Heliopolis (Te Velde 1977, 7–12, 27) and played a fundamental role in Egyptian mythology. Not only was Seth responsible for the death of Osiris, resulting in his long-standing rivalry with Horus (Te Velde 1977, 32–46, 81–4), he was the protector of Re, defeating Apophis on his daily journey through the underworld (Te Velde 1977, 99–108; Cruz-Uribe 2009, 204). Despite this apparent contradiction, whereby Seth is both the hero and villain, his influence and popularity were widespread. This is epitomised by the name of New Kingdom rulers, such as Seti I and II, and Sethnacht. During the first millennium BCE, however, it has generally been accepted that the cult of this deity experienced a state-wide decline. This theory was raised by Gunn and Gardiner (1918, 45), but was elaborated upon and strengthened by Te Velde (1977), whose seminal study of Seth advocated a proscription of this god. This movement was characterised by a prohibition on the use of the Seth animal in art or inscriptions, a dramatic reduction in the use of the word Seth in personal names, and an overall decrease in state support for the god’s temples (Te Velde 1977, 138–51; Kaper 2001, 72). In Dakhleh, references to Seth date back to the Old Kingdom (Hope 206, 123; Polkowski 2019, 159), and the occurrence of Seth petroglyphs throughout the oasis show this deity’s importance to the local population (Polkowski 2019, 143170). While the first evidence of formal worship comes from a New Kingdom stela at Mut al-Kharab (Hope and Kaper 2010b), the cult of Seth flourished at the site during Third Intermediate Period. This was in direct contrast to the cult’s decline in Egypt. Many texts, including the Greater Dakhleh Stela, identify Seth as ‘Lord of the Oasis’ (Gardiner 1933, 22–3, line 2; Ritner 2009, 174–6, no. 4), and it is clear that the central administration was well-aware and even supported the existence of this cult at Mut alKharab. Although the extent and nature of the so-called

‘proscription’ of Seth has been challenged in recent times (Cruz-Uribe 2009, 206; Smith 2010, 417; Hope and Warfe 2017), the apparent success of this cult in Dakhleh Oasis provides a great opportunity to investigate a regional cult centre of this important state god.

Theoretical and Methodological Approach The material culture of the western oases plays a vital role in this study. The analysis of decorated blocks, inscriptions, ostraka and above all ceramics, provides valuable information about the people who were living in the oases during the Third Intermediate Period. As mentioned above, the archaeological record shows their material culture was the same as the populations living in the Nile valley. This interpretation, however, is problematic given the existence of Libyan groups in the Western Desert and the location of the oases well-outside the borders of the Egyptian state. Can it therefore be assumed that the people using these artefacts were Egyptian? This question relies on the belief that the material record is an active reflection of the culture that made it and used it (Jones 1997, 115 and 118–19). In recent times, scholarship has tended to move away from the traditional assumptions that cultural groups are bounded, homogeneous and clearly distinguishable by their physical remains (Jones 1997, 107; Lucy 2005, 86). Rather, culture is an individual phenomenon that is fluid, highly personal and closely linked with a sense of belonging (Jones 1997, 13–14; Smith 2003, 16; DíazAndreu et alii 2005, 1–2); it requires active participation and involves an element of choice. Identity therefore is dictated by both personal actions and social interactions (Díaz-Andreu et alii 2005, 1–2). This is in direct contrast to the uniform Nile valley culture presented in official Egyptian records. With the discovery of Nile valley material in the oases it is easy to conclude that the ‘weaker’ group, in this case the oasis peoples, had been dominated by the Egyptians. Within fringe regions, however, acculturation may not necessarily indicate subjugation or even emulation by force. In some instances, it may be advantageous for particular groups to appropriate the material culture and practices of the dominant group. Reasons may include demonstrations of power and status which are reinforced by cross-cultural links, as well as strategies for social, political or economic advancement (Lucy 2005, 108). Archaeologists therefore need to consider if groups who may appear, by their physical remains, to be the same as the dominant culture, are actually choosing to adopt these artefacts and behaviours for specific purposes. Excavations can then attempt to track these features chronologically and recognise subtle variations which may reveal distinguishing cultural indicators (Díaz-Andreu et alii 2005, 9; Lucy 2005, 109). It is worth noting that a similar methodological framework was successfully followed by Smith (2003), who investigated the cultural divisions that arose during Egypt’s Middle Kingdom conquest of Nubia. Using a variety of sources, including

Introduction

Egyptian texts, monumental architecture and other material remains, he explored the challenges of identifying cultural groups in the archaeological record. Determining cultural identities in the oases is a complex task, especially given the many factors that have affected their inhabitants over a long period of time. An indigenous population, termed the Sheikh Muftah Cultural Unit, existed in Dakhleh until at least the Old Kingdom, during which Nile valley peoples colonised this frontier region (Hope 1999, 217–25; Mills 1999, 174–6; Kaper and Willems 2002, 79–94; Warfe 2018). This topic has been investigated by Pettman (2016; 2019; Hope et alii 2019, 191–207) whose analysis of the archaeological record at key sites in Dakhleh has shed valuable information on the emergence of the ‘Egyptian’ material culture in the oasis. During the New Kingdom, substantial and widespread movements of Libyan groups took place, while by the time of Dynasty XXV, a Libyan tribe, the Shamin, was actually residing in Dakhleh (Janssen 1968, 166–7). Even though these interactions throughout the Western Desert took place over an incredibly long period of time, cultural distinctions during the Third Intermediate Period may still be possible to identify. To explore this issue effectively, archaeology must play an essential role, with its ability to unearth practical artefacts used in people’s daily lives. These items can often provide unbiased and impartial interpretations, thus allowing unparalleled insight into the lives of their users/owners (Assmann 1996, 6–7). We must also consider the processes involved in the production and usage of artefacts, including materials, industries and specific activities, rather than just the object itself. This context is equally important because material culture is actively involved in social interactions; it is used consciously and therefore can provide signs of behaviours, relationships, and beliefs, all of which reflect cultural identity (Lucy 2005, 86, 96 and 102). Using this approach, the oases can help explore the existence of regional diversity, and the relationship with the central administration, especially during a period of political fragmentation and decentralisation. The ceramics form a central component of this study, especially those from Mut al-Kharab. This category of evidence is incredibly valuable for identifying sites, dating activity and documenting interactions, but its effective use relies upon several factors. First, can we assume that ceramic forms during the Third Intermediate Period were uniform throughout Egypt, and that traditions existed in the oases at roughly the same time? Moreover, did the evolution of the ceramic repertoire in the oases develop at a similar pace to that in the Nile valley? During times of state-wide unification, pottery traditions are likely to have been far more consistent and widespread, but during times of political fragmentation, this is not necessarily the case. Aston (1996a) has already proposed the development of a north–south ceramic divide during the final part of the Third Intermediate Period (Phase III), while the style of coffins seems to have followed a similar path (Taylor 2009). Nevertheless, our reliance on Nile valley material, especially

11

for identifying parallels for pottery from the Western Desert, means that these considerations must be accepted. This does, of course, place a greater focus on accessing a broad range of comparative sources to ensure trends, or even anomalies for that matter, are not missed. During the DOP survey ceramics played a crucial role, contributing to preliminary assessments of activity, including the identification and dating of sites (Hope 1999, 215; Mills 1999, 175). Again, however, we must tread with caution, especially when other types of evidence are unavailable, and judgements are based on limited exploration. Sometimes the function of a site is clear. An example is a cemetery, which can be indicated by the existence of graves, tombs and skeletal material; but in non-funerary contexts, this can be difficult, with designations like ‘settlement’ being very general. This reinforces the importance of the ceramics from Mut alKharab. While textual sources and architectural remains verify the existence of a temple, this site was very large and included numerous other buildings and features that were used over an extended period of time. Moreover, as the capital of Dakhleh, it would have been surrounded by a settlement that is now covered by modern-day agriculture and development. This is important because non-cemetery contexts can sometimes offer the best opportunities to explore cultural diversity (Jeffreys 2010, 116). Consequently, the pottery at Mut al-Kharab may provide some indication of local variations and the nature of activity at the site, thus allowing insight into the oasis cultures. The methodological framework employed herein involves a comparative analysis of material from the western oases and Egypt. The evidence from Mut alKharab provides the basis for this investigation, but an increase in data from other sites in the Western Desert means a broader perspective can be gained. This will allow regional trends and distinct traits to be identified. The corpus of material from the Nile valley and Delta is also very important and often presents the ‘Egyptian view’ of the oasis, and thus complements the oasis archaeological record. While the ceramics are the key focus, other categories of evidence must be considered to ensure a comprehensive investigation. These include textual sources, such as official inscriptions, papyri and ostraka, as well as architectural remains, coffins and other small artefacts. This approach aims to compile a complete corpus of all the available evidence that relates to the oases during the Third Intermediate Period.

Chapter Outline The following chapter of this volume collates and examines all available Third Intermediate Period evidence from the Nile valley and Delta that relates to the western oases. The textual sources have been known to scholars for many years, but the ceramics have only been identified in more recent times. Chapters 3 and 4 focus on Mut al-Kharab. The former presents an overview of the site, including its history of occupation and exploration, and the key

12

Chapter 1

discoveries made by Monash University’s excavations. This discussion helps contextualise the pottery from the site, which is examined in Chapter 4. As the most extensive category of evidence, much of which is unpublished, this material is discussed separately and includes an analysis of the fabrics/wares, forms, and the archaeology associated with these ceramic deposits. Chapter 5 presents additional evidence of activity in the Western Desert, including sites throughout Dakhleh, as well as in Bahriyya, Kharga and other desert locations. Once all the data have been considered, a typology of Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics is presented in Chapter 6. This category of evidence is the most common, thus a corpus of forms will be invaluable for future studies of the oases, providing guidance for the identification and dating of activity. The final chapter presents the conclusions of this study. This will consider the nature and extent of activity in the Western Desert, the dating of material, the oases’ relationship with the Egyptian state, and whether or not evidence of regionality can be identified in the archaeological record. While there is much work to be done to better understand both the history of the Western Desert and the history of the Third Intermediate Period, this book attempts to make a contribution to both significant topics.

Interaction between the Oases and Egypt: Evidence from the Nile Valley and Delta

13

Chapter 2:

Interaction between the Oases and Egypt: Evidence from the Nile Valley and Delta

With systematic archaeological exploration of the oases only commencing in the late 1970s, early studies of the region relied heavily upon evidence from the Nile valley and Delta (Redford 1976–1977; Giddy 1987). Although much has been recovered from the oases in recent decades, this approach is still useful as it provides valuable information about the Egypt-oasis relationship. The extent and nature of this material can reveal much about the regularity of contact between the two regions and the purpose of these interactions. Moreover, this information is from the perspective of the Nile valley Egyptians and can shed light on how they viewed their Western Desert neighbours. For the preceding New Kingdom, evidence from the Nile valley and Delta relating to the oases is plentiful. The archaeological record comprises Theban tomb paintings, jar seals and labels, ceramics and other miscellaneous artefacts, all of which demonstrate regular contact between the two regions (Giddy 1987, 65–93; Hope 2002, 100–5; Long 2012, 105–13). This material verifies that the oases were incorporated into the Egyptian administrative system, religious estates dedicated to Egyptian gods existed in the oases, and oasis wine was a valuable commodity in the Nile valley. Contact between the populations of Egypt and the Western Desert is documented throughout the New Kingdom; the founder of the XVIIIth Dynasty, Kamose intercepted a Hyksos messenger on the oasis road (Smith and Smith 1976, 61), while amphorae from the Valley of the Kings, including the tombs of Ramesses IV and VI, shows the rulers of this time continued to appreciate the quality of oasis wine (Aston 1992, 76; Aston et alii 1998, 158, 160, plates 33 and 37, nos. 316–319). In contrast, Third Intermediate Period evidence from the Nile valley and Delta relating to the western oases is more limited. This is interesting because documents such as the Dakhleh stelae imply substantial activity, at least in this particular oasis. Only a very small number of textual sources from Egypt mention the oases explicitly, and while this may indicate reduced interactions between these two

regions, preservation bias in the archaeological record must not be discounted. As such, an analysis of these sources is necessary. This will help to build a better understanding of Egypt’s interactions with the oasis populations. This chapter documents all the published sources from the Nile valley and Delta that relate to the oases during the Third Intermediate Period. The corpus begins with the textual material, which has been available to scholars for many years and discussed on numerous occasions (e.g. Breasted 1906; Kitchen 1996; Ritner 2009). Although few in number, these written records yield important information. The textual material is followed by a study of the oasis ceramics found in Egypt. This category of evidence has grown in significance in recent years as our understanding of Third Intermediate Period pottery, and also oasis pottery, has developed. As a result, a growing number of oasis wares are being identified at sites in Egypt, providing an additional and valuable source of data.

Textual Sources Papyrus Pushkin (A Tale of Woe) The earliest Third Intermediate Period reference to the oases occurs in Papyrus Pushkin, also known as A Tale of Woe. It was discovered at el-Hibeh (Figure 1.2) in 1945, together with two other significant and contemporary Third Intermediate Period texts, namely the Tale of Wenamun and the Onamasticon of Amenope (Caminos 1977, 3). It is a remarkable document comprising 65 lines of hieratic script and is virtually complete (Caminos 1977, 1–3). The manuscript bears the unique tale of Wermai, son of Huy, whose personal hardships and mistreatment are presented in a single literary narrative. According to Caminos (1977, 3–4 and 78), the story of A Tale of Woe seems to have originated during the second half of the New Kingdom, with 1300 BCE being the earliest possible year. This is indicated by the names

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of the two main characters, Wermai and Usermarenakht, which are only attested during Dynasties XIX and XX, and then not until the Late Period (Caminos 1977, 78). Nonetheless, Caminos (1977, 1, 3–4, 78) estimates this specific papyrus was written down sometime during the XXIst Dynasty, around 1000 BCE, namely the early part of the Third Intermediate Period. The is indicated by a date in the Tale of Wenamun manuscript which corresponds to approximately 1100 BCE; given all three papyri seem to have derived from the same scribal school, this would provide a terminus a quo for the el-Hibeh texts. This claim is further supported by the script of Papyrus Pushkin, which Caminos (1977, 1, 3–7 and 78) identifies as postRamesside. This is based on palaeographic comparisons with other XXIst Dynasty manuscripts, including the papyrus of Queen Nedjmet in the British Museum and an oracular decree of Amun-Re in favour of Pinudjem now in Cairo (Caminos 1977, 4). The story of A Tale of Woe takes the form of a single letter, written by Wermai, son of Huy, to his friend Usermarenakht. In the letter, Wermai describes the unfortunate events that led to his retrenchment from the priesthood of Re-Atum, the loss of all his property and the expulsion from his hometown. He then wandered aimlessly through Egypt, exploring the Delta, heading beyond the western border into Tjehnu-land, crossing back over the Nile and going to the quarries at Tura in the Eastern Desert, and then to Oxyrhynchus (Carminos 1977, 25, 77). Finally, Wermai ventures into the Western Desert and settles in knmt, a toponym referring to the southern oases, namely Kharga and Dakhleh (Kaper 1992, 119– 22). It is from this location that Wermai writes the letter to his friend. While in knmt, Wermai witnesses dire circumstances. The oasis is presented as a poverty-stricken region under the control of a ruthless leader. Oppressed by taxation and sub-standard wages, the inhabitants suffer from hunger and helplessness (Caminos 1977, 77–8). The situation even becomes so disastrous that people abandon their crops, leaving the most fertile land deserted. Despite his misfortunes, Wermai continues to have faith in an unspecified saviour, whom he believes will protect the weak and punish the corrupt. Caminos (1977, 77–8) interprets this mysterious unnamed figure as the HeroKing, namely the Pharaoh. No other information about the oases is included in Papyrus Puskin. The toponym knmt makes it clear that Wermai is visiting the southern oases, but no other place names or specific details occur. The most striking feature is the overwhelmingly negative view of the oases. While this does mean that some people, including the scribes copying this text, were aware of the oases being presented as lands of chaos, the purpose of the text must be considered. While it is impossible to verify the historical accuracy of Wermai’s account, a literal reading should be cautioned. More significant is the role of pharaonic ideology, with the story exploring concepts of Maat, justice, and punishment (McGarrity 2013, 67–9). As such,

the hardships experienced by Wermai in a distant land reinforce the Egyptian worldview and their attitude towards foreign lands.

The Onomasticon of Amenope This text comprises a detailed list of over 600 terms from the ancient Egyptian vocabulary. Although other glossaries survive from antiquity, this is the only example that bears the name of its author. The full text derives from nine different manuscripts, the most complete of which is the Golenischeff papyrus (Gardiner 1947, 24); coincidentally, this copy was found at el-Hibeh together with the aforementioned Papyrus Pushkin. As with A Tale of Woe, the Onomasticon of Amenope seems to originally date from the late XXth Dynasty; however, all the extant copies of this text bear features that associate them with Dynasties XXI–XXII (Gardiner 1947, 24). These include the use of certain toponyms (for example Djanet for Tanis) and the inclusion of many foreign words, both of which suggest a post-Ramesside date (Gardiner 1947, 24–5). Moreover, the continued production of literary works under the Ramessides seems to have halted in the years directly following the end of the New Kingdom; the genre of the Onomasticon of Amenope supports this assertion. With regard to the western oases, only a very brief reference exists. In the section dealing with agricultural land, grain and produce, Entry 568 includes: irp n wHAt, namely ‘wine of the oasis’ (Gardiner 1947, volume II, 236). Amongst the other listed vintages are irp n kmt (wine of Egypt), irp n HArw (wine of Syria), irp n anDt (wine of Andjet), irp n Hrdy (wine of Cynopolis) and irp n imr (wine of Amor). The inclusion of this item in the Onomasticon indicates that wine was a noteworthy oasis commodity.

The Banishment Stela (Figure 2.1) This black granite stela measuring 1.28 x 0.82 metres was found by the French consul Maunier within the Karnak precinct in 1860 (Ritner 2009, 124). The text has been translated and commented upon numerous times, including Breasted (1906–1907, volume IV, 316–30), von Beckerath (1968, 7–36) and more recently Ritner (2009, 124–9). Among many things, this stela significantly helps to clarify the complex succession of kings and High Priests of Amun during the early XXIst Dynasty, as discussed by Kitchen (1996, 14–15 and 25–30). The Banishment Stela appears to have been created during the brief reign of Amenemnisu, with the text outlining particular events that occurred in the 25th regnal year of his father and predecessor Smendes (Ritner 2009, 124). These include the accession of Menkheperre, a son of Pinudjem I, to the position of High Priest of Amun, although the focus is more upon his consolidation of power, rather than his appointment. Accordingly, Menkheperre travels south to Thebes where

Interaction between the Oases and Egypt: Evidence from the Nile Valley and Delta

15

Figure 2.1 The Banishment Stela (after von Beckerath 1968, 10–11). The highlighted section reads ‘that no people shall be banished to the distant oasis …’ (r[mT].w nb n pA tA r tA wA.t n.(t) wHAt r tm).

he must quell an outbreak of hostility, which is presented as creating chaos within Amun’s sacred city. Menkheperre is granted an oracular decree by the god and is given permission to return those who were previously banished back to Egypt. The implication is that Menkheperre’s actions are an attempt to pacify the hostilities confronting Thebes; in reality, the text implies the existence of a faction challenging Menkheperre’s authority (Kitchen 1996, 260–1; Ritner 2009, 124). The oases play a key role in this source because they are the location where those who have been banished were sent. They are first mentioned in Line 11 of the stela: pAy.i nb nfr tA md.(t) nA bAk.w Tt.w i-qnd.k r-r.sn nty m wHAt tA(y) nt.(t) smn.t.w r.s My good lord, is it the matter of the quarrelsome servants at whom you were angered and who are in the oases in which people are confined? (Ritner 2009, 127). They are again referenced in Line 16: iw.k sDm n xrw.i m pA hrw mt(w)k Htp r nA bAk.w Tt.w i-xAa.k (16) r wHAt mtw.tw in.t.w r kmt Will you listen to my voice today and be forgiving toward the quarrelsome servants whom you banished (16) to the oasis, and let

them be brought back to Egypt. (Ritner 2009, 126 and 128). There is no explanation why the oases were chosen as the place of banishment, but it was in all likelihood due to their locations beyond the frontiers of the Egyptian state, as defined by the Nile valley and Delta. Nonetheless, the punitive function of the oases in this particular scenario, especially involving the king and High Priest of Amun, could have created assumptions about the status of the oases within Egyptian society, at least within the scribal and elite classes who had access to the document. It is also worth noting the toponym used in this stela is wHAt, a term identifying the oases as a collective (Giddy 1987, 37–8). Therefore, it is unclear which of the western oases was actually being used as a place of banishment. The involvement of Thebes in the account implies the southern oases of Dakhleh and Kharga were employed for this purpose, but for some reason the more specific terms knmt or wHAt rsyt were not used. Thebes and the southern oases certainly shared a close association during the New Kingdom (Long 2012, 105–13) and this relationship presumably continued into the Third Intermediate Period. This is supported by a cult of Amun existing at various locations in the Western Desert (see Chapters 3 and 5).

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Figure 2.2 Section from Osorkon I’s inscription in the Temple of Atum at Bubastis (after Naville 1891, plate LI). The highlighted section reads ‘he levied/taxed the Bahariya, Kharga and Dakhleh oases in regard to wine’ (Htr.f DsDs knmwt m irp).

Bubastis Temple of Atum Inscription (Figure 2.2) Osorkon I, second ruler of Dynasty XXII, built extensively at his family’s home city and capital Bubastis. One particular installation included a small temple to Atum, located outside the main temple precinct. This was excavated by Naville (1891, 60–2) who unearthed many inscribed stone fragments that outlined Osorkon I’s endowments to Egypt’s main temples during the first four years of his reign. Recorded on a red granite pillar, which survives in 29 separate pieces, the donations are of an astonishing quantity; Kitchen (1996, 303) estimates that, according to the inscriptions, over one million pounds of silver and gold alone were given to Amun-Re! This vast wealth, which also included lapis lazuli, copper, offering vessels and food stuffs, may have been influenced by the actions of Osorkon’s father and founder of the dynasty, Shoshenq I. Not only did his successful campaigns in the Near East result in significant spoils of war, but the reunification of the country would have enhanced both domestic and foreign trade, thus leading to better taxation revenues (Kitchen 1996, 303). Within this extensive list of divine gifts is a brief contribution from the oases. Line 5 claims: Htr.f DsDs knmwt m irp SdH Hmy swny m-mit.t iry r xw Hw.t.f mi mdw.st He levied the Dakhleh and Kharga oases in regard to wine, pomegranate wine, wine of Hemy, and wine of Syene likewise in order to equip his mansion in accordance with their words. (Ritner 2009, 251 and 253).

The first point to mention relates to the oasis toponyms used in this inscription. Ritner’s (2009, 249) translation, as well as that by Breasted (1906, 364), specifically identifies Dakhleh and Kharga as the provenance of the wine. This may be deduced from the first toponym knmt, which as mentioned previously, is the collective name for Dakhleh and Kharga. The inscription, however, includes a second oasis toponym, namely DsDs, which refers to Bahriyya Oasis (Kaper 1992, 118–19). A more accurate translation should thus state, ‘he levied Bahriyya, Kharga, and Dakhleh oases ...’. A second point to mention relates to the actual oasis beverages. These include irp, wellknown as wine, and Sdh, which is not so easily identified. The latter commodity was first documented in New Kingdom jar labels and seals from sites such as Amarna where it was commonly interpreted as pomegranate wine (Fairman 1951, 164); this view was adopted by Ritner (2009, 251) in the above translation. Gardiner (1947, 235) too believed it was some kind of intoxicating fruitbased beverage, but not necessarily deriving from pomegranates, while Tallet (1995, 461–2 and 476) dismissed the idea of pomegranate wine altogether. Recent scientific analysis of well-preserved samples from the tomb of Tutankhamun indicates Sdh was a drink made from red grapes (Guasch-Jané et alii 2014, 98–101). The other two wines in the inscription are those from Hemy and Syene, which according to Breasted (1906, 364), and followed by Ritner (2009, 258), were located in the western Delta near Lake Mareotis. Although the translation implies that the wines of Hemy and Syene are somehow related to the oases, this link may be based on

Interaction between the Oases and Egypt: Evidence from the Nile Valley and Delta

17

Figure 2.3 Taharqa’s Kawa Stela VI (after Macadam 1949, plate 12). The highlighted section reads: ‘To it (his city) he appointed maidservants from among the wives of the Chiefs of Lower Egypt. Wine is pressed from the vines of this city; they are more abundant than (those of) the Bahriyya Oasis’ (rdi.n.f Hm.w r.s m Hm.wt wr.w n.w tA-mHw HAm irp m iArr.wt n.w niw.t tn aSA s.t r DsDs).

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their shared association with viticulture, or simply their location in western regions.

Kawa Stela (Figure 2.3) King Taharqa, fourth ruler of Dynasty XXV, made significant additions to the Gempaaton temple complex at Kawa in Nubia. Within the courtyard of Temple T a series of grey granite stelae were erected, outlining some of the significant events in his reign. Stela IV, dated to Year 6, recounts the rebuilding of the Kawa temple after Taharqa had witnessed its neglect during his youth. Stela V records both the occurrence of an unusually high inundation of the Nile, as well as the visit by Taharqa’s mother, Abar, to Lower Egypt during Year 6, to witness her son in his position as King of Egypt (Ritner 2009, 539–45). Stelae III and VI document the extensive gifts given by the pharaoh to the Gempaaton temple, while Stela VII reports the formal dedication of the tribute in Year 10 (Ritner 2009, 553–5). With regard to the oases, they are mentioned within the list of temple offerings given in Years 8–10, as noted in the Kawa VI Stela (Macadam 1949, 35–6, no. 53). Two references on Lines 15 and 20 respectively state: stHn niw.t.f r-Aw.s (15) m Snwy.w nb rdi.n.f kAry.w r.s m stp.w n.w DsDs mit.t ir(y).w m rmT.w n.w tA-mHw qd His entire city was caused to glisten (15) with all kinds of trees. To it he appointed gardeners from among the very best of Bahriyya Oasis and the same from among the people of Lower Egypt. (Ritner 2009, 551). (20) ... rdi.n.f Hm.w r.s m Hm.wt wr.w n.w tAmHw HAm irp m iArr.wt n.w niw.t tn aSA s.t r DsDs (20) … To it he appointed maidservants from among the wives of the Chiefs of Lower Egypt. Wine is pressed from the vines of this city; they are more abundant than (those of) the Bahriyya Oasis. (Ritner 2009, 552). In both these inscriptions, Bahriyya (DsDs) is the specific oasis mentioned and again, its link to viticulture is clear. Line 20 clearly presents Bahriyya as the benchmark for wine production, in terms of quantity, while Line 15 praises the gardeners in Bahriyya for their ability to sustain healthy and abundant crops, presumably vineyards.

Ceramics Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics have been found at many sites in Egypt, although at each location they occur in very small quantities. As exploration of the Western Desert has increased, so too has our understanding of both the manufacture and use of oasis ceramics. Hope’s (1979; 1980; 1981) initial collection of locally-made deposits gathered during the DOP survey provided the

foundations for detailed analyses of Dakhleh pottery. With the identification of oasis wares, comparisons with similar fabrics found in the Nile valley and Delta have become possible. Significant work has also been under-taken by Aston (1996a), who postulated an oasis origin for particular vessels based on their distinct fabric (see below). Following Hope’s (2000, 189–210) publication of flasks from Dakhleh Oasis and Eccleston’s (2000, 215–17) macroscopic analysis which confirmed the oasis origins of flask sherds from Karnak North, the study of this ceramic group has been on much firmer ground. The fabrics of Third Intermediate Period oasis vessels are distinct from Nile valley silt and marl wares. They do not always possess uniform characteristics and can have significant variations in firing patterns and surface colours. This makes accurate identification a difficult process, especially for someone who has not been exposed to oasis pottery firsthand. Aston (e.g. 1996a; 1996b; 1996c; 1999) has identified and discussed numerous examples, albeit in limited numbers. These have emerged from his own fieldwork and ceramic studies, but also by comparing material and pottery drawings from early excavation reports, some dating back to the late 19th century. His detailed work has identified two oasis fabrics, both of which were utilised during the Third Intermediate Period. The first, Oasis Clay 1, comprises a blue-grey core, while a range of colours can occur near the surface, including reddish yellow, pink and pale yellow (Aston 1996a, 9; Aston and Jeffreys 2007, 26–7). Inclusions comprise fine straw, rounded sand grains, dark-red grit and distinctive large pieces of grog (Aston 1996a, 9; Aston and Jeffreys 2007, 26–7). Surface treatments tend to be slipped with matte reddish brown. This fabric can be equated with L6 at Memphis, P25 at Saqqara, and Marl 3 from Amarna (French 1986, 155). The second fabric is a variation of Aston’s Oasis Clay 2, which was originally used during the Ramesside times for large storage vessels such as amphorae. The section fires in two zones of light red and light brownish-grey. A white or pinkish-grey slip usually occurs on the outer surface, while the shoulders of these vessels are known to possess painted black horizontal bands. This fabric equates to IV.2 at Qantir and V.02 at Amarna (Aston 1999, 7). The variation of this fabric known from the Third Intermediate Period is extremely hard and possesses a dark grey section and a pale grey surface (Aston 1999, 188). Increased confidence in identifying oasis wares has facilitated the creation of this catalogue. As presented below, two forms are the most common: flasks and shortnecked slender jars. The former vessels have been welldocumented and comprise a broad category of handled globular vessels which bear distinctive small loop handles that connect the shoulder to the lower part of the neck. Variations include lentoid flasks, which are characterised by a symmetrical and upright elliptical or spherical profile, and gourds, which have an asymmetrical profile with one half being more pronounced than the other. Some

Interaction between the Oases and Egypt: Evidence from the Nile Valley and Delta

Figure 2.4

Map showing sites along the Nile that have produced oasis wares (based on Manning 2010, iv).

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Table 2.1

Summary of oasis wares found in the Nile valley and Delta.

20 Chapter 2

Interaction between the Oases and Egypt: Evidence from the Nile Valley and Delta

21

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Figure 2.5 Oasis ceramics found in the Nile valley and Delta. a: Tanis – flask (Laemmel 2012, 53–4, plate 44 – no. 225); b: Tell Nebesheh – gourd (after Aston 1996a, 67, figure 35, no. 33); c: Tell el-Retaba – flask neck (after Rzepka et alii 2011, 159, figure 51.9); d–e: Tell el-Retaba – flask neck and one-handled jar (after Rzepka et alii 2014, 109–13, figures 119.4–5); f: Heliopolis – lentoid flask (after Aston 1996a, 31, figure 60.49); g: Memphis – gourd (after Fischer 1965, 147, plate 61.458).

examples with six handles and even no handles have also been identified. In addition to his contribution to oasis wares, Aston’s pivotal work on Third Intermediate Period pottery has produced a clear framework for dating vessels from this time. This development has been invaluable and its use by ceramicists in Egypt is widespread. Aston (1996a, 59 and 87–9) has shown that pottery traditions during the Third Intermediate Period did not directly follow political change, as defined by the dynastic system of dating. He originally divided the material from this era into Phases I, II and III, although this was later updated based on wellstratified deposits at Elephantine (Aston 1999, 1). The latter system, utilised throughout this study, comprises the following three broad phases: • Phase IIA (Late New Kingdom, Dynasties XX– XXI) • Phase IIB (the Libyan Period, 10th to mid-8th centuries) • Phase III (mid-8th to 7th centuries, Dynasties XXV to early XXVI) Below is an outline of the current discoveries of Third Intermediate Period oasis wares throughout the Nile valley and Delta. These data, also summarised in Table 2, are

valuable because the frequency and distribution of oasis ceramics can help us better understand the extent and nature of contact between Egypt and the western oases. Sites are shown in Figure 2.4 and discussed from north to south.

Tanis As one of the most important sites in northern Egypt for much of the Third Intermediate Period, Tanis was the location of several royal tombs during Dynasties XXI and XXII. Between 1985 and 2012, a French team, under the direction of Phillipe Brissaud, excavated the centre area of the tell which housed the temple of Horus of Mesen, and a series of sondages to the south (Laemmel 2012, 3). Amongst the ceramics collected during the 1991 and 1993 seasons was a very small oasis flask (Figure 2.5a; Laemmel 2012, 53–4, plate 44 – no. 225). The vessel bears a dark grey slip, with only the upper body and neck surviving. The rim is 2.2 cm in diameter and the neck is 5.1 cm in height. Two small loop handles connect the upper shoulder to the lower part of the neck. The excavators dated this flask to the transitional phase between the end of the Third Intermediate Period and the Saite Period, namely the mid8th century to 6th century.

Interaction between the Oases and Egypt: Evidence from the Nile Valley and Delta

23

Tell Nebesheh Petrie (1888, 20–1) unearthed a series of tombs which he termed ‘Cypriotic’ due to the quantity of foreign pottery they contained. Despite these erroneous claims, the ceramics have been redated by Aston (1996a, 25) to the 12th–10th centuries. Tomb 33 contained a small gourd (Figure 2.5b), which has tentatively been classified by Aston (1996a, 67, figure 193f), as having an oasis provenance.

Tell el-Retaba The Polish-Slovak Archaeological Mission, under the direction of Slawomir Rzepka of the University of Warsaw, has been working at Tell el-Retaba since 2007. Located in the Eastern Delta, in the middle of Wadi Tumilat, excavations have revealed domestic structures ranging from the New Kingdom through to the Late Period (Wodzinska 2011, 1015–16). The dating of this activity has been aided by clear stratigraphy in the archaeological record and a valuable collection of ceramics. In Area 3, a mixed layer of material dating to the Third Intermediate and Late Periods produced a neck fragment from an oasis flask (Figure 2.5c; Rzepka et alii 2011, 159–60, figure 51.9). The vessel has both a smoothed exterior and interior, small loop handles that attach low on the neck, and evidence of secondary burning (Rzepka et alii 2011, 170). In Area 9, two more oasis sherds were found in the Third Intermediate Period settlement (Rzepka et alii 2014, 109–13, figures 119.4–5). These were another neck fragment from a flask containing remnants of the handles (Figure 2.5d), and a one-handled thin-necked jar (Figure 2.5e). The second vessel is unique within this catalogue of oasis wares. It is cream-coated and burnished, with the body being made by joining two bowls together, as indicated by the throwing marks. The vertical handle was fashioned from two separate coils.

Heliopolis Petrie’s work at Heliopolis between 1911–1912 revealed large amounts of pottery in the ruins of the town which he dated from Dynasties XIX to XXVI (Petrie and Mackay 1915, 7). Aston (1996a, 31, figure 60.49; 1999, 186) reexamined this material and identified an oasis lentoid flask that may date to the Third Intermediate Period (Figure 2.5f). The vessel was well-preserved, with only the rim missing.

Memphis Rudolf Anthes (1959, 3–6) led excavations in the southwest corner of the enclosure wall of the Great Temple of Ptah at Memphis on behalf of the University of Pennsylvania. Work in Area C in 1956 found a gourd (Figure 2.5g) which Aston (1996a, 34, figure 66.458) has identified as an oasis vessel dating from the 8th to 7th

Figure 2.6 Oasis ceramics found in the Nile valley and Delta. a–c: Memphis – flask neck, flask base and a reconstructed lentoid flask (after Aston and Jeffreys 2007, figures 53.621–2 and 57.621); d: Lahun – flasks (after Petrie et alii 1923, plates LX.93D, F, G, H, K and M).

centuries. The fabric was described by Fischer (1965, 147, plate 61.458) as ‘red ware’ and it bore a ‘pinkish cream slip’. The neck and rim are missing, but the very small handles are preserved. In 1984–1985, the Egypt Exploration Society’s work at Kom Rabia revealed a mud-brick silo which had been filled sometime during the 8th–7th centuries; the contents of the fill, however, also comprised earlier material from

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the 11th–10th centuries. Within this fill were several fragments from oasis flasks, as identified by their fabric L6 (Aston and Jeffreys 2007, 26–7, 55, figures 53.621, 53.622 and 57.621). These included a red-slipped fragment preserving part of the neck and small handles (Figure 2.6a), and the rounded part of a base (Figure 2.6b). A reconstruction of this vessel is shown in Figure 2.6c. In addition, three other body sherds in Fabric L6 were found. These came from either flasks or kegs. The latter form, kegs, are large storage/transportation vessels unique to the oases. They are characterised by their heavy eggshaped body and short neck, and are known from Dynasty XXVI onwards (Hope 2000, 189–96; Riemer et alii 2005, 329). Despite some earlier material occurring in the silo fill, these flasks from Memphis have been dated no earlier than the 8th–7th centuries (Aston and Jeffreys 2007, 56).

Lahun For three seasons (1914, 1920 and 1921), the British School of Archaeology in Egypt examined the cemetery at Lahun. The original tombs dated from the Middle Kingdom, although numerous intrusive burials from the New Kingdom and the Third Intermediate Period were also present (Petrie et alii, 1923, 1, 33–37). With regard to the later graves, the excavators provided a XXIInd Dynasty date; more recently Aston (1996a, 38) has suggested the late 8th century or more likely 7th century. Within the ceramics was a series of flasks (Figure 2.6d), which include some very small examples. According to Aston (1999, 188, no. 218) these are from the western oases, an assertion which seems to be based on the positioning and size of the handles. According to Petrie’s original drawing, one of the flasks bears three handles.

Herakleopolis (Ehnasya el-Medina) The Spanish Archaeological Mission investigated the Third Intermediate Period cemetery at Herakleopolis Magna in 1966, and then again between 1984 and 1999. Amongst the ceramics were examples of oasis flasks, identified by their fabric, classified as IIIa1–3. Fabric IIIa1 and 2 are both characterised by their distinct bands of section colours, including light blue, light grey, pink and yellow, with Fabric IIIa1 being more dense and IIIa2 more porous. Fabric IIIa3 is the same as IIIa2, but fired at a lower temperature, resulting in a more grey colour (López Grande et alii 1995, 36, 80). The first oasis examples (Figures 2.7a–b) have a matte red slip and come from levels dated to the second half of the 8th century (López Grande et alii 1995, 80–1, plates XXXVIIa–b). The second group was uncovered from slightly later levels, namely the end of the 8th century to the mid-7th century. Again, fragments of oasis flasks were identified (López Grande et alii 1995, 95, plate LIc, d and f). These include a neck/rim fragment bearing a white slip (Figure 2.7e), a body fragment with a dark grey slip (Figure 2.7c), and a better-preserved portion of a lentoid flask (Figure 2.7d).

Figure 2.7 Oasis ceramics found in the Nile valley. a–e: Herakleopolis Magna – flask fragments (after López Grande et alii 1995, plates XXXVIIa, XXXVIIb, LIc, LId and LIf); f: el-Ashmunein – larger flasks (after Spencer 1993, 47, plates 72–73, Type K1, nos. 102– 103); g: el-Ashmunein – smaller flasks (after Spencer 1993, 47, plates 72–73, Type K1, nos. 104–111).

Interaction between the Oases and Egypt: Evidence from the Nile Valley and Delta

25

Figure 2.8 Oasis ceramics found in the Nile valley. a: Amarna – Marl Jar 5 (MJ5.4.1; after French 1986, 184, figure 9.18); b: Amarna – keg body sherd with handle stump (after French 1986, 188, figure 9.22.1); c: Amarna – keg body sherd with a potmark (after French 1986, 188, figure 9.22.2); d: Matmar – black lentoid flask and double necked flask with six handles (after Aston 1996a, 230, figure 128, nos. 93L and 93W); e: Abydos – large gourd (after Petrie 1902, Abydos II, plate vii.34).

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The latter vessel has a darker ‘chocolate’ tone and concentric circles incised on the body (López Grande et alii 1995, 95).

El-Ashmunein (Hermopolis) Excavations by the British Museum were undertaken at this site in Middle Egypt between 1980 and 1990. The first stage of the project focused on the pharaonic and Roman stone monuments, while the second phase involved the exploration of the town (Spencer 1993, 7 and 11). Within this domestic area, classified Site W, three main levels of the Third Intermediate Period settlement were unearthed. The pottery was dated to approximately 900– 600 BCE, namely mid-XXIInd to the XXVth Dynasty; these correspond to Aston’s Phases IIB–III (Spencer 1993, 44). Within these deposits were numerous examples of small handled flasks of a unique fabric. According to Spencer (1993, 47), the larger examples (Figure 2.7f) have a cross-section of pale blue in the core and pink near the surfaces, while the exterior is pink; in a small number of cases, a red slip is present or the surface is black. The smaller flasks (Figure 2.7g) have a pink fabric, also with traces of a red slip. The distinct form and fabric of these vessels suggest they have an oasis provenance.

Amarna Between January and March 1985, French (1986, 147– 88) conducted an analysis of surface sherds located in the vicinity of Amarna’s unfinished XVIIIth Dynasty South Tombs. Comparisons with other material suggested the tombs were used for a short time during the XXVth Dynasty, while the overwhelming presence of jars indicated non-domestic habitation (French 1986, 165–7). The most likely scenario was that these tombs were used for reburials, with the vessels holding offerings for the deceased. Within the assemblage, French (1986, 155) identified what he termed ‘Marl Ware 3’, a distinct fabric used for kegs, which fires a variety of colours and includes numerous tiny dark grits, large round quartz, limestone and a moderate amount of vegetable material. Initially proposing a Levantine provenance, comparisons with similar examples from Karnak North, Karnak East, elAshmunein and Memphis, have since shown that this fabric can be equated with Aston’s L6, and thus derives from the western oases. Three examples of oasis ceramics were noted in the South Tombs’ assemblage. The first came from a vessel type classified as ‘Marl Jar 5’ (Figure 2.8a), that French (1986, 157) acknowledged was too large to be a keg. It was very rare, and described as possessing a “tall, wide neck sloping inwards towards the rim, sometimes with intermediate bulge”. The other two oasis sherds were both body fragments from large storage containers. Reproduced here as Figures 2.8b–c, the former contains a handle stump, and the latter possesses an inscribed potmark on the exterior surface.

Matmar Excavations were undertaken by the British Museum between 1929 and 1931 (Brunton 1948, 2). An undisturbed Third Intermediate Period cemetery was uncovered, as were a series of houses rebuilt over a New Kingdom temple. Within the latter area two small oasis flasks, as proposed by Aston (1996a, 45 and 71), were recovered. The first is a black lentoid flask (Figure 2.8d left), and the other is a double-necked flask bearing six handles (Figure 2.8d right). This second vessel is unique within this corpus. The cemetery was originally dated by Brunton (1948, 79) to between 950–650, although Aston (1996a, 45) suggests a slightly more refined range of the 8th–7th centuries.

Abydos Petrie’s excavations of the royal tombs at Abydos produced many pottery vessels, including a large gourd which he dated to the XXIInd Dynasty (Petrie 1902, 6, plate VII, no. 34). The form of this example (Figure 2.8e), including the small handles attached low on the neck, has led Aston (1999, 188, no. 221) to interpret it as having an oasis origin. Additionally, Aston (1996b, Type 14, figure 3e) identified a slender short-necked oasis jar from material recovered in 1985 by the Deutsches Archäologisches Institut (DAI). This example was part of a large deposit comprising 300–400 vessels which was overlying Tomb B40 in the royal necropolis (Aston 1996b, 1 and 3). Reproduced here as Figure 2.9a, the vessel is 57 cm in height and has a rounded rim, pointed base and a distinctly elongated body. The fabric is the Oasis Clay 2 variant, which is very hard, with a dark grey section, pale grey surface, and a unique metallic appearance. Comparison with other similar material suggests this ceramic deposit dates to Dynasty XXV (Aston 1996b, 7– 10). More recently, continued work by the DAI between 2006 and 2009 has identified more oasis wares during its investigation into the cult of Osiris at Umm el-Qaab. Excavations have recovered the pointed base and lower body from another slender jar (Figure 2.9c) dated to Dynasty XXV, which was used to provide offerings to Osiris (Effland et alii 2010, 50–1, figure 31.5). Another example includes a neck/rim fragment from a small amphora (Figure 2.9b) made in Oasis Clay 2 which dates to Dynasties XX–XXI (Effland et alii 2010, 40, figure 19.1). The rim and narrow width of the vessel, however, may indicate it is also part of a short necked slender jar, although if so, it would be much earlier than other known examples.

Thebes – Mortuary Temple of Seti I Between 1970 and 1984, the DAI uncovered significant pottery deposits at the mortuary temple of Seti I. Within the fill of Room V in the Northern Temple magazine a

Interaction between the Oases and Egypt: Evidence from the Nile Valley and Delta

27

Figure 2.9 Oasis ceramics found in the Nile valley. a: Abydos – short-necked slender jar (after Aston 1996b, figure 3e); b–c: Abydos – small amphora neck/rim and the base of a slender jar (after Effland et alii 2010, figures 19.1 and 31.5); d: Mortuary temple of Seti I – short-necked slender jar (Mysliwiec 1987, 79–80, no. 842); e: Karnak North – short-necked slender jar (after Jacquet-Gordon 2012, 97, figure 97n); f: Medinet Habu – flask (after Hölscher 1954, plate 47.U7; Aston 1996, figure 174.U7); g: Karnak North – lentoid flask (after Jacquet-Gordon 2012, 97, figure 97m).

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short-necked slender jar was found (Figure 2.9d; Mysliwiec 1987, 79–80, no. 842). Its distinct form and fabric have led Aston (1999, 188) to interpret it as having an oasis provenance. Bearing very similar proportions to the Abydos example, it has a more ribbed exterior. It is 50 cm in height and has a maximum diameter of 10 cm (Mysliwiec 1987, 79–80). The fabric was described as being particularly hard with an almost metallic appearance. This vessel was broadly assigned to the Late or Ptolemaic Period, although Aston (Aston 1999, 188) concedes this range is probably too high.

Thebes – Medinet Habu The University of Chicago’s extensive work at Medinet Habu unearthed the remains of a Third Intermediate Period settlement behind the mortuary temple of Ramesses III. Three phases were identified by the excavators and these ranged from Dynasty XXI through to Dynasties XXV– XXVI (Hölscher 1954, 3–8 and 14–16). A single flask (Figure 2.9f) has been identified by Aston (1996a, 54, figure 174.U7) as having an oasis origin, based on the fabric which probably equates to French’s Marl Ware 3. It was found in square N6 near House 1, together with two other jars (Hölscher 1954, 73–4), although these vessels could not be dated with precision; Hölscher (1954, 73–4) assigned them to the “26th Dynasty or earlier”. The body of the flask is impressed, rather than painted, with concentric circles.

Thebes – Karnak North L’IFAO’s excavations of the Treasury of Thutmose I at Karnak North were carried out between 1968 and 1980. This work produced an extensive ceramics corpus comprising two phases, the first of which dates from the end of the New Kingdom to the end of the Third Intermediate Period, namely Dynasties XXI–XXV (Jacquet-Gordon 2012, 227). Within this material, a complete oasis lentoid flask was found (Figure 2.9g). Identified by its distinct fabric, it possesses a dark red matte slip (Jacquet-Gordon 2012, 97, figure 97m). It has been dated more precisely to the end of aforementioned range, specifically Dynasty XXV by Aston (1996a, 56) and Hope (2000, 193). Jacquet-Gordon’s initial suggestion that this vessel had an oasis provenance was later confirmed by macroscopic analysis; selected fabrics from Karnak North and Dakhleh Oasis were shown to be very similar (Eccleston 2000, 216–17). Other examples of similar flasks from the site were examined by Hope (2000, 197, figures 2b–c) and these were made in a range of Dakhleh fabrics, including A29 and B23, and had various surface colours, such as brown, greyish-brown, bluishgrey and cream-coated. A complete short-necked slender oasis jar was also found (Figure 2.9e; Jacquet-Gordon 2012, 97, figure 97n). It stands 55 cm tall, has a maximum width of 12 cm and bears a red slip, although the neck is white-washed.

Similar to other examples of this form, the jar has a pointed base and ribbed exterior.

Thebes – Karnak East Between 1979 and 1985, the Akhenaten Temple Project, under the direction of Donald Redford, excavated Kom el-Ahmar, a large mound of debris 450 metres south of the central east–west axis of the Amun temple at Karnak (Redford 1994a, ix, 1). A clear stratigraphy was revealed ranging from Phase L (XVIIIth Dynasty) to Phase B (Ptolemaic); the Third Intermediate Period levels were classified as Phase I (11th–10th centuries, Dynasty XXI), Phase H (10th century, early XXIInd Dynasty) and Phase G (9th century; Redford 1994b, 28–9). Ceramic analysis was undertaken by Hummel and Shubert (1994, 30–82) and they identified a small number of oasis wares within the Third Intermediate Period levels. These sherds were made of a dense grey fabric that contained minor organic material and quartz fragments. Surface colours could be grouped into three categories: mustard yellow, grey, or a thick plum red slip (Hummel and Shubert 1994, 73). The best preserved oasis vessel was a very large handleless flask (Figure 2.10a) found in Phase G and described as being ‘heavy and unwieldy’. Standing at almost 52 cm in height, it has a rough grey exterior, and a rim diameter of between 4–5 cm. This version of an oasis flask differed from other examples at the site which have two diametrically opposed handles joined to the shoulder and neck of the vessel (Hummel and Shubert 1994, 74). Another fragment, either a neck piece or spout, derives from the same vessel type. The remaining body fragments of this fabric also came from similar storage vessels, namely kegs or flasks (Hummel and Shubert 1994, 74). Despite the limited number of examples, oasis wares were consistently found throughout the Third Intermediate Period levels at Kom el-Ahmar. As a result, they were described as being characteristic of the era at the site (Hummel and Shubert 1994, 73 and no. 221).

Thebes – Mut Temple at Karnak In 2001 Johns Hopkins University began working in the Mut Temple at Karnak (Sullivan 2011, 531; 2013, 8). Between 2004 and 2006 excavations focused on an area in the south-central part of the enclosure. This revealed a large mud-brick building whose main period of occupation was Dynasty XXV, although both significant New Kingdom and Late Period activity was evident (Sullivan 2011, 532; 2013, 14). Within this structure, oasis wares were regularly encountered; most derived from Stratum 1, dated to Dynasty XXVI, although some did come from Stratum 2, dated to Dynasty XXV (Sullivan 2011, 534, 537; 2013, 81). Three distinct firing types were noted: (1) a mustard yellow surface and grey interior; (2) unzoned dark grey; (3) grey-blue section which transitioned to pink and yellow, termed ‘rainbow’ by the excavator (Sullivan 2011, 531). It is worth noting that the first two firing

Interaction between the Oases and Egypt: Evidence from the Nile Valley and Delta

29

Figure 2.10 Oasis ceramics found in the Nile valley. a: Karnak East – handleless flask (after Hummel and Shubert 1994, plate LXXXII:3); b–d: Karnak: Mut Temple – upper part of a flask, rim/neck of handleless flask, and slender jar (Sullivan 2011, figures 19–21); e–g: Karnak: Ptah Temple – fragments from flasks, small lids and short-necked slender jars (after Boulet 2017, figures 3a–b, c–d and e–f).

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Figure 2.11 Oasis ceramics found in the Nile valley. a–b: Karnak: Osiris chapel – flasks (after Boulet 2016, 221, figures 4a–b); c: Abu Id – slender jar (after Aston 1996c, plate VI, No. 99); d–f: Elephantine – amphora rim, lower body and shoulder (Aston 1999, 42, 100 and 59, nos. 192, 810 and 386); g: Elephantine – slender jar (Aston 1999, 188, no. 1702); h: Elephantine – gourd (Aston 1999, 188, no. 1701).

Interaction between the Oases and Egypt: Evidence from the Nile Valley and Delta

types were consistent with examples at nearby Karnak East, although the ‘thick red plum’ surface treatment was not present on the oasis wares within the Mut precinct (Sullivan 2011, 538). The oasis vessels at this site comprised three distinct forms (Sullivan 2011, 543, figures 19–21). From the earlier level, Stratum 2, came a neck/rim fragment from what Sullivan (2011, 538) proposes is a small handleless flask (Figure 2.10c), and a slender jar which is missing its neck and rim (Figure 2.10d). The latter is preserved to a height of approximately 30 cm, and made in a very hard fabric, reminiscent of the high-fired variant of Aston’s Oasis Clay 2 (Sullivan (2011, 538). The other form, coming from Stratum 1, was a flask and only the upper portion of the vessel survives (Figure 2.10b).

Thebes – Ptah Temple and Chapel of Osiris Ounnefer Neb-Djefaou at Karnak Work by the Centre Franco-Égyptien d’Étude des Temples de Karnak (CFEETK) near the Temple of Ptah has identified a small collection of oasis wares. These examples came from two areas – a large gateway south of the Temple of Ptah (Sector 2) excavated between 2011 and 2012, and a second area south of the Temple (Sector 6), excavated between 2014 and 2016 (Boulet 2017, 53). Material from both areas has been assigned to Dynasty XXV (Boulet 2017, 53). Two oasis fabrics were identified. The first, termed O1, has been assigned to Bahriyya Oasis, and fires a range of colours, including zoned sections with pale yellow, pink and blue-grey, or orange. It has a dense, moderately fine to coarse texture, with inclusions of quartz, white and red nodules, and rare black nodules (Boulet 2017, 56 and 58). Vessels in this fabric include flasks (Figure 2.10e) and small lids (Figure 2.10f). The latter are often covered in a light-red slip. The second fabric, O3, has been assigned by Boulet (2017, 58) to Dakhleh Oasis. It has a dense matrix and is moderately course, often firing dark red to orange-red near the outer surface and grey on the inner fringe. Comprising decomposed limestone, quartz, some red and black nodules, and occasional vegetable material and mica, this fabric can be equated with Aston’s Oasis Clay 2 (Boulet 2017, 57, no. 39). Vessels in Fabric O3 sometimes have a smoothed exterior. Short-necked slender jars are the key form (Figure 2.10g). Additional work by the CFEETK at the nearby Chapel of Osiris Ounnefer Neb-Djefaou also unearthed oasis wares within levels dating from the XXVth to the beginning of the XXVIth Dynasties (Boulet 2016, 213 and 215). Although rare in the assemblage, examples of oasis flasks were identified by their O1 fabric (Boulet 2016, 221, figures 4a–b). The form of the first example (Figure 2.11a) is well-documented in this chapter, while the second vessel (Figure 2.11b) is smaller and more finewalled.

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Abu Id A single sherd from a short-neck jar made of oasis clay was found at the fortified settlement of Abu Id, seven kilometres from Edfu (Figure 2.11c). The initial survey was conducted in 1975 by Grossmann and Jaritz, with analysis of the ceramics undertaken by Aston (1996c, 19) some years later. The assemblage shows the site was occupied for only a limited period of time, and comparison with other material suggests a date of mid to late 8th century. This was consistent with Jaritz’s initial proposal that the site was utilised during Piye’s conquest of Egypt during Dynasty XXV (Aston 1996c, 19 and 39). The fragmentary rim/neck sherd from this jar was made from a very hard fabric, possessing a dark grey section and a pale grey surface. Based on parallels within this corpus, this sherd derives from a short-necked slender jar.

Elephantine Between 1987 and 1992 excavations by the DAI focused on an area north-west of the Ptolemaic/Roman temple at Elephantine. Despite the absence of material providing absolute dates, a clear stratigraphic sequence ranging from the New Kingdom to early Christian times was revealed (Aston 1996a, 57; 1999, 1). Detailed fabric analysis helped inform the classification of Oasis Clay 1 and Oasis Clay 2. The earliest examples are an amphora rim in Oasis Clay 2 (Figure 2.11d) and an amphora shoulder fragment in Oasis Clay 1 (Figure 2.11f). Both vessels were dated to Aston’s Phase IIA, which refers to Dynasties XX–XXI, namely the transition between the late New Kingdom and the early Third Intermediate Period. Within the next level, Phase IIB, which equates to the Libyan Period, only one oasis sherd was recovered. It is the lower body fragment of an amphora made in Oasis Clay 1 (Figure 2.11e). The final oasis pieces came from levels dating to Phase III, namely Dynasties XXV–XXVI. The first was a large oasis gourd in Oasis Clay 1 (Figure 2.11h). Measuring 29.7 cm in height, it has an asymmetrical profile, two small round handles attached at the lower part of the neck, and is missing the rim. The second is a slender jar (Figure 2.11g) made from a high-fired variant of Oasis Clay 2 which results in a metallic appearance. It has a slightly ribbed exterior, conical base and a preserved height of 37.2 cm, even though the neck and rim are missing. It was found in House 1, which dates to the late 8th–7th centuries (Aston 1999, 188).

Chapter Summary The textual and ceramic material discussed herein comprises all the published evidence from Egypt that demonstrates contact with, or knowledge of, the oases during the Third Intermediate Period. Despite the limited nature of this material, valuable information can be gained. The available sources indicate contact between Egypt and

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the oases was maintained throughout the duration of the Third Intermediate Period. A Tale of Woe, the Onamasticon of Amenope and the Banishment Stela all date to the XXIst Dynasty, while the Kawa Stela was written under Taharqa, the second last ruler of Dynasty XXV. Moreover, this is supported by the ceramics, with oasis vessels dating to all three of Aston’s relevant phases (IIA, IIB and III). These texts indicate that a number of oasis toponyms continued to be used, although the range of variations is less than the New Kingdom (Giddy 1987, 37–50). The collective term for the oases (wHAt) was preserved within Egypt’s scribal traditions, as shown by the Onomasticon of Amenope, while its use in formal inscriptions is demonstrated in the Banishment Stela. A second toponym, knmt, appears in both A Tale of Woe and Osorkon I’s inscription in the temple of Atum at Bubastis. This common term describes the southern oases of both Dakhleh and Kharga and occurs mainly in religious contexts (Kaper 1992, 119–21 and 132). This fits well with Osorkon I’s offerings list in the temple to Atum, but is somewhat unusual for A Tale of Woe which is far more secular in nature. The final toponym is DsDs which refers to Bahriyya Oasis. Occurring in Osorkon I’s inscription and twice in Taharqa’s Kawa Stela VI, this term also appears to have been restricted to religious contexts (Kaper 1992, 119–21 and 132). It is interesting to note, however, that two oasis toponyms prevalent in the New Kingdom, do not occur in these sources. These are wHAt rsyt and wHAt mHtyt, meaning ‘southern oases’ and ‘northern oases’ respectively. According to Kaper (1992, 132), these terms were utilised only in secular contexts. Their absence therefore may be due to a lack of known administrative texts, or perhaps a changing relationship between the oases and the Egyptian bureaucracy during the Third Intermediate Period. Despite the limited textual material, an underlying negativity associated with the oases is present in two of the sources. Both Papyrus Pushkin and the Banishment Stela portray the oases as chaos-filled regions suitable for Egyptians who have been expelled from their homeland. This distinct characterisation appears in not only two of the five textual sources relating to oases, but by far the two most descriptive and detailed accounts. What then may be the reason behind this blatant negativity? In all likelihood, the fact that the oases are located hundreds of kilometres to the west of the Nile valley may have warranted this assertion. Indeed, the writing of word wHAt includes the hieroglyphic determinative for a desert region or a foreign land (Gardiner 1957, 488, N25), while oasis representatives figure prominently in many New Kingdom tomb scenes of foreign tribute (Giddy 1987, 69–74; Long 2012, 108–10). The portrayal of the oases as chaosstricken places fit for criminals may have been designed to reinforce the political ideology of the pharaonic state. This worldview encompassed a hierarchy of the cosmos

where Egypt’s dominance over her inferior neighbours, such as Nubians and Libyans, had to be continuously highlighted and celebrated (O’Connor and Quirke 2003, 5–7, 10–18). The reference to oasis wine in three of the five textual sources shows that it continued to be an important commodity during the Third Intermediate Period. It was given as a royal temple donation under both Osorkon I and Taharqa, with the vintages of Bahriyya (DsDs) appearing to be the most sought after. Not only is the sheer quantity of wine from Bahriyya mentioned, but those responsible for its vineyards were held in such high regard that they were sent by Taharqa to maintain the splendid gardens of ‘his city’. The dominance of storage vessels in the collection of oasis wares raises the question of whether they were being used to transport wine. It is currently impossible to know for certain, although both the slender jars and large flasks would hold several litres of liquid. For the smaller flasks, though, water or oils may have been more likely, with their size more suitable for carrying personal rather than commercial quantities. Nevertheless, these two forms dominate the ceramics discussed thus far. Flasks are the most common, occurring at 18 of the 20 sites discussed herein; the only exceptions are the mortuary temple of Seti I at Thebes and Abu Id. In contrast, the short-necked slender jars have been identified at seven of the 20 sites. They are made from an extremely hard fabric, and range in height from 40–60 cm, although a shorter variation also existed, as shown by the example from the Mut Temple at Karnak (Figure 2.10d). A complete example is in the Fine Arts Museum in Boston (Accession No. 2017.794); it was excavated by the Egypt Exploration Fund, but unfortunately the details of where it was found are not provided in the museum records. The distribution of oasis wares along the Egyptian Nile provides another interesting perspective on the extent of contact with the western oases. The sites that have thus far produced oasis wares range from the Delta in the north to Elephantine in the south (Figure 2.4). The Thebaid has yielded the most examples, with seven sites producing oasis vessels. While this area has seen significant archaeological exploration over a long period of time due to its role as a significant religious and political centre, the Thebaid’s link with oases is also well-documented during the New Kingdom (Long 2012, 107–12). This evidence may indicate the continuation of a strong relationship between the two regions. It is also worth noting the distribution of the short-necked slender jars. Only sites in the southern part of Egypt, from Abydos to Elephantine, have thus far produced fragments from these vessels. This may indicate an association with the southern oases and be an indication of their place of manufacture. Finally, the date and context of these oasis wares is important. Although these ceramics derives from all phases of the Third Intermediate Period, a significant

Interaction between the Oases and Egypt: Evidence from the Nile Valley and Delta

portion has been dated to Aston’s Phase III, namely the 8th–7th centuries. Moreover, these oasis vessels have been uncovered in a range of contexts, namely domestic, religious and funerary. Again, despite the small number of examples, the sites themselves indicate that oasis commodities (possibly wine) were valued as offerings in temples, grave goods for the afterlife and everyday consumption in settlements. This chapter has provided useful information about the interactions between Egypt and the western oases during the Third Intermediate Period, particularly from the view of the Nile valley populations; the data set, however, is modest. Therefore, a deeper and more balanced understanding can only be achieved by moving beyond the Nile valley and exploring the oases directly. In recent years there has been a great increase in archaeological investigations throughout the Western Desert, including the important work at Mut al-Kharab in Dakhleh Oasis. This significant site is producing a growing collection of material which is helpful in piecing together, with more accuracy than ever before, the nature of life in the western oases during the Third Intermediate Period.

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The Temple at Mut al-Kharab

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Chapter 3:

The Temple at Mut al-Kharab

Mut al-Kharab (‘Mut the ruined’) is situated in the central part of Dakhleh Oasis, on the outskirts of the modern-day capital Mut (Figure 1.1). The size of the site and the quantity of remains, including decorated stone blocks, illustrates its importance; as such, it was likely the capital of Dakhleh from at least the New Kingdom onwards. Excavations have revealed an extensive occupation history ranging from the early Old Kingdom to the Mamluk Period. According to Hope (2016, 123), this makes the site “one of the longest – if not the longest – occupied anywhere in the Western Desert”. For the Third Intermediate Period, the corpus of evidence has been growing steadily, with recent discoveries helping to build our understanding of the site during this time. The key category of evidence for this study is pottery – and this is the focus of the following chapter; however, in order to contextualise this material, an analysis of all other evidence must first be undertaken. This chapter provides an overview of Mut al-Kharab and its exploration, followed by an examination of the relevant archaeological material, including the Dakhleh stelae, decorated blocks, ostraka and small finds.

Description of the Site Mut al-Kharab is the largest of a series of mounds that made up the ancient site (Plates 3.1 and 3.2). A defining feature is the very large mud-brick enclosure which measures approximately 140–180 m east–west by 217 m north–south (Figure 3.1). The current wall probably dates to Dynasty XXVII and although many sections are missing, some parts still survive to 8 metres in height (Plate 3.3a), and in places are eight metres thick (Hope 2001a, 34; 2001b, 47; 2016, 123). This enclosure is the largest known in the Western Desert and was clearly the temenos for a stone temple situated in the north-central part of the site. Only the foundation levels in the northern part of the temple have survived, and these have been revealed over an area of 26 m north–south by 24 m east– west (Hope 2016, 123). Excavations have shown the remains of two pairs of parallel stone walls (running north–

south) set 2.75 m apart (Figure 3.2). The inner walls encompass an area 11.25 m wide and contain the remnants of stone flooring set upon a mud-brick foundation. The existence of interior walls and doorways may indicate this is the location of the temple’s sanctuary (Hope 2016, 139). The outer set of walls would then be part of the temple’s enclosure wall, with the 2.75 m area between the two pairs of walls providing space for the ambulatory. Remains of this outer wall are best preserved in Trenches 24, 16, 15 and 27. Although much of these stone courses are fragmentary, the walls seem to be approximately 2 m in width, and in many parts, built on foundations of clean yellow sand (Plate 3.3b; Hope 2016, 140–1). This practice is known from the Late Period onwards and was undertaken to ensure rituality purity in temples (Arnold 1999, 66, 97 and 152; Niederberger 1999, 93–5). The varying degrees of preservation and extensive re-use of the site make dating this structure difficult, but evidence indicates the current stone temple was constructed sometime after Dynasty XXV but before the Roman Period (Hope 2016, 141). Surrounding the stone temple are numerous mud-brick structures from a range of different occupation phases, illustrating the widespread re-use of buildings. In the southern part of the enclosure there is a large natural spring mound, while beyond the southern temenos is a Late Period cemetery. Two of the tombs were excavated and likely date to Dynasties XXVI–XXVII (Figure 3.1; Hope 2003, 67–72). Additional cemeteries used over a considerable period of time, from the Late Period to the Islamic Period, still exist on nearby mounds (Plate 3.1). These include ‘Ain Marqula, ‘Ain Hammam, ‘Ain Marduma, ‘Ain Sadira, Kom el-Kharab, Humiyat B and Bir al-Shagalah (Hope 2001a, 35; 2003, 67–72; Bashendi Amin 2013, 51–80). Unfortunately, the vast settlement that would have originally surrounded the temenos is covered by the modern-day town. It is also worth noting that the site has been heavily impacted by the local population in more recent times. Traffic, in the form of pedestrians, animals, carts and even motor vehicles, has passed through regularly, while the

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Plate 3.1

Satellite image showing Mut al-Kharab (within the black circle), other surrounding ancient sites, modern settlement and cultivation (Google Earth 2021).

Plate 3.2

Satellite image of Mut al-Kharab (Google Earth 2021).

The Temple at Mut al-Kharab

Figure 3.1

Plan of Mut al-Kharab; numbers indicate excavated areas (after Hope 2016, 124, figure 1).

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a

b Plate 3.3 a: part of the southern wall of the temenos at Mut al-Kharab (R. J. Long); b: western section of Trench 16 showing the stone foundations sitting atop a layer of clean yellow sand and a dense layer of ceramics (© C. A. Hope).

The Temple at Mut al-Kharab

Figure 3.2

39

Plan of the Mut al-Kharab temple area; numbers indicate excavated trenches; darkest shades represent the remains of stone walls (after Hope 2016, 125, figure 2).

site is closely bordered by a modern road and agricultural fields; the former has cut through the corner of the temenos. Rubbish, including dead animals, has been dumped over a long period of time, and widespread pitting indicates the search for antiquities by locals. These have all had an adverse impact on the preservation of the ancient remains.

History and Exploration of the Site In 1978 and 1980 the DOP conducted a survey and some preliminary excavations at Mut al-Kharab. These demonstrated the original temple was robbed down to foundation level, although some decorated blocks and architectural fragments were recovered (Mills 1979, 175; 1981, 180–1 and 187–8). The DOP did not return to Mut al-Kharab until 2000, when excavation of the site commenced under the direction of Colin Hope on behalf of Monash University. This work has revealed a long history of occupation. The earliest ceramics include material from the final phase of the indigenous Sheikh Muftah Cultural Unit, together with Early Dynastic vessels imported from the Nile valley, indicating interactions between the local inhabitants and the Egyptians before their annexation of the oasis (Warfe 2005, 52–3; Hope

and Pettman 2012, 147–65; 2019, 193; Hope et alii 2019, 191–207). From Dynasties III-IV, however, the occurrence of well-dated Nile valley forms in local oasis fabrics documents the Egyptianisation of Dakhleh (Hope 2004, 107; 2007, 404–5, Hope and Pettman 2012, 156; Pettman 2019, 193, 196). This is corroborated by other significant Old Kingdom activity in the region, including at the site of ‘Ain al-Gazzareen (Pettman 2015, 113–30; 2019, 196– 7), inscriptions at Khufu Hill about 100 km south-east of Balat (Kuhlmann 2001, 133–7), and the Egyptian ‘watchposts’ located throughout Dakhleh (Kaper and Willems 2002, 81–90; Pettman 2019, 197). Although no such ‘watch-posts’ have been identified at Mut al-Kharab, it is possible the initial Old Kingdom settlement had a similar function; its location within the oasis would have made it suitable to control not only the extremely fertile surrounding areas, but desert routes heading south from Dakhleh. The temple at Mut al-Kharab was dedicated to Seth, Lord of the Oasis, together with associated gods, from the New Kingdom through to Roman times. Earlier finds, in particular a Middle Kingdom stela of a local governor named Sa-Igai, indicate the existence of an installation in honour of the god Igai (Hope and Kaper 2010a, 219–45). This rarely-attested deity was closely linked to the oases,

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with evidence tracing this cult from the Old Kingdom through to the Third Intermediate Period (Fischer 1980, 124–5; Hubschmann 2010c, 43–51; Marti 2018, 43–54). From the XVIIIth Dynasty onwards, however, the archaeological record reveals increasing activity. Stone blocks bearing the cartouches of Thutmose III and Horemheb confirm the construction of significant buildings. Evidence for the latter takes the form of six sandstone blocks which depict images of the king and Amun-Re, Lord of Heaven (Hope and Kaper 2010b, 142– 3). A Ramesside stela, dating to Dynasty XIX, was found as part of stone paving in Trench 21 (Hope and Kaper 2010b, 144–54, figures 4 and 5). It records a prayer to Seth and shows the deity in the upper register, with his consort Nephthys, standing before Amun. The bottom register includes the person who is making the prayer, together with his wife, mother and son. This significant document is the earliest attestation of the worship of Seth at the site (Hope and Kaper 2010b, 146 and 154) and reveals the link between this deity and the cult of Amun in the oasis. Moreover, both the type of sandstone and its dimensions closely match those of the Middle Kingdom stela of Sa-Igai, suggesting the Seth stela is a reused piece from the same monument. The existence of a stone structure at the site may indicate Mut was already the capital of Dakhleh by this time. Other inscribed blocks containing the cartouches of Ramesses IV and XI have also been uncovered (Long 2019, 229, plates 2b–c); the latter includes the epithet ‘Beloved of Seth, Lord of Mit’, which is a reference to the ancient name of the site (Hope 2016, 139). This inscriptional material is complemented by the ceramics, which confirm the nature and extent of activity at the site during the New Kingdom. Cylindrical bread moulds used in the manufacture of temple offerings are regularly unearthed, while the prominence of amphorae fragments may be linked to wine offerings (Long 2008, 95–110). The occurrence of distinct oasis amphorae, with button bases and horizontal handles, can be dated specifically to Ramesside times (Long 2007; 2019, 232– 3) and shows the continuation of activity during the second half of the New Kingdom. All this material provides clear evidence of royal building programs and temple activities spanning the duration of the New Kingdom. Although the extent of formal state control over Dakhleh, especially during Dynasty XIX, has been questioned recently (Kaper 2019, 227–8 and 233–6), the current corpus of material certainly indicates that Mut al-Kharab had become a significant site during the New Kingdom.

The Dakhleh Stelae and Other Inscribed Blocks Prior to Monash University’s excavations, four inscriptions dating to the Third Intermediate Period are known to have derived from Mut al-Kharab. Foremost are the Greater Dakhleh Stela (Plate 1.1) and the Smaller Dakhleh Stela (Plate 1.2) which were purchased in 1894 by British Army Captain Henry Lyons who was shown them while in Mut.

A third stela (Plate 1.3), dedicated to a priest of Seth named Khai, was discovered by locals in 1928 and acquired by the Egyptian Museum. The fourth source is a fragmentary block found by Ahmed Fakhry which refers to an oasis governor. Among many things, these documents reveal substantial building at Mut al-Kharab during the Third Intermediate Period, including the existence of a fully-functioning Egyptian temple. They thus provide great insight into the daily activities at this site.

The Greater Dakhleh Stela (Plate 1.1) (Ashmolean Museum 1894.107A) This limestone stela is 94 cm high, 65 cm wide and 11.5 cm thick, and contains 20 lines of hieroglyphs surmounted by a detailed lunette. It was first published by Spiegelberg in 1899, and then translated into English by Gardiner in 1933. Its significance was noted by Gardiner (1933, 19) who stated, “there can be few Egyptian inscriptions with as many claims to our interest”. His view was based on the stela’s obscure provenance, as much as its unique content, which covered the “natural conditions, administration, cult and topography of a distant Oasis” (Gardiner 1933, 19). Dated to Year 5 of a king named Shoshenq, the Greater Dakhleh Stela provides an account of an oracular decree in the temple of Seth concerning a dispute over water rights (Gardiner 1933, 19–30). The identification of precisely which Shoshenq is being referred to, however, has been the subject of much debate. Breasted (1906, 359–61) proposed Shoshenq I as the ruler in question, due to the political instability in the oasis at the time, as described in the document itself. Gardiner (1933, 23 and 28) seems to have accepted this attribution, and also dated the stela to Shoshenq I. This claim has received widespread support (for example Kitchen 1996, 290; Kaper 2009, 149), and has been further validated by Kraus (2005, 43–8) who believes the wrS festival, referred to in the text, was linked to the lunar calendar and must have taken place between 950–930 BCE, thus fitting within the regnal years of Shoshenq I. Nevertheless, arguments in favour of Shoshenq III have been put forward. Jacquet-Gordon (1979, 180–2) suggested Shoshenq III due to the use of the title ‘pharaoh’ (pr-aA) in the stela. It was believed this term was not used as early as the reign of Shoshenq I, but recent scholarship has found that the title ‘pharaoh’ occurred under Siamun and possibly Psusennes II (Payraudeau 2008, 304–5; Ritner 2009, 177, no. 1; Leahy 2010, 46–7). The debate around the dating of this document is further fuelled by mention of a land register from Year 19 of King Psusennes that verifies the well in question was owned by the claimant’s mother (Gardiner 1933, 22 and 28). The identification of which Psusennes is not given, but Psusennes I seems more likely, as this fits within his known regnal years, and provides a more logical number of years between the claimant and his mother, especially if the stela is dated to Shoshenq I (Kaper and Demarée 2005,

The Temple at Mut al-Kharab

33, no. 25). As Leahy (2010, 45–53) has surmised, however, unequivocal evidence for exactly which monarch is still lacking. As such, it is more appropriate to view this source as providing information about Dakhleh during Dynasty XXII, rather than the reign of a specific king. According to the inscription, Prince Weyheset, a member of the royal family was sent to Dakhleh to ‘restore order’ (Line 3; Gardiner 1933, 22; Ritner 2009, 176). He was ‘Governor (HAty-a) of the Two Lands of the Oasis’, with HAty-a being an important administrative title, although its meaning appears to have been somewhat flexible (O’Connor 1983, 208, figure 3.4; Helck Lexikon der Ägyptologie I, 875–80; Giddy 1987, 67–8). In this volume, it will be translated as ‘governor’. Weyheset was also ‘son of the Chief of the Ma’, reinforcing both his and the royal dynasty’s Libyan heritage. On arrival in the oasis Weyheset was presented with a dispute over water rights concerning the well of Weben-Re, located in the town of sA-wHAt, an area in western Dakhleh which includes Amhida (Kaper 2009, 153). A priest of Seth named Nesubast claimed ownership over the land in question and its associated wells, arguing they originally belonged to his mother Tewhenut. Weyheset decides that only the god Seth can deliberate on this matter, so the oracle is consulted during the ‘Beauty of Daytime’ festival (nfr wrS). The oracle finds in favour of Nesubast stating that Tewhenut did indeed own the well, as proved by the aforementioned land registry. Two particularly interesting parts of the stela are the list of witnesses for the oracle’s decree which concludes the text, and the lunette at the top. The list begins with Weyheset who is followed by other officials, including Pawered, Waykeseher and Kayham. These individuals not only have non-Egyptian names, but each bears the title mAtwAr, which has been interpreted as a military title of Libyan origin (Gardiner 1933, 27, no. 17; Ritner 2009, 178, no. 17). The remaining 11 witnesses bear Egyptian names and titles including ‘the captain of the shieldbearers, Pete’, ‘the cultivator Ankhef, son of Nefenbewnakhte’, and ‘scribe of the temple, Tjarsetekh’. With regard to the lunette (Plate 1.1b), four figures, two men and two women, are standing before a central feature. Gardiner (1933, 29) was unsure about the identity of this structure and suggested it was a shrine to Seth. Kaper (2002a, 215), however, believes it represents the cult image of the god, and draws a parallel with a dipinti from Shrine IV at the Roman Period site of Ismant al-Kharab in Dakhleh which shows the oracular statue of Seth. This interpretation may be further supported by the fact that the two men are wearing sandals, indicating the central feature is outside, rather than being inside, a temple or shrine. The two males on the right are Weyheset, shown holding a lamp, and Nesubast, in a pose of adoration (Gardiner 1933, 29). The first woman on the left is unnamed, but possibly Nesubast’s mother, while the second figure is identified as ‘the wife of the priest of Seth, Petebast, the son of Pate, justified’. The name Petebast does not occur in any other part of the text, and

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rather than being a scribal error, Gardiner (1933, 29) suggested this may be the wife of Nesubast’s brother. Two additional females, below the main scene, are shown playing tambourines. Their names are fragmentary, but references to ‘the songstress of Seth’ survive. Gardiner interpreted them as Nesubast’s wife and mother-in-law (1933, 29–30). Finally, an additional section of text in the lunette refers to a dispute concerning two different wells that are not discussed in the stela. The text reads: ‘There are not two flowing wells belonging to Tenstar, the well of House of Horus and Sekhment, but only one’ (Gardiner 1939, 30). Although apparently unrelated to the situation involving Nesubast and the well of WebenRe, this disagreement may have been similar, and their inclusion is to show the oracle resolved more than one of these disputes. This document is valuable for many reasons. First, the importance of Dakhleh Oasis to the royal family of Dynasty XXII is clearly demonstrated by their direct involvement in the affairs of its communities. Despite its location beyond the traditional borders of the Egyptian homeland, the king thought it necessary to send a representative to Dakhleh to resolve a local issue. Although the stela focuses on a specific water-rights dispute, lines 3 and 4 of the text do refer to ‘war and turmoil’ and the need to ‘restore order’, which may indicate Weyheset’s intervention was more widespread. Regardless, the rulers of early Dynasty XXII seemed concerned by the events in Dakhleh, thus showing their interest in this region. Second, the use of an oracular decree in settling local disputes reveals much about the role of temples and religion in the oasis. The priests of the cult of Seth wielded significant authority in the oasis, overseeing both social and economic issues, and were clearly supported by both the local and state-wide governments. This process was part of a wider trend of oracular consultations that began in the New Kingdom and continued into the early Third Intermediate Period. During Dynasty XXI innovations occurred, such as ‘divine audiences’ in the Temple of Amun at Karnak, and the use of Oracular Property Decrees, showing the importance of deities in implementing Egyptian law (Muhs 2009, 265– 75). This can be seen in the Banishment Stela of Dynasty XXI, discussed in Chapter 2, wherein the High Priest of Amun Menkheperre consults an oracle for guidance on the treatment of those banished from Egypt (von Beckerath 1968, 7–36; Kitchen 1996, 260–1; Ritner 2009, 124–9). Finally, the stela sheds some light on the people who inhabited Dakhleh during Dynasty XXII. The temple of Mut al-Kharab was clearly a substantial building which would have serviced a local, permanent settlement. Given the size of the stela, it would have been positioned in a prominent location to be viewed by priests and temple personnel. Local residents would have undoubtedly been associated with the temple administration, and the occurrence of both Egyptian and non-Egyptian names indicates a diverse cultural mix in the oasis. This situation

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was certainly to be expected considering the movements of Libyan groups in the Western Desert during the New Kingdom (Kitchen 1990; Haring 1992; Snape 2012, 424), but this is further proof of varying heritages in the oasis. The occurrence of the title mAtwAr may indicate Libyan ancestry, suggesting a possible link with the ruling dynasty in Bubastis. The stela, above all, reinforces the importance of water in the oasis. This is not surprising given the geographical surroundings, but the text shows that water and its ownership, in the form of wells, determined wealth and thus social status. The need for an oracular decree indicates much disagreement and conflict over this vital commodity.

The Smaller Dakhleh Stela (Plate 1.2) (Ashmolean Museum 1894.107b) The Smaller Dakhleh Stela is made of sandstone and measures 81.5 cm in height, 39.5 cm in width and is 12 cm thick. Like its counterpart, this stela was published by Spiegelberg in 1903, with a detailed translation and analysis in English undertaken later by Janssen (1968, 165–72). It is in good condition, with traces of colour still preserved in the lunette, although a section from the upper left-hand corner is missing completely. This document is dated to ‘Year 24, third month of the Inundation, Day 10, of the Pharaoh Py, son of Isis, beloved [of Amun]’ (Janssen 1968, 166). The stela thus dates to King Piye, first ruler of Dynasty XXV. The text is written in hieratic and records the donation of daily temple offerings by a man named Harentbia, a local oasis official. These donations took the form of five loaves of emmer wheat and were given in honour of his father; a priest, whose name is only preserved as ‘son of ‘Ankhhor’, was probably responsible for delivering this offering (Janssen 1968, 171). The frequency of titles mentioning Amun-Re indicates the existence of a cult to this god within the temple; the lunette, however, clearly represents Seth as the recipient of these offerings. He is shown as a falcon-headed anthropomorphic figure with a sun-disk on his head and wearing a tripartite wig. Accompanying him are the words: ‘Utterances by Seth, great of strength, son of Nut’ (Janssen 1968, 166). This representation of Seth appears to be the earliest dated example in which the god has a falcon head, a feature that occurs in later monumental scenes at temples across the western oases. Foremost is the temple at Hibis in Kharga (Davies 1953, plates 42–3) dated to Darius I of Dynasty XXVII, but the discovery of a cache of moulds at Mut alKharab indicates that multiple inlaid figures of the god in this form occurred in the temple decoration sometime between Dynasty XXVI and the Ptolemaic Period (Hope 2016). Similar scenes are also known to have existed at Amhida, as shown by a fragmentary relief dated to Amasis (Bagnall et alii 2015, 49). The depiction of Seth with a falcon head may also shed some light on the development of his cult in the oasis. During the Third Intermediate Period, the so-called

‘proscription’ of this god was taking place in the Nile valley, as explored by Te Velde (1977, 138–51). The apparent flourishing of this cult in Dakhleh, however, challenges the view that the worship of Seth was experiencing a decline during the first millennium BCE. This has led some scholars, including Cruz-Uribe (2009, 206) and Smith (2010, 417) to question both the extent and intent of the attacks against Seth. In fact, a current project by Monash University is reassessing the proscription of Seth (Hope and Warfe 2017) by compiling a database of all monuments and objects that mention or depict Seth in an attempt to determine whether or not the attacks against this god were systematic. This information can then be compared with the history of construction at Mut al-Kharab, with the chronological phases being confirmed through continued excavations at the site and the use of 14C dating. Nevertheless, the occurrence of Seth with the head of falcon in the Smaller Dakhleh Stela may be an indicator of changes to the iconography of this god at Mut al-Kharab. If so, the dating of the stela suggests this took place from at least Dynasty XXV onwards. Another interesting aspect of the Smaller Dakhleh Stela relates to the figure standing before Seth. He is shown offering flowers and libation vessels, and wears a distinct feather on his head, a symbol of Libyan authority (Leahy 2001, 290–3). The accompanying text describes the scene: ‘May he give might and victory to the great chief of the Sha(m)in Esdhuti’ (Janssen 1968, 166). This individual, Esdhuti, ‘the Great Chief of the Shamin’, is also listed in the donation inscription, and thus appears to have been an important leader in the local area. His influence is indicated by the position he holds in the lunette, standing before Seth making the offering. This function was usually reserved for kings, but the practice appears to have been more common for non-royals during the Libyan Period (Janssen 1968, 171). The Shamin tribe seems to be Libyan by the occurrence of a feather on their chief’s head, and to have been an important group residing in Dakhleh; this is further verified by a reference to Esdhuti in an inscription from Amhida (see Chapter 5).

The Stela of Khai (Plate 1.3) (JE 52478) Made of sandstone, the Stela of Khai contains nine lines of crude hieroglyphs and is only partially preserved, with the upper relief missing and the sides and lower part being damaged (van Zoest and Kaper 2006, 24–5). Measuring 56 cm in height, 80 cm in width and 20.5 cm in thickness, the text appears to be a funerary inscription for a scribe and priest of Seth named Khai. This is indicated by the offering formula and the reference to Khai as being ‘true of voice’, namely deceased. Although no royal names have been preserved, the palaeography, according to van Zoest and Kaper (2006, 24–5), suggests a date during Dynasties XXII–XXIII. An interesting aspect of the fragmentary text is Khai’s

The Temple at Mut al-Kharab

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Plate 3.4 Block found by Fakhry at Mut (after Osing et alii 1982, plate 8; © Deutsches Archäologisches Institut). Left (recto): inscription mentioning an oasis governor; Right (verso): earlier inscription including a fragmentary cartouche of Thutmose III.

title, which identifies him as a ‘priest of Seth of the House/ Domain of Igai’. As indicated by the other two Dakhleh stelae, Seth was the principal god of the temple at Mut alKharab, but the reference to Igai recalls the Middle Kingdom stela of the governor Sa-Igai, who, according to the inscription: ‘erected a monument in the temple of my lord Igai’ (Hope and Kaper 2010a). The Stela of Khai, in particular his priestly title, therefore demonstrates the continuation of the cult of Igai at Mut al-Kharab during the Third Intermediate Period, but also highlights the close association between Seth and Igai in Dakhleh at this time.

Block of an Oasis Governor (Plate 3.4) In addition to the three aforementioned stelae, a fragmentary inscribed block was found by Fakhry around 1964 (Osing et alii 1982, 38–9, no. 44, plate 8). Deriving from a grey sandstone doorway, it has a maximum height of 54 cm and is 28.5 cm wide and 13 cm thick. It bears two columns of incised vertical hieroglyphs (Plate 3.4), which together are 22.5 cm wide. The photo of this block indicates each column is approximately 9.5 cm in width and separated by raised panel dividers that are about 1 cm wide. The fragmentary text reads: Left column: ... n(?) iri-pat HAty-a sDAwti-biti s[mr] wati ... ... hereditary noble and governor, seal bearer of

the King of Lower Egypt, sole companion ... Right column: ... [imn]-pA-dn Hsy.f mri.f HAty-a n wHAt Dd-p[t]H[Hrw]-iw.f-anx ... ... Amun-pa-den, the one he praises and loves, the Governor of the Oasis, Djed-Ptah-Herouiouef-ankh … The individual Djed-Ptah-[Herou?]-iouef-ankh held the title ‘Oasis Governor’ (HAty-a n wHAt) and palaeographic analysis suggests he fulfilled his official duties some time during the Third Intermediate Period or Late Period (Osing et alii 1982, 38–9, no. 44; Hope 2001a, 36); this personal name is certainly well-documented from Dynasties XXI– XXIII (Sagrillo 2003, 76–9). The reverse side of the block preserves a partial cartouche of Thutmose III (Marchand and Tallet 1999, 309, no. 13), which indicates the inscription is on a block reused from an earlier monument.

Evidence from Monash University’s Excavations Inscribed and Decorated Temple Blocks Since the commencement of Monash University’s excavations in 2000, a number of inscribed and decorated blocks from the Third Intermediate Period temple have

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Figure 3.3 Block 1 and a smaller fragment from the same Hb-sd scene (after Kaper 2009, figure 12).

a

b

Figure 3.4 Block 2: scene showing a king or High Priest of Amun in a pose of adoration (after Kaper 2009, figure 7).

been recovered. All of them are fragmentary and no complete royal names occur; other factors, however, allow them to be assigned to this general time period. None of the blocks discussed herein were found in situ; rather, they were in disturbed contexts and/or reused for later structures, thus the location in which they were found cannot aid with dating. This was clearly common practice at the site as indicated by the aforementioned inscription of the Oasis Governor Djed-Ptah-[Herou?]-iouef-ankh. Nevertheless, the decorated temple blocks are a vital category of evidence for this study and can add significantly to our understanding of the temple of Seth. Comments relating to the dating and interpretation of some of the examples below have been generously provided by Olaf Kaper, supplementing those made in his published works.

Block 1 (Figure 3.3; Plate 3.5a) Provenance: Trench 7 Dimensions: H: 37 cm; W: 49 cm; D: 15.5–22 cm Description: Fragmentary scene in high-quality low-raised

Plate 3.5 a: Block 1 and a smaller fragment from the same Hb-sd scene (after Kaper 2009, figures 8 and 11); b: Block 2 showing a king or High Priest of Amun in a pose of adoration (© C. A. Hope).

relief which preserves the feet and lower legs of a divinity seated on a throne, holding a wAs-sceptre. The register below may have replicated this scene, with the remnants of a head facing left, the top of what may be a wAs-sceptre, and the phrases nTr nfr and di.f. The former indicates the king’s name would have occurred immediately below, while the latter is a reference to the gifts provided by the figure (Kaper 2009, 155–7). The text panel on the viewer’s left is approximately 11 cm in width and bordered by two panel dividers which are about 1.2 cm wide and feature palm ribs. The fragmentary text reads ... [s]mn gnwt n.k ..., ‘... your annals are established for you ...’. The back of the block is broken, so the depth varies. Traces of red and blue paint still remain. Comments: This block derives from the left jamb of a gateway which depicts a scene relating to a Hb-sd festival. As outlined by Hope (2003, 58) and Kaper (2009, 155– 7), this is indicated by the use of the palm rib, and the textual reference to the annals, both of which are known from parallel scenes at Medinet Habu and Karnak, dating to Ramesses III and Shabako respectively. This block alone does not allow any conclusions about when the

The Temple at Mut al-Kharab

decoration was executed; however, the discovery of another smaller fragment from the same gateway may be more useful. Found in Trench 18 (Figure 3.3; Plate 3.6a), this piece bears the same palm-rib decoration, scale and high-quality craftsmanship as Block 1. Importantly, it includes the lower part of a cartouche, with only the xpr scarab sign being preserved. Although this was a common element of many royal throne names, it was most prominent during the Libyan Period. Numerous kings had the xpr sign in a cartouche, including Smendes I, the High Priest of Amun Menkheperre, Pinedjem I, Psusennes I, Osorkon the Elder, Siamun, Psusennes II, Shoshenq I, Osorkon I, Takeloth I, Horsiese I, Takeloth II, Shoshenq IIa, Shoshenq III, Shoshenq IV, Shoshenq V and Piye. Of this list, though, only a small number celebrated Hb-sd festivals. These were Shoshenq I, Osorkon I and Shoshenq V, with the latter not recognised as ruler in the southern part of Egypt. Therefore, this gateway may be tentatively dated to early Dynasty XXII, with the most likely candidates being Shoshenq I or Osorkon I (Kaper 2009, 157–8). The existence of a gateway in the Mut al-Kharab temple depicting a royal Hb-sd festival is significant. This jubilee celebration marked 30 years on the throne and symbolised the renewal of the king’s divine rights and powers, as had first been assigned during the coronation (Lange 2009, 218). The most detailed scenes depicting this event come from Osorkon II’s Festival Hall at Bubastis, which was the home city of Dynasty XXII and may have been the location of this festival (Kitchen 1996, 320; Shaw 2000, 347). But why carve these scenes in the Mut al-Kharab temple when the Hb-sd festival certainly did not take place in Dakhleh? The capital Memphis, as well as Thebes, are known to have played a key role in this ritual (Kemp 2006, 276–81), although the occurrence of jubilee scenes at Amenhotep III’s temple in Soleb, south of the Third Cataract (Wilkinson 2000, 231–2; Lange 2009, 212), shows this event could be commemorated outside the main cities of Egypt. The decision to represent this royal jubilee in Dakhleh may therefore have been politically motivated, with the aim of consolidating control over the area and maintaining stability following local troubles. A similar situation is implied by Wayheset’s visit recorded on the Greater Dakhleh Stela. Alternatively, it could have been influenced by the Libyan heritage of the XXIInd Dynasty; these rulers may have held genuine interest in the Western Desert as their ancestors may have originated in this region during the late New Kingdom (Kitchen 1990; Haring 1992; Snape 2012, 424). Perhaps a combination of both factors was at play. Religious officials were known to have travelled throughout Egypt proclaiming the king’s jubilee (Kitchen 1996, 270), so delegations directed by the central administration could have travelled to Dakhleh for such an announcement. The decoration on Block 1 is very high quality which implies direct links and patronage from the central authority and its resources. While these scenes

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would have reinforced the divine power of the king at Mut, it is likely the temple did play some role in the celebrations. Cult statues of Seth, together with other local deities, may have been taken to the Nile valley to partake in the formalities of the royal jubilee (Kaper 2009, 157–8).

Block 2 (Figure 3.4; Plate 3.5b) Provenance: Trench 18 Dimensions: H: 18 cm; W: 40 cm; D: 30 cm Description: Near-complete sandstone block depicting a male figure facing left with arms raised in a position of adoration. His skin is painted red and he wears both a broad collar, and a double shebyu collar; the latter is represented as smooth bands rather than individual beads, which was common in painted reliefs (Brand 2006, 20– 1). He also wears a short Nubian wig. Traces of what may be a floral bouquet can be seen above the figure’s left shoulder. Remnants of plaster and paint are still preserved. Comments: This block represents a portrait of either a king or a High Priest of Amun (Kaper (2009, 154–5). The occurrence of the double shebyu collar may provide some assistance with dating. Ramesses III is shown wearing this adornment in reliefs at Medinet Habu (Medinet Habu VI 1963, plates 418–420), as are Pinudjem I and Menkheperre in scenes from Karnak (Mysliwiec 1988, plates VIIId and IXd). According to Kaper (2009, 154–5), the two latter rulers may be the more likely candidates, due to the use of the Nubian wig, rather than a crown, which is rare in royal portraits and unknown in scenes of adoration. Both Pinudjem I and Menkheperre were High Priest of Amun and by wearing the shebyu collar, a known symbol of the king’s divine powers (Johnson 1990, 35–8; Brand 2006, 18), they may have been trying to find a balance between priestly and royal costumes. A tentative XXIst Dynasty date may be assigned for this block.

Block 3 (Figure 3.5; Plate 3.6a) Provenance: Trench 4 Dimensions: H: 23 cm; W: 71 cm; D: 37.5 cm Description: Complete sandstone block deriving from a doorway. Two fragmentary columns of large hieroglyphs occur on the viewer’s left side of the front face, while chisel and gypsum marks remain on the right. The columns containing the text are 21 cm in width and separated by a single-grooved panel divider; traces of colour remain on the signs. The left column of text reads ... t n tAwy xws sA.s, ‘... of the two lands, she who protects her son’, while the second states ... mr.s Hm-nTr tpy n imn [ra], ‘... her beloved, the High Priest of Amun Re’. Comments: According to Kaper (2009, 154), the first column probably relates to the king or High Priest of Amun, while the second column specifically mentions the

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a

Figure 3.5 Block 3 which mentions a High Priest of Amun (after Kaper 2009, figure 6).

latter position. The inscription in the second column is of particular importance because it parallels a text from the Hibis Temple in Kharga Oasis referring to the titularly of a High Priest of Amun that Osing (1982, 39) dated to Pinudjem I (Plate 5.11; Kaper 2009, 154; see Chapter 5). The large scale of the hieroglyphs on the Mut block suggests a formal inscription which likely praised the temple patron in question. Given the reference to the High Priest of Amun and the parallel with the Pinudjem I text, a XXIst Dynasty date is certainly possible. This is further supported by Block 2 and the significant role of the High Priest of Amun during this time.

Block 4 (Plate 3.6b) Provenance: Trench 6 Dimensions: H: 8 cm; W: 16.5 cm; D: 7 cm Description: Small fragment from a block containing part of a cartouche in raised relief. Only the scarab (xpr) sign is preserved, while the remains of blue paint are still present on the edge of the cartouche. Comments: As outlined in the discussion regarding Block 1, the xpr sign was common in many royal names during the Third Intermediate Period. Given the existence of evidence from the Nile valley linking specific kings with the oases (see Chapter 2), and the previously-discussed textual evidence from Mut al-Kharab, possible identifications for this cartouche include the High Priest of Amun Menkheperre, Osorkon I, Shoshenq I and Piye.

Block 5 (Figures 3.6 and 3.7; Plate 3.7a–b) Provenance: Trench 4 Dimensions: H: 20.2 cm; W: 46 cm; D: 35.5 cm Description: Sandstone block deriving from a doorway

b

Plate 3.6

a: Block 3 which mentions a High Priest of Amun (after Kaper 2009, figure 6); b: Block 4 with a fragmentary cartouche preserving the xpr sign (© C. A. Hope).

with two decorated faces. The first preserves an original vertical inscription that was later re-filled with plaster and recarved. It sits within incised column dividers that are approximately 1.2–1.3 cm wide; they are 18.5 cm apart and coloured blue. The earlier text reads swtx aA pHty (Seth, Great of Strength), with the name of the god using the Seth animal determinative. The altered version reads swtx nTr aA (Seth, the Great God), with the name of the god being written phonetically and without the Seth animal. Traces of red, blue and yellow indicate the colours of both inscriptions. The second face of the block preserves another vertical inscription, but in larger hieroglyphs. Although the column is incomplete, the panel dividers are raised and approximately 2 cm wide. The extant text reads ... t n imn (... of Amun), with some of the original colours, namely blue, black, yellow and red, still visible. Comments: The alteration of this inscription is very significant. It shows the cult of Seth continued at the site after the use of the Seth animal was no longer acceptable in the temple. This changing attitude towards the iconography of Seth has been interpreted by Kaper (2001, 72–4) as being part of the proscription directed towards this god. This movement, which is believed to have begun after the New Kingdom and reached its peak during Dynasty XXV, was characterised by a prohibition on

The Temple at Mut al-Kharab

Figure 3.6 Block 5, side 1. Top: as the inscription is preserved; Bottom Left: the original inscription; Bottom Right: the re-carved inscription (after Kaper 2001, figure 1a–c).

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a

b

Figure 3.7

Block 5, side 2 (drawing by B. Parr).

the use of the Seth animal in art or inscriptions, a dramatic reduction in the use of ‘Seth’ in personal names, and an overall decrease in state support for the god’s temples (Te Velde 1977, 138–51). Despite the flourishing of the cult of Seth in Dakhleh until the Roman Period (Hope 2016, 132–44), a new attitude towards the Seth animal does appear to have emerged during the Third Intermediate Period. In the Greater Dakhleh Stela, which dates to early Dynasty XXII, the Seth animal determinative is used, while the Smaller Dakhleh Stela, dated some 200 years later, omits it completely. Similarly, the Stela of Khai, dated to Dynasties XXII–XXIII, features the Seth animal (van Zoest and Kaper 2006, 24–5), while it is absent on other unpublished Late Period blocks from the site. This points to a shift away from the Seth animal sometime around Dynasty XXV. It is therefore quite possible that the original carving of the inscription on Block 5 dates to the late New Kingdom or early Third Intermediate Period,

Plate 3.7 Two inscribed faces of Block 5. a: inscription mentioning Seth that was later altered; b: inscription mentioning Amun (© C. A. Hope).

while the edited version may have been recarved during the Dynasty XXV or thereafter (Kaper 2001, 74). The inscription on the second face of this block provides further evidence for the veneration of Amun at the site. Its existence has been documented during the New Kingdom, particularly in a series of temple blocks dating to the reign of Horemheb and a Ramesside stela (Hope and Kaper 2010, 144–54), while the Greater and Smaller Dakhleh Stela indicate the cult of Amun continued throughout the Third Intermediate Period.

Block 6 (Figures 3.8 and 3.9; Plate 3.8) Provenance: Trench 4 Dimensions: H: 18.2 cm; W: 40 cm; D: 37 cm Description: Near-complete sandstone block from a doorway which has two faces inscribed with large hieroglyphs. Both fragmentary texts are arranged

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Figure 3.8 Block 6, side 1; scale 1:4 (drawing by B. Parr).

Figure 3.9 Block 6, side 2; scale 1:5 (drawing by B. Parr).

vertically. The first side reads ‘... ab m nxt...’, ‘united in strength/victory’, and is set within grooved panel dividers which are approximately 1.2–1.3 cm wide. They are 21 cm apart, indicating the width of the column. Traces of blue and red remain on the signs. The second side reads ra, followed by an anthropomorphic determinative of the god. The width of the column is similar to side 1, at approximately 21.5 cm, but the panel dividers are raised and roughly 2–2.2 cm wide. Again, the remains of red and blue colouring survive. Comments: The texts themselves are too fragmentary to draw any significant conclusions, although side 1 may be part of an epithet. The size of the block and layout of the inscriptions closely parallel Block 5. In both cases, the larger hieroglyphs sit between grooved panel dividers measuring approximately 2 cm in width, while the smaller text is framed within raised panel dividers, which are about 1.2–1.3 cm in width. Moreover, the blocks are near complete and bear similar dimensions. As such, it seems likely that both Block 5 and 6 were part of the same doorway.

Plate 3.8

Two inscribed faces of Block 6 (© C. A. Hope).

Block 7 (Figure 3.10; Plate 3.9a) Provenance: Trench 10 Dimensions: H: 24 cm; W: 63 cm; D: 53 cm Description: Sandstone block with one worked face which preserves the remains of four panels; two of these include fragmentary texts, while the far-right panel is blank. The text panels are 17.5–18.5 cm wide, and the dividers approximately 2.4–2.7 cm wide. The inscription is arranged in vertical columns, and produced in high-quality raised relief. The column on the viewer’s left contains a few signs, although no complete words or phrases survive. The right column preserves pHty sxr, and the top part of what appears to be xfty.w. Comments: These inscriptions were tentatively dated by Kaper to the Third Intermediate Period. Given the preserved hieroglyphs in the right-hand column, the text probably reads [aA] pHty sxr xfty.w ..., ‘who is very strong, who overthrows enemies ...’. aA pHty is a well-known epithet of Seth, while sxr represents the god as a slaughterer of enemies. Based on the extant inscriptional evidence from the site, this block likely derives from a late New Kingdom or Third Intermediate Period structure. The high quality of the raised relief draws parallels with Block 1, which may indicate this block derived from the same architectural feature as the Hb-sd scenes.

The Temple at Mut al-Kharab

49

a Figure 3.10 Block 7; scale 1:8 (drawing by B. Parr).

b Figure 3.11 Block 8; scale 1:10 (drawing by B. Parr).

Block 8 (Figure 3.11; Plate 3.9b) Provenance: Trench 10 Dimensions: H: 29 cm; W: 87 cm; D: 52 cm Description: Sandstone block with one fragmentary text panel bearing an incomplete vertical column of hieroglyphs in high quality raised relief. The column of text on the viewer’s left reads Dd mdw in ..., ‘words to be recited by ...’. The text area is 25 cm wide, with the panel dividers on either side measuring 4 and 3.5 cm respectively. Remains of plaster occur on the left side of the front face, while the side contains signs of reuse in the form of circular depressions from grinding. Comments: The limited and fragmentary nature of the inscription does not provide any information about the date of this block; other factors, however, might be able to assist. Numerous features suggest this block was part of the same architectural feature as Block 7. These include the layout of both the hieroglyphs and panel, the style and quality of the raised-relief, and the dimensions of the block, in particular the depth (52 cm) which is almost exactly the same as Block 7. Therefore, by association with the inscription relating to Seth on Block 7, this block may also be from the Third Intermediate Period.

Block 9 (Figures 3.12 and 3.13; Plate 3.10) Provenance: Trench 10 Dimensions: H: 16 cm; W: 47 cm; D: 35 cm

Plate 3.9

a: Block 7; b: Block 8 (© C. A. Hope).

Description: Friable sandstone block decorated on two faces in shallow sunk relief. The front preserves part of two separate text panels. On the viewer’s left, the outstretched arms of the fragmentary figure may be Gardiner’s sign A30, linked with praise or adoration, but the headdress is more reminiscent of sign A13, which can represent xfty (enemy). On the right, the damaged inscription includes references to Amun. Although damaged, two panel dividers separate the hieroglyphs. These are incised and approximately 1.2–1.5 cm wide. The side face of the block includes the sign for bull and a branch followed by what appears to be a ‘x’, thus possibly spelling kA nxt, the royal epithet meaning ‘strong/victorious bull’. A raised panel divider, roughly 2 cm wide, sits to the right of the text. Comments: While the lack of specific dating indicators make it difficult to assign this block to the Third Intermediate Period, it does bear similarities with Blocks 5 and 6. All three blocks have very similar heights (20.2, 18.2 and 16 cm), widths (46, 40 and 47 cm) and depths (35.5, 37 and 35 cm). They all have two inscribed faces, one with smaller hieroglyphics, the other with larger hieroglyphics. Moreover, the different sized inscriptions have comparable panel dividers. The smaller hieroglyphs are bordered by incised dividers approximately 1.2 cm wide, while the larger texts are bordered by raised dividers roughly 2 cm in width. This is compelling evidence for all three blocks originating from the same doorway and given Block 5 appears to come from a Third Intermediate Period structure, it is likely Block 9 has a similar date.

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Figure 3.12 Block 9, side 1; scale 1:4 (drawing by B. Parr).

Figure 3.13 Block 9, side 2; scale 1:5 (drawing by B. Parr).

Plate 3.10

Two inscribed faces of Block 9 (© C. A. Hope).

Block 10 (Figure 3.14; Plate 3.11)

Figure 3.14 Block 10; scale 1:4 (drawing by D. Stewart).

Plate 3.11 Block 10 (© C. A. Hope).

Provenance: Trench 8 Dimensions: H: 51 cm; W: 14.5 cm; D: 32 cm Description: Description: Sandstone fragment from the bottom section of a large formal comprising four incomplete horizontal lines of hieroglyphs; the signs have been filled with blue paint. A horizontal line runs below the final line of text and this may have been part of the original wall relief. Kaper has provided the following translation of the extant text: x + 1 [...], (water) x + 2 ... t]pHt [..., ‘cavern (of Nun)’ x + 3 ... Hm-nTr stx ..., ‘priest of Seth’ x + 4 --- n stx ..., ‘of/to Seth’ Comments: Despite the fragmentary nature of the inscription, some very interesting information can be gleaned. The second line includes the word tpHt (cavern) which, based on a later inscription from Dakhleh, likely refers to the ‘Cavern of Nun’ that housed the subterranean waters of the oasis (Kaper 2001b, 75). This interpretation is further strengthened by the occurrence of the water sign (Gardiner’s N35) in the first line, which is used as either a determinative or as a spelling for the word ‘water’. Line 3 mentions a priest of Seth, while the final line makes another possible reference to an official in the cult. This information has led Kaper to suggest that this block describes the digging or donation of a well in the oasis. This event involved the priesthood of Seth and was important enough to be formally recorded in the temple of Seth at Mut al-Kharab. The theme of this fragmentary

The Temple at Mut al-Kharab

51

Figure 3.15 Block 11; scale 1:2 (drawing by D. Stewart). Plate 3.12

inscription closely parallels the Great Dakhleh Stela and reinforces not only the value of water and wells in the oasis, but the important role of the cult of Seth in managing this commodity. Kaper has dated this block to the Third Intermediate Period based on the palaeography, in particular, the shape of the n-sign.

Block 11 (Figure 3.15; Plate 3.14) Provenance: Trench 21 Dimensions: H: circa 12 cm; W: circa 13 cm; D: N/A Description: Small stone fragment depicting the left-facing head of a king in raised relief. He wears a close-fitting cap, adorned with a uraeus. Even though the carved image is very faint, the facial features are quite distinct, including a flat nose, prominent chin and thick lips, with the mouth appearing to be slightly open. Comments: The image of another royal figure at Mut alKharab is important, but the fragmentary nature of the scene and the lack of any text to supplement the image makes identification uncertain. Stylistic comparisons with existing royal portraiture are, however, possible. The pronounced and rounded lips parallel images of Dynasty XXV rulers including Shabako (Mysliwiec 1988, plates XXXII and XXXIIIb), although the shape of the nose is quite different. A similar pose and style can also be seen in a relief of Takeloth III from Karnak (Mysliwiec 1988, plate XXVc).

Stelae Fragments from two stelae have also been found during Monash’s excavations. Similar to the temple blocks, they

Block 11 (© C. A. Hope).

were recovered from disturbed contexts and contain no royal names or other indicator of specific date. Olaf Kaper has again provided comments about these artefacts.

Stela 1 (Figure 3.16; Plate 3.13a) Provenance: Trench 16 Dimensions: H: circa 17 cm; W: circa 14.8 cm; D: unknown. Description: Fragment from the left side of a sandstone stela containing the remnants of five lines of very worn hieroglyphs. Kaper has provided the following translation of the extant text: x + 1 ... .f, ... his/him x + 2 ... m nxt, ‘... (Horus?) is strong ...’ x + 3 ... stx m sA, ‘... Seth is the son (of Nut?) ...’ x + 4 ... sA.f Tnr, ‘... his son is strong ...’ x + 5 ... traces of a male name mAa, ‘true (of voice)’ Comments: The lines of text appear to contain a listing of personal names, but the fragmentary nature of preservation reveals little more information. Nevertheless, the occurrence in Line 3 and possibly Line 5, of anthropomorphic seated figures with Seth animal heads is noteworthy. As outlined in the discussion of Block 5 this indicates a Third Intermediate Period date.

Stela 2 (Figure 3.17; Plate 3.13b) Provenance: Trench 21 Dimensions: H: circa 10 cm; W: circa 12 cm; D: unknown Description: Fragment from a sandstone funerary stela, although it could derive from a statue or offering table. The top part of two columns of text still survive, and

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a

Figure 3.16 Stela 1; scale 1:2 (drawing by D. Stewart).

b Figure 3.17 Stela 2; scale 1:1.5 (drawing by D. Stewart).

Plate 3.13

a: Stela 1; b: Stela 2 (© C. A. Hope).

The Temple at Mut al-Kharab

Figure 3.18

Plate 3.14

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Plan of Trench 38 showing the division of Sections A, B and C. The large collection of ostraka was found in Section B.

Two views of the Third Intermediate Period deposit in Section B of Trench 38 (© C. A. Hope).

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b a Plate 3.15

c

a: Ostrakon 38/70; b: Ostrakon 38/67; c: Ostraka 38/49 (© G. Vittmann).

these sit below a pictorial design, although the exact motif is unclear. Kaper has provided the following translation of the extant text: (1) Htp di nswt ..., ‘an offering which the king gives ...’ (2) stx aA ..., ‘Seth great (of strength) ...’ Comments: The use of the offering formula indicates the funerary nature of this text. As such, it is likely to have come from a cemetery or funeral monument, rather than the temple. Cemeteries are known to have existed in the areas surrounding Mut al-Kharab and exploration to date has revealed use of these sites from the Late Period onwards. Two tombs located just beyond the southern wall of the temple temenos were excavated by the current project and dated to Dynasties XXVI–XXVII (Hope 2003, 67–72). This fragmentary stela though, reveals that at least one of these cemeteries was in use during the Third Intermediate Period. This is indicated by the use of the Seth animal determinative in the spelling of the god’s name.

Ostraka from Trench 38B In 2011, Trench 38 was opened in the area directly west of the temple proper (Figure 3.2). Excavations revealed part of a structure built of yellow mud-brick walls, comprising three separate rooms which were associated with a dense layer of red packing that covered the trench and areas to the north (Contexts 11, 18, 22 and 28; Hope 2012, 3–4). The layout of these walls allowed for the division of the trench into three sections labelled A, B, and C (from west to east; Figure 3.18). The clearance of surface material and rubble revealed a well-sealed deposit of miscellaneous material within the central part of the trench (Section B; Plate 3.15) that seems to date to the Third Intermediate Period. This collection included

significant ceramics (see Chapter 4) and small finds, but the main indicator of date was an extensive archive of ostraka. One hundred and twelve ostraka were unearthed within the Trench 38B deposit – three examples are represented in Plate 3.15. These are currently being studied by Günter Vittmann whose preliminary analysis and published studies reveal important information about the temple. Some of the ostraka are very large and many fragments join, allowing for the reconstruction of more complete texts. The majority of the inscriptions are in Abnormal Hieratic and seem to cover a fairly short period of time. Unfortunately, no royal names are mentioned in the corpus, but Vittmann (2019, 138; 2020, 715) has dated the texts to 750–650 BCE. The collection would thus date to Dynasty XXV, although the final phase of Dynasty XXII and the very beginning of Dynasty XXVI are also within this timeframe. Interestingly, most ostraka discovered previously at Mut al-Kharab were written in Demotic, and thus dated to the Late and Ptolemaic Periods, with only a small number occurring in the earlier Hieratic. For the Trench 38B deposit, however, the opposite is true, with most bearing the earlier script. The content of these inscriptions is therefore extremely valuable. The majority of the texts relate to wine offerings within an Egyptian temple setting. Seth and Nephthys are the most prominent recipients, although references to other principal gods do occur. The most clearly written and best-preserved example is 38/70 (Plate 3.15a). It contains 22 lines on the convex side and seven on the concave side, and exemplifies the style and content of these documents. Dating to Year 7 of an unnamed king, it records the delivery of wine to the temple over the final 12 days of the year. Seth is the primary recipient, but also included are Nephthys, Re, Amun, Thoth, the ‘Ba of

The Temple at Mut al-Kharab

the god’ and various forms of Osiris (Vittmann 2019, 138; 2020, 715). Vittmann’s (2020, 725) translation of the convex side is provided here: (1) Year 7, fourth month of the shemu-season, day 27. The quantities of wine which ... (2) ... before Seth. In detail: (3) before Seth, fourth month of the shemuseason, day 27, from the hand of Djedthoth son of Pairrep(?), 3 jars. (4) To the debit of Ankhef, 1 jar; Nephthys, festival of the eighteenth day, 1 jar, total, 2. Total, 5 jars. (5) Before Seth, day 28, to the debit of(?) Wenamun, 4 jars. To the debit of Ankhef, 1 jar; Amun and Nephthys, 2 jars. (6) Before Seth, day 29, from the hand of Wenamun, 3 jars. To the debit of Ankhef, 1 jar. Total, 4. (7) Before Renenet the pure one(?), 1 jar. (8) The portico of Re, 2 jars. (9) Before this god, last day (of month) from the hand of Wenamun, 4 jars. (10) Before this god, the shares of the heart of the year, day 1, from the hand of the steward It-sheri, 3 jars. (11) Before Osiris, heart of the temple, 2 jars. (12) The House of Osiris of Upper Egypt, 2 jars. (13) Before Seth, day 2, his birth(day)(?), 5 jars. (14) The ... 14 jars, in detail: (15) To the debit of Djedthoth son of ... (?), 5 jars. (16) Pramose, 1 jar. (17) Paiuwah, 3 jars. (18) Horudja son of Peteseth, 1 jar. (19) Before Amun, son of Horirau, 1 jar. (20) Amenirdis and(?) Saf(?), 2 jars. (21) Before Seth, day 3, 8 jars. (22) Before Seth, day 4, 4 jars. The delivery and offering of wines is clearly the key focus of this ostrakon, with the word Sw referring to a container for liquids, here translated as ‘jar’ (Vittmann 2020, 727). The date and amount of the wine are recorded, as are the names of those providing the offerings. In the above example, these individuals are identified by the phrases ‘to the debit of ...’ and ‘from the hand of’, and include Djedthoth son of Pairrep(?), Ankhef, Wenamun, It-sheri, Pramose, Paiuwah, Horudja son of Peteseth, Amenirdis, and Peteese, the latter occurring on the concave side of the ostrakon (Vittmann 2020, 725). Interestingly, the only title or rank recorded on this detailed ostraka is that of It-Sheri who is identified as a steward (mr-pr). As such, it is not possible to draw any conclusions regarding the administration of the temple. Nevertheless, the inclusion of so many names not only helps with dating these documents, but provides insight into the people who were involved in these religious activities. To the above

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list can be added numerous names identified in other ostraka from the Trench 38B collection, such as Khaef, Padiseth, Khaas, Sethirdis, Paseth and Horudja (Vittmann 2019, 135–6 and 139–40). While these prosonyms further reveal the dominance of the Egyptian culture throughout the local oasis population, it is also worth noting the existence of names which utilise ‘Seth’. These include Peteseth/Padiseth (‘He whom Seth has given’), Paseth (an abbreviated version of ‘He of Seth’), and Sethirdis (‘It is Seth who has given him’), and their occurrence in these documents verifies the important role this god played, especially on a personal level, within the oasis community during the late Third Intermediate Period. Another recurring feature in these ostraka is the reference to transactions involving vintners. An example is 38/49 (Plate 3.15c) which begins with ‘Year 4, Payni, day 11: The ... with the vintner Padiseth ...’ (Vittmann 2019, 140). This introductory phrase is used as a heading and is followed by lists of temple wine offerings; it occurs in numerous ostraka including 38/79+168, 38/130, 38/72 and 38/51 (Vittmann 2019, 140–1). In the latter example, the vintner is identified as Pairred, while the convex side identifies 10 jars of Sdh to be given as offerings in the temple (Vittmann 2019, 140). As discussed in Chapter 2, Sdh was listed, together with oasis wine, in Osorkon I’s inscription in the Temple of Atum at Bubastis. Its occurrence in this ostrakon shows that Sdh, a red grape wine, was also produced locally in the oasis which may be the reason why the two beverages were included together in the Bubastis inscription. The collection of ostraka from Trench 38B reinforces the significance of viticulture in the oasis. The numerous references to vintners suggest this profession was important and therefore worth noting when recording lists of temple offerings. This, combined with the extensive quantities of wine outlined in these ostraka, shows that oasis wine continued to play a prominent role in the local economy.

Small Finds from Trench 38B Faience Chalice (Figure 3.19a) Associated with the Trench 38B ostraka were other artefacts, which based on the archaeology, should also date to the Third Intermediate Period. Foremost of these were 10 fragments from a faience lotiform chalice found in Context 15. Vessels of this type are known from the New Kingdom through to the Third Intermediate Period, but their discovery within excavated contexts is very rare (Gallorini and Reeves 1998, 225). According to Bianchi (1998, 225), the earlier XVIIIth Dynasty examples appear to be heavier than later ones, with wider mouths, short stems and simplistic floral reliefs. During the Third Intermediate Period, the best-known vessels were more elaborate, possessing complex decorative schemes, such as the Carnarvon Chalice of Dynasty XXII, which bears three detailed registers of marshland scenes (Tait 1963, 111–12). Simple designs, however, did continue. In

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Figure 3.19 Objects found in the Trench 38B deposit. a: Faience lotiform chalice from Context 15; b: Small faience jar from Context 32; c: Stamp from Context 32; d: Calf figurine from Context 16 (drawings by J. Gill).

The Temple at Mut al-Kharab

particular, lotus motifs were common. Closely associated with notions of rebirth, the lotus was deeply embedded within the canon of Egyptian art and symbolism (Friedman 1998, 224; Gallorini and Reeves 1998, 225). This is highlighted by numerous examples of both elaborate and well-preserved lotiform chalices that exist in many museum collections. In most cases these were purchased privately, so details regarding their provenance and date can be rather vague. An example can be found in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (Accession No. 26.7.971) where the chalice is dated to Dynasties XXII–XXV, a period of almost 300 years. The fragments from the Mut al-Kharab chalice show the vessel had a double ridge on the exterior rim, and modelled decoration depicting two alternating motifs. The latter is an open blue lotus flower, flanked by buds on stems and an open papyrus umbel, again flanked by buds on stems. These are separated by upward-tapering lotus petals with central veining. With regard to parallels, an example in the British Museum from Tuna el-Gebel in Middle Egypt bears a similar tapering profile (Vandiver 1982, 147–8). Measuring 12.5 cm in height, it dates from Dynasty XXI, and also has a simple floral motif comprising, in this case, only upward-tapering lotus petals. Comparable decorative schemes can also be seen on a chalice from Thebes, now in the Metropolitan Museum of Art (No. 26.7.976). This piece is broadly dated to the Third Intermediate Period and depicts larger lotus petals with central veining separated by smaller papyrus umbels. A complete XXIInd Dynasty example in the Louvre (E 11349) stands 14.4 cm in height and bears a similar design, although its rectangular mouth appears unique.

Faience Jar (Figure 3.19b) The Trench 38B deposit also included a small intact turquoise faience jar. It is 12.9 cm high and has a modelled rim, inclined neck, tapering lower body and rounded base. The rim diameter is 4.3 cm and the vessel’s maximum body diameter is 7.1 cm. This jar is well-preserved and contains simple decoration around the neck, comprising a motif of alternating upright and inverted open lotus flowers. This is set between two bands of vertical lines, intended to produce a beading effect. A third band, including slightly larger ‘beads’, occurs around the vessel’s shoulder.

Metal Stamp (Figure 3.19c) This copper-alloy stamp is in the shape of a cartouche surmounted by double plumes. It measures 10.35 cm in height, 3.4 cm in width, is 1.7 cm thick, and has a perforated handle on the back that is formed by two triangles that touch at their apexes. The stamp bears a sunk hieroglyphic inscription on one side which reads: imn ra nb tA xAst, ‘Amun Re, Lord of the Land (Egypt) and Foreign Territory’. This appears to be a rare epithet

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of the god and a search through the Lexikon der ägyptischen Götter und Götterbezeichnungen yielded no other examples. A similarly obscure title of Amun, nb pt, Lord of Heaven, is known from New Kingdom rock inscriptions on the outskirts of Kharga Oasis (Lazaridis 2015), as well as inscribed blocks from Mut al-Kharab dating to Horemheb (Hope 2005, 43). Perhaps the epithet on the stamp was also associated with a cult of Amun that existed in the Western Desert.

Weight in the shape of a calf (Figure 3.19d) The final object in the Trench 38B deposit is a copperalloy calf figure. It is 8.4 cm long, 4.9 cm high and 3.4 cm wide. The animal is in a recumbent position, although the rear left leg, right horn and ear are all missing. It is distinctive because of its heavy weight, which may indicate a lead core. As such, it may have been used together with a set of scales as a measuring device; within a temple context, it could have been used for the weighing of offerings or produce. Animal weights are well known in the Nile valley, particularly from the New Kingdom, with bovid forms being the most common (Kozloff 1992, 428). A similar example, albeit better preserved, is in the Petrie Museum (accession no. UC2302; Petrie 1926, leaflet/plate IX, no. 5253, plate XLVI), while weights in the form of cattle or the head of a bull occur in scenes depicting the measuring of gold and other commodities in numerous Theban Tombs, including Ramose (Kozloff 1992, 429, figure 116a) and Rekhmire (Freed 1981, 16–17, figure 25).

Clay Seal Impressions In 2013, excavations in Trench 42, directly west of Trench 38 (Figures 3.1 and 3.2), unearthed two deposits of very small and delicate clay seal impressions. Context 13, a fine sandy fill located in the north-west of the trench, contained 11 examples, some of which were complete (Figure 3.20; Plate 3.16). Context 25, a soft fill beneath a floor level, contained seven examples bearing impressions of ankhs, and fragments from 12 more that were unstamped. Seals were used for labelling items and securing property such as jars, papyri, boxes and baskets, and were impressed into clay to mark ownership (Martin 1971, xi–xii). This is shown by the common occurrence of string impressions on the underside of many of the Mut examples, indicating they were attached to objects and applied over string. Moreover, the occurrence of personal names and titles means that seals were also markers of responsibility. They can thus reveal valuable information about who controlled particular items within an organisation, such as a temple or cult. As seals are closely related to the ownership and hence the organisation and administration of objects, they are often indicators of storage areas. Although few in number, the Mut seal impressions can be paralleled with similar

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Figure 3.20

Chapter 3

Clay seal impressions from Mut al-Kharab (Trench 42, Context 13); scale 2:1 (drawings by B. Parr).

items from Qasr Allam, a large site in northern Bahriyya Oasis. Excavations by l’IFAO have revealed significant Third Intermediate Period activity and this is discussed in Chapter 5. Amongst the finds, 127 clay seal fragments were found, with the vast majority occurring in just four deposits located in small rooms (Colin 2011, 60 and 62– 3). Impressions of the strings and cords used to seal the objects are visible on the Qasr Allam examples, similar to those from Mut al-Kharab. These factors have led excavators at Qasr Allam to interpret these spaces as storage magazines (Colin 2011, 62–3); Trench 42 at Mut al-Kharab may have had a similar purpose. Although none of the original seals from Mut al-Kharab have been found at the site, their impressions can greatly help us to understand the nature of activity at this part of the site. The examples discussed here were all found in Context 13 of Trench 42. Kaper has again provided some preliminary comments on the interpretation of these artefacts.

Horsiese Cartouche (Figure 3.20a; Plate 3.16a) This seal impression includes a cartouche, and given the paucity of royal names at the site, is an important discovery. The seal impression is incomplete, very faint, and measures only 1.5 u 2 cm. The royal name is enclosed within what appear to be ropes and surmounted by the crown of Tatjenen, which comprises two ostrich plumes. To the viewer’s right of the cartouche is a fragmentary inscription. The sw-plant sign could be part of the word ‘king’ (nsw) or the name of Seth. This is positioned above a recumbent jackal, which is either the god Anubis, Wepwawet, or the priestly title Hry-sStA meaning ‘Master of Secrets’. The cartouche appears to belong to Horsiese I (also known as Horsiese A), a mysterious figure who assumed royal titles during the reign of Osorkon II. This is indicated by a statue of Nakhtefmut, Fourth Prophet of Amun, which includes the names of both rulers in cartouches (Legrain 1916, 20–3; Dodson 2012, 107). In most cases, the cartouche of Horsiese I includes the epithet ‘mri-imn’, although von Beckerath (1999, 196–7, E3)

The Temple at Mut al-Kharab

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Plate 3.16 Clay seal impressions from Trench 42 at Mut al-Kharab; scale 2:1 (© C. A. Hope).

Plate 3.17 Fragmentary figure of Horsiese I on the Fourth Pylon at Karnak (after Dodson 2012, figure 84).

references a statue from Karnak where this epithet is omitted. This example is comparable to the seal impression from Mut al-Kharab; however, the ‘t’ sign (Gardiner’s X1) appears to be missing from the word ‘Isis’ (Ast), while the positioning of the sA sign (Gardiner’s H8) and the vertical stroke to the left of the falcon (Gardiner’s G5) recalls the cartouche on Horsiese’s sarcophagus (Hölscher 1954, 10). These variations to the layout may be explained by the poor level of preservation, including the faint impression, and the very small size of this artefact. Horsiese I ruled from Thebes and was certainly considered a legitimate ruler as his cartouches appear on contemporary statuary and the walls of the Fourth Pylon at Karnak (Plate 3.17; Dodson 2012, 106–8, figure 84). He was possibly the son of the High Priest of Amun, Smendes III, and thus a grandson of Osorkon I, while his family members may have been buried at Herakleopolis (Jansen-Winkeln 2006b, 241, no. 64; Dodson 2012, 106– 7). This may indicate he was the founder of this branch

of the Theban XXIIIrd Dynasty. Horsiese I’s tomb was located beside the XVIIIth Dynasty temple at Medinet Habu, below Ptolemaic paving, and was excavated by Hölscher (1954, 8–10). The tomb complex comprised an inclined entrance, ante-chamber and burial chamber, and likely had a superstructure that was later destroyed. This is indicated by the discovery of an inscribed block of this king reused in a nearby monument and an inscription from a Karnak statue that refers to Horsiese’s tomb chapel (Aston 2014, 18). Excavation of the disturbed tomb found a granite sarcophagus with the lid in the form of a falcon, although the base had been usurped from a wife of Ramesses II (Dodson 2012, 108). The rest of the burial assemblage included four canopic jars, 224 faience ushabtis and skeletal remains (Aston 2014, 21). The occurrence of a cartouche of Horsiese I at Mut al-Kharab is significant. It certainly proves activity during the mid9th century, but the royal name may indicate Theban authority over Dakhleh at this time.

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Padiamun (Figure 3.20b; Plate 3.16b)

Chapter Summary

This example bears a double stamp of the personal name Padiamun. This name was very common from Dynasty XX onwards, with numerous artefacts showing its popularity during the Third Intermediate Period. These include a stela in the British Museum dating to Dynasty XXI (EA8484), a shabti box dating to Dynasties XXI– XXII (Miniaci 2014, 249 and 254), and a coffin in the Liverpool Museum dating to early Dynasty XXV (Liverpool 1953.72; Miatello 2016, 10). The title of the Padiamun mentioned in the Mut example may have been included to the left of the name, but this part of the impression has been lost.

Despite the fragmentary nature of the material presented here, the archaeological record verifies the existence of a substantial temple at Mut al-Kharab during the Third Intermediate Period. Eleven inscribed and decorated blocks from this complex have been found, and although none were in situ, seven came from Trenches 4, 7 and 10; this area is situated within the two north–south stone walls that mark the location of the temple proper, so the discovery of these blocks reinforces the importance of this part of the site. The size of this monument may be indicated by the size of the hieroglyphic inscriptions on many of the architectural fragments. For example, in Blocks 1, 5, 6 and 9 the vertical signs are over 10 cm in height, while the bull sign on side 2 of Block 9 is over 20 cm wide. The figure in Block 3 is also large, spanning 40 cm in width, even though it is incomplete. The scale of this decoration reveals the size of the structure. The cult of Seth, as mentioned in the three Dakhleh stelae, is confirmed by the discoveries. These include the temple block inscriptions that mention the god’s name and epithets (Blocks 5 and 7), and the numerous references to priests of Seth on Block 10, Stelae 1 and 2, and one of the seal impressions. To complement this evidence, there is the ostraka archive that records extensive offerings dedicated to this deity. In conjunction with Seth, Amun seems to have also been of importance in the temple, with his name occurring on Blocks 5, 6 and 9, as well as the ostraka. The copper-alloy stamp from Trench 38B also includes the name and title of Amun. The close association of both gods at the site has been documented from as far back as Dynasty XVIII, as indicated by the scenes on the Horemheb monument. The Smaller Dakhleh Stela refers to a man who was both ‘God’s Father of Amun’ and ‘Second Prophet of Seth’ (Janssen 1968, 167, line 5), while both deities are included in the Ramesside stela found in Trench 21 (Hope and Kaper 2010a, 144–54). This situation clearly continued during the Third Intermediate Period. The evidence discussed herein demonstrates royal interest in the Mut al-Kharab temple. Foremost are fragments from the gateway depicting Hb-sd scenes (Block 1). These indicate close ties with at least one Libyan ruler, who used xpr in his throne name, and as highlighted above, the large-scale hieroglyphs and figures suggest this monument was substantial. Despite being geographically separated from the Nile valley by a vast desert, the local oasis community appears to have been valued by the king. This parallels the situation presented in the Greater Dakhleh Stela where a member of the royal family was sent to Dakhleh to resolve local disputes during the early part of Dynasty XXII. Clearly the central administration had an interest in this region and wanted to maintain influence over their populations. This situation may be further supported by the seal impression of Horsiese I, who adopted royal titles during the reign of Osorkon II and ruled at least part of the country from Thebes. With

Priest of Heri-shef? (Figure 3.20c; Plate 3.16c) Another well-preserved example from Context 13 seems to read Hm-nTr Hry[-Sf]? P-xnsw, although Kaper acknowledges the spelling of this title and name are unclear. Alternatively, Colin proposes Hm-nTr Hr-n-xnsw, ‘Priest of the Face-of-Khonsu’, with the remaining signs in the upper right section possibly being ‘Dd’ and forming part of the seal owner’s name. Given the apparent completeness of the impression, the personal name may also include Khonsu, with these signs intended to be read twice. The priest in question could therefore be named Dd-xnsw. As the child of Seth and Nephthys, the cult of Khonsu fits well within the temple context of Mut alKharab. This priest may have resided at Mut or the items bearing his stamp may have originated in the Nile valley or another location in the western oases.

Priest of Seth (Figure 3.20d; Plate 3.16d) This example is fragmentary, but some of the inscription survives. It refers to a priest of Seth (Hm-nTr stx) who may also have been a scribe (sS), although this second title is uncertain. The signs on the right must have belonged to a personal name, but the exact identification is unclear.

Djehuty-ir-dis? (Figure 3.20e; Plate 3.16e) The final seal impression discussed here comprises three columns of text, although it is again fragmentary, with only the upper parts of the inscriptions surviving. These list personal names and titles. The column on the left possibly reads Djehuty-ir-dis or Seth-ir-dis, while the middle one bears faint traces of a name which may be Hrm-wiA. The right reads ...·f aA DfAw which is probably part of a title.

The Temple at Mut al-Kharab

objects in the temple being labelled with the name of Horsiese I, it is likely that his control extended to Dakhleh. Similar influence from Thebes is also indicated by inclusion of the High Priest of Amun in the wall inscriptions and scenes. This position held significant authority in the south of the country, especially during Dynasty XXI, and the prominent size of the figure in Block 2 and the formal reference to the title in Block 3 are noteworthy. Perhaps a High Priest of Amun undertook a visit to Dakhleh and this was recorded and commemorated in the temple. This trip may have been to promote the king, or possibly to demonstrate their own royal ambitions. Either way, their inclusion in the temple’s decorative scheme further reinforces the importance of both the cult of Amun and Theban officials at the site. The ostraka and small finds document the everyday activities at the temple. Plentiful offerings, foremost wine, were given and the traditional gods of Egypt were the benefactors. Formal records of donations, such as those in the Smaller Dakhleh Stela, can now be complemented by the detailed ostraka which show the formal functioning of a major temple complex and its bureaucracy. Moreover, they also provide remarkable insight into the oasis community during the final phase of the Third Intermediate Period (circa 750–650). We now have the names of many of the people who were giving these offerings. This reveals the continuing use of ‘Seth’ in personal names, and the ongoing importance of wine in the oasis. Not only was it the most prominent offering, but local vintners were closely tied to the temple. As an economic hub of the community, the temple would have played a key role in the administration of commodities, including collection, storage, and distribution. These processes required items such as seals, weights and inscribed stamps, all of which have been uncovered through excavations. The lack of specific dating indicators makes it difficult to identify and refine exactly when activity was taking place at the site. The most complete royal name, Horsiese I, survives on a very small and eroded seal impression, and the exact regnal dates of this king are far from clear. References to the High Priest of Amun, fragmentary cartouches containing the xpr sign, and the ostraka cache provide some assistance, but within the 500 years of the Third Intermediate Period, more evidence is required. For this reason, a detailed examination of the pottery from Mut al-Kharab is essential. Ceramics are the most plentiful category of evidence at the site and in recent years welldated deposits of material have been found. Moreover, confidence in dating pottery from this time has grown considerably as more assemblages from Egypt have been published. Ceramics can therefore reveal crucial information by complementing the artefacts discussed in this chapter. They can help refine the dating by comparing material from other sites, and both confirm and clarify the extent and nature of activities taking place within the temple of Seth.

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The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

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Chapter 4:

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

Overview of the Material The extensive occupation of Mut al-Kharab has resulted in vast quantities of ceramics. The most securely-dated material from the Third Intermediate Period derives from a series of trenches located directly to the west of the area where the stone temple once stood. As discussed in the previous chapter, only the foundation levels of the northern part of this building have survived, and these take the form of two pairs of parallel stone walls (running north–south) set 2.75 metres apart (Figure 3.2). These have been revealed over an area of 26 m north–south by 24 m east–west (Hope 2016, 123). To the west of the temple, excavations have shown complex stratigraphy comprising various phases of activity and numerous structures, with substantial evidence of rebuilding and collapse. Trench 38B, in particular (Figures 3.2 and 3.18), produced a well-sealed deposit including a collection of ostraka which date to approximately 750–650 BCE (Vittmann 2019, 138; 2020, 715). The associated ceramics thus provide good examples of Third Intermediate Period forms and these can be used to assign similar dates to parallels across the site. Comparisons with vessels from nearby trenches indicate that Third Intermediate Period pottery can also be identified in Trenches 34, 36, 37 and 6. I recorded this material during two study seasons in Dakhleh Oasis in 2011 and 2014–2015. Specific trenches and contexts were chosen based on excavation reports, field notes, and the identification of distinct ceramic forms and trends that became apparent during the pottery ‘sherding’ undertaken each day after excavations. The latter process involved the washing of all ceramics collected during the day and sorting them according to date, thus revealing the extent to which each context was sealed or disturbed. I then selected the relevant deposits and recorded the fabric, ware, rim diameter and percentage of rim preservation of all diagnostics. A large portion of the pottery used for this analysis is very fragmentary, with complete or near complete vessels being rare within the corpus. This is no doubt due to the nature and scale of

the activity at the site, namely a substantial temple and surrounding settlement that experienced multiple building phases over a long period of time. To complement the pottery from the west of the temple, this study also includes material from what appears to be an enormous dump, comprising predominantly ceramics, that underlies the temple’s foundations. This was first identified in Trenches 5 and 9, and later found to cover the area directly east of the temple in Trenches 8, 16, 17, 24 and 27 (Hope 2005, 41–2; Hope et alii 2006, 31– 4). I did not record this material first-hand, so information regarding the frequency of forms and the extent of vessel preservation is not included in this analysis. These trenches were, however, considered in a previous study of the western oases by Hubschmann (2007) who examined the oases during the Third Intermediate and Late Periods; as a result, some useful statistical data are available. The occurrence of particular forms within this dump suggests some deposition during the Third Intermediate Period. Although the ceramics discussed in this chapter comprise a relatively homogeneous corpus, the fact that Mut al-Kharab was a large temple and settlement site with a long history of occupation, greatly affects the preservation of the material. Much of the pottery has been disturbed by extensive reuse, destruction, looting and both modern-day housing and farming encroachment. Nevertheless, some contexts have been sealed by the construction of packing and platforms, or by overlying building collapse, another feature typical of settlement sites. This seems to have been the case in the areas adjacent to the temple, from where the Third Intermediate Period ceramic deposits have emerged. Drawings of 548 individual vessels are included in this chapter. In some contexts, though, numerous examples of the same form, made in the same ware, were found. Therefore, the total number of vessels in the corpus is 612. The analysis of this material aims to confirm the date of these deposits, identify key forms and fabrics, and explore the extent of activity that was occurring at the

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Table 4.1

Table 4.2

DOP fabric chart for the Third Intermediate Period ceramics from Mut al-Kharab.

Distribution of fabrics in the Mut al-Kharab pottery corpus (based on trench).

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

site, as preserved in the archaeological record. This process will greatly aid our understanding of the nature of activity in the temple of Seth.

Fabrics and Wares The DOP fabric system was developed by Hope (1979, 190) during the survey of the oasis, with an initial focus on sherds collected from the surface of Mut al-Kharab. Fabrics are divided into two broad categories, namely ironrich (Group A) and calcium-rich (Group B). The former fires red through brown, while the latter ranges in colour, including orange, green, yellow and white. Additional designations are assigned to distinguish each fabric, on the basis of specific constituents and texture, and each ware, combining fabric with surface treatments. The system thus allows for the addition of new and/or refined designations, and as such, the DOP fabric classification system has evolved over the course of the project. Macroscopic and petrographic analyses of samples by Eccleston (2000, 211–18; 2006, 87–128) confirmed the local provenance of these clays and importantly clarified the groupings of fabrics within the system. For the material in this study, Eccleston’s relevant categories are ‘Coarse Ferruginous Fabrics’, ‘Mudstone/Claystone/Shale fabrics’, ‘Mudstone/Claystone/Shale fabrics – Vegetal Tempered Variant’ and ‘Coarse Quartz Marl Fabrics’. Given the overwhelming dominance of indigenous clays within this corpus, it must be stressed that direct comparisons with Nile valley fabrics are not particularly useful as they differ greatly from those used by the oasis potters. As such, comparisons with forms are far more valuable when identifying ceramic parallels to assist with dating material in the oases. Numerous detailed discussions of the Dakhleh fabrics and wares have been published, including those by Hope (1999; 2000, 194–5; 2004, 102–4), Eccleston (2000, 211– 18, 2006, 87–128) and Gill (2016, 47–52). These, in conjunction with the results of the present study, have identified the following fabrics as being used during the Third Intermediate Period. The relationship between the fabrics and wares is presented in Table 4.1, while the distribution and frequency of fabrics/wares in each trench is outlined in Tables 4.2 and 4.3.

Coarse Ferruginous Fabrics A1 The most common fabric for Dakhleh ceramics in all periods and used for a wide range of forms. It is mediumbodied and medium-textured, but can also be open-bodied and coarse textured. It comprises voids of generally small size, with coarse sand, coarse limestone, and minimal clay pellets; it fires reddish-brown, with examples having zoned firing patterns designated ‘A1a’, and those that fire grey/ black throughout designated ‘A1b’. A1 is the most common fabric in this corpus, being used for 37% of the vessels. The vast majority (201) are

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plain, with 25 being creamed-coated, three red-coated, and two decorated. A2 This fabric derives from the same source as A1, but is a finer and denser variation; it has a similar range of inclusions, with a higher proportion of finer inclusions. Like Fabric A1, examples having zoned firing patterns are designated ‘a’, and those that fire grey/black throughout are designated ‘b’. Only 7 vessels in the corpus are made in A2. Six are plain and one is red-slipped. A5 A5 is a variation of A1. It has a coarse texture with a medium-bodied groundmass, and is distinguished by the high frequency of fine to coarse sand/quartz; it usually fires red-brown with no discernible zoning. A5 accounted for 6% of the vessels; 29 are plain, five cream-slipped, one red-slipped and two decorated. Although this fabric was used for some bowls and jars, bread moulds are the predominant form. A28 A28 is variation of A1. It is a medium to open-bodied, medium to coarse textured fabric; it is low-fired, limestone-rich and distinguished by its light-brown even firing pattern and the occurrence of many round voids. Vessels in A28 make up 8.5% of the corpus and although this number is relatively low, it includes some key Third Intermediate Period forms – as such, A28 is considered an important fabric for this time. 45 examples are uncoated, with five having a creamslip and two having a red-slip. A29 A29 is variant of A1, but fired at a higher temperature, resulting in a much harder fabric. Its firing colour varies, including a grey-brown core with orange/brown margins, or orange/brown throughout. This fabric, also termed ‘‘Ain al-Azizi Ware’, was used for large kegs during the Late Period. This name derives from the site in central Dakhleh which appears to have been a significant production centre for these storage vessels (Figure 1.1; Hope 2000, 192). Only 4 uncoated sherds of A29 occur and these are from large jars. A30 A30 is another variant of A1 and characterised by the occurrence of oxidised limestone and vegetal materials, in particular straw; it is a soft fabric and often contains uneven firing patterns. Vessels in A30 make up just over 8% of the corpus and again, despite this relatively low number, they tend to be important forms. Thirty-two examples are uncoated, 12 red-slipped, five cream-slipped, and 1 decorated. A31a This variant of A1 is defined by the high frequency of white limestone inclusions.

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Table 4.3

Frequency of fabrics/wares in the Third Intermediate Period ceramic deposits at Mut al-Kharab.

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

It is rare with only 11 vessels being identified; seven of these are plain, three are red-slipped and one is creamslipped. A32 A32 is a variant of A1, but includes more limestone particles; it is differentiated from A31a by the occurrence of more sand. It is also rare, making up only 12 vessels in the corpus; six are plain and six are cream-slipped.

Mudstone/Claystone/Shale Fabrics A6 A6 is a dense-bodied, fine-textured fabric which includes frequent fine sand, and a smaller amount of limestone and red/orange clay pellets. It fires a reddish-brown colour with no discernible zoning. This is a very rare fabric within this corpus, with only three examples occurring. Two are plain and one is creamslipped; all three sherds are from large jars.

Mudstone/Claystone/Shale Fabrics – Vegetal Tempered Variant A4 A4 is a medium to open-bodied, coarse-textured fabric, which is characterised by the deliberate addition of straw and other vegetal material; these inclusions are commonly burnt away during firing, resulting in voids. Other inclusions are sand, limestone and orange/red clay pellets. A range of firing colours occur, including brown-grey throughout, brown-grey with a grey-black core, and greyblack throughout. A4 is second most common fabric within this corpus, accounting for almost 18% of all vessels; the majority of these come from the dump, with bread trays and beer jars being the most common form. Of the 110 examples, 78 are plain, 22 are cream-slipped, six are red-slipped and four are decorated.

Coarse Quartz Marl Fabrics B1/B15 The similarity between a series of fabrics, based on macroscopic and petrographic analyses, indicates Fabrics B1, B2, B10 and B15 derive from the same source. It is an open-bodied, medium to coarse-textured fabric, with numerous round voids; inclusions comprise quartz, clay pellets, shale, and frequent limestone, although the latter is often decomposed. B15, as it is termed here, generally fires cream to grey/green, with pink sometimes being noted. B15 is the third most common fabric within this corpus, accounting for just over 15% of all vessels. It is, however, more prevalent in the areas to the west of the temple, where the ceramic deposits are more securely dated.

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B15 is used for a number of key forms, making it a significant Third Intermediate Period fabric. Of the 94 examples, 85 are plain, five are decorated, and four are red-slipped.

Nile Valley Fabrics Nile Silt B A single sherd from a large red-slipped bowl in Nile Silt B was found in Trench 38B. It is the only example in this corpus that is not an oasis fabric.

Presentation and Discussion of the Material The material in this chapter is presented by trench and context, and grouped according to fabric and ware. This format clearly illustrates the prevalence of particular clays and surface treatments. Wheel-made vessels are discussed first and there is a general progression from open forms (i.e. bowls) through to closed forms (i.e. jars). This is followed by more complex vessels (i.e. with handles and spouts), non-containers (i.e. stands), and finally hand-made forms (i.e. moulds and trays). The forms are illustrated in the figures throughout this chapter and are reproduced at a scale of 1:4. Additional information about each vessel is included in the Appendix, such as rim diameter and other distinct features. In some cases where the original vessel is poorly preserved, and a better example of the same form exists, the latter will be illustrated. This will be marked by an asterisk (*) after the vessel number. This is intended to create a more accurate corpus, which would otherwise be affected by the fragmentary nature of most of the material. In order to provide a consistent and objective analysis, a vessel index system has been employed where possible. As outlined by Aston (1999, 9–12), this includes the Aperture Index (AI), whereby the relationship between the vessel’s Maximum Body Diameter (MBD) and Aperture (AP) determine whether it is open or closed. An Aperture Index is established by the following formula; between 100–140 indicates an open form, and anything above 140 is a closed form: AI = MBD ÷ AP (x 100) A second component is the Vessel Index (VI) which defines a vessel’s width, based on its MDB and Height (H). The formula states: VI = MBD ÷ H (x 100) Using the Vessel Index is more problematic with the Mut al-Kharab ceramics because so many are fragmentary. Therefore, the original height of many vessels cannot be determined with accuracy. Given the limited range of forms within this corpus, an extensive range of categories is not needed. The Vessel Index does, however, provide a systematic framework to analyse the material and has been

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applied where possible, in accordance with the following classifications:

references to occupation layers, key building phases and significant finds. The analysis commences with Trench 38, which as mentioned previously, has provided the bestdated Third Intermediate Period material from Mut alKharab thus far. This is followed by the adjacent trenches which have also produced similar vessels, and then the dump.

The Third Intermediate Period Pottery Deposits West of the Temple (Numbers 1–336) Trench 38 – overview

The terms ‘bowl’ and ‘jar’ for open and closed forms respectively, have been used as much as possible. This is designed to avoid assumptions based on the function of the vessel, as is sometimes the case with names such as ‘beaker’, ‘cup’, ‘dish’ and ‘plate’. For some forms, however, the terms ‘bowl’ and ‘jar’ are not appropriate, and more descriptive names are required. Some of these examples link directly to the known use of the vessel, such as ‘bread mould’, ‘bread tray’, ‘stand’, whereas other terms like ‘beer jar’ are misleading as they do not relate to the vessel’s function. Although ‘short-necked mediumdeep jar’ may be a more accurate and objective term for the latter form, ‘beer jar’ is well-entrenched in the literature of Egyptian ceramics and is employed herein to help with comparisons and identifications with material from other sites. While the ceramics of each trench are presented according to context, the discussion and analysis of this material is not context-based, but rather arranged according to form. This approach is beneficial because it highlights the occurrence of similar forms in different contexts across each trench, thus indicating similarity of date. Moreover, this corpus is dominated by a modest number of forms that occur in many contexts; an analysis of each individual context would be highly repetitive, especially given the importance of providing comparative material from other sites to assist with dating. With regard to these parallels, Aston’s three ceramic phases are again employed to provide a clear chronological framework. These are Phase IIA (Dynasties XX–XXI), Phase IIB (Libyan Period, Dynasties XXII–XXIV) and Phase III (Dynasties XXV–XXVI). It is also important to note that, for ease of reference, specific pottery examples from Mut al-Kharab are referred to by their vessel number (e.g. vessel 10); this number is outlined in the figures and corresponds with the Appendix. The discussion of each ceramic deposit is preceded by an overview of each trench, in order to contextualise the nature of activity and exploration at the site. This includes

In 2011 Trench 38 was opened in the area west of the temple proper (Figures 3.2 and 3.18). Covering an area of 9 u 6 metres, it is situated south of Trench 36, and south-west of the large building preserved in Trench 6. The earliest material showed activity by the indigenous Sheikh Muftah culture, together with some Early Dynastic and early Old Kingdom Nile valley ceramics (Hope 2012, 3). A higher density of Old Kingdom sherds may have been associated with a series of grey walls (Contexts 70, 74, 75 and 53) and a paved mud-brick surface (Contexts 71 and 72) situated in the south-west corner of trench. The next major phase of activity was related to a structure built of yellow mud-brick (Contexts 4, 10, 50 and 52) comprising three separate rooms, which seem to be associated with a dense layer of red silty packing that covered the trench (Contexts 11, 18, 22 and 28; Hope 2012, 3 and 4). The layout of these partitions resulted in the division of the trench into three sections labelled A, B and C (from west to east). Later modifications seem to be associated with an uneven surface (Contexts 24, 25, 15/32, 9) and grey mud bricks, which saw alterations to walls and doorways, including the clearance of a possible corridor or walkway. This was eventually followed at some stage by the construction of the large building (explored in Trench 6) which cut directly into the architectural features of Trench 38. This structure was originally dated to Dynasty XXVI, based on a decorated block of Psamtek I found in the building (Hope 2001a, 41, plate 11). Contrasting evidence in the stratigraphy of the building, however, means this dating is no longer conclusive (see below for more details; Hope et alii 2009, 64; 2016, 126–7). Overlying the whole trench was mudbrick rubble collapse and three robbers’ pits, with Islamic ceramics indicating a more recent date for these intrusions (Hope 2012, 3 and 4). The clearance of surface material and rubble revealed a well-sealed deposit of material within the central part of the trench (Section B; Plate 3.14). It comprised both fragmentary and complete ceramic vessels, and as discussed in the previous chapter, a collection of small finds (Figure 3.19) and an extensive group of ostraka (Plate 3.15). This epigraphic evidence likely dates to 750–700 BCE, namely the first half of Dynasty XXV.

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

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Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

Fabric A1a, Ware Sc1

1

2

Fabric A1a, Ware Sr1

Fabric A2b, Ware P2b

4 3 Fabric A5, Ware P5

5

6 Fabric A28, Ware P37

Fabric A28, Ware Sr17

8

9 7 Fabric B15, Ware P25

11

10

12

13

15 14

Figure 4.1

16

Ceramics from Trench 38B, Context 16 (Numbers 1–16). Scale 1:4.

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Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

17

Fabric A1a, Ware Sc1

18 26

19

20

27

21

22

23

28 24

25 Figure 4.2

Ceramics from Trench 38B, Context 32 (Numbers 17–28). Scale 1:4.

Moreover, some of the ostraka are diagnostic sherds, thus helping to confirm the date of these Third Intermediate Period forms. The deposit spanned three different archaeological layers, with the upper part, a dense mudbrick fill (Context 16), overlying a thinly compacted layer (Context 32) and a floor (Context 15). These deposits were by no means undisturbed, but Contexts 32 and 15 appeared to be closely related and well-sealed by the overlying and compacted Context 16. As such, the ceramics bore a certain degree of homogeneity.

Trench 38B – pottery (Numbers 1–103; Figures 4.1–4.5) Small medium-deep bowls with rim diameters ranging from 6–8 cm are the most common form. These hastilymade simple vessels have either slightly rounded or rough flat bases, with some complete examples surviving (18, 27, 30, 46–48, 56, 61, 81, 97–100). Parallels from Lahun (Petrie et alii 1923, plate LIX, Type 30; Aston 1996a, 38) have been dated to Phase III of Aston’s sequence, namely Dynasty XXV to early Dynasty XXVI. Even more typical of the Third Intermediate Period are shallow bowls with flat bases (17, 26, 31, 45, 55, 57, 58). These tend to have rim diameters between 10–14 cm and are known from Phases IIB and III deposits at Elephantine (Aston 1999, 69, 165–6, plate 15.495-6, plate 48.1515-37). The latter date is also supported by vessels from el-Ashmunein

(Spencer 1993, plate 44, Type A1), with a more specific XXVth Dynasty date provided by parallels from the South Tombs at Amarna (French 1986, 181, type SB7). Other types of shallow bowls occur in the Trench 38B deposit, including both smaller (54, 78, 79) and larger (5, 96, 103) examples. Vessel 103 is of particular interest as it is the only vessel in this corpus made in a Nile valley fabric, namely a red-slipped Nile clay. Similar forms dating to the 8th–7th centuries have been found at Memphis (Aston and Jeffreys 2007, figure 33, no. 289) and Amarna (French 1986, 184, figure 9.18, type MB1.1.1). More common, however, are both shallow and medium-deep bowls characterised by rounded outward flaring rims and an inflected profile (10, 50, 51, 59, 60, 62, 73, 80). Of these, vessels 10, 50 and 51 were all reused as ostraka, thus verifying the date, but also showing this form has a rounded base. Parallels are common in the Nile valley and are known throughout the Third Intermediate Period, including Phase IIA (Aston 1996a, 60, figures 188a–d: Group 6), Phase IIB (Aston 1996a, 67, figure 206I–j: Group 6) and Phase III (Aston 1996a, 73, figure 216d–g: Group 2). Some of the larger medium-deep bowls also have an outward flaring rim (9, 19, 32), with complete examples from other trenches at the site showing they probably originally had a ringbase (e.g. numbers 217 and 312). Again, vessel 9 was used as an ostrakon, further confirming the date of this form. Comparisons with material from Elephantine (Aston

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

Fabric A2a, Ware P2a

71

Fabric A28, Ware P37

29

30

32

31

Fabric A28, Ware Sc14

Fabric A29, Ware P38b

35

37

34

33

Fabric A32, Ware P42

38

39

36

Fabric A32, Ware Sc22

Fabric A4, Ware P4

Fabric A4, Ware Sc5

44 40

42

41

43

Fabric B15, Ware P25

45

47

50 49

46

48

52 51

Figure 4.3

53

Ceramics from Trench 38B, Context 32 (Numbers 29–53). Scale 1:4.

72

Chapter 4

Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

54

55

56

59

58

57

63

62

61

60

65

64

69

70

68

67

66

71 72

Fabric A1a, Ware Sc1

73

74

75

76 77 Figure 4.4

Ceramics from Trench 38B, Context 15 (Numbers 54–77). Scale 1:4.

1999, 182, plate 54.1674-8) and Amarna (French 1986, 157, figure 9.18-MB2) indicate a Phase III date, although it did continue through to Dynasty XXVII as shown by examples at ‘Ain Manawir in Kharga Oasis (Wuttmann et alii, 1996, 417 – Groupe 3). A range of other medium-deep bowls of varying sizes also occur in this deposit. These include those with rounded rims (38, 49, 74, 82, 101), flat rims (2, 11, 63), and a large red-slipped example with a thick-outfolded rim (3). With regard to the latter, a similar bowl from elAshmunein has been assigned a Third Intermediate Period date (Spencer 1993, plate 48, type A330), specifically Phases IIB–III. A distinct deep bowl with a protruding ledge base (12, 64) is well-represented at Third Intermediate Period sites in the Nile valley. According to Aston (1996a, 68, figures 207e–f), the slightly rounded bases occur earlier and date to Phase IIB, with the development of flat bases becoming more common in Phase III. Parallels can be cited within the assemblages from Elephantine (Aston 1999, 70, plate 16.509), Abydos (Effland et alii 2010, 53, figures 34.1– 2) and el-Ashmunein (Spencer and Bailey 1986, figure 17, no. 45).

The jars in Trench 38 are even more fragmentary than the bowls; nevertheless, some well-preserved vessels represent important forms within this corpus. A substantial part of a large cream-slipped short-necked medium-deep jar with an out-turned rim (28) was reconstructed from numerous sherds that had been used as ostraka. Possibly three more fragmentary examples occur in the deposit (67, 75), identified by their rim profile, and although exact Nile valley parallels are rare, similarities can be seen in jars from Matmar (Aston 1996a, 44–5, figure 127.100047H) and Abydos (Effland et alii 2010, 53, figure 35.11), both dating to Phase III. Complete examples of slender and medium-broad short-neck jars are also common (7, 14, 33, 34, 72). As possible miniature imitations of situlae, they possess short outward-turning rims, have a slightly ribbed body, and bases that are either rounded or bear a small ‘bubble’. Similar bases from el-Ashmunein (Spencer and Bailey 1986, figure 20 – nos. 69–71; Aston 1996a, figure 103, nos. 69–71) have been dated to Phases IIB–III, while parallels from Herakleopolis are also known from Third Intermediate Period levels (López Grande et alii 1995, plate XXIVf–m). Rim fragments from ‘beer jars’ are also common. The term ‘beer jar’ was originally coined by Holthoer (1977,

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

Fabric A1a, Ware Dr1

73

Fabric A5, Ware Sc6

78

79 Fabric A28, Ware P37

80

81

82

83 Fabric A29, Ware P38a/b

84

85

Fabric A31a, Ware P41

Fabric A31a, Ware Sc18

86

87

Fabric A32, Ware P42

Fabric A32, Ware Sc22

88

89 90

Fabric A4, Ware P4

Fabric A4, Ware Sc5

91

92

94

93

95

Fabric B15, Ware P25

97

96

100

101

98

102

Nile Silt B, Red Slipped

103 Figure 4.5

Trench 38B, Context 15 continued (Numbers 78–103) Scale 1:4.

99

74

Chapter 4

Table 4.4

Mut al-Kharab beer jar rim typology.

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

86) and later modified by Aston (1998, 182). It was used in reference to the beer offerings in the Htp-di-nsw formula, with which these vessels were believed to have been associated. Although archaeology has been unable to prove this purpose, the name ‘beer jar’ has remained. These vessels were produced in the Nile valley from the beginning of the XVIIIth Dynasty well into the Third Intermediate Period (Aston 1998, 182; 1999, 15–16) and the Mut al-Kharab examples bear similar features, including an asymmetrical form and finger impressions around the base, both the result of rough manufacture. Many of the Mut al-Kharab beer jars also have intentionally perforated bases, which would have made their function as offering jars for holding liquids impossible. The vast majority of Mut beer jars are made in A4, an iron-rich straw-tempered fabric, with some examples having a cream slip. Rim fragments are very numerous across the site, with most diameters being around 10 cm. A variety of rim types exist and can be grouped into five broad categories – these are illustrated in Table 4.4. These are Type A with an inverted rim, Type B with a slight shoulder/neck and an inward rim, Type C with an upright rim, and Type D with an outward turning rim. The final category is Type E and includes three variations based on the occurrence of a small ledge associated with the rim (presumably created by the potter’s finger). These are E1, E2 and E3. Within Trench 38 no beer jar base fragments were recovered, which is very different to the dump (see below) where both rims and bases have been found in substantial numbers. Nevertheless, all rim types are noted in the Trench 38B deposit, although most sherds are very small. These include examples of Type A (88, 91), Type B (20, 44, 69, 89, 94), Type C (70), Type D (35, 68, 95), Type E1 (77) and Type E2 (71, 76). For the latter two forms (E1 and E2), the number of fragments indicate there were at least two and three complete jars, respectively, within Context 15. Identifying Nile valley parallels to assist with dating these beer jars is difficult because extensive assemblages are known over a long period of time, from the New Kingdom through to the Third Intermediate Period. Moreover, the lack of complete vessels, especially in Trench 38B, makes analysis difficult; features which may be linked to dating later types, such as the ratio between maximum body diameter and base diameter (Aston 1999, 26–7 and 72), are not always known. Similarities certainly exist with New Kingdom examples, but the same can be said for examples from Third Intermediate Period deposits at sites such as Amarna, Thebes, Memphis, Elephantine and Herakleopolis (Hubschmann 2010, 62–6). At the latter site, the vessels tend to be smaller and only have unrestricted mouths, although the poor manufacture closely parallels the Mut al-Kharab examples. More recently, very similar forms have been found in the Phase IIA, IIB and III levels within the Mut Temple at Karnak (Sullivan 2013, 217, type 1). It is therefore clear that beer jars continued to be used into the Third Intermediate

75

Period (Aston 1996a, 55, 63 – Group 25, 69 – Group 14, figures 175-N3, 194a and 208d–e). Other fragmentary rims/necks include two examples of broad wide-mouth neckless jars with thick flat rolled rims (84, 86) and what may be sections from vessels often termed ‘globular’ jars (4, 23, 39). With regard to the former, similar rims from storage jars at Memphis date to the early Third Intermediate Period, namely the 11th–10th centuries (Aston and Jeffreys 2007, figures 49.568, 52.603–604, 52.606), while globular jars are characteristic of Third Intermediate Period ceramics at many sites in the Nile valley, including el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plate 70, I1.19, I1.29, I1.34), Elephantine (Aston 1999, 170–2, nos. 1588–1595) and Karnak North (JacquetGordon 2012, figures 87e and 95j). They have a straight neck and either a globular or bag-shaped body. Other miscellaneous rims derive from a range of jars, including those with slender necks (21, 52, 102), short necks (83) and thick rolled-rims (8, 22, 29, 37, 85), while a small number of rounded (24, 25) and flat bases (92, 93) also occur, although their levels of preservation reveal little about the complete vessels. In addition, a number of distinct forms occur. These include a near-complete small, fine-walled short-necked broad jar (1), a thick rolled rim from a cream-slipped jar with a ‘wavy’ neck (40), the hollow base from a small cream-slipped jar or stand (36), a unique ribbed neck from a cream-slipped slender jar (42), and a cream-slipped neck from a jar with a groove impression below the rim (90). The final wheelmade form of note is a small spouted vessel with a ring base and flat modelled rim. Three well-preserved examples were found (16 x 2 and 53), with a possible fourth example indicated by a rim fragment (15). Made in the porous marl fabric B15, exact parallels for this form are unknown in the Nile valley. Interestingly though, they are well-documented at Mut al-Kharab and other sites in the western oases (see Chapter 5), making them a good indicator of Third Intermediate Period activity in the Western Desert. Only a small number of hand-made vessels were found in the Trench 38B deposit. These are a bread mould (6), bread tray (43) and a torch (87). Bread moulds dating to the New Kingdom occur across the site (Long 2008, 98– 103) in a wide-range of stratigraphic levels, suggesting they are residual and evidence of continuous re-use at the site. This particular mould, however, seems to be slighter broader than the earlier examples, which may indicate a later date (see below for a more detailed discussion of bread moulds in Trench 37). Bread trays were used in all phases of dynastic history (Marchand 2017, 227–9), but types similar to vessel 43 are well-documented from the Middle Kingdom to the Late Period (Aston 1996c, 28). Nile valley parallels are common and occur throughout the Third Intermediate Period (Aston and Jeffreys 2007, figure 33-286, Aston 1999, plates 41.1316, 43.1355, 43.1356 and 47.1493; López Grande et alii 1995, plate XXIVc). Finally, the term ‘torch’ is used to describe a slender jar with a flaring profile. Numerous parallels can

76

Chapter 4

a Plate 4.1

b

a: Upper silo (top left), channel, column emplacement (far right), and packing over the lower silo in Trench 34; b: the channel with two jars buried in the floor (© C. A. Hope).

be cited, such as those from Saqqara (French 1988, 84–5, nos. 7–18; Lecuyot 2000, 238 type BE7, footnote 19) and Herakleopolis (López Grande et alii 1995, plate XXXVIb), although this Trench 38B example is far more roughly-made, with a rounded and asymmetrical, rather than flat base.

Trench 34 – overview In 2009 excavations began in Trench 34, situated directly west of the large mud-brick structure explored in Trench 6 (Figures 3.2 and 4.6). It measured 4 metres (east–west) by 5 metres (north–south) and was opened with the aim of determining the extent of Old Kingdom and Late Period activity previously identified in Trench 30 directly to the north (Hope et alii 2009, 53). Above walls associated with Old Kingdom activity, two structures interpreted as silos were unearthed (Hope et alii 2009, 54). Comprising a lower silo (Context 54) and an upper silo (Context 33), the latter circular feature was connected to a deep channel that contained four large storage jars set into sand deposits below the base of its walls (Plate 4.1a–b). The interior of the upper silo measured 3–3.2 metres in diameter and had a floor made of grey clay packing surrounded by rows of mud bricks and grey plaster (Context 44; Hope et alii 2009, 54). Extant floors (Contexts 45 and 50) were also uncovered to the east and west of the channel respectively, sitting at approximately 70 cm above the level of the channel floor. The discovery of ceramic deposits associated with these architectural features (see below), may indicate a Third Intermediate Period date for their construction and/or use. The silos and their surrounding areas were eventually filled with grey and red clay packing and rubble.

Excavation of these layers uncovered a series of votive deposits, comprising artefacts and significant ceramic material. In particular, these were Context 40, directly east of the channel, Context 41, within the channel itself, and Context 42, above the lower silo and 30–60cm west of the channel (Plate 4.2). With regard to the small finds, Context 41 contained a scarab inscribed with anx m mAat, while Context 42 included part of a falcon-headed sphinx statue and a decorated temple block showing the leg of a god painted blue, part of a lion’s tail from a garment, and the lower section of a wAs-sceptre (Hope et alii 2009, 56, figures 6b and 8a). These phases were later followed by the construction of a large north–south red brick wall (Context 15), a large column (Context 26) and packed floors across the area. After this, the large building to the east in Trench 6 was constructed, cutting into the features of Trench 34, including the upper silo wall and its associated packing (Hope et alii 2009, 56). The same disturbance was seen in Trench 38. Finally, a significant collapse, possibly the large east–west wall (Context 19), covered the western part of the trench.

Trench 34 – pottery (Numbers 104–228; Figures 4.7–4.12) The ceramics relevant to this study derive from the votive deposits found within layers of packing that surrounded and filled the silos and channel area, namely Contexts 21, 40, 41, 42, 49 and 50. There are many similar forms to those in the Trench 38B deposit, but with a less diverse range. Shallow bowls with flat bases, similar in dimension and form to the examples from Trench 38B, dominate the assemblage (107, 119–

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

Figure 4.6

77

Plan of Trenches 30, 33, 34, 36 and 37, in the area west of the original stone temple at Mut al-Kharab (based on Hope et alii 2009, figure 3).

78

Chapter 4

Plate 4.2

Deposit of pottery vessels to the west of the channel in Trench 34 (© C. A. Hope).

123, 135, 162–165, 169, 172, 180–182, 208). Context 40 included at least 13 examples of vessel 121, while in Context 41, nine vessels (163–165, 170) were laid inside each other against the western edge of the upper silo. In Context 42 there were 29 complete or reconstructable bowls, including 22 examples of vessel 181, 12 of which had interior burning marks. This would seem to indicate they were used as lamps or for burning incense or oil. Shallow and very shallow bowls, which probably had rounded bases, also feature in these deposits (104, 136, 137, 156, 178, 179, 203, 207, 211, 219). Variations with flat rims are the most prevalent; Context 41 contained at least five examples of vessel 136, and Context 42 included at least four examples of vessels 179, with 16 of the 27 fragments again showing evidence of burning. Small medium-deep bowls with rim are also common. As in Trench 38B, many of these were hastily-made and have a variety of bases, including roughly round (106, 112, 124, 125, 141, 185, 186, 188, 209, 212, 222, 226, 227), and roughly flat (115, 167, 174, 175, 187, 189). A fine-walled conical version of these bowls, with a distinct almost pointed base, also occurs. The latter feature appears to have been moulded around a thumb or finger as shown by the impression on the interior. At least nine examples were found in Trench 34 (113, 126, 131, 168, 204). Parallels from Tell el-

Retaba (Rzepka et alii 2011, figure 53.1; 2014, figure 117.2) have been dated to the Third Intermediate Period levels, while examples from Tanis were assigned by the excavators to the period of Osorkon II to Shoshenq III (Brissaud et alii 1987, 76, 94, no. 193). Bowls with inflected contours and rounded bases also feature prominently. These include shallow examples with more flared rims (105, 108, 118, 138–140, 173, 177, 183, 184, 213, 225) and medium-deep bowls with a less pronounced profile (144, 145). Both forms are well-known throughout the Third Intermediate Period (Aston 1996a, 60, figure 188a–d: Group 6; 67, figure 206i–j: Group 6; 73, figure 216d–g: Group 2). The other type of large medium-deep bowl, also known from Trench 38B, has a thick slightly-flared rim and a ring base (149, 176?, 214, 217). Nile valley parallels show this form was produced during Phase III (Aston 1996, 77 – Group 33; Aston 1999, plate 54.1674-8), specifically Dynasty XXV (French 1986, figure 9.18 – MB2). Two fragments from bowls with distinct rims described by Aston (1999, 58) as ‘crenellated’ were also recovered from Contexts 41 (142) and 50 (224). While elaborate examples are known from the New Kingdom (Rose 2007, 70, 210, no. 236), vessels from Elephantine (Aston 1999, 58 and 74, plates 13.355 and 17.534) and el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, 45, plate 55,

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

79

Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

104

105

108

106

111

109

Fabric A28, Ware P37

110

Fabric A30, Ware P40

112

107

Fabric A30, Ware Sc19

114

113 Fabric B15, Ware P25

115

116 Figure 4.7

117

118

Ceramics from Trench 34, Context 21 (Numbers 104–118). Scale 1:4.

Type B1.8) show that more simple variations of this feature continued throughout the Third Intermediate Period. A range of other medium-deep bowls include those with convex profiles and slightly inward-turning rims (109, 127, 143, 148, 157, 190), and those with more divergent profiles and rounded rims (158, 191, 202, 210, 223). The majority of the jars are again very fragmentary. The best-preserved example is a large red-slipped shortnecked jar with distinct shoulders that occur at the maximum diameter (228). It was found leaning against the lower silo in Context 50. Vessels bearing similar features are known from Phases IIA and IIB (Hope et alii 2009, 57; Aston 1996, 64, figure 197d; Aston 1999, plates 19.578 and 20.584-5), while a closer parallel from Abydos dates to Dynasty XXV (Hope et alii 2009, 57; Aston 1996b, 6, type 6, figure 2d). Another short-necked jar (218), albeit smaller, was found in Context 49. Its outflaring rim is reminiscent of vessel 28 in Trench 38B, which was reconstructed from numerous ostraka, and thus can be securely dated to the Third Intermediate Period. This vessel, however, has a narrower body and may be a variation of this form. Beer jars are again present, with a range of rim types occurring, including Type A (160, 221), Type B (114), Type E1 (195), and Type E2 (196), as are a variety of wide-mouth jars. These include a broad neckless jar with a thick flat rolled rim (161), which parallels examples

from Trench 38B, as well as a broad neckless jar with an inverted rolled rim (150). In addition, we have the upper portion of two large jars with very short necks (151, 166); similar versions of the latter form may be found in the Libyan Period levels at Elephantine (Aston 1999, plate 20, no. 581) and el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plate 62, no. 59), albeit with a slightly narrower mouth. A single rim/neck sherd may derive from a globular jar (194), while the range of jars in this trench is indicated by the very fragmentary rims (111, 133, 152–154, 170, 171, 176, 201, 215, 220) and bases (110, 128, 197, 198). These deposits also include some non-containers, namely ring stands (132, 216), and both slender and open stands (116, 129, 199, 205, 206). Some of these examples were very roughly-made and are discussed in more detailed below in the relation to the dump, where they were found in substantial quantities. One fragment of a so-called ‘fry pan’ (134) was recovered in Context 40, as was a similar piece from Context 22. Similar vessels are known from Second Intermediate Period deposits at ‘Ain Aseel in Dakhleh Oasis (Marchand and Soukiassian 2010, figure 234, no. 2232-9, Group 23B). Their design, comprising a hollow handle attached to a bowl, implies they were used for cooking, although they may have been used for burning incense. With such a practical function, it is not surprising to find them being used in later periods. Finally, the body and base of another ‘torch’ was found

80

Chapter 4

Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

119*

120

121

124 125

123*

122

127* 126*

128*

Fabric A5, Ware Sc6

Fabric A6, Ware Sc12

129

Fabric A28, Ware P37

131 132*

130

Fabric A30, Ware P40

Fabric A4, Ware P4

133*

134

Fabric B15, Ware P25

135

Figure 4.8

Ceramics from Trench 34, Context 40 (Numbers 119–135). Scale 1:4.

* The original vessel is poorly preserved, a better example of the same form is illustrated.

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

137

136*

138

139

140

142

141

143

144

146 145

148

147

149

150 151

152

154 153

155

Figure 4.9 Ceramics from Trench 34, Context 41 (Numbers 136-155). Scale 1:4. * The original vessel is poorly preserved, a better example of the same form is illustrated.

81

82

Chapter 4

Fabric A1a, Ware Sc1

156*

157

159

158

Fabric A1b, Ware P1b

160 161

Fabric A28, Ware P37

162

163

164

165

Fabric A29, Ware P38a

Fabric A30, Ware P40

167*

168*

166

Fabric A31a, Ware P41

169

Fabric A6, Ware P13

170

171

Fabric B15, Ware P25

172*

174 Figure 4.9 continued

175

173

176*

Trench 34, Context 41 continued (Numbers 156–176). Scale 1:4.

* The original vessel is poorly preserved, a better example of the same form is illustrated.

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

83

Fabric A1a, Ware P1a 177

181

180

179*

178*

183*

182*

184*

185

186

187

188*

190

189

191

192

193

194

195 196

197

198* 199

Fabric A1a, Ware Sc1

Fabric A1b, Ware Sc2

201* 202

200

Fabric A4, Ware P4

Fabric A28, Ware P37

203* 204* Fabric B15, Ware P25

205

206

Figure 4.10

207*

208

Trench 34, Context 42 (Numbers 177–209). Scale 1:4.

* The original vessel is poorly preserved, a better example of the same form is illustrated.

209

84

Chapter 4

Fabric A1a, Ware Sr1

Fabric A2a, Ware P2a

212

211 210

Fabric A28, Ware P37

213

Fabric A28, Ware Sc14

Fabric A30, Ware P40

214

216*

215

Fabric B15, Ware P25

217

218

Figure 4.11

Trench 34, Context 49 (Numbers 210–218). Scale 1:4.

* The original vessel is poorly preserved, a better example of the same form is illustrated.

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

85

Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

219

221

220

Fabric A1a, Ware Sc1 Fabric A1a, Ware Sr1

223

222

224

Fabric A28, Ware P37

Fabric B15, Ware Sr18

225 226

Fabric A28, Ware Sr17

227

228

Figure 4.12

Trench 34, Context 50 (Numbers 219–228). Scale 1:4.

86

Chapter 4

Plate 4.3

Trench 36: circular ceramic feature and jar set into a floor (© C. A. Hope).

in Context 40 (130). It is hand-made, cream-slipped and asymmetrical, with a roughly flat base.

Trench 36 – overview This area, investigated in 2009, is located directly to the south of Trench 34, east of Trench 33 and west of Trench 6 (Figures 3.2 and 4.6). Initially it measured 5.3 metres (east–west) by 3.28 metres (north–south), but this was later reduced due to time constraints, with work focusing in the western part of the trench. Excavations aimed to clarify the relationship between the structures in the surrounding trenches, in particular those dating to the Old Kingdom. The earliest phase included local handmade ceramics which were found beneath two red-brick Old Kingdom walls (Contexts 36 and 34); these ran east–west and lined up with similar features in Trench 33 (Hope et alii 2009, 57). Above these walls, a hard floor (Context 13) once extended across the whole trench but was cut through by later pitting. At the bottom of one of these pits, sitting atop a pot sherd deposit (Context 27), was a distinct circular feature (Context 29) roughly 55 cm in diameter and marked by potsherds and small bowls laid on their side; these forms were similar to those found in Trench 34 (Contexts 41– 42). Associated activity also saw two large storage jars (again similar to those in Trench 34) intentionally set into the floor in the north of the trench (Plate 4.3). The final phase saw another floor level (Context 6) laid across the whole trench; this seemed to correspond with the floor in

Trench 34 associated with the large column. As in Trenches 38 and 34, the Trench 36 structures were cut into by the later building in Trench 6. Trench 36 produced some interesting objects. Within the surface and rubble collapse (Context 1) was a fragment from a sandstone statue, probably from the New Kingdom, depicting a kneeling royal figure (Hope et alii 2009, 59, figure 8b, plate 14a). This context also included the upper part of a small round-topped sandstone stela, that according to Kaper, probably dates to Dynasty XXVI or thereafter. Two deities are depicted – Osiris wearing the atef-crown, behind whom is standing a goddess, likely Isis; below the scene the remnants of a cartouche are followed by ‘... who lives forever, [beloved of] Seth, the great god ...’ (Hope et alii 2009, 59). In addition, Context 41 produced a pictorial ostrakon executed in black and red. A cobra is shown with outstretched wings wearing the red crown and standing upon a papyrus column. Behind the figure the name mn-xpr-ra is written, although this is not within a cartouche. The scene also includes a wadjet eye in the upper right part (Hope et alii 2009, 59).

Trench 36 – pottery (Numbers 229–252; Figures 4.13–4.15) The variety of forms in Trench 36 is not as diverse as those in Trenches 38B or 34, but similarities are certainly apparent. Given its location with regard to the adjacent

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

87

Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

229

231*

230*

232

233

234*

236*

235* Fabric A1a, Ware Sc1 Fabric B15, Ware P25 237 239 240* 238 241 Figure 4.13

Tremch 36, Context 21 (Numbers 229–241). Scale 1:4.

* The original vessel is poorly preserved, a better example of the same form is illustrated.

trenches, these ceramics likely date to the Third Intermediate Period. Context 21 was well-sealed by the overlying layer and included a range of medium-deep bowls with rounded bases (229, 231, 239, 240), and one with a flat base (230). Two slightly larger examples were also found; one with a rolled-rim and flaring profile (232), and the other (233) with a more upright profile which parallels a XXVth Dynasty vessel from the temple of Ptah at Karnak (Boulet 2017, figure 2p). A deep bowl with a protruding base and flaring rim (241) is notable for its burnt interior, indicating its use as a lamp or for burning incense, while two broad wide-mouth jars with thick flat rolled rims (234, 238) are also known from Trenches 38B and 34; the latter has a similar profile to a jar from Amarna dated to Dynasty XXV (French 1986, 184, figure 9.18, type MJ7.1.1[P]). The other distinct form is a slender, short-neck jar with a ribbed body and ‘bubble’ base (235), here termed a situla based on the larger vessel type which may have provided the inspiration. The final diagnostic piece from Context 21 is an upright rim from a jar, but

the fragmentary nature of the sherd allows little more details about the complete form to be determined (236). Context 25 was also well-sealed, containing sherds and vessels deliberately laid around a large storage jar in the north-west corner of the trench. The key forms have been discussed previously and include a large medium-deep bowl with a flared rim and ring base (242), a cream slipped beer jar with Type C rim (243), a short-necked jar with a flared rim (245), and two bread trays (246, 247). The final vessel is a jar with a rolled rim (244). In contrast to the previous contexts, 41 had been disturbed. It was a deposit of rubble against a mud-brick feature in the north-west corner of the trench, although the small number of diagnostic sherds have clear Third Intermediate Period parallels. Foremost is the deep bowl with a protruding base and flaring rim (249), which seems to date to the Libyan Period, as indicated by the rounded base. The small medium-deep bowl with a rounded and slightly pronounced base (250) is complete, with additional fragments indicating a second example in the

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Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

242 Fabric A1a, Ware Sc1

Fabric A28, Ware P37

Fabric A6, Ware P13

244

245

Fabric A4, Ware P4

246

243*

247 Figure 4.14

Trench 36, Context 25 (Numbers 242–247). Scale 1:4.

* The original vessel is poorly preserved, a better example of the same form is illustrated.

Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

Fabric A28, Ware P37

248 249 Fabric B15, Ware P25

250 Figure 4.15

251

252

Trench 36, Context 41 (Numbers 248–252). Scale 1:4.

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

context, while the top section from an open stand (248) is very similar to vessels 205 and 206 from Trench 34. The remaining diagnostics are a flat base from a small jar (251) and a neckless jar with a rolled and very flat, almost ‘squashed’ rim (252).

Trench 37 – overview Trench 37, excavated in 2011, is an extension of Trenches 33 and 34 (Figures 3.2 and 4.6), covering an area 6.5 metres (east–west) by 4 metres (north–south). Due to time constraints, work was limited to the southern half of the trench, namely an area measuring 2 metres (east–west) by 2.8 metres (north–south) which was bordered by a wall on the south (Context 2), a wall on the east (Context 14) and red-clay packing on the west (Context 18). The aim of the excavation was to help clarify the stratigraphy and nature of activity unearthed in Trenches 33 and 34. Investigation within this reduced test area revealed the earliest material to be associated with a 1.45 metre deep sand deposit containing numerous ash lenses and Old Kingdom artefacts including ceramics, ostrich eggshell and lithics (Hope 2012, 2–3). This area was later filled in with red packing (Context 17) and covered with a floor, which equates with the same surface laid over the lower silo in Trench 34 (Context 60). Finally, a red mud-brick wall, running east–west (Context 5) was constructed through this part of the trench, although poor preservation means few conclusions can be made about this last phase.

Trench 37 – pottery (Numbers 253–276; Figures 4.16–4.17) The pottery from Trench 37 has some notable differences from the previously-discussed deposits. Context 10 was a dense ash layer that was sitting atop a floor (Context 20) which covered the southern part of the trench. The two contexts therefore seem to be closely related, and this is reinforced by the prevalence of straw-tempered fabrics (A4 and A30) which distinguish these ceramics. Their close proximity to well-dated Third Intermediate Period forms in the adjacent trenches, and the existence of clear Nile valley parallels, demonstrates the relevance of this material. Shallow roughly-made bowls with flat bases occur (253–255, 259, 260, 265, 272), as does a cream-slipped medium-deep bowl with inflected contours (275). The latter vessel probably had a rounded base, as did the uncoated medium-deep bowl (270). The flat base and lower body section of vessel 266 might be from a shortnecked jar and parallels similar forms from Karnak North (Jacquet-Gordon 2013, figure 94r), Amarna (French 1986, figure 9.19.3), and even a narrow-based beer jar from Elephantine which dates to Phase IIB (Aston 1999, plate 17.515-517). In contrast, Context 10 is distinguished by large bowls. The direct, almost ‘square’ rim of vessel 261 bears close resemblance to a bowl from Elephantine (Aston 1999, plate 28.826) dating to the Libyan Period,

89

as well as one from Memphis which dates to the 8th–7th century (Aston and Jeffreys 2007, figure 33.288). In addition to the form and size, all three bowls have a redslipped rim and are made from a straw/chaff-tempered fabric; A30 for the Mut example, Nile B2 Variant I for the Elephantine bowl and G4 for the one from Memphis. Parallels from Qantir show this type of bowl was also produced earlier, during Dynasties XX–XXI (Aston 1998, 586, nos. 2417–2421). A large shallow bowl with a rounded rim and ring base (262) was reconstructed from numerous fragments. A similar vessel from Phase IIA levels at Elephantine has comparable dimensions and rim formations, although the base is missing (Aston 1999, plate 15.453), while examples from el-Ashmunein show these large bowls continued into the Third Intermediate Period (Spencer 1993, plate 49, no. 66). Vessel 263, with its flat projecting rim seems to have been made over a long period of time, with examples dating to Phase IIA (Aston 1996, figure 31.18; 1999, plate 13.398), as well as Phase III, specifically Dynasty XXV (Sullivan 2013, 179–80, 215, type N2, nos. 1–3). The final large bowl (264) has a distinct modelled rim and bears similarities in size and form to bowls from Qantir which also date to Dynasties XX–XXI (Aston 1998, 571–3, nos. 2345 and 2350). The other key form in Context 10, which also occurs in Context 20, is the bread mould (256–258, 267–269). All fragments are uncoated and made in A5, a fabric that is friable, and contains straw, sand particles and voids of varying size. The rims and bases resemble the New Kingdom examples that are well-documented across the site (Long 2008, 98–103), although these particular types seem to be slightly larger with the rim diameters ranging up to 7 cm. Another interesting point of comparison is the lack of pot marks which are very common on the base and lower body of New Kingdom examples at Mut (Long 2008, 103, figure 3); they were not identified on any of the larger bread moulds. Typologically, the Trench 37 examples fit into Jacquet-Gordon’s (1979, 19, figure 5) Type D category, which dates from the XVIIIth to XXIst Dynasties. From her work in the Treasury of Thutmose I at Karnak, Jacquet-Gordon (1979, 20–1) noted a difference in size for the bread moulds of various phases. The earlier period of use saw examples of smaller dimensions, while the larger bread moulds were associated with later activity from Ramesside times. As such, she concluded that Type D moulds “continued in use for cult purposes at least until the end of the New Kingdom and probably well into the Libyan Period, if not later”. This claim is supported by a piece from Elephantine which may indicate the continuation of this form into the early XXVth Dynasty (Aston 1999, 194, plate 59.1766). Moreover, a larger example with a complete profile was found in Context 16 of Trench 38B (6). Although the form is slightly different to the Trench 37 examples, it is clearly of larger proportions and derives from a well-dated Phase III deposit. The remaining forms in Context 20 include a creamslipped beer jar with Type B rim (271), a medium-deep

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Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

253

Fabric A5, Ware P5

254

256

255

258 257

Fabric A30, Ware P40

259

260

261

262

263

264

265 Figure 4.16

266

Trench 37, Context 10 (Numbers 253–266). Scale 1:4.

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

91

Fabric A5, Ware P5

267

268

269

Fabric A30, Ware P40

270

Fabric A30, Ware Sc19

271* Fabric A4, Ware P4

272

273 274 Fabric A4, Ware Sc5

275

Figure 4.17

276

Trench 37, Context 20 (Numbers 267–276). Scale 1:4.

* The original vessel is poorly preserved, a better example of the same form is illustrated.

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bowl with a short-projecting rim (273), and a mediumdeep bowl with a convex profile and rounded rim (274). The final piece is a cream-slipped rounded base (275) from a bowl with an upright profile. The range of vessels and the dominance of strawtempered fabrics is noticeably different to the ceramics in Trenches 38B, 34 and 36. While Nile valley parallels show some of the forms occur during the middle and later parts of the Third Intermediate Period, the large bowls and bread moulds may be slightly earlier, as indicated by similarities with vessels from Phase IIA, namely Dynasties XX–XXI. As was outlined in Chapter 2, the evolution of Egyptian pottery of the Third Intermediate Period does not fit neatly within the dynastic system of dating, with the initial phase developing during the late New Kingdom and into Dynasty XXI. This may therefore indicate slightly earlier activity in Trench 37 than in the adjacent areas.

Trench 6 – overview Trench 6 explored the large mud-brick structure situated west of the main temple area (Figures 3.2 and 4.18). I did not record the ceramics, although a large portion was published by Hope (2004). The material from three contexts in particular (8, 39 and 40), forms a coherent group that bears many similarities with the previouslydiscussed pottery from the nearby trenches. Beneath the large structure, the earliest levels produced ceramics and stone tools typical of the Sheikh Muftah and Old Kingdom cultures in Dakhleh (Hope 2001, 38– 9). At a much later date the mud-brick building was constructed, disturbing the existing architectural features in the surrounding area. The north-eastern room was found to have been originally paved with sandstone blocks which were set into mud and laid upon a layer of crushed sandstone (Hope 2001a, 39). In the west corner of the room a well-preserved decorated sandstone block of Psamtek I was recovered (Hope 2001a, 41, plate 11). Measuring 90 x 102 x 17–22 cm, the scene depicts the king making offerings to seated figures of Re-Horakhty and Amun, thus confirming a significant building program at the site at the beginning of Dynasty XXVI (Hope 2001a, 41; Kaper 2001, 75–7). Moreover, the discovery of this block, and other related pieces, provides the earliest possible date for this building’s construction, although the exact period is difficult to confirm (Hope et alii 2009, 64; 2016, 126–7). Below the paving and crushed sandstone there was a layer of fill containing significant quantities of ceramics and other small artefacts. The uppermost part of this deposit, located in the eastern half of the room, was designated Context 8 (Hope 2004, 105). This context had been disturbed by the later digging of a pit, although the ceramics still seem to comprise a fairly homogeneous group. This is verified by Contexts 39 and 40, which were also located below the crushed sandstone and at the same depth as Context 8, but in the western part of the room and thus not disturbed by the pit. The vessels in these two contexts are well-preserved and bear close

similarities with those in Context 8 (Hope 2004, 105). They are therefore very useful for this study. Some of the artefacts in these deposits included a copper-alloy figure of the Seth animal in Context 8 (Plate 4.5a), and two carnelian hippopotamus figures in Context 39 (Plate 4.5b). These items may well have been votive in nature and thus well-suited within a temple of Seth (Hope 2001a, 39–40); the hippopotamus is known to have been linked to this deity (Te Velde 1977, 26, 59). Given their association with the ceramics in these deposits, these artefacts may date to the Third Intermediate Period.

Trench 6 – pottery (Numbers 277–336; Figures 4.19–4.22) The pottery in Contexts 8, 39 and 40 was sealed by the overlying stone paving and its associated foundations, which, as discussed above, may date to Dynasty XXVI or thereafter. This was substantiated by Hope’s (2004) detailed analysis which provided Nile valley parallels for many of the forms and demonstrated that most vessels in this Trench 6 collection date to Phase III. Some earlier New Kingdom fragments were found in these contexts, including examples of blue-painted pottery, amphorae and smaller bread moulds. Activity from this time is confirmed by both inscribed blocks and ceramics (Long 2019, 22533), although sealed New Kingdom deposits are yet to be found at the site. New Kingdom sherds therefore, are often residual and the result of extensive reuse of material in which earlier ceramics become part of later fill deposits. Only a small number of shallow bowls with flat bases are present (298, 332), including one with a very pronounced base (292). Similarly, small medium-deep bowls are also quite rare, with some variations occurring (280, 288, 315). More common are shallow/mediumdeep bowls with rounded bases and inflected contours (317–320). A complete medium-deep bowl with a flared rim and ring base (312) can also be well-dated to Phase III. The latter vessel is decorated with red horizontal and vertical bands. Vessel 294 appears to be a smaller version of this form. Other distinct forms from these contexts include a small spouted jar (307), two small situlae (289, 316), the former being red-slipped, and rim fragments from short-necked jars with out-turned rims (293, 321). Of particular interest is a series of slender-necked jars (313, 314, 323, 324), decorated with roughly-executed horizontal and vertical red bands. This surface treatment is distinct and may indicate these vessels had a certain level of importance. A similar form derives from Elephantine where it is dated to Phase III (Aston 1999, 200, plate 61.1832). These contexts are also distinguished by the prevalence of offerings stands (286, 309, 324– 331, 334–336). These are divided into two types, namely open stands that comprise a bowl attached to a stand, and slender stands that lack the vessel at the top. It is, however, often difficult to distinguish between these two forms as only the base is preserved in many instances. The extant remains indicate these stands were produced in a range

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

93

b a Plate 4.5 Artefacts from Trench 6 a: copper-alloy Seth animal figure from Context 8; b: carnelian hippopotamus figures from Context 39 (photos © C. A. Hope).

of shapes and sizes. Similar to the beer jars, dating these stands is difficult. Hope (2004, 106) has discussed New Kingdom comparisons, although examples from the mortuary temple of Siptah (Aston 1996a, figure 3a), Elephantine (Aston 1999, plate 11.265), Kafr Ammar (Aston 1996a, 35–6, figure 74.29), and el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plate 73, type L1.33) indicate their continued use throughout all phases of the Third Intermediate Period. This is further supported by the lunettes of both the Greater and Smaller Dakhleh Stelae (Plates 1.1 and 1.2), which depict similar stands being used for religious activities within the temple of Seth (Gardiner 1933, figure 1; Jansen 1968, plate XXV). These forms were found in substantial quantities in the dump which also seems to date to the Third Intermediate Period (see below). A range of medium-deep bowls with flat bases and flaring profiles was found in Trench 6 (277, 295, 310), the latter two being red-slipped. Similar vessels in the Nile valley tend to have rounded bases, but parallels with slightly smaller dimensions date to Phase III (Hope 2004, figures 1q and 2a; Aston 1996a, 73, groups 3–4, figures 216j and l–m). Vessel 281, although fragmentary, can probably be added to this group. Other medium-deep bowls have a thicker wall/rim (282), with a deeper version known from Phase III at Elephantine (Hope 2004, 111, figure 1n; Aston 1999, 168, plate 49.1558), while the projected rim of vessel 283 bears resemblance to a bowl from Memphis dating to the 8th–7th centuries (Aston and Jeffreys 2007, figure 33.293). Deeper bowls include vessel 299, which probably had a footed base and is commonly termed a chalice; it bears a similar profile to faience example in Trench 38B. Chalices are well-known from the Third Intermediate

Period (Spencer 1993, plate 57.15–18; Aston 1996a, 74, group 14, figure 218e; Jacquet-Gordon 2012, figure 88x). Larger examples of deep bowls with thick projected rims (300, 333) draw similarities with examples from Herakleopolis which date to Dynasty XXV levels (López Grande et alii 1995, plate XLIIIa–b), while vessel 287 has a profile that is typical of the same period (Spencer 1993, plate 46.38; Aston 1996c, plate 1, no.4), although the square rim seems distinct. As is the case with much of the ceramic material already discussed, the remaining jars in the Trench 6 contexts were fragmentary. Nevertheless, the preservation of rim types reveals a range of forms. Two variations of neckless jars with out-folded rims (301, 308) have parallels from Amarna (French 1986, figure 9.11, type SJ4.1.3[E]); a cream-slipped example of the same form was also found in Trench 34 (200). Short-neck jars with rounded shoulders (278, 279) are also well-documented in the Third Intermediate Period. Examples of the former are known from Amarna (French 1986, figure 9.10, types SJ2.7.2[P] and SJ2.8.1[F]) and Abu Id (Aston 1996c, plate IV.61– 62), with the latter form again attested at Amarna (French 1986, figure 9.8, type SJ1.1.5[N]) and el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plate 61.29). Similarly, these two sites have produced parallels for the wide-mouth jars with outward flaring rims (296 and 303; French 1986, figure 9.12, type SJ5.1.1[N]; Spencer 1993, plate 59.28–32). A variety of bases was also recovered and like the rims, they provide some insight into the range of forms in the deposits. Examples include footed and protruding bases from small bowls (290, 306, 311), a ring-base from a bowl (297), and the bottom part of what may be a situla (304) or slender jar with a rounded base (Aston 1996a, 75, group 10, figures 217i–o). Finally, an uncoated body

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Figure 4.18

Area to the west of the temple showing the large mud-brick structure, unearthed in Trench 6, and surrounding trenches (© C. A. Hope).

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

278

277

Fabric A1b, Ware P1b

279 Fabric A28, Ware P37

280

281

282

283 284 Fabric A30, Ware P40

285

286 Figure 4.19

Trench 6, Context 8 (Numbers 277–286). Scale 1:4.

95

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Chapter 4

Fabric A30, Ware Sc19

287 Fabric A30, Ware Sr19

288

289

290

Fabric A30, Ware Dc13

291 Fabric A31a, Ware P41

293

292

Fabric A31a, Ware Sr20

294 295 Fabric A4, Ware Sr3

296 Figure 4.19 continued

297

Trench 6, Context 8 (Numbers 287–297). Scale 1:4.

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

97

Fabric B15, Ware P25

298

301

300

299

302 304

305

303

306

307

308

309

Fabric B15, Ware Sr18

310

311

Fabric B15, Ware Dr4

312

Figure 4.19 continued

313

Trench 6, Context 8 (Numbers 298–314). Scale 1:4.

314

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Chapter 4

Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

315 316

Fabric B15, Ware P25

317

318

319

321

320

Fabric B15, Ware Dr4

322 323 Figure 4.20

Trench 6, Context 39 (Numbers 315–323). Scale 1:4.

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

99

Fabric A30, Ware P40

325

326

327

328

Fabric B15, Ware P25 Fabric A30, Ware Sr19

329

324

Figure 4.21

330

Trench 6, Context 39 on 40 (Numbers 324–330). Scale 1:4.

Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

Fabric A28, Ware Sc14

332 331 Fabric A30, Ware P40

333 334

335 Figure 4.22

Trench 6, Context 40 (Numbers 331–336). Scale 1:4.

336

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Figure 4.23

South section of Trench 8 at Mut al-Kharab. The dump was revealed in Contexts 24–32 (after Hope 2003a, 60, figure 5).

sherd with distinct decoration was found (291). The interior side bears two brown lines and four indentations, the latter resulting in marks on the exterior as well. In addition, the outer surface of the vessel has two undulating and intersecting brown painted lines that cross a central straight line. This is the only sherd found with this pattern.

The Dump (Numbers 337–548; Figures 4.24–4.30, 4.32–4.36) To the east of the temple proper, a series of trenches was excavated to clarify the walls and architectural features associated with a large mud-brick structure that is preserved to two-storeys in height. During the first season work in Trench 5 (Figures 3.1 and 3.2) revealed a dense layer of ceramics, dominated by beer jars, beneath a sandstone structure that was set into sand. This material was dated to Dynasties XXV–XXVI (Hope 2001a, 42). When exploration of this part of the site continued, similar deposits containing huge quantities of beer jars and stands were uncovered in Trenches 8, 16, 17, 24 and 27, indicating this dump covers a wide area. Given the high frequency of similar forms, only a selection of vessels is presented here (337–548). This aims to provide an overview of the range of forms and fabrics within the dump, thus allowing for a comparison with the material from the west of the temple.

A substantial amount of pottery from the dump was revealed in Trench 8, excavated in 2003 (Figures 3.2). More than 1,332 kilograms of pottery was recovered, and these derived from Contexts 24–32, which were overlying Old Kingdom material (Figure 4.23; Hope 2003a, 59). Some of the key forms are reproduced here as vessels 337–361. Beer jars (341, 365, 369–374, 391, 392, 397, 398, 420–424, 427, 433–435), and stands (343–345, 353– 355, 361, 381, 387, 394, 395, 408, 415, 416, 425, 437– 444, 446, 447) are by far the most common, although many of the previously-discussed forms from the west of the temple also feature. These include a variety of shallow bowls with flat (357–359, 384, 399, 414) or rounded (383, 388) bases, as well as medium-deep bowls with rounded (367, 368, 389, 400) and flat (430) bases. More distinctive forms are medium-deep bowls with flared and rolled rims (339, 346, 376, 377, 403), part of a situla (342), the rim and neck from a globular jar (364), and a deep bowl with a protruding base (366). In addition, most of the fragments from a large short-necked two-handled jar (363) were found in Context 26; it bears close resemblance to Phase III vessels at Elephantine (Aston 1999, nos. 1597 and 1869), thus supporting use of the dump during the Third Intermediate Period. This may be further substantiated by the three large bread moulds (411–413) and vessels 419 and 429, all of which directly parallels forms from Trench 37.

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

101

Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

338

337

339

341

340

342

343

344 Fabric A1b, Ware Sc2

345 Fabric A5, Ware P5

346

347

348

349

352

351 350

353 Figure 4.24

354 Trench 8, Context 24 (Numbers 337–354). Scale 1:4.

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Fabric A4, Ware P4

356

355

Fabric B15, Ware P25

357

358

Figure 4.24 continued

359

360

361

Trench 8, Context 24 (Numbers 355–361). Scale 1:4.

The dump exposed in Trench 8 also produced a variety of medium-deep bowls with rounded rims (401, 402, 417, 418, 338, 409), the latter example being slightly larger and bearing a red-slip, very small footed jars or bowls (404, 405), and a range of bread trays (356, 396, 426). The neckless jars with very short out-turned rims (385, 340) find parallels at Amarna (French 1986, figure 9.12, types SJ5.1.2[A], SJ5.2.1[J] and SJ5.4.1[J]), as do the short-necked jars with rolled rims (349–351, 386, 410, 436; French 1986, figure 9.11, types SJ4.9.1[A], SJ4.8.3[N] and SJ4.9.1[A]). The base of a slender footed bowl or chalice (448) closely parallels an example from Abu Id and is well-known from the late 8th to early 7th century (Aston 1996c, 23–4, plate 1, no. 16). The large shallow bowl with a thick projecting rim (445) is similar to a vessel from Memphis which dates to the 7th century (Aston and Jeffreys, figure 37.370), while the deep bowl with an out-turned rim (362) could derive from a large necked jar (Aston 1996a, figures 203d, 204b and 210; Jacquet-Gordon 2013, figure 91e). It should also be noted that some earlier New Kingdom material, as identified by the distinct fabrics and forms, was also found in these Trench 8 contexts, as well as other parts of the dump across the site. Predominately these were fragments of amphorae and smaller bread moulds. While the occurrence of New Kingdom sherds often appears to be residual, within the dump, deposits of amphorae sherds were found to be more concentrated. This was certainly the case in Trenches 8 and 17 (Long 2008, 97–8). This may therefore indicate use of the dump over a very long period of time, going back to the New Kingdom. Excavations within this area continued in 2005 and 2006, with the dump being exposed in Trenches 16, 17,

24 and 27 (Figure 3.2). Work in the former trench provided some insight into the history and use of the dump. In Trench 16, this dense collection of ceramics was covered by clean yellow sand on which a large stone wall was built (Plate 3.3b; Hope 2005, 41). This north–south wall was also revealed in Trenches 24, 15 and 27, and is likely to have been the eastern wall of the temple proper (Hope et alii, 2009, 65). This stratigraphy therefore indicates significant construction or renovation of the temple after the primary use of these ceramics; a clean layer of sand was deposited atop the dump and together these formed the foundations for the stone building. The use of clean sand to purify temples is known from the Late Period onwards (Arnold 1999, 66, 97 and 152; Niederberger 1999, 93–5) and given the proposed date of the dump, it is likely the current stone temple, of which only the foundations remain, post-dates Dynasty XXV (Hope 2016, 141). Trenches 16 and 17 produced large quantities of material, although only a very limited range of vessel types occur. A selection of key forms is reproduced here (465– 481). Trench 16 produced more than 250 kilograms, even though only part of the deposit was accessible due to the aforementioned stone wall (Hubschmann 2010, 60). This included some fragmentary stands (466, 467, 473), and well-preserved beer jars (468–472). In Trench 17 more than 150 kilograms was removed from the dump (Hubschmann 2010, 60). This included two bread trays (480, 481), although stands (476, 479) and beer jars (474, 475, 477, 478) were again the most common forms. Interestingly, beer jar bases were far more prevalent at this part of the site, in comparison to the areas west of the temple. As such, it is possible to note the use of finger marks around the base, which can be found on similar

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

362

363 Fabric A2a, Ware P2a

364

Fabric A4, Ware P4

365

Fabric B15, Ware P25

366

Figure 4.25

Trench 8, Context 26 (Numbers 362–366). Scale 1:4.

103

104

Chapter 4

Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

367

368 Fabric A4, Ware P4

370

369

371

372 373 Figure 4.26

374

Trench 8, Context 27 (Numbers 367–374). Scale 1:4.

Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

376

375

378

377

380

379

381

Fabric A2a, Ware P2a

382 Fabric A5, Ware P5 Fabric A32, Ware P42 383

384

387

385

386 Figure 4.27

Trench 8, Context 28 (Numbers 375–387). Scale 1:4.

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

Fabric A4, Ware P4

388

390

389

392

391

394

393

395

396

Fabric A4, Ware Sc5

397 Figure 4.27 continued

398

Trench 8, Context 28 (Numbers 388–398). Scale 1:4.

105

106

Chapter 4

Fabric B15, Ware P25

399

400

403

404

407

406

402

401

405

408

Fabric B15, Ware Sr18

409 Figure 4.27 continued

Trench 8, Context 28 (Numbers 399–409). Scale 1:4.

Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

410

Fabric A5, Ware P5

411 Figure 4.28

412

413

Trench 8, Context 29 (Numbers 410–413). Scale 1:4.

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

Fabric A28, Ware P37

107

Fabric A30, Ware P40

414

416 415

Fabric A4, Ware P4

417

420

418

419

424

421

423

422

425

Fabric A4, Ware Sc5

426

Fabric A4, Ware Dp20

Fabric B15, Ware P25

428

430

427 429 Figure 4.28 continued

Trench 8, Context 29 (Numbers 414–429). Scale 1:4.

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Fabric A5, Ware P5

431

Fabric A5, Ware Sc6

432

Fabric A4, Ware P4

435

434

433

436 437

438

439

Fabric A4, Ware Sr3

440 Figure 4.29

Trench 8, Context 31 (Numbers 431–440). Scale 1:4.

The Third Intermediate Period Ceramics from Mut al-Kharab

Fabric A1b, Ware P1b

442 441 Fabric A5, Ware Sc6

443

444 Fabric A4, Ware P4

445

446 Fabric A4, Ware Sr3

447 Fabric B15, Ware P25

448 Figure 4.30

Trench 8, Context 32 (Numbers 441–448). Scale 1:4.

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Figure 4.31

Plan of Trench 9 at Mut al-Kharab (after Hope 2003a, 63, figure 7).

vessels from Amarna (French 1986, figure 9.19.2) and Herakleopolis (López Grande et alii 1995, plate XXXVIII) which date to Dynasty XXV. Moreover, many of these beer jars have been deliberately perforated before firing, a feature that bears the most significant morphological difference with Nile valley examples. Trench 17 produced the most bases, namely 190, of which 182 possessed a hole, as did 93 of the 105 examples from Trench 16. A similar situation existed in Trench 8, where 80 of the 85 beer jar bases were perforated (Hubschmann 2010, 61). This feature suggests they had a symbolic role in ritual activities within the temple. The discovery of the dump in Trench 9 during the second season of excavation on the western side of the temple reveals the extent of this feature (Figures 3.2 and 4.18). A small six-roomed domestic structure (Figure 4.31) was found to possess pottery that was mainly from the Late Roman Period; however, beneath the walls underlying Rooms 4–5, a dense deposit of ceramics very similar to those in the dump was unearthed (Hope 2003a, 62). A selection of vessels from Context 32 is reproduced here and these include the bases from large stands (455–458) and an almost complete open stand (454). Fifty-three mostly fragmentary beer jars were documented (Hubschmann 2010, 60), with four well-preserved examples shown here (460, 461, 463, 464). This context also included some roughly-made shallow bowls with flat bases (449, 453, 462), which are typical of the Third Intermediate Period, the upper part of a bread mould (451),

a large deep bowl with a thick rim (450) which may be the same type as vessels from Abu Id (Aston 1996c, 24, plate 2, nos. 18–19) and the rounded base of a narrow jar (459), which could derive from several known Third Intermediate Period forms (López Grande et alii 1995, plates XXXVIIk and XXVIIIg; Aston 1996a, 74, group 10, figures k, l and o). The ceramics in Trench 9 indicate the dump extends to the western side of the temple and therefore must comprise a remarkable number of vessels that represent temple offerings on a massive scale. Finally, an interesting comparison to the material from the dump comes from another trench located to the west of the temple, namely Trench 38 (Figures 3.2 and 3.18). This trench yielded the significant and well-dated Third Intermediate Period deposit in Section B; however, in the adjacent room of the trench, Section A, a ceramic collection that shares many similarities with the vessels in the dump was unearthed within a layer of red silty packing (Context 28). This seemed to relate to the yellow mud-brick walls that formed the Trench 38 structure, but was from a deeper layer of occupation and thus was underlying the ostraka deposit in Section B (Long 2015, 100). The Trench 38A ceramics were noted for their high frequency of beers jars and stands, although the stratigraphy in the trench indicated this material was not part of the dump. More than 19 beer jar bases were recovered from Context 28, but the fragmentary nature of some of these sherds makes it difficult to confirm exact

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Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

449

450

Fabric A5, Ware P5

Fabric A5, Ware Dp11

451

452 Fabric A28, Ware P37

453

455

454

456 Figure 4.32

457

458

Trench 9, Context 32 (Numbers 449–458). Scale 1:4.

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Fabric A30, Ware P40

459

460 461

Fabric A30, Ware Sc19

462

Fabric A4, Ware P4

463

464 Figure 4.32 continued

Trench 9, Context 32 (Numbers 459–464). Scale 1:4.

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Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

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Fabric A31a, Sr20

465

466

Fabric A4, Ware P4 467

Fabric B15, Ware P25

469

473

468 Fabric A4, Ware Sc5

472 471

470 Figure 4.33

Trench 16, Context 35 (Numbers 465–472). Scale 1:4.

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Fabric A4, Ware P4

474

475 Figure 4.34

Trench 17, Context 60 (Numbers 474–475). Scale 1:4.

Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

476

Fabric A4, Ware P4

477

478

480 Figure 4.35

479

481 Trench 17, Context 61 (Numbers 476–481). Scale 1:4.

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Fabric A1a, Ware P1a

482

483

484

Figure 4.36

485

Trench 38A, Context 28 (Numbers 482–485). Scale 1:4.

numbers. Examples are either plain or cream-slipped and again, perforated bases, asymmetrical dimensions and finger marks are common. All variations of the rim types have been identified – Type A (491, 501, 502, 535), Type B (536), Type C (516, 539), Type D (495, 504, 540, 541), Type E1 (512, 515), Type E2 (526) and Type E3 (483, 525, 537, 538). For Type C, a similar vessel from Herakleopolis, dated to Phase II–III (López Grande and Quesada Sanz 1992, 417–19; Aston 1996a, 40–1, figure 88.3), closely parallels beer jar 516. Although the Mut example has broader shoulders and is larger, both vessels have comparable proportions, upright rims and finger marks around the base. Moreover, they both have narrower bases in relation to their maximum body diameter, which may be characteristic of post-New Kingdom date (Aston 1998, 182; 1999, 15–16). The Trench 38A deposit also included numerous open stands (498, 503, 510, 528, 529, 530, 546), two slender stands (509, 517), and several base fragments (500, 531, 545), making identification of the exact form difficult. Like in the dump, these range in size, with many bearing a red or cream-slip. Clearly the dominance of these forms bears strong resemblance to the pottery in the dump. Moreover, small fragments of New Kingdom vessels, such as amphorae, blue-painted jars and small bread moulds, were also present in the Trench 38A deposit, like in Trenches 8, 9, 16, 17, 24 and 27. But in comparison to the dump, a greater range of vessels existed in Trench 38A and many of these forms validate a Third Intermediate Period date. These include roughly-made shallow and medium-deep bowls with flat bases (482, 486, 518–520), medium-deep bowls with an inflected contour (521, 548), and a widemouthed jar with a flat rolled rim (487). Other forms that were also found in the surrounding trenches are large bread moulds (532, 544), which parallel examples from Trench

37, a red decorated cream-slipped medium-deep bowl with a slightly crenellated rim (493), which is very similar to vessel 223 in Trench 34, and two fragments from ‘fry pans’ (511, 533). The bowls with pronounced and modelled rims (522–524) are similar to an example from Trench 8 (429), and known throughout the Third Intermediate Period, with vessels from Memphis (Aston and Jeffreys 2007, figure 36, no. 345) and Matmar (Brunton 1948, plate LVD: 6E) dating to the 8th–7th centuries; earlier examples from Phase I and II are also well-documented at Elephantine (Aston 1999, nos. 356, 378, 429, 535, 917, 918, 1030 and 1388). Vessel 513 might be a slighter larger version of the slender necked jars in Trench 6 (313, 314, 323, 324). Finally, a redslipped two-handled jar with a flaring rim (508) bears close resemblance to an example from Elephantine, but with handles slightly higher on the shoulders (Aston 1999, plate 59.1767). Despite the prevalence of beer jars, and stands in Trench 38A, the stratigraphy clearly indicates it was not part of the dump. Rather, the structure in Trench 38 comprised three separate rooms, with Section B housing the ostraka and other notable artefacts, and Section A containing beer jars and stands. This part of the site therefore appears to have been storage areas for the temple (Long 2015, 102). This claim is further supported by the existence of large circular mud-brick features in Trenches 30 and 34 which have been interpreted as silos (Figure 4.6), as well as the collection of seal impressions found in Trench 42. A later alteration to the architecture in the Trench 38 structure, including both the clearance and construction of walls to maintain a corridor-like feature, and the blocking of a doorway between the rooms in Sections B and C, implies the deliberate decision to store these items together. One explanation for this trench therefore, is that Section A held the unused temple vessels,

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Fabric A1a, Ware Sc1

486

Fabric A1a, Ware Dm1

487

Fabric A1b, Ware P1b

488

Fabric A2a, Ware Sr2

489

Fabric A5, Ware P5

491 490

Fabric A5, Ware Sr12

492

Figure 4.36 continued

Trench 38A, Context 28 (Numbers 486–492). Scale 1:4.

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Fabric A5, Ware Dc12

493

Fabric A28, Ware P37

496 495

494

497

498

499

500

Fabric A30, Ware P40

501

Figure 4.36 continued

502

503

Trench 38A, Context 28 (Numbers 493–503). Scale 1:4.

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Fabric A30, Ware Sc19

507 505 506

504

508

509

510

Figure 4.36 continued

511

Trench 38A, Context 28 (Numbers 504–511). Scale 1:4.

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Fabric A31a, Ware P41

512

513

Fabric A32, Ware P42

514 515

Fabric A32, Ware Sc22

517

516 Figure 4.36 continued

Trench 38A, Context 28 (Numbers 512–517). Scale 1:4.

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Fabric A4, Ware P4

518

519

520

522

521

524

523

526

525

527

528

531

529

530

532

533 Figure 4.36 continued

Trench 38A, Context 28 (Numbers 518–533). Scale 1:4.

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Fabric A4, Ware Sc5

536

534

535

540 539 541

538

537

542

543

Fabric A4, Ware Sr3

544

Fabric A4, Ware Dp20

547

548

545

546 Figure 4.36 continued

Trench 38A, Context 28 (Numbers 534–548). Scale 1:4.

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while those in the dump represent the huge number of containers discarded following their use in temple offerings. The vessel types in both Trench 38A and the dump, together with the parallels from Egypt, indicate this activity was taking place during the Third Intermediate Period.

Chapter Summary Despite the fragmentary nature of most of the material presented in this chapter, the ceramic corpus provides great insight into our understanding of the temple of Seth at Mut al-Kharab. The forms in the Trench 38B deposit, dated to approximately Dynasty XXV by the associated ostraka, find close parallels in the nearby trenches. To the west of the temple, the ceramics are dominated by simple functional vessels. Shallow and medium-deep bowls are the most common, with many being roughlymade, suggesting cheap production for everyday use. The occurrence of interior burning marks indicates their use as lamps or incense burners, a practice also documented at Abydos (Budka 2010, 58). Other larger jars, likely used for storage, are also found in significant numbers, while the discovery of bread moulds and bread trays further verifies the utilitarian nature of activity at this part of the site. In contrast, the dump reveals a different picture. The sheer quantity of beer jars and stands reveals temple offerings on an enormous scale. Again, many of these vessels were roughly-made, indicating production on a very large scale, but also the dispensable nature of these forms. We know from the extant textual sources, such as the Smaller Dakhleh Stela and the Trench 38B ostraka, that significant amounts of offerings were being made in the temple of Seth. The discovery of these vessels in the dump now verifies these extensive religious activities. For the most part, the ceramic traditions model those of the Nile valley. In general, there is a modest range of forms, with a preference for simple, rather than complex vessels. Extensive parallels can be found from well-dated Third Intermediate Period assemblages, with sites in Upper Egypt providing the best comparisons. These include Herakleopolis, Amarna, el-Ashmunein, Karnak North, the Mut Temple at Karnak, Abu Id, and Elephantine. One exception is the small spouted vessel with a ring base (e.g. vessel 16), which does not seem to occur in Egypt. Made in an uncoated B15, it may be an example of a regional ceramic tradition followed by the oasis potters. Painted decoration is very rare in the corpus, which is typical for Third Intermediate Pottery throughout the Nile valley (Aston and Jeffreys 2007, 58). The vast majority of vessels are uncoated, while red-slips, which are a common feature of the period (Aston 1996a, 80), do not appear to have been employed as frequently by the oasis potters. Red-painted rims, which were also prevalent on Nile valley vessels, particularly during Phase IIA, are only noted on a single bowl (261). The most common decoration comprises roughly-executed red horizontal and vertical bands, and this is known from two bowls (78,

312) and four necked jars (313, 314, 322, 323). The only other example of decoration is on the body sherds of a jar and involves undulating and intersecting brown painted lines (291). Elaborately decorated vessels do not seem to have been used in the Third Intermediate Period temple. The dating of most of the ceramic material, based on Egyptian parallels, seems to fit within Aston’s Phase III. While some examples find closer similarities with deposits from Phases IIA and IIB, the bulk of the corpus seems to be later. This is supported by comparisons with vessels from the South Tombs at Amarna, el-Ashmunein, Abu Id and Elephantine, which can be well-dated to the second half of the Third Intermediate Period. While beer jars and stands were clearly used during the New Kingdom, the stratigraphy of the dump, the occurrence of securelydated forms, and the existence of Nile valley parallels, suggests this material also dates to the Third Intermediate Period. Finally, the very small number of vessels in A29 may help clarify when these ceramics were used. This very hard fabric was used by the oasis potters to make Late Period kegs, so the occurrence of only four sherds further verifies a pre-Late Period date for this material. The compilation and analysis of this ceramic corpus has laid solid foundations from which to further expand this investigation. The dating of the Trench 38B ostraka, in particular, has provided increased confidence in identifying Third Intermediate Period forms at Mut alKharab, especially those from Phase III. This knowledge can now be applied to other sites in the Western Desert. Recent fieldwork throughout Dakhleh and the other oases continues to produce valuable results and it is now possible to document the extent and nature of Third Intermediate Period activity in the Western Desert with more accuracy than before.

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Contextualising Mut al-Kharab: Third Intermediate Period Activity throughout the Western Desert

The archaeological record shows that Mut al-Kharab housed a stone temple and associated structures, and witnessed activity on a significant scale; but it did not exist in isolation. Rather, this administrative centre would have been in constant contact with surrounding settlements both within Dakhleh and the neighbouring oases. This chapter documents all the available evidence of Third Intermediate Period activity in the western oases and their surrounding desert areas, in order to establish with more certainty where these communities existed, the nature of the occupation and the extent of interaction throughout this vast region. Recent fieldwork throughout the Western Desert has resulted in a growing corpus of Third Intermediate Period remains. To date, Dakhleh is the only oasis that has been surveyed in full, thus it is not surprising it has produced the most material. This work, however, has been complemented by other significant projects. Principally, these are undertaken by l’IFAO in Bahriyya and Kharga, the Northern Kharga Oasis Survey, the Theban Desert Road Survey, and a team from the University of Cologne exploring the Abu Ballas Trail. Farafra Oasis is yet to produce any pharaonic material (Giddy 1987, 16; Cappozzo and Palombini 2014, 55). Excavations by the Archaeological Mission of the University of Rome have focused on prehistoric activity in the region (Barich 2014, 10–18), while the University of Tuscia has been exploring a system of qanats which dates from the 1st century CE onwards (Buongarzone et alii 2010, 77–9). Future work will hopefully reveal evidence from the pharaonic era as this oasis is unlikely not to have been settled during this time. Given the extent of exploration already undertaken, the contextualisation of Mut al-Kharab must begin with the other sites in Dakhleh. This is followed by Kharga, Bahriyya and other locations in the Western Desert that have produced evidence of Third Intermediate Period activity.

Dakhleh Oasis Following a surge of interest from European travellers in the early 1800s, including Edmonstone (1819), Drovetti (1819), Hyde (1819), Calliaud (1819) and Wilkinson (1825), knowledge of Dakhleh’s extensive archaeological remains became more widespread. While preliminary observations on the antiquities were made by Winlock in 1908, the first detailed investigations were undertaken by Fakhry in the 1930s–40s and the 1960s–70s (Fakhry 1972, 219–22; Kaper 1997c, 3–6). Formal archaeological projects, however, did not commence until 1977, with l’IFAO beginning work at the site of Balat in eastern Dakhleh (Valloggia 1978), and the DOP commencing its survey of the oasis the following year (Mills 1978). Starting in the far western part of the oasis, the survey recorded all visible sites, providing each with a unique number, based on maps published by the Egyptian Government Survey Department in 1932 (Mills 1978, 166–8). For example, Mut al-Kharab is designated 31/ 405-G10-1. This numbering system is used for all sites in Dakhleh Oasis referenced in this volume. As outlined by Mills (1999, ix), the DOP aims to investigate ‘three major aspects of the oasis ... its environmental composition and evolution, its internal cultural development and its relationship with a number of external forces and areas’. The initial survey was completed in 1987 and successfully identified extensive remains that ranged from the Pleistocene through to the Islamic period (Churcher and Mills 1999, 251–65). The variety of sites differed greatly, with some comprising small sherd scatters and others containing significant architectural features. The size of the oasis and the sheer number of sites identified means that detailed exploration has had to be selective; some large sites have been excavated for many years, while others were only noted during the DOP survey. Despite these factors, our understanding of the history of Dakhleh continues to

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Figure 5.1 General plan of Amhida (http://www.amheida.org/ index.php?content=maps).

Figure 5.2

Plan of Amhida showing the reconstructed temple precinct (after Bagnall et alii 2015, 36, figure 24).

Contextualising Mut al-Kharab: Third Intermediate Period Activity throughout the Western Desert

Plate 5.1

Stela from Amhida dated to Takeloth III (after Kaper 2009, figure 2).

develop, with the ceramic record playing a vital role in this process. The analysis of oasis pottery has helped to determine the dating of activity for the historic period and establish a sequence of occupation. While Hope (for example 1979, 1980, 1981, 1999 and 2004) has produced numerous key works, the dating of the ceramics collected during the DOP survey continues to be refined, with key studies being undertaken by Patten (2000), Hubschmann (2007), Pettman (2016), Gill (2016) and Bassett (2020). Further progress can now be made with the well-dated Third Intermediate Period deposits from Mut al-Kharab providing additional parallels for dating the original survey material. Note that when specific examples from Mut alKharab are listed, they will be referred to by their vessel number, as used in the previous chapter (eg. vessel 10). This will help with identifying them in the Chapter 4 figures, as well as in Appendix 1, which provides additional details of each vessel. It is also important to clarify the framework used to date ceramics from the Third Intermediate Period. Pottery from this time can be divided into Aston’s three phases, namely Phase IIA (Dynasties XX–XXI), Phase IIB (Libyan Period, Dynasties XXII– XXIV) and Phase III (Dynasties XXV–XXVI). These designations are used throughout, especially in relation to the comparative material from Egypt. The following section discusses all the sites in Dakhleh that have thus far produced Third Intermediate Period material. They are presented according to their location in the oasis, namely the western, central, or eastern part, followed by other miscellaneous material. The location of all sites is shown in Figure 1.1.

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Figure 5.3 Stela from Amhida dated to Takeloth III (after Kaper and Demarée 2005, figure 7).

Western Dakhleh 33/390-L9-1 (Amhida) Situated a short distance from the modern-day Islamic village of al-Qasr, Amhida was a significant site from the Old Kingdom onwards (Figures 1.1 and 5.1). During the Roman period it was called Trimithis, although the earliest recorded name is sA-wHAt, ‘Back of the Oasis’ (Kaper 1992, 124–9; Tallet 1999, 169–72). The first known occurrence of this toponym is on a New Kingdom jar label from Amarna, which refers to vineyards from this area in Dakhleh (Pendlebury 1951, III/2, no. 51, plate 86), while it is also included in the Greater Dakhleh Stela (Gardiner 1933, 22). From Dynasty XXVI onwards, this name was replaced with st-wAH, ‘The Place of Endowment’; the reasons for this change are not yet understood. Kaper (Bagnall et alii 2015, 21–3) has suggested that the previous name had become unacceptable and with the establishment of a new temple at the site during the Late Period, as indicated by decorated blocks and royal names, a new toponym was introduced. The site covers an area of approximately 1500 by 750 metres and its importance was first documented during the DOP survey. This revealed the remains of substantial buildings, including walls standing several metres in height and rooms bearing painted decoration, as well as kilns, tombs, and the remains of a stone temple (Mills 1980, 271–2). In 2001, surveys and excavations were undertaken by Columbia University, and since 2009, this work has continued on behalf of New York University under the direction of Roger Bagnall. This has revealed a very long history of occupation ranging from the Old

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a

b

Plate 5.2 Decorated blocks from Amhida: a) small limestone fragment of a hieratic stela (after Kaper and Demarée 2005, figure 8); b) limestone block with traces of an earlier hieratic inscription (after Kaper 2009, figure 4a).

Figure 5.4 Line drawing of a fragmentary limestone block from Amhida with traces of an earlier hieratic inscription (after Kaper 2009, figure 4b).

Contextualising Mut al-Kharab: Third Intermediate Period Activity throughout the Western Desert

Kingdom to the late Roman period (Bagnall et alii 2015, 35–42). In the centre of the site, an area of sandstone rubble marks the location of the now destroyed temple dedicated to the god Thoth (Figure 5.2; Kaper and Davoli 2006, 12–14; Bagnall et alii 2015, 42). The discovery of a stela of Seti II shows that this deity was worshipped at the site as early as Dynasty XIX (Bagnall et alii 2015, 42, 44, figure 31). Extensive looting and reuse have resulted in highly disturbed archaeological contexts. This is exemplified by stone blocks being used in the nearby village of al-Qasr, and the Roman period temple utilising blocks from an earlier Late Period structure, as shown by the occurrence of royal names including Necho II, Psamtik II, Amasis and possibly Darius I (Kaper 2009, 150–1). As such, the inscriptional material documents building phases from the New Kingdom, including under Seti II and Ramesses IX, through to the Roman Emperors Titus and Domitian (Kaper 2015, 127). The epigraphic evidence confirms temple activity during the Third Intermediate Period. A fragmentary cartouche found in 2005 was initially thought to belong to Pedubast I of the Theban XXIIIrd Dynasty (Kaper and Demarée 2005, 20), but this has since been revised to Pedubast IV, a relatively obscure king who reigned in the early XXVIIth Dynasty (Kaper 2015, 128–37). A stela dated to Takeloth III, however, confirms activity during Dynasty XXIII (Plate 5.1; Figure 5.3). Made of sandstone, it is irregularlyshaped and measures between 42–48 cm in width, 47–51 cm in height and is 10–16 cm thick (Kaper and Demarée 2005, 22). Bearing six lines of hieratic, above two columns of 11 names also in hieratic, the text is a list of temple offerings for 11 loaves of bread, dated to ‘Year 13, first month of winter, day 10 (?) of Pharaoh Takeloth’. The offering is dedicated to Thoth, Lord of sA-wHAt and interestingly, the donor is Esdhuti, Chief of the Shamin. This individual is also mentioned in the Smaller Dakhleh Stela (Plate 1.2; Janssen 1968, 166–7) which dates to Year 24 of Piye, the first king of Dynasty XXV. Kaper and Demarée (2005, 32) suggest Year 13 of Takeloth III coincides with Piye’s Year 6, making the two documents a mere 18 years apart. The reference to Esdhuti on two separate stelae is significant. First, it verifies his prominent status in Dakhleh at the time; with the ability to provide offerings at the two main temples in the oasis, he was clearly a person of wealth and influence. This is illustrated by his position in the lunette of the Smaller Dakhleh Stela, which also reinforces the prominence of a non-Egyptian group in Dakhleh – Esdhuti was Chief of the Shamin, a Libyan tribe, as indicated by his name and the wearing of an upright feather in the aforementioned lunette. Second, it shows a close link between Amhida and Mut al-Kharab. These two sites appear to have housed the largest temples in the oasis and their association was already demonstrated by the reference to the ‘town of sA-wHAt’ in the Greater Dakhleh Stela. This connection seems to have continued after the Third Intermediate Period, with Seth being venerated at Amhida as indicated by a large figure of the god on a decorated temple doorway dating to Amasis of

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Dynasty XXVI, and also a Ptolemaic or Roman Period stela bearing a similar representation (Bagnall et alii 2015, 23–4 and 49). Finally, the discovery of a stela of Takeloth III reveals important information about the governance of Dakhleh. Takeloth III, who was the son and co-regent of Osorkon III, claimed royal status during the reign of Shoshenq V and ruled over Upper Egypt (Kitchen 1996, 352–8; Broekman 2007, 92; Dodson 2012, 131–4). Given his family’s links with Thebes, the discovery of Takeloth III’s name at Amhida suggests that Theban jurisdiction extended over Dakhleh during the mid-8th century. Other fragments of inscribed blocks from Amhida may also derive from the Third Intermediate Period temple. The first is a small section from a limestone stela (Plate 5.2a). Found in 2004, it shows the legs of two goddesses above the remains of a hieratic inscription (Kaper and Demarée 2005, 33). The iconography parallels the Greater Dakhleh Stela, suggesting an early XXIInd Dynasty date (Kaper 2009, 149). A second limestone fragment discovered in 2007 comprises only a few hieratic signs (Plate 5.2b; Figure 5.4), the result of reuse during the Roman Period. The surviving inscription refers to the god Thoth and includes the title Hry-ib. This phrase is also known from a local XXVIth Dynasty block reused at al-Qasr, which describes Thoth as ‘Lord of Life, who is in Mut(?)’ (nb anx Hry-ib mt). According to Kaper (2009, 153) this may be another example of a religious link between the temples at Amhida and Mut. The fragmentary hieratic inscription also includes a possible oasis toponym pr-wHAt, which may be a variation of sA-wHAt and refer to Amhida and the surrounding areas (Kaper 2009, 152–3). The size of the original stela is worth noting, with each line of text being approximately 4.6 cm in height, and the thickness of the block exceeding 30 cm, even after being reduced for reuse. This scale suggests it may have been part of a very large royal stela (Kaper 2009, 153). Finally, Third Intermediate Period ceramics are known from Amhida. Although these are yet to be published, Hope (2021, personal communication) has seen examples from the current excavations, and also collected fragments of short-necked slender jars during the DOP survey. These were made in the local A29 fabric. This distinct form is well-known in Egypt as discussed in Chapter 2. Future publication of this material will greatly complement the material discussed above, further adding to our understanding of the site during this time.

32/390-K2-3 Located to the south-west of Amhida (Figure 1.1), this cemetery covers an area of approximately 200 by 300 metres and contains an estimated 200 graves. Three tombs were excavated during the DOP survey, with Tomb 1 containing ceramic coffins and a subterranean chamber holding 17 infant burials (Mills Field Notes 1979, 50; Mills 1980, 266). There was clear evidence of reuse in Tomb 1, with the ceramic material initially being dated to the Old Kingdom, Second Intermediate Period and Roman

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Figure 5.5

Chapter 5

Pottery from Tomb 1 at 32/390-K2-3 collected during the DOP survey (after Patten 2000, plate 108).

Period (Hope 1980, 286); on re-examination, however, some of the Roman Period vessels are earlier and indicate Third Intermediate Period activity. The shallow bowl with rounded base and inflected contour (Figure 5.5a) is common at Mut al-Kharab (e.g. vessels 59, 138, 317, 388) and well-documented in Aston’s Phase IIA (1996a, 60, figures 188a–d: Group 6), Phase IIB (1996a, 67, figure 206i–j: Group 6) and Phase III (1996a, 73, figure 216d– g: Group 2). The two large short-necked medium-broad storage jars with out-turning rims (Figure 5.5b–c) are a distinct form at Mut al-Kharab (e.g. vessel 28) and can be dated to approximately Dynasty XXV (Long 2015, 100, figure 5h), while parallels for the small handleless flasks (Figure 5.5d) are known from the Complex I assemblage at Karnak North which is dated to Dynasties XXI–XXV (Jacquet-Gordon 2012, 234, figure 90u). These vessels therefore show that some Third Intermediate Period activity was taking place at this cemetery.

33/390-K9-2 This settlement, located close to Amhida (Figure 1.1), covers eight small mounds littered with pottery and the remains of two mud-brick structures (Mills 1980, 268). Two bowls, a jar and a flask may indicate Third Intermediate Period occupation. The two small mediumdeep bowls (Figure 5.6a) are prevalent in all well-dated deposits at Mut al-Kharab (e.g. vessels 30, 46, 47, 81, 125, 315). They also parallel similar examples from Lahun which date to Phase III (Petrie et alii 1923, plate LIX, Type 30; Aston 1996a, 38). The large short-necked jar has an out-turned rim (Figure 5.6c) and a slightly broader mouth than examples from Mut al-Kharab. The fragment from a flask has a long neck and two very small handles connecting low on the neck (Figure 5.6b). Although this example was a surface find, parallels with oasis flasks found in the Nile valley, specifically Memphis

Contextualising Mut al-Kharab: Third Intermediate Period Activity throughout the Western Desert

Figure 5.6

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Pottery from 33/390-K9-2 collected during the DOP survey (after Patten 2000, plate 137).

(Figure 2.6c; Aston and Jeffreys 2007, 56, figure 57) and el-Ashmunein (Figure 2.7g; Spencer 1993, 44, 47, plate 72, Type K1.23), suggest a date from the 8th–7th centuries.

32/390-M4-1 Another settlement to the south of Amhida (Figure 1.1) was originally distinguished by the discovery of at least 15 round ovens during the DOP survey (Churcher and Mills 1999, 260). The site itself, which is approximately 80 metres in diameter, has a small spring mound in the centre and is surrounded on all sides by sand dunes (Haynes Field Notes 1980, 35). Much of the ceramic material recovered is relevant to this volume, with numerous parallels in the Mut al-Kharab corpus. These include a small medium-deep bowl with a rounded base (Figure 5.7.1a) and larger medium-deep bowls with flaring rims and ring bases (Figure 5.7.1b and g). The latter is a

key form at Mut al-Kharab (e.g. vessels 9, 32, 217, 312), with parallels from Amarna dating to Dynasty XXV (French 1986, 157, figure 9.18-MB2), as are the spouted vessels (Figure 5.7.1c, d and l; vessels 16, 53 and 307). The footed cup or chalice (Figure 5.7.1f) is very similar to one from the Third Intermediate Period deposits at Karnak North (Jacquet-Gordon 2012, 241, figure 93r), while the deep bowls with rounded bases and vertical sides (Figure 5.7.1i and j) can be dated to the 8th–7th centuries (Spencer 1993, plate 56.28–29; Aston 1996a, figure 217o). The short-necked ovoid jars have a distinct ledge below the rim (Figure 5.7.1e and k) and appear to be rare in Dakhleh; parallels from Matmar (Brunton 1948, plate LVII.82B) and el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plates 68–69, Type H) date to the 8th–7th centuries. The projecting rim on the bowl in Figure 5.7.1h resembles vessel 274 from Trench 37 at Mut al-Kharab. Similar examples to the bread plate (Figure 5.7.1q) are also well-

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Figure 5.7

Pottery from 32/390-M4-1 collected during the DOP survey (after Patten 2000, plate 146).

Contextualising Mut al-Kharab: Third Intermediate Period Activity throughout the Western Desert

Figure 5.8

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Plan of temple 31/405-A2-1 in western Dakhleh (after Mills 1981, plate VIII).

known in Egypt (Aston and Jeffreys 2007, figure 33-286; Aston 1999, 140, plate 41.1316, plate 43.55 and 1356, plate 47.1493) and at Mut al-Kharab (e.g. vessels 43 and 246). The two roughly-made large flasks (Figure 5.7.1n and o) are probably slightly later in date, with Gill (forthcoming) suggesting the 7th–6th centuries; the vestigial handles, however, are reminiscent of some Third Intermediate Period parallels. Regardless, the collection of forms at this settlement clearly demonstrates Phase III activity.

32/405-A2-1 This small mud-brick temple is situated approximately 10 km to the south-east of Amhida (Figure 1.1). Rectangular in plan, the structure comprises nine rooms (Figure 5.8) and excavations show there were at least three building phases, with some rooms having painted plaster (Haynes Field Notes 1980, 7–8; Mills 1981, 181–2). Room 6 contained a fragmentary unbaked mud statuette of Osiris measuring 29 cm in length and with inlaid eyes of white stone (Haynes Field Notes 1980, 23–4; Mills 1981, 182; Kaper 1997c, 208). In the adjacent and larger Room 5, a small faience wadjet eye in excellent condition was found (Haynes Field Notes 1980, 31). Much of the ceramic material from Room 5 suggests Third Intermediate Period activity, again with many parallels from Mut al-Kharab. A complete shallow bowl with a flat base (Figure 5.9.1a) was uncovered in a thick band of grey ash and sand

containing fragments of charcoal and mud plaster, but resting on a possible floor; other fragments from similar vessels were also found (Figures 5.9.1b, c and y). This form is well-known from both Mut al-Kharab (e.g. vessels 17, 26, 45, 119–123) and sites in Egypt, including Elephantine (Aston 1999, 68–9, 165–6, plates 15.495–6 and 48.1515–37), Lahun (Petrie et alii 1923, plate lix.5d, f and g), el-Ashmunein (Spencer and Bailey 1986, figures 62.3–4) and Amarna (French 1986, 181, Type SB7); they range in date from the Phase IIB through to Phase III. Another complete vessel, a small medium-deep bowl with a rounded base (Figure 5.9.1g), also survived in Room 5, again with fragments of other similar bowls (Figures 5.9.1f, h and l). Their prevalence at Mut al-Kharab and Lahun (Petrie et alii 1923, plate LIX, Type 30; Aston 1996, 38) indicates Phase III activity, as does the base from a small situla (figure 66.1k). Recovered from Locus 14, a level of hard packed mud plaster, its distinct ‘bubble’ base closely resembles examples from Mut al-Kharab (e.g. vessels 7, 34, 235, 289), and el-Ashmunein (Aston 1996, figure 103, nos. 45–46). The medium-deep bowl with a slightly inturned rim (Figure 5.9.1d) is also common at Mut al-Kharab (e.g. vessels 109, 158, 190, 191), as are a variation of neckless jars with flat modelled rims (Figures 5.9.1o–q; e.g. vessels 200, 301 and 238). Finally, the short-necked jar with out-turned rim (Figure 5.9.1u), despite being fragmentary, may parallel vessel 28 from Mut al-Kharab.

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Figure 5.9

Pottery from 32/405-A2-1 collected during the DOP survey (after Patten 2000, plate 161).

Contextualising Mut al-Kharab: Third Intermediate Period Activity throughout the Western Desert

Central Dakhleh 31/405-F9-3 Located some 300 metres to the north-west of Mut alKharab (Figure 1.1), this cemetery is on a large spring mound. In 1979 the Egyptian Antiquities Organisation excavated part of this site and uncovered numerous artefacts, including Late Period kegs, a faience New Year’s Bottle dating to Dynasty XXVI, as well as four slipper coffins and decorated limestone blocks. The latter bore religious texts, including the personal name of ‘Bakist’ or ‘Bakast’, meaning ‘Servant of Isis’ (Hope, personal communication; Hubschmann 2009, 68). The following year the DOP survey identified 16 vaulted mud-brick tombs, one of which was briefly excavated (Mills Field Notes 1980, 30; Mills 1981, 183; Sheldrick Field Notes 1980, 75–91). Two rooms were examined with the burial chamber found to contain at least four burials resting between 20–50 cm above the floor level. A ceramic coffin and traces of cartonnage were also found. The fill of this chamber produced a green glass wadjet-eye bead, the base of an alabaster amphora and a demotic ostrakon (Mills Field Notes 1980, 30; Mills 1981, 183; Sheldrick Field Notes 1980, 75–91). Although both rooms were partially disturbed, a substantial and relatively homogeneous collection of ceramics was recovered (Hope 2004, 107–8, figures 6– 8). In fact, this corpus bears the closest resemblance to the Third Intermediate Period deposits from Mut alKharab, which is not surprising given the close proximity. Key forms include hastily-made small medium-deep bowls and either flat or rounded bases (Figures 5.10a–c, 5.11a– e), shallow bowls with flat bases (Figures 5.10d–e, 5.11u and 5.12a), larger medium-deep bowls with flaring rims and ring bases (Figures 5.10k–l, 5.11i–j and t), situlae (Figures 5.10o and 5.11o–s), spouted vessels with ring bases (Figures 5.10p–q and 5.11k–l), deep narrow bowls with protruding ledge bases (Figures 5.10m–n), and shortnecked jars with out-turned rims (Figures 5.12j–k, m and n). Other forms which also occur at Mut al-Kharab, albeit less frequently, include the wide-mouth jar with flaring rim (Figure 5.12l), the neckless jar with out-folded rim (Figure 5.12f), the chalices (Figure 5.12c and e) and the medium-deep bowls with round, almost pointed bases (Figures 5.10j and 5.11h). The short-necked slender jar with a pointed base (Figure 5.12i) is not known from the Mut al-Kharab corpus, although it bears similarities with Figures 5.7.1e and k from 32/390-M4-1 in western Dakhleh, and vessels from the Mut Temple at Karnak (Sullivan 2013, 184, 222, Type 7, nos. 8–9) and Karnak North (Jacquet-Gordon 2012, figure 90m). Finally, the neck and upper body of an oasis keg (Figure 5.12o) indicates Late Period activity, and this conclusion was drawn by Hope (2004, 108), who also noted parallels with the XXVIIth Dynasty material from Ayn Manawir. The similarities with the corpus from Mut al-Kharab, however, and the substantial number of vessels that can be assigned

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to Phase III based on Nile valley forms, indicate that this cemetery was certainly used during the final phase of the Third Intermediate Period.

31/405-G9-3 (Humiyat B) This cemetery lies approximately 400 metres to the northeast of Mut al-Kharab (Figure 1.1). It was excavated by the Supreme Council of Antiquities in 2002, revealing mud-brick tombs, parts of stone coffins and ceramics (Hope 2001b, 35). Hope was granted access to a selection of this pottery and subsequent analysis by Hubschmann (2009, 73, figures 2.13–2.14) assigned it to Dynasties XXV–XXVIII. Although some vessels, such as a shallow bowl with a flat base and a medium-deep bowl with a rounded base, do have Nile valley parallels from Phase III (Spencer 1993, plate 44, Type A1; Aston 1996a, figure 217o; Aston 1999, 165–6, plate 48.1515-37), no distinct Third Intermediate Period forms occur. The majority of the vessels therefore appear to be from the Late Period. Later activity at the site is further supported by Gill (2016, 271–2) who has dated some of the ceramics from these tombs to the Ptolemaic Period.

31/405-M9-1 (‘Ain al-Azizi) This substantial site is located on the edge of the modernday cultivation (Figure 1.1) and covers an area of approximately 1.5 by 1 km. It includes the remnants of mud-brick buildings and dense sherd scatter. A mud-brick temenos wall, measuring 35 by 20 metres, exists in the northern part of the site and originally enclosed a stone temple. A test trench revealed wall foundations, but all that remains now are the fragments of sandstone and architectural pieces on the surface (Mills 1981, 181). Test trenches were also dug in the mud-brick structures (Houses 1 and 2) and this produced material from the Ptolemaic and Roman Periods onwards (Gill 2016, 282), although the shallow and small medium-deep bowls with flat bases (Figure 5.13a–d) are also known from the Third Intermediate Period, including at Mut al-Kharab. Ceramics were also recovered from the test trench within the temple, as well as targeted collections of surface finds which focused on areas with the greatest sherd density (Hope et alii 2000, 192). These are dominated by oasis kegs, with fragments in the distinct hard-fired fabric A29, occurring in enormous quantities. The vast quantities of keg sherds, combined with the deposits of ash and kiln wasters, indicates ‘Ain al-Azizi was the manufacturing centre for this vessel type (Hope et alii 2000, 192). Dating these forms at the site with precision is difficult given the surface finds are mixed with later Ptolemaic and Roman material (Hope 2000, 191–2; Gill forthcoming). Although kegs are known from as early as Dynasty XXVI (Hope 2000, 189; Riemer et alii 2005, 329), some of the flasks from ‘Ain al-Azizi may be assigned to the Third Intermediate Period (Figure 5.13e–m). These vessels resemble many of the examples from Egypt, in particular

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Figure 5.10

Pottery from the outer room of a tomb at 31/405-F9-3 excavated during the DOP survey (after Hope 2004, figure 6).

Contextualising Mut al-Kharab: Third Intermediate Period Activity throughout the Western Desert

Figure 5.11

Pottery from the inner room of a tomb at 31/405-F9-3 excavated during the DOP survey (after Hope 2004, figure 7).

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Figure 5.12

Pottery from the fill of a tomb at 31/405-F9-3 excavated during the DOP survey (after Hope 2004, figure 8).

Contextualising Mut al-Kharab: Third Intermediate Period Activity throughout the Western Desert

Figure 5.13

Selection of pottery from ‘Ain al-Azizi (31/405-M9-1) collected during the DOP survey; a–d: from the floor levels of Rooms 1 and 2 in House 2; e–g, k–l: from a trench inside the temple complex; h–j, m: from the surface (after Patten 2000, plates 147–149).

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Plate 5.3 Tomb 8 at ‘Ain Tirghi: cartonnage case within a woodin coffin and part of the coffin lid (© C. A. Hope).

Plate 5.4

Bead net on Burial 43 from Tomb 34 at ‘Ain Tirghi (© C. A. Hope).

Contextualising Mut al-Kharab: Third Intermediate Period Activity throughout the Western Desert

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the collection from el-Ashmunein which includes both larger and smaller flasks, and even one bearing at least three handles (Figure 2.7; Spencer 1993, 46–7, plate 7172, Type K). These parallels may indicate the ‘Ain alAzizi flasks date to the 8th–7th century.

Eastern Dakhleh 31/435-D5-2 (‘Ain Tirghi) This site, located eight kilometres south-west of Balat (Figure 1.1), is an extensive cemetery that was first surveyed in 1982–1983. Excavations by the DOP occurred between 1986–2000 and these revealed a long period of use from the Middle Kingdom to the Ptolemaic Period (Mills 1983, 128–9; 1999, 177; Frey 1986, 92; Hope et alii 2002, 98–9; Hope 2019, 282). Subsequently, further fieldwork has been undertaken by the Supreme Council of Antiquities. Original estimates suggested the site contained at least 200 graves, but this could be much higher given the density of burials uncovered through subsequent fieldwork (Hope 2019, 277). It may be that tombs were used continuously over long periods of time, but also re-used at later times, making it difficult to date individual burials and phases of use with certainty. This situation is exacerbated by modern-day robbery, resulting in a very high level of disturbance. As such, tombs contain a mixture of artefacts from various phases. Nevertheless, significant Third Intermediate Period material can be identified. Among the finds in Tomb 8 was an individual burial comprising a cartonnage inner coffin, a wooden outer coffin, and part of an anthropoid wooden coffin lid (Plate 5.3; Mills 1983, 128; Hope 2019, 284, plate 5). Despite being very fragile and faded, the key elements of the lid are a large tripartite wig, yellow-painted face and applied horizontal hands, one clenched and the other extended. The cartonnage case bears a well-preserved decorative scheme, including a blue wig, floral headband and a low floral collar. Red bands known as stola or ‘mummy braces’ cross beneath the lappets of the wig, which themselves enclose a seated figure of Maat. Three framed registers, executed on a white background, cover the rest of the case. Hope (2019, 287) provides the following descriptions of these panels: (1) a standing figure, probably Thoth, before an offering table, followed by a winged figure. The recipient is Re, identified as ‘Lord of Heaven’, who stands in front of another upright male figure; (2) a falcon, identified as Behdty, with outstretched wings holding two Sn rings and wearing a solar disc. Directly below are two winged goddesses, Isis and Nephthys, facing inwards and holding maat-feathers. Their wings cross in front of a central column of text that reads ‘Lord of Eternity, King of the Gods, Ra-Horakhty’; (3) the deceased lying on a bier, flanked by two female mourners. Four canopic jars are situated below the bed, while the body is labelled as ‘Sokar-Osiris’.

Plate 5.5

Bead net from Tomb 52 at ‘Ain Tirghi (© C. A. Hope).

According to Hope (2019, 289), this Tomb 8 example dates to early Dynasty XXII when a change in burial practices saw the introduction of cartonnage cases and outer wooden coffins that were more simply decorated than had occurred previously. This fits with Taylor’s Type II Theban Coffin Ensemble, with the design for the cartonnage case, in particular, conforming to Taylor’s Design 1 (Taylor 2003, 101–11; 2009, 378–9; Aston 2009b, 275–85). Other coffin lids of this type were also found in Tombs 1, 11 and 12 at ‘Ain Tirghi (Hope 2019, 289–90, figure 7 and plate 7). Interestingly though, these bear some features that are characteristic of coffins from northern Egypt, rather than Thebes. These include the large wigs, attached hands, the use of foot boards, and a single column of text below a recumbent figure of Anubis, all of which became more common from Dynasties XXII– XXV (Hope 2019, 289). A similar situation exists for a coffin ensemble found in Tomb 22 (Hope 2019, 285, plate 9). The body in this example was covered by both a polychrome cartonnage case bearing a bright yellow face and a bead net. These were within a deep wooden coffin. This was originally assigned to Dynasty XXVI (Mills 1983, 128), but the design and layout of the decoration and use of cartonnage for the inner coffin has led Hope (2019, 290) to suggest a slightly earlier date, namely the transition between Dynasties XXV and XXVI. The aforementioned bead net from Tomb 22 provides some assistance with dating. According to Aston (2009b,

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Plate 5.6

Examples of slipper coffins from Tomb 34 at ‘Ain Tirghi (© C. A. Hope).

290–3), the use of bead nets developed during the 8th century and a variety of styles evolved from this time onwards. Silvano’s (1980) typology comprises three types (A, B and C) based on the extent of decoration and the method of construction. The example from Tomb 22 is extremely well-preserved and can be categorised as a Type C (Hope 2019, 288, 291, plate 15). It covers the full body and comprises a face with a short beard above a collar of cornflowers, a winged scarab, a seated female winged figure, and the Four Sons of Horus. Two Type B bead nets were found in Tombs 19 and 34. The former is again well-preserved and has a similar design to the one from Tomb 22, comprising a face, a schematic collar, a winged scarab, a kneeling winged goddess, the Four Sons of Hour, and a narrow vertical band (Hope 2019, 288, 291, plate 14). The other example, from Tomb 34, is fragmentary and measures 75 cm by 55 cm, with a winged scarab in the central panel above the Four Sons of Horus (Plate 5.4; Frey 1986, 100–2; Hope 2019, 287, 291, plate 13). Tomb 34 also produced a Type A bead net, as did Tomb 52. Both are fragmentary and bore simple designs which incorporated faience figures of a winged scarab and the Four Sons of Horus (Plate 5.5; Frey 1986, 100– 2). According to Hope (2019, 291), all these examples can be dated to the XXVth–XXVIth Dynasties. A number of ceramic slipper coffins were found at ‘Ain Tirghi. This type of coffin was first used during the XVIIIth Dynasty and reached its popularity during Dynasty XX; however, evidence from sites in both Palestine and

Egypt, including the use of modelled facial features and arms similar to the ‘Ain Tirghi examples, indicates this style continued into the Third Intermediate Period (Galal and Aston 2003, 166–73, 176–7; Aston 2009b, 289–90). This is supported by the examples from Tomb 34 (Plate 5.6) which contained the aforementioned bead nets. Other slipper coffins were found in Tomb 31 amongst 42 other burials. Skeletal material from this tomb also provided calibrated radiometric dates. Bone samples from Burials 25 and 36 produced a range of 865–725 cal BCE and 860–740 cal BCE respectively (Molto 2001, 85), adding further confirmation that some of the burials are from the Third Intermediate Period. In addition to the above evidence, many ceramics can be assigned to this period. Tomb 14 contained a shallow flat-based bowl (Figure 5.14a) and several large shortnecked jars with out-turned rims (Figure 5.14c–d), both of which are well-known from the Third Intermediate Period deposits at Mut al-Kharab. The distinct jar with an undulating profile and bulging upper neck (Figure 5.14b) can be more confidently assigned to the 8th–7th centuries based on parallels from el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plate 68, Type H31-40). Shallow flat-based bowls and large short-necked jars were also recovered from Tombs 20, 32 and 34 (Figures 5.15b and d–f), in addition to a small medium-deep bowl with a rounded base (Figure 5.15a), the upper part of a flask (Figure 5.15c), and a decorated medium-deep bowl with a thick flaring rim and ring base (Figure 5.15g). The latter bowl, from Tomb 34,

Contextualising Mut al-Kharab: Third Intermediate Period Activity throughout the Western Desert

Figure 5.14

Selection of pottery from Tomb 14 at ‘Ain Tirghi (after Patten 2000, plates 115 and 116).

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Figure 5.15 Selection of pottery from ‘Ain Tirghi. a, b and d: Tomb 20; c: Tomb 32; e–g: Tomb 34 (after Patten 2000, plates 119–121).

Contextualising Mut al-Kharab: Third Intermediate Period Activity throughout the Western Desert

Figure 5.16 Selection of pottery from ‘Ain Tirghi. a–c: Tomb 41; d–f: Tomb 52; g: Tomb 58 (after Patten 2000, plates 122–123).

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Figure 5.17 Pottery vessels from Tomb 2 located in the southern part of Qal‘a ed-Dabba (after Patten 2000, plate 126).

bears roughly-executed red horizontal bands around the upper body and the foot, which connect with five vertical stripes. Both the decoration and form directly parallel vessel 312 from Trench 6 at Mut al-Kharab which can be confidently assigned to Phase III. Tomb 41 produced a medium-deep bowl with a rolled rim and ring base (Figure 5.16a) and the remains of two flasks (Figure 5.16b–c), the latter being very small and reminiscent of vessels from el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, 47, plates 72–73, Type K1, nos. 104–111). Tomb 52 included a spouted vessel with a ring base (Figure 5.16d), a red-slipped handleless flask (Figure 5.16e) and a large short-necked jar with an outturned rim (Figure 5.16f). A lentoid flask was recovered from Tomb 58 (Figure 5.16g), with a similar example known from Karnak North (Jacquet-Gordon 2012, figure 97m). These ceramics complement the other evidence from the site, and reveal considerable use of this cemetery during the Third Intermediate Period.

31/435-G2-1 and 31/435-G2-2 (Qal‘a al-Dabba) As the cemetery for the nearby settlement of ‘Ain Aseel (Figure 1.1), Qal‘a al-Dabba is marked by the impressive mastabas of the Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period governors of the oasis. Excavations by l’IFAO in the north sector of the cemetery, however, have unearthed a very small amount of evidence which may indicate Third Intermediate Period activity. Tomb 2 contained fragments from anthropoid ceramic coffins which were dated, based on comparison with examples from Saqqara, to the broad period of Dynasties XXII–XXX (Minault-Gout 1983, 115 and 117). Similarly, a green steatite scarab, bearing the inscriptions nswt bity, nb tAwy, nfr and nfr ra, was dated to sometime between the end of the New Kingdom and Dynasty XXII (Minault-Gout 1983, 117, no. 5). In 1982, the DOP surveyed the southern part of Qal‘a al-Dabba, revealing a cemetery of 300–400 graves (Mills 1983, 135–6). Test excavations produced a small collection of ceramics that may be relevant to this study. Within Tomb 2 was a chalice (Figure 5.17a), which could

Figure 5.18 Fragment from a slender jar found in the Wadi Batikh (drawing by B. E. Parr). date to Phase III (Aston 1996a, 74, Group 14, figure 218e), and two situlae bearing distinct clay coils on the exterior (Figure 5.17b–c). The latter vessels were interpreted by Hope (1983, 149) as femino-forms, with the modelled clay representing arms and breasts.

Wadi Batikh Located along a desert track near Teneida (Figure 1.1), the area of Wadi Batikh runs through the escarpment in eastern Dakhleh. Amongst the extensive pottery scatters, a small number of fragments from large short-necked slender jars were collected on the surface (Figure 5.18; Hubschmann 2008, 65; Hope 2021, personal communication). These vessels have the same features as the examples found in Egypt, including a pointed base, narrow elongated body, and a slightly ribbed exterior. The Wadi Batikh vessel included here is over 40 cm tall, even with the shoulders, neck and rim missing. It was made in uncoated A29 which is distinguished by its hardness, which appears to be intentional (Hope 2000, 194; Eccleston 2000, 212). Any conclusions regarding the date or nature of activity in this area of the oasis is not possible given the scant remains; its location in eastern Dakhleh, however, is noteworthy. The desert track running through the Wadi Batikh leads to the top of the desert escarpment and the area where the Darb ‘Ain Amur enters/exits the oasis, thus forming the main route linking Dakhleh and

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Figure 5.19 Inscribed back pillar on the statue of Penbast (after Kaper 1997b, figure 3).

Plate 5.7

Kharga. Travellers on this desert road seem to have been transporting the liquids carried in these jars out of the oasis and towards the Nile valley.

Miscellaneous Items In addition to the above sites, evidence of Third Intermediate Period activity in Dakhleh is demonstrated by two small statues, the original provenance of which is not known. They provide very useful information, particularly about the cult of Seth.

Statue of Penbast In the far west of Dakhleh is the Roman Period temple of Dayr al-Hagar. When this site was cleared and the building reconstructed by the DOP, a small limestone statue of a seated goddess was found in the southern part of the pronaos (Figure 5.19; Plate 5.7; Kaper 1997b, 231). This

Statue of Penbast (after Kaper 1997b, figures 2 and 4).

item seems to date from the Third Intermediate Period, so did not originally come from Dayr al-Hagar. It is 28 cm tall and has base dimensions of 14 x 22 cm, but is poorly preserved. The goddess is wearing a traditional tight-fitting dress and a long wig, with some blue colouring surviving on the latter. The back pillar comprises two columns of inscription, with the remnants of a third line existing on the rear right of the statue. The texts read: Left line: ... irt ra Hnwt nTrw nbw di.s aHaw qAi iAw aA Hm-nTr stx pA-n-bAstt ‘... Eye of Re, Mistress of all the gods, may she give a long life-span and a high old age ... (to) the priest of Seth Penbast’ (Kaper 1997b, 232). Right line: ... stx aA pHty sA nwt di.f anx wDAw snb Hm-nTr tpy stx pA-n-bAstt ‘... Seth Great of Strength, the son of Nut, may he

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Plate 5.8

The statue of Penseth (after Jacquet-Gordon 1991, plate 15).

Figure 5.20 Inscriptions on the statue of Penseth. a: the front centre and sides of the base; b: the back pillar and sides (after Jacquet-Gordon 1991, figures 1 and 2).

Contextualising Mut al-Kharab: Third Intermediate Period Activity throughout the Western Desert

grant life, well-being and health (to) the High Priest of Seth Penbast’ (Kaper 1997b, 232). Penbast’s title ‘High Priest of Seth’ (Hm-nTr tpy stx) shows he was a significant official in the oasis. Given this position, he likely resided in the capital near the temple of Mut al-Kharab (Kaper 1997b, 236). In fact, this direct link to the cult of Seth and a dedication by a high priest of that god, suggests the statue did indeed originate from Mut al-Kharab. This is further supported by the remnants of a black carbonised material on parts of statue, indicating the practise of libations, which shows it was used within a temple context (Kaper 1997b, 232). The statue’s association with Seth also suggests the goddess represented is Nephthys, Seth’s consort, who was known as ‘Mistress of the Oasis’ down to Roman times (Kaper 1997b, 233). Kaper (1997b, 233–4) dates the statue to sometime around Dynasty XXI. This assessment is based on stylistic parallels from the Ramesside Period, and palaeographical factors, in particular, similarities with the Greater Dakhleh Stela. In both texts, ‘bast’ in private names is spelt with the Hwt sign rather than bAs, while the name of Seth occurs with an oversized ‘t’ which appears more like an ‘r’. Moreover, the occurrence of the Seth animal in the inscription indicates a date before Dynasty XXV, after which this sign does not seem to have been used. Finally, the name Penbast recalls other local personal names from the time, such as Penamun, Nesubast and Petebast from the Greater Dakhleh Stela (Gardiner 1933, 22, line 20), as well as Penseth from another private statue (JacquetGordon 1991).

Statue of Penseth This sandstone statue is part of a private collection and was said to have been found in the town of Mut, the modern-day capital of Dakhleh (Jacquet-Gordon 1991, 173). Roughly-executed and suffering significant damage and erosion, it is approximately 30 cm in height and shows a man wearing a medium length skirt, sitting upon a cubic seat (Plate 5.8). In total there are nine lines of hieroglyphs surviving on the back pillar, both sides of the statue, and the front of the base (Figure 5.20); some of these, however, are fragmentary, incomplete, or difficult to read due to extensive sand and salt encrustation. The surviving text reads: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) (8) (9)

Htp-di-nswt swtx nb anx di.f anx wDA snb n kA n wab pA-nswtx(?) ir n [pA]-Srin-… … … wab di.s t Hnqt kAw Apdw n kA wab idnw n wHAt swtx-nxt(?) …………………… smr waty n nTr nfr mry

(1) An offering which the king gives to Seth, Lord of Ankh, that he may give life, prosperity and health to (2) the ka of the wab-priest, Pen-

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(3) Seth, engendered by Pasheri- (4) en…… the wab-priest. (5) May she give bread and beer, meat and fowl (6) to the ka of the wab-priest, the deputy (commander) of the Oasis, Sethnacht(?) (8) .......... (9) the unique friend of the Good God, the beloved (Jacquet-Gordon 1991, 175). The seated figure depicts Penseth, a wab-priest for the cult of Seth. As such, it is likely that Penseth, and thus the statue, were associated with the temple at Mut alKharab. The inscription identifies this deity as the ‘Lord of Ankh’, as opposed to the more common ‘Lord of the Oasis’, and Jacquet Gordon (1991, 176–7) linked this title with a specific location in Dakhleh, possibly in the vicinity of Mut, as indicated by the town hieroglyph. This toponym is also known from the aforementioned Amhida temple block that was reused in nearby al-Qasr, but in reference to Thoth. It reads ‘Thoth, Lord of Ankh, who is in Mut’, which may show a correlation between Mut and Ankh. Alternatively, Kaper (2009, 153) has cited nb anx (‘Lord of Life’) as a rare epithet for Thoth, rather than a location. The inscription on the statue also refers to an individual named Sethnacht, who also was a wab-priest and possibly held a position in the military. Although Jacquet Gordon (1991, 176) suggested this may be an alternative name for Penseth, this part of the dedication is linked to a female deity, which according to a very fragmentary inscription on the base of the statue, may be Hathor (Jacquet Gordon 1991, 174). Dating this item is again difficult given the lack of royal names, and in this case, significant damage. Jacquet Gordon (1991, 176) draws parallels with the Greater Dakhleh Stela, especially with the links to the cult of Seth, while the use of the Seth animal hieroglyph in the inscription again suggests a date before Dynasty XXV when this element of iconography was still popular (Te Velde 1977, 138–51; Kaper 2001, 72). Therefore, a specific date is impossible to determine, but the first half of the Third Intermediate Period seems possible.

Kharga Oasis Kharga is located within the same geographic depression as Dakhleh, and collectively they formed the southern oases in antiquity, known to the ancient Egyptians as ‘wHAt rsyt’ and ‘knmt’ (Kaper 1992, 119–22). Like its western neighbour, European explorers headed to Kharga during the 19th century, including Calliaud (1818), Edmonstone (1822) and Brugsch (1878). From this time onwards, investigations focused on the array of temples and forts throughout Kharga that date from the Late Period to the Roman period. This is in complete contrast to the Third Intermediate Period, where material is very limited. Even for the preceding New Kingdom, evidence comprises scant ceramic remains (D. Darnell 2002, 172–3; Hope 2008, personal communications) and scarabs of Thutmose I and

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(2005, 121–32) has strongly countered this belief, identifying Darius I of Dynasty XXVII as the more likely founder. Nevertheless, ceramics from the Middle and New Kingdoms have been recovered from Qasr alGhuieta, indicating a structure pre-dating Darius is certainly a possibility (D. Darnell 2002, 173). There is some suggestion the Hibis Temple itself may date to Dynasty XXI. Two doorpost fragments (Plate 5.9) contain the inscription Hm-nTr tpy n [imn….] ipt-swt imy-r mSa wr sHtp [-tAwy], ‘the High Priest of Amun of Karnak, the Commander-in-Chief, who keeps the Two Lands in peace’; Osing (1982, 39) interpreted the titulary of a High Priest of Amun as belonging to Pinudjem I (Kaper and Demarée 2005, 33). These blocks, however, are from conclusive evidence of significant Third Intermediate Period activity in Kharga. Fortunately, recent work by the Northern Kharga Oasis Survey (NKOS) under the direction of Salima Ikram and Corrina Rossi has identified some activity from this time at a site dubbed Amun Rock situated on the outskirts of the oasis.

Amun Rock

Plate 5.9 Two doorpost fragments from the Hibis Temple in Kharga that may date to Dynasty XXI (after Osing 1982, 39, plate 9, nos. 45–46; © Deutsches Archäologisches Institut).

III (Ikram 2002, 13). Although this situation is surprising, given Kharga’s position between Dakhleh and the Nile valley, and its close proximity to the Thebaid, it must be noted that Kharga has not received the same extent of surveying and fieldwork as Dakhleh. It may be the case that the Late, Ptolemaic and Roman Period buildings that dominate the landscape are sitting atop earlier structures, thus accounting for the lack of earlier, and easily accessible, remains (Giddy 1987, 165). For many years it was believed the temple at Qasr elGhueita (ancient pr-wsx), located some 17 km south of the Hibis Temple, had been constructed during Dynasty XXV. This suggestion was originally made by Naumann (1939, 5) and subsequently reinforced by Porter and Moss (1951, 291 and 293), among others. Evidence to support this claim, however, was lacking and more recently Onishi

Commencing in 2001, NKOS has explored a range of sites across the northern part of the oasis, as well as desert tracks linking these locations (Rossi and Ikram 2013, 266– 8). An understanding of the latter is important because it helps us document contact between communities both within and beyond Kharga. Kharga’s main north–south axis is the Darb al-Arba‘in (Figure 1.2), the ‘Path of Forty (Days)’, which allows desert access to Sudan (Roe 2005/ 2006, 119–29). There are east–west routes which branch off from the Darb al-Arba‘in and facilitate desert travel towards Dakhleh and beyond. The northern-most of these is known as the Darb ‘Ain Amur (Figure 1.2), departing Kharga at the site of ‘Ain el-Lebekha, passing through the active spring of ‘Ain Amur and then onto Dakhleh (Rossi and Ikram 2013, 276–7). It is along this track that the NKOS discovered Amun Rock in 2007, a site located some 25 km west of the main oasis that contains an extensive collection of graffiti and ceramics (Lazaridis 2012, 118). Situated within a protected wadi that is slightly off the main track, Amun Rock does not appear to have been used for permanent habitation; rather, it is likely to have been used as an encampment or stopover for desert travellers, with the rock itself providing some relief from the elements. The extensive epigraphic remains, which include over 100 graffiti, show the site was used over a long period of time, ranging from the Middle Kingdom (circa 2100 BCE) through to the 2nd or 3rd centuries CE. Its importance may be further highlighted by the occurrence of a small tomb cut into the east face of the rock. Containing human remains that had been mummified, the discovery of two ostraka suggest the burial dates from the early Roman Period and may have belonged to an important traveller who died at the site (Lazaridis 2012, 119).

Contextualising Mut al-Kharab: Third Intermediate Period Activity throughout the Western Desert

Large deposits of ceramics occur across the site, including dense scatters around the aforementioned tomb. These sherds represent a relatively coherent unit which has been dated to the Third Intermediate Period (Warden, forthcoming). Two local oasis fabrics occur. The first (Fabric A) is characterised by shale/unmixed clay and has been sub-divided into four variations (A1–4) based on the frequency and size of shale and white particles. Generally firing cream to pink, vessels of this fabric sometimes have a grey exterior (Warden, forthcoming). The second (Fabric B) resembles Egyptian Marl D and is distinguished from Fabric A by the lack of shale and far more sand. Again, the firing colour varies, with the most common being orange-brown with a grey core. Fabric B was the most common, comprising 61% of the sherds collected (Warden, forthcoming). Additionally, four more fabrics were identified, but these were rare, representing just 5% of the ceramics. Three are likely to be of oasis origin, while the fourth may be Nile clay (Warden, forthcoming). The collection contains only a small range of forms, although two vessels dominate: gourds and short-necked slender jars. In terms of parallels, the gourds are similar to an example from Elephantine (Figure 2.11h), while the slender jars are slightly broader versions of the ones from Abydos (Figure 2.9a). As outlined in Chapter 2, these two forms are the most common oasis vessels found in Egypt and they date to the 8th–7th centuries. The gourds at Amun Rock are roughly-made, and occur in both fabrics, with examples in Fabric A being more common. Prefired pot marks are noted on many of the flasks, with incised lines or curved marks occurring mainly on the shoulders near the base of the handles. Regarding function, these vessels were clearly designed for holding and transporting liquids, possibly water or wine. Storage vessels in general were the most common form around Amun Rock itself, and not well-represented in other pottery scatters from surrounding areas (Warden, forthcoming). This therefore strengthens the interpretation of the site, which naturally provides some relief from the elements, as a stopping point or campsite along the desert road. The second key ceramic form is short-necked slender jars, which again, based on parallels from the Nile valley, appear to be distinct Third Intermediate Period oasis vessels. Like the gourds, the jars at Amun Rock occur in both Fabrics A and B, with the former again being more common. The metallic appearance on Nile valley examples was also noted within this assemblage, while pre-fired pot marks, similar to those on the flasks, occur on many of the jar bases (Warden, forthcoming). The use of tall oasis jars in cult offerings at Abydos (Effland et alii 2010, 49–51), has led Warden (forthcoming) to propose these vessels may have been used in a similar way at Amun Rock. Indeed, future investigations at the site and the discovery of more oasis jars in different contexts will hopefully clarify their association with religious activities.

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Finally, in addition to the slender jars and gourds, a small number of other Third Intermediate Period forms were identified at Amun Rock. These include mediumdeep bowls with rounded bases, short-necked globular jars with out-turned rims, and spouted vessels. The occurrence of the latter form is noteworthy, given its prevalence at both Mut al-Kharab (e.g. vessels 16 and 53) and other sites in Dakhleh (e.g. Figures 5.7.1c–d, 5.10p–q, 5.16d). These vessels were clearly not used for transporting liquids, and their location on rises to the east of Amun Rock may indicate short-term occupation away from the main area of activity closer to the rock itself (Warden, forthcoming).

Theban Desert Road Survey Although Third Intermediate Period evidence throughout Kharga Oasis is sparse, implying minimal activity, the work of the Theban Desert Road Survey provides an interesting perspective. This project shows that extensive traffic was passing through this part of the Western Desert, with people entering and exiting the Thebaid. Undoubtedly some of these people must have been making contact with Kharga given its location. This was certainly the case during the early New Kingdom, with the remains at Tundaba, situated at the midway point between Kharga and the Nile valley, revealing what appears to be a military outpost (D. Darnell 2002, 169–70). This installation could have been used to monitor desert travellers, but also as a way-station. For the Third Intermediate Period, a fragmentary stela mentioning the ‘High Road of Horses’, which may date to Dynasty XXI, was found at the Theban end of the Farshut Road (J. Darnell 2002, 132). Other examples of this same text had been previously identified during the Mond and Myers Armant Expedition in the 1930s, and the inscriptions refer to ‘Lord of the Two Lands Pinodjem, [son of the high priest of Amun-Re Painkhi…] … [k]ing Menkheperre’ (J. Darnell 2002, 135). The name ‘Road of Horses’ seems to indicate this section of the Farshut Road was used for military or communication purposes. This interest in controlling desert routes may also be reflected in the location of forts built under Menkheperre, which are situated at points where roads from Kharga and Bahriyya connect to the Nile valley (Kitchen 1996, 249, figure 1, 269–70; J. Darnell 2002, 135, 152, no. 3). The flow of traffic in the Theban Desert is shown by the discovery of oasis flasks along these desert trails, including the Farshut Road (Figure 5.21; D. Darnell 2000, 227–34, figures 1–5). As surface finds, these are difficult to date with certainty and have been assigned to a broad period of Dynasties XXV–XXIX. There are, however, similarities with many examples found in Egypt, as discussed in Chapter 2. For example, Figure 5.21a parallels a flask at Herakleopolis (Figure 2.7a), while the roughly-made handles on Figures 5.21b, c and d, are similar to those on vessels from Memphis and Abydos (Figures 2.5g and 2.8e). The small flasks in Figure 5.21d bear close resemblance to those from el-Ashmunein

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Figure 5.21

Flasks from the Farshut Road found by the Theban Desert Road Survey (after D. Darnell 2000, figures 1–5).

Contextualising Mut al-Kharab: Third Intermediate Period Activity throughout the Western Desert

Figure 5.22 Bahriyya Oasis (based on Fakhry 1974, 24).

Figure 5.23

Key sites in northern Bahriyya Oasis (after Colin 2011, 73, figure 7).

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Figure 5.24

Plan of Qasr Allam in Bahriyya Oasis based on the excavations by l’IFAO (after Colin 2011, figure 12).

Contextualising Mut al-Kharab: Third Intermediate Period Activity throughout the Western Desert

(Figure 2.7g). These parallels would seem to support desert travel in this part of the Western Desert during Phase III.

Bahriyya Oasis Bahriyya is the northernmost of the four major oases and unlike its counterparts is surrounded by the desert escarpment (Figures 1.2 and 5.22; Gosline 1990, 10). Another unique feature of Bahriyya is its geographical layout, which actually comprises two smaller oases separated by some 40 km. To the north is the area of elQasr (also known as Bawiti), and to the south el-Hayz. The major occupation sites throughout the oasis cluster around these two regions. Bahriyya has an extensive history of occupation, from prehistoric times onwards. Like the other western oases, however, Bahriyya’s history of exploration is a more recent phenomenon. Again, early European travellers such as Belzoni (1818), Cailliaud (1819) and Wilkinson (1825) visited the oasis, but it was Ahmed Fakhry, whose work between the 1930s and 1970s, first highlighted the significance of the local remains. Fakhry’s excavation of the tombs at Bawiti (1974, 125–54) and the chapels at Mouftella (1974, 79–85), suggested a period of increased prosperity for the oases from the Late Period onwards, although earlier evidence, such as the New Kingdom tomb of Amenhotep Huy, who was Governor of the Northern Oasis (HAty-a n wHAt mHtyt), implies significant activity in the oasis during the late XVIIIth/early XIXth Dynasties. Located in a ridge at Qarat Hilwah, the tomb’s sunken relief decorations depict Amenhotep Huy and his family, religious and funerary scenes, and representations of people filling and carrying sacks of grain, and producing and storing wine (Fakhry 1942, 32, 39–47; Van Siclen 1981, 8, 31–3, plates I and VI). Viticulture was clearly an important industry in Bahriyya as demonstrated by Papyrus Harris in which Ramesses III claims he made ‘wine-gardens (vineyards) in the Southern Oasis, and the Northern Oasis likewise without number’ (Breasted 1906, 121; Erichsen 1933, 9), as well as Taharqa’s Kawa Stela VI, as discussed in Chapter 2. For the Third Intermediate Period, the first substantial piece of evidence was noted by German botanist Paul Ascherson, who in 1876, as a member of Rohlf ’s expedition through the Eastern Sahara, visited the area of el-‘Ayun in Bahriyya Oasis. Near the small spring of ‘Ain el-Fokkanieh, Ascherson unearthed an unfinished stela measuring 118 cm high, 80 cm wide and 25 cm deep (Fakhry 1950, 87–8; 1973, 62–3). Bearing the fragmentary cartouche nb tAwy aA-xpr-ra, Fakhry (1942, 20) dated it to the reign of Shoshenq IV and associated it with a small unfinished sandstone chapel he uncovered at el-‘Ayun (Fakhry 1939, 631–6; 1942, 20; Porter and Moss 1927– 1999, VII, 310). Nevertheless, the stela’s reference to this general title and name means identifying the specific king is difficult. This issue was acknowledged by Fakhry

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(1939, 632–6; 1950, 87–8), who conceded the stela could also date to the reigns of Thutmose II, Amenhotep II, or Osorkon IV. Kitchen (1996, 354) cautiously proposed Shoshenk V, while more recently Hawass (2000, 106) has supported Fakhry’s initial claims of Sheshonq IV, and Kaper and Demarée (2005, 33) have suggested either Psusennes I or Shoshenq V. If the stela does date to one of the kings named Shoshenq, then it has to be Shoshenq V, as current scholarship identifies this pharaoh as bearing the prenomen Aakheperre (Broekman et alii 2009, 445). In addition to this stela, Fakhry (1939, 641; 1950, 73) also acquired a small limestone fragment bearing two cartouches which he identified as either King Shabaka of Dynasty XXV or his predecessor Shabitku. While these artefacts indicate some kind of activity during the Third Intermediate Period, no definite conclusions about the nature of this occupation are possible. Fortunately, recent work by l’IFAO at the site of Qasr Allam is clarifying this picture.

Qasr Allam Located in northern part of Bahriyya, Qasr Allam is just a short distance south-west of the capital el-Qasr/Bawiti (Figures 5.23 and 5.24). Originally identified as a Roman Period fortress due to its monumental size and appearance (Colin 2004, 30), remains have shown the site was occupied much earlier. Under the direction of Frédéric Colin, l’IFAO commenced a survey in 1999 and then started excavating in 2002. The initial phase of occupation appears to have occurred during the 9th century and included various structures featuring possible storerooms and workshops (Colin 2011, 62; 2014, 165). The second phase saw an expansion of activity; part of the earlier buildings was destroyed and replaced by a large mudbrick platform measuring 40 x 29 metres in area, and approximately 4 metres in height (Plate 5.10). This formed the foundations for the new structure, and although no remains of this installation survive, the extant platform dominates the current-day site (Colin 2011, 67). This later phase has been dated to the 8th–7th century, namely the end of Dynasty XXV to the start of the Dynasty XXVI (Colin 2011, 68). The archaeological remains thus unearthed by l’IFAO at Qasr Allam are extremely valuable to this study. The 2003–2004 fieldwork season unearthed three pot sherds stamped with the label ‘the Estate of Amun’ (pr imn) (Plate 5.11). These impressions match very closely with a bronze seal obtained by Fakhry (1950, 66) from the area of el-Hayz. In fact, Colin (2011, 53–4) undertook tests which confirmed the similarity of the impression of Fakhry’s seal with those occurring on the Qasr Allam vessels. This evidence is even more important considering the name of this religious domain (pr imn) is also known from the titles of Bahriyya officials listed in a local chapel at Moutfella. Situated some 3 km west of el-Qasr, this structure contains wall decorations dedicated by the Governor of the Oasis Djedkhonsouiouefankh, who was

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Plate 5.10

Photo of Qasr Allam showing the remains of the large mud-brick platform on the right (after Colin 2011, 77, figure 13).

Plate 5.11 a: stamp impression on a sherd from at Qasr Allam that reads ‘Estate of Amun’ (pr imn); b: detail of the stamp impression (after Colin 2011, 83, figures 26 and 27).

active in the reigns of Apries and Amasis, during the early 6th century. The decoration contains a genealogy which outlines seven generations of this governor’s family. The earliest relative mentioned in this source, Chep(en)Khons, is believed to have lived during the 8th century (Colin 2011, 51) and was not only Governor of Bahriyya, but also ‘Chief of the Treasury of the Estate of Amun’. The pottery stamps from Qasr Allam may therefore be referring to the same religious estate with which Chep(en)Khons was associated; clearly this was a significant institution if the Oasis Governor was also the Chief of the Treasury. The three stamped potsherds were found in disturbed contexts and derived from large storage jars, one of which can be identified as a flask (Figure 5.25; Colin 2011, 54– 5, 70, figure 2). These vessels were made from local fabrics, strengthening the assertion this Estate of Amun was located in Bahriyya. Numerous examples of this form were found at the site (Figures 5.26 and 5.28f) and they bear close similarity to flasks from el-Ashmunein (Figure 2.7g), Medinet Habu (Figure 2.9f) and Karnak North (Figure 2.9g). According to Colin (2011, 56, no. 2), the small handles of the Bahriyya vessels would have made it impractical to hold them by hand. As such, they were probably used for tying or fastening to the side of an animal; the elongated shape of these flasks also supports this method of transportation. Although the contents of these jars cannot be identified with complete certainty, their form, in combination with the discovery of grape seeds throughout Qasr Allam, suggests wine was the commodity in question (Colin 2011, 56–7). This would not be surprising given Bahriyya’s history of viticulture. Excavations by l’IFAO have shed light on the function of this site, revealing activity that fits well within the context of a religious or economic installation like an Estate of Amun. A large house-like structure was surrounded by smaller rooms, which judging from their material remains, may have been used for the production

Contextualising Mut al-Kharab: Third Intermediate Period Activity throughout the Western Desert

Figure 5.25

Figure 5.26

Reconstructed flask from Qasr Allam that has a ‘pr imn’ stamp impression (after Colin 2011, 57, figure 2).

Flasks from Qasr Allam (after Rougeulle and Marchand 2011, 457, figure 8).

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Plate 5.12

Examples of large bivalve molluscs from Qasr Allam that were worked to form token-like objects (after Colin 2011, 79, figures 18 and 19);

and storage of commodities. Bakery facilities are indicated by a cylindrical bread oven, stone tools for milling, and large numbers of cooking jars and bread trays which make up 57% of all ceramic remains from the site (Colin 2011, 60; Marchand 2017, 231–2, figure 10). The existence of kilns is demonstrated by the discovery of slag (Colin 2011, 60). Additionally, 25 examples of large bivalve molluscs were uncovered, with many of them being worked to form token-like objects (Plate 5.12). These shells are not indigenous to the oasis and so were likely to be valuable. The discovery of similar items at other sites around Egypt, such as Elephantine and Saqqara, have been interpreted as offerings (Colin 2011, 60–1). Finally, over 127 clay seal fragments were found, with the vast majority occurring in just four deposits. This category of artefact is often a good indicator of storage facilities and although no specific titles have survived on these examples, impressions of the strings and cords used to seal the objects are visible. Interestingly, the deposits of these seal fragments occurred in small rooms which may indicate storage magazines (Colin 2011, 62–3). Significant ceramics have been uncovered at the site. A range of vessels have been identified, and these have been dated by Marchand to Phase III, namely Dynasty XXV and early Dynasty XXVI (Colin 2011, 57; Rougeulle and Marchand 2011, 443–4). Most of the collection was made in local clays, specifically Fabrics 1a–c, according to Marchand’s typology (Colin 2011, 54, no. 41). The vessels seem to be utilitarian in nature, namely bowls and

jars of various sizes designed for cooking and storage purposes. Permission to reproduce the drawings here has been generously provided by Sylvie Marchand. Forms include shallow bowls with flat bases (Figure 5.27a), small roughly-made medium-deep bowls with varying base types (Figure 5.27b–d), medium-deep bowls with rounded bases (Figure 5.27e–f), and a range of larger medium-deep bowls with out-flaring rims and ring bases (Figures 5.27g–h and 5.28e). Deep bowls with projecting bases also occur (Figure 5.28a–b), as do medium-deep bowls with flat projecting rims (Figure 5.28d), and even examples with multiple handles (Figure 5.28c). The assemblage includes globular/bag-shaped jars (Figure 5.29a–b), broad neckless jars with rolled rims (Figure 5.29c), short-neck jars with out-turned rims (Figure 5.29d) and spouted vessels (Figure 5.29e–f). All these forms closely parallel vessels from Mut al-Kharab, with flasks and the multi-handled bowl being the exceptions. Imported vessels such as Canaanite amphorae and Qena Wares were also noted in the corpus. The dating of this site is further supported by fragmentary seals that include royal names. Examples found on the floor of Room 709 refer to wsr-mAat-ra [mry/ stp n] imn. This was a very common part of royal epithets in the 9th–8th centuries and used by Iuput II, Osorkon II, Osorkon III, Osorkon IV, Pedubast I, Pedubast II, Pamiu, Rudamun, Shoshenq III, Shoshenq VI, and Takeloth III (Dodson 2012, 206–25). Eleven seal fragments from Rooms 709 and 733 refer to mn-xpr-ra (Colin 2011, 57– 8), which was popular following the reign of Thutmose

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Figure 5.27 Ceramics from Qasr Allam; a: shallow bowl with flat base; b–d: roughly-made medium bowls; e–f: medium bowls with rounded bases; g–h: medium bowls ring bases (© S. Marchand).

III; this was also the name of the XXIst Dynasty High Priest of Amun and is well-known on scarab seals from sites dating to the Third Intermediate Period and early Late Period (Colin 2011, 58, footnotes 68–9). Finally, two impressions from the same stamp were found on the floor of Court 727 (Colin 2011, 58). Within a partially visible cartouche is the throne name aA-xpr-ra. As discussed previously, this name occurs on the Ascherson Stela, found at the nearby spring of ‘Ain el-Fokkanieh, and was used by Psusennes I, Shoshenq V and Osorkon IV. Given the close proximity of both sites, these inscriptions may refer to the same king.

Work by l’IFAO has shown that significant activity was occurring at Qasr Allam during the Third Intermediate Period, in particular the 8th–7th centuries. Whether or not this site was the location of an Estate of Amun is difficult to confirm, but the architectural and material remains thus far uncovered would seem to fit within this context. Religious estates were centres of economic activity and linked closely to local, regional and even statewide administrations (Moreno García 2016, 223–6). These excavations have unearthed workshops associated with the production of goods and storage magazines to hold these commodities, while the baking of bread was

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Figure 5.28 Ceramics from Qasr Allam. a–b: deep bowls with projected bases; c: medium bowl with handles; d: medium bowl with flat projected rim; e: medium bowl with flaring rim; f: small flasks (© S. Marchand).

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Figure 5.29 Ceramics from Qasr Allam. a–b: globular jars; c: broad neckless jar with a rolled rim; d: short-neck jar with an out-turned rim; e–f: spouted vessels (© S. Marchand).

undertaken on a large scale; the latter industry would have played in key role in a religious estate as both a form of payment for staff and divine offerings (Colin 2011, 60). This evidence demonstrates substantial activity in northern Bahriyya during the Third Intermediate Period.

Qaret el-Toub Approximately 1.5 km to the north-west of Qasr Allam is the Roman Period fort of Qaret el-Toub (Figure 5.23). Surrounding this large structure is a pharaonic cemetery that saw use over a long period of time. Excavations by l’IFAO have identified the earliest material as dating to the end of the Old Kingdom/First Intermediate Period, with later activity occurring during the Second Intermediate Period, XVIIIth Dynasty, the end of the Third Intermediate Period, and finally, from the Late Period through to the early Roman period (Marchand 2013, 227). For the Third Intermediate Period, evidence shows the

reuse rock-cut graves for collective burials, as shown by Tomb 51 and 10 (Colin et alii 2013, 186 and 195). In the latter, 51 bodies were recovered, as well as 18 ceramic sarcophagi (Colin 2006, 24). The tomb appears to have been sealed, with evidence of religious rites being undertaken on the ramp leading down to the tomb chamber (Figure 5.30). Key ceramic forms include numerous small bowls used as incense burners, and flasks with small handles and short necks. These closely parallel vessels from Qasr Allam and therefore suggest a date during the 8th–7th centuries (Colin 2006, 27–9). The other artefact of note is a large unbaked clay figurine that has been tentatively interpreted as a woman giving birth (Plate 5.13). Crudely-made, it weighs 2.475 kg and is 29.4 cm in height, with a maximum width of 17 cm at the shoulders. It is flat on its underside and has a maximum thickness of 5 cm (Colin 2006, 29–34). The location of this distinct item on the ramp, together with the associated ceramics, suggests a similar date, namely Dynasty XXV to early

Figure 5.30

Section from Tomb 10 at Qaret el-Toub showing the ramp leading down to the tomb chamber, the stratigraphical levels and objects that were recovered (after Colin 2006, figure 3).

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Plate 5.13

Figure 5.31

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A large unbaked clay figurine recovered from outside Tomb 10 at Qaret el-Toub (after Colin 2006, figure 13).

Ceramics from the Abu Ballas Trail. Spouted vessel from Jaqub 99/33 and other forms from Jaqub 99/ 30 (Hendrickx et alii 2013, figures 22 and 23).

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Dynasty XXVI (Colin 2006, 28–9). Its function is difficult to confirm, but the very basic manufacturing technique, namely rough features and unfired, and its position outside the tomb chamber, does suggest some kind of ritual process (Colin 2006, 39); this is supported by the large collection of small bowls used as incense burners found in close vicinity to the figurine. This item appears to be distinct, but the closest similarities come from a group of 315 smaller clay figurines found in Dakhleh Oasis to the east of Mastaba II of Qal‘a al-Dabba. These were dated very broadly to the Greek or Roman era based on a demotic ostrakon, but that assessment may be too late (Colin 2006, 22–3). Regardless, this intriguing category of artefacts may represent a distinct aspect of an oasis funerary culture from the late Third Intermediate Period onwards.

Abu Ballas Trail The final region to consider in this chapter is the Abu Ballas Trail located in the south-western part of the Western Desert (Figure 1.2). This desert route, marked by a series of staging posts and water depots, was used to facilitate travel between Dakhleh Oasis and the Gilf Kebir, a distance of some 400 km (Forster 2013, 297–98). Since 1999 the trail has been investigated by the University of Cologne as part of the ACACIA project (Arid Climate, Adaptation and Cultural Innovation in Africa). This work has shown the desert road was used from predynastic times through to the Islamic Period, with the most extensive remains dating to the late Old Kingdom and First Intermediate Period (Forster 2013, 299). Two sites on the Abu Ballas Trail may be relevant to this discussion. Known as Jaqub 99/30 and Jaqub 99/33, they are located about 120 km and 90 km from Mut alKharab respectively (Hendrickx et alii 2013, 356–7) and both contain large numbers of very eroded ‘broad’ jars. These have been dated to the Ramesside era based on parallels from ‘Ain Aseel in Dakhleh and a radiocarbon date of 1300–1160 cal BCE taken from the well-preserved remains of a basket from Jaqub 99/33 (Hendrickx et alii 2013, 358–9). Nevertheless, the occurrence of a small number of other forms may indicate Third Intermediate Period activity. In particular, Jaqub 99/33 produced a spouted vessel (Figure 5.31 left; Hendrickx et alii 2013, 357, figure 22). The excavators were not able to find Nile valley parallels, but as outlined in the previous chapter, these small spouted vessels with ring bases are key forms in the Third Intermediate Period deposits at Mut al-Kharab. Moreover, their occurrence at numerous other sites in the Western Desert has helped identify similarly dated material; they have been found at 32/390M4-1, 31/405-F9-3 and ‘Ain Tirghi in Dakhleh Oasis, as well as Amun Rock near Kharga and Qasr Allam in Bahriyya. The other forms recovered from Jaqub 99/30 were the rim of a restricted bowl, a small cup, and a shallow flat-based bowl (Figure 5.31 right; Hendrickx et

alii 2013, 357, figure 23). The latter vessel is also typical of the Third Intermediate Period and is one of the most common forms in the Mut al-Kharab corpus. Despite the earlier Ramesside date assigned to Jaqub 99/30 and Jaqub 99/33, the ceramics are surface finds and therefore exposed to disturbance and high levels of erosion, especially given their location in the desert. The occurrence of the spouted vessel in particular seems to be a good indicator of Third Intermediate Period activity and evidence of expeditions using the trail at this time.

Chapter Summary This chapter shows there is a growing body of evidence for Third Intermediate Period activity in the Western Desert. While Mut al-Kharab has produced the most material, it did not exist in isolation. A range of sites has now been identified and these cover a large area and were used for a variety of functions. Currently, Dakhleh contains the most sites, namely 11, and these are clustered in the western, central and eastern parts of the oasis. In the eastern region, Amhida housed an important stone temple that, despite the fragmentary remains, received patronage from the central administration. Moreover, the location of several sites surrounding Amhida shows that it was a regional centre. The settlement 32/390-M4-1, the cemetery 32/390-K2-3, and the temple 32/405-A2-1 were all used during the Third Intermediate Period, with the latter perhaps revealing the existence of mud-brick temples being constructed in the oasis during this time. The settlement 33/390-K9-2 may have experienced use, although the limited assemblage is less conclusive. In central Dakhleh, the range of forms from the tomb at 31/ 405-F9-3 complements the ceramics from nearby Mut alKharab, indicating a close temporal relationship between both sites. Artefacts such as the statues of Penbast and Penseth further illustrate the role of the cult of Seth in Dakhleh, providing information about the religious officials and practices. It is likely these items were used in the temple at Mut al-Kharab. At ‘Ain al-Azizi, a significant temple is known to have existed, but its period of use is difficult to date due to limited data and the reliance on surface material. The ceramics show largescale activity from the Late Period onwards, although some of the flasks have clear Nile valley parallels which could indicate earlier use during Dynasty XXV. The eastern part of Dakhleh presents an interesting situation. The cemetery at ‘Ain Tirghi has produced a wide range of artefacts, including coffins, cartonnage cases, bead nets and pottery; dating has been confirmed by radiometric means. While these objects enable a time frame to be established, many of the burials cannot be assigned specific dates. As such, the number of Third Intermediate Period burials cannot be determined. The extensive re-use and subsequent disturbance impacts our ability to draw detailed conclusions; however the quality

Contextualising Mut al-Kharab: Third Intermediate Period Activity throughout the Western Desert

of some of the funerary equipment, for example the extensive and elaborate decoration on the coffins, shows the owners had some wealth. The styles of these items also clearly follow Egyptian traditions, showing strong links with the belief systems of the Nile valley populations. Currently, no settlement at which those buried at ‘Ain Tirghi might have lived has been located. The only other site in the eastern part of Dakhleh is Qal‘a al-Dabba which has produced minimal ceramics, while the occurrence of short-necked slender jars in the Wadi Batikh shows oasis commodities were being transportation along desert routes around Dynasty XXV. While Kharga Oasis is yet to produce any relevant material, the desert way-station at Amun Rock shows that travel along the Darb ‘Ain Amur continued during the Third Intermediate Period, thus facilitating contact with Dakhleh. Similarly, traffic in the Theban Desert was certainly occurring during this time, while the small collection of ceramics along the Abu Ballas Trail may be evidence of desert expeditions heading south-west from Dakhleh. Bahriyya, on the other hand, has produced far more material. Qasr Allam seems to have been a very important site. The nature and extent of the remains thus far unearthed suggests it was an Estate of Amun comprising large structures, which included areas for storage, baking and production. The ceramics confirm occupation during Phase III and bear many similarities with the forms from Mut al-Kharab. This possible religious estate seems to have serviced a substantial community in northern Bahriyya and provides a welcome addition to our understanding of the western oases during the Third Intermediate Period. In fact, the existence of such a large site in Bahriyya and the apparent lack of activity in Kharga, may provide a clue about desert routes during the Third Intermediate Period. Based on the available evidence, it seems that connections between Dakhleh and Egypt took place via Bahriyya, along the northern oasis road, rather than travelling east through Kharga. Although this interpretation may change following more work in Kharga, the identification of distinct northern Egypt traits and styles on some of the ‘Ain Tirghi coffins certainly strengthens the idea of travellers heading to the Nile valley via Bahriyya.

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Typology of Third Intermediate Period Oasis Ceramics

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Chapter 6:

Typology of Third Intermediate Period Oasis Ceramics

This chapter provides a discussion of the forms used by the oasis potters during the Third Intermediate Period. Most of the vessels derive from Mut al-Kharab, although this material is complemented by vessels recovered during the DOP survey, other excavations in the western oases, as well as sites in Egypt. It therefore provides the most comprehensive collection of Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics to date. The presentation of this typology follows the same classification system outlined in Chapter 4 and thus utilises the Vessel Index and Aperture Index where possible. Wheel-made vessels are discussed first and there is a general progression from open forms (i.e. bowls) to closed forms (i.e. jars), and from shallow to deep and narrow to broad respectively. This is followed by more complex vessels (i.e. with handles and spouts), non-containers (i.e. stands), and finally handmade examples (i.e. moulds and trays). An attempt has been made to include complete or mostly-complete forms; some fragmentary vessels, however, are clearly important in this typology, and they are discussed at the end of each relevant section. Each form is discussed separately. The ‘description’ considers the key features of the form, the frequency and provenance of examples at Mut al-Kharab, and any other important information, such as distinct attributes or vessel function. This is followed by the known fabrics and wares of each form, including how many examples of each occur – e.g. three vessels in P1a is presented as ‘P1a (x 3)’. This information is available for the Mut al-Kharab corpus and helps us understand the range of fabrics/wares used for each form, but also the potters’ preferences. For other sites, however, details regarding the fabrics/wares, and the quantity of particular forms, is not available. This is the case for the ceramics from Amun Rock, Qasr Allam and Qaret al-Toub where I have not accessed the Third Intermediate Period pottery firsthand, and it is yet to be published. The provenance of vessel types is also included. For examples from Mut al-Kharab the relevant trenches/contexts are listed (e.g. Trench 38B, Context 16 is written as ‘T.38B - C.16’); for other sites, specific data about how many examples were found, is included if known. The date of each form is outlined in reference to Aston’s

ceramic sub-phases of the Third Intermediate Period: Phase IIA (Dynasties XX–XXI), Phase IIB (Libyan Period, Dynasties XXII–XXIV) and Phase III (Dynasties XXV– XXVI). This determination is based on where the vessel was found at Mut al-Kharab, for example, the Phase III deposit in Trench 38B, as well as other well-dated sites in the western oases, and parallels from Egypt. Specific examples of the latter, if known, are listed for each form, as are the relevant phases of the aforementioned chronological framework. Drawings of each form are presented in Figures 6.1–6.17 and reproduced at a scale of 1:4.

Wheel-Made Containers Very Shallow Bowls Form 1: Very shallow bowls with rounded bases (Figure 6.1a–c) Description: Despite their fragmentary nature, these vessels probably had rounded bases. Three variations occur, and these are defined by a flat rim (Figure 6.1a), rounded rim (Figure 6.1b) and rounded rim with a slightly inflected profile (Figure 6.1c). In total, 17 examples of this form are identified in the Mut al-Kharab corpus. Five of these have traces of interior burn marks, suggesting they were used as lamps or for burning oil or incense. Fabric/Ware: P1a (x 12); Sc1 (x 2); P25 (x 2); P37 (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38B - C.15; T.34 - C.21/41/34/ 42/50; T.36 - C.21). Date: Phase IIB; Phase III Parallels: el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plate 51.1); Amarna (French 1986, 184, figure 9.18, Type MB1.1.1(A); Karnak North (Jacquet-Gordon 2012, figure 88r); Elephantine (Aston 1999, 94, 138, 180, plates 25.729, 40.1260 and 54.1663). Form 2: Large very shallow bowl with a thick rim (Figure 6.1d) Description: This large bowl has a thick, almost squared rim, and most likely a rounded base. The rim is also redslipped, which is a common feature on Nile valley bowls

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Form 1: Very shallow bowls with rounded bases

a

b

c

Form 2: Large very shallow bowls with thick rims

d Form 3: Small roughly-made shallow bowls with flat bases

e

f

Form 4: Shallow bowls with flat bases

g Figure 6.1

h

i

j

Forms 1–4 of the Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics typology. Scale 1:4.

during the early part of the Third Intermediate Period; however, the possibility that this piece is a residual New Kingdom vessel cannot be ruled out. This is the only example of this form in the Mut al-Kharab corpus and was found in Trench 37. Fabric/Ware: P40. Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.37 - C.10). Date: Phase IIA; Phase III Parallels: Qantir (Aston 1998, 586, nos. 2417–2421); Memphis (Aston and Jeffreys 2007, figure 33.288); Elephantine (Aston 1999, plate 28.826).

Shallow Bowls Form 3: Small roughly-made shallow bowls with flat bases (Figure 6.1e–f) Description: This form is distinguished by its rough manufacture and small rim diameter that ranges from 7–10 cm. These bowls are relatively common in the Mut alKharab corpus, with 18 examples occurring. They have rounded rims, although a more pronounced variation exists (Figure 6.1f).

Fabric/Ware: P1a (x 6); P40 (x 3); P4 (x 3); P25 (x 3); P5 (x 1); P37 (x 1); Sc14 (x 1). Locations: Mut al-Kharab (T.37 - C.10/20; T.6 - C.40; T.8 C.24/28; T.9 - C.32; T.38A - C.28); ‘Ain Tirghi (one example from Tomb 14). Date: Phase III. Parallels: el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plate 44, Type A.1– 24); Amarna (French 1986, 181, figure 9.15-SB7.1 (K). Form 4: Shallow bowls with flat bases (Figure 6.1g–j) Description: This form is very prominent in the Mut alKharab corpus and characteristic of other Third Intermediate Period assemblages in general. At least 65 individual vessels were found at Mut al-Kharab, with most coming from the deposits in Trench 34 near the upper silo (Contexts 21, 40, 41, 42, 49, 50). Fourteen have burn marks on the interior, perhaps indicating they were used for burning oil or incense. These bowls have also been identified at many other sites in the western oases (see below), further supporting their popularity during this period. The rim diameters range from 10–14 cm and a number of rim variations occur. These include a rounded

Typology of Third Intermediate Period Oasis Ceramics

167

Form 5: Shallow bowls with rounded bases and inflected contours

a

b

Form 6: Shallow bowl with a rounded rim and ring base

c Form 7: Shallow bowls with thick flared rims and inflected contours

d

Figure 6.2

e

Forms 5–7 of the Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics typology. Scale 1:4.

rim with a pronounced outer lip (Figure 6.1g), a flat rim (Figure 6.1h), a fine-walled direct rim (Figure 6.1i) and a flat outward-sloping rim (Figure 6.1j). Fabric/Ware: P1a (x 52); P37 (x 6); P25 (x 5); P41 (x 1); Sc1 (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38B - C.32/15; T.34 - C.21/40/ 41/42; T.36 - C.21; T.8 - C.28/29); 32/405-A2-1 (four examples in Room 5); 31/405-F9-3 (two examples from the inner room, one example from the outer rooms, one example from the tomb fill); ‘Ain al-Azizi (one example on the floor on House 2); ‘Ain Tirghi (one example from Tomb 20, one example from Tomb 34); Qasr Allam; Jaqub 99/30 (Abu Ballas Trail). Date: Phase IIB; Phase III. Parallels: el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plate 44, Type A1); Amarna (French 1986, 181, figure 9.15, Type SB7.1.1[K]); Elephantine (Aston 1999, 69, 165–6, plates 15.495–6 and 48.1515–37).

flaring rim. At least 15 examples occur in the Third Intermediate Period deposits at Mut al-Kharab, while examples are also noted at other sites in Dakhleh (see below). These types of bowls with an inflected profile are well-documented in many Nile valley assemblages of this date. Fabric/Ware: P1a (x 8); P37 (x 2); P25 (x 2); Sc1 (x 1); P4 (x 1); Sc5 (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38B - C.15; T.34 - C.21/41//42/ 49/50; T.37 - C.20; T.36 - C.39; T.8 - C.28); 32/390-K2-3 (one example from Tomb 1); 31/405-F9-3 (one example from the tomb fill). Date: Phase III. Parallels: el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plate 45.17); Amarna (French 1986, 181, 184, figure 9.15, Type SB1.3.1[J], figure 9.18, Type MB1.1.1[A]); Mut Temple at Karnak (Sullivan 2013, 205, Type E-2); Temple of Ptah at Karnak (Boulet 2017, figure 3d); Abu Id (Aston 1996c, 25, plate III.34).

Form 5: Shallow bowls with rounded bases and inflected contours (Figure 6.2a–b) Description: This form is similar to the very shallow bowls with rounded bases (Form 1), but with a more pronounced

Form 6: Shallow bowl with a rounded rim and ring base (Figure 6.2c) Description: Only one example of this form occurs in the Mut al-Kharab corpus. It derives from Trench 37 (Context 10) and was reconstructed from numerous fragments.

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Form 8: Small medium-deep bowls with convex contours and direct rims

a

b

c

d

Form 9: Medium-deep conical bowls

e

Fabric/Ware: P40. Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.37 - C.10). Date: Phase IIA; Phase III. Parallels: el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plate 49.66); Elephantine (Aston 1999, plate 15.453). Form 7: Shallow bowls with thick flared rims and inflected contours (Figure 6.2d–e) Description: Two examples have been identified at Mut alKharab. They bear very similar profiles, but differ in size. The larger example (Figure 6.2e) comes from the well-dated Trench 38B deposit, while the smaller example (Figure 6.2d) comes from the adjacent Trench 6. Fabric/Ware: P5. Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38B - C.16; T.6 - C.8). Date: Phase IIB; Phase III. Parallels: Elephantine (Aston 1999, plate 22.629).

Medium-Deep Bowls Form 10: Medium-deep bowls with rounded bases

f

h

g

i

Form 11: Medium-deep bowls with carinated shoulders

j

k Figure 6.3 Forms 8–11 of the Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics typology. Scale 1:4.

Form 8: Small medium-deep bowls with convex walls and direct rims (Figure 6.3a–d) Description: This form comprises a range of small simple bowls that are often roughly-made and with convex profiles. The rim diameters range from 4–6 cm and a variety of base types occur. These include a round base (Figure 6.3a), flat base (Figure 6.3b), ‘bubble’ or ‘thumbed’ base (Figure 6.3c) and footed base (Figure 6.3d). A single example (Figure 6.3d) bears a roughly-executed red decoration. This form is common in the Mut al-Kharab corpus with 41 examples identified. Fabric/Ware: P1a (x 19); P25 (x 13); P37 (x 4); Sc1 (x 2); P40 (x 1); P4 (x 1); P2a (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38B - C.32/15; T.34 - 21/40/41/ 42/49; T.36 - C.21/41; T.6 - C.8/39; T.8 - C.27/28/29; T.38A C.28); 33/390-K9-2 (two examples from Rooms 3 and 4); 32/ 390-M4-1; 32/405-A2-1 (three examples from Room 5); 31/ 405-F9-3 (three examples from the inner room, five examples from the outer room); Qasr Allam; Qaret el-Toub (ramp outside Tomb 10). Date: Phase III. Parallels: Lahun (Petrie et alii 1923, plate LIX, Type 30; Aston 1996, 38); Herakleopolis (López Grande et alii 1995, plate LVn); Elephantine (Aston 1999, plate 52.1614). Form 9: Medium-deep conical bowls (Figure 6.3e) Description: This form bears some similarities to the previous one, but is more conical in shape, with fine walls and a pointed base. The latter feature appears to have been moulded around a thumb or finger as shown by the impression marks on the interior. Twelve examples occur in the Mut al-Kharab corpus, with all of them coming from Trench 34. Fabric/Ware: P37 (x 5); P1a (x 3); P40 (x 2); Sc1 (x 1); Sr17 (x 1).

Typology of Third Intermediate Period Oasis Ceramics

Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.34 - C.21/40/41/42/50); Qasr Allam. Date: Phase IIB; Phase III. Parallels: Tell el-Retaba (Rzepka et alii 2011, figure 53.1; Rzepka et alii 2014, figure 117.2); Tanis (Brissaud et alii 1987, 94, no. 193); el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plates 55.11 and 55. 15). Form 10: Medium-deep bowls with rounded bases (Figure 6.3f–i) Description: This form includes a range of simple medium bowls with direct rims and varying contours, namely concave (Figure 6.3f–g), vertical (Figure 6.3h) and divergent (Figure 6.3i). They are very common at Mut al-Kharab with at least 27 examples occurring and despite their fragmentary nature, probably had rounded bases. This is indicated by more complete examples being identified at not only other sites in Dakhleh, but Amun Rock in Kharga, and Qasr Allam in Bahriyya. Fabric/Ware: P1a (x 9); P25 (x 3); Sc1 (x 3); P37 (x 3); P4 (x 3); P5 (x 1); P42 (x 1), P40 (x 1); Sc2 (x 1); Sr1 (x 1); Sr2 (x 1); A2 (Amun Rock). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38B - C.16/32/15; T.34 - C.40/ 41/42/49/50; T.37 - C.20; T.6 - C.8; T.8 - C.24/27/28/29; T.38A - C.28); 31/405-F9-3 (one example from the outer-room, one example from the inner-room); ‘Ain Tirghi (Tomb 20); Amun Rock; Qasr Allam. Date: Phase IIA; Phase III. Parallels: Amarna (French 1986, figures 9.15.S.B2.1.2[T] and 9.15.S.B2.1.2[A]); Karnak North (Jacquet-Gordon 2012, figures 87f–g; 88c–e; 92h, j, u, v); Abu Id (Aston 1996c, plate I.2-3); Elephantine (Aston 1999, 166 and 176, plates 49.1548 and 52 1624). Form 11: Medium-deep bowls with carinated shoulders (Figure 6.3j–k) Description: This form has a divergent profile which straightens just before the rim. This has been described by Rzepka et alii (2014, 94) as a “carinated shoulder”. Ten examples occur in the Mut al-Kharab corpus and like many of the parallels from the Nile valley, the bases are missing. A complete example from Tell el-Retaba though, may indicate these bowls had a flat base, while one from Elephantine has a ring base. Fabric/Ware: P1a (x 6); P25 (x 2); Sc1 (x 1); Sr18 (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.34 - C.21/41/42; T.36 - C.21; T.8 - C.28). Date: Phase IIB; Phase III. Parallels: Tell el-Retaba (Rzepka et alii 2014, figure 117.8); el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plates 53.27.5 and 28.3); Amarna (French 1986, figures 9.15.S.B4.1.1[J] and S.B4.4.1[J]); Temple of Ptah at Karnak (Boulet 2017, figure 2p); Karnak East (Hummel and Shubert 1994, plate LXXIV.1); Temple of Mut at Karnak (Sullivan 2013, 205, Type E-8).

169

Form 12: Medium-deep bowls with inflected contours and rounded bases (Figure 6.4a) Description: Like the ‘very shallow’ and ‘shallow’ versions of this form, these bowls are characteristic of the Third Intermediate Period; they are included in all three of Aston’s ceramic phases – Phase IIA (Aston 1996a, 60, figure 188a– d: Group 6), Phase IIB (Aston 1996a, 67, figure 206I–j: Group 6) and Phase III (Aston 1996a, 73, figure 216d–g: Group 2). Fourteen examples of this form occur in the Mut al-Kharab corpus. Fabric/Ware: P25 (x 7); P1a (x 4); P37 (x 1); P4 (x 1); Dp20 (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38B - C. 16/32/15; T.34 - C.21/ 41/42; T.6 - C.39; T.38A - C.28). Date: Phase IIA; Phase IIB; Phase III. Parallels: Tanis (Tefnin et alii 1998, figure 34.38; Laemmel 2012, plate 16.96); Tell el-Retaba (Rzepka et alii 2014, figure 117.5); Herakleopolis (López Grande et alii 1995, plate XXVIII); el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plate 45.32); Amarna (French 1986, 181, 184, figure 9.15, Type SB1.3.2[K]); Karnak North (Jacquet-Gordon 2012, figures 88k and 92e); Mut Temple at Karnak (Sullivan 2013, 205, Type E-5); Elephantine (Aston 1999, plates 5.107, 17.528–530, 60.1807 and 62.1849). Form 13: Medium-deep bowls with flat bases and concave flaring sides (Figure 6.4b) Description: This form is relatively rare in the Mut alKharab corpus, with only three examples being noted. Similarly, this type of bowl is not well-represented in the Nile valley. Far more common are the shallower versions (Form 4); these bowls therefore seem to be continuation of the earlier form, but with larger proportions. Fabric/Ware: P1a (x 1); Sr18 (x 1); Sr19 (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.36 - C.8; T.38A - C.28). Date: Phase IIA; Phase IIB; Phase III. Parallels: Sedment (Aston 1996a, 39–40, figure 86.1); Theban Tomb 87 (Aston 1996a, figure 157.1). Form 14: Medium-deep bowl with a thick modelled rim (Figure 6.4c) Description: Only one example of this form occurs in the Mut al-Kharab corpus. It was found in the Trench 38B deposit and is red-slipped. It is missing its base, which appears to have been rounded, although examples from Abu Id may indicate this form had a ring base. This vesseltype is known from Dynasty XVIII (Hope 1989, figure 1m), but its provenance at the site, together with the many Egyptian parallels, indicates it continued into the Third Intermediate Period. Fabric/Ware: Sr3. Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38B - C.16). Date: Phase IIB; Phase III. Parallels: Herakleopolis (López Grande et alii 1995, plate XXXVh); el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plate 48.30); Mut Temple at Karnak (Sullivan 2013, 213, Type N1-6); Abu Id

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Form 12: Medium-deep bowls with inflected contours and rounded bases

Form 13: Medium bowls with a flat base and flaring rim

a

b Form 14: Medium-deep bowl with a thick modelled rim

c Form 15: Medium-deep bowls with crenellated rims

d e Figure 6.4

Forms 12–15 of the Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics typology. Scale 1:4.

(Aston 1996c, plate I.10); Elephantine (Aston 1999, plate 30.917). Form 15: Medium-deep bowls with crenellated rims (Figure 6.4d–e) Description: This form is distinguished by its crenellated rim. Three examples of bowls with this distinct feature have been identified in the Mut al-Kharab corpus, although two different profiles exist. The smaller example (Figure 6.4d) has a simple profile and a direct rim, while the larger and deeper bowl (Figure 6.4e) has a complex profile comprising three body zones, and a modelled rim. The example from Trench 38A is one of the few decorated pots in the corpus; it comprises roughly-executed red paint on a cream slip. Elaborate examples of crenellated rims are known from the New Kingdom (Rose 2007, 70, 210, no. 236), but vessels from Elephantine and el-Ashmunein show that more simple variations of this feature continued throughout the Third Intermediate Period. Fabric/Ware: P1a (x 1); Sr1 (x 1); Dc12 (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.34 - C.41/50; T.38A - C.28).

Date: Phase IIA; Phase IIB; Phase III. Parallels: el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, 45, plate 55, Type B1.8); Elephantine (Aston 1999, 58 and 74, plates 13.355 and 17.534). Form 16: Medium-deep bowls with ring bases and flared rims (Figure 6.5a–b) Description: This form is important within the Mut al-Kharab corpus. Although only 11 examples have been identified, one was used as an ostrakon in Trench 38B, thus confirming the Phase III date. Figures 6.5a and b are both reconstructed vessels and they demonstrate the variations of size and the more pronounced shoulders. Figure 6.5b also bears a distinct red painted decorated (Dr4) comprising vertical and horizontal bands; the same decoration occurs on a very similar vessel from ‘Ain Tirghi. This form has been found at numerous sites in Dakhleh (see below), as well as at Qasr Allam in Bahriyya. Fabric/Ware: P1a (x 4); P25 (x 2); (P37 (x 1); P5 (x 1); Sc14 (x 1); Sr 17 (x 1); Dr4 (x 1); P25 (331/405-F9-3); P1a (331/ 405-F9-3).

Typology of Third Intermediate Period Oasis Ceramics

171

Form 16: Medium-deep bowls with ring bases and flared rims

a

b Form 18: Bowl with projecting flat rim

Form 17: Deep bowls with protruding ledge bases

e c

d Form 19: Bowl with modelled rim

f Figure 6.5

Forms 16–19 of the Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics typology. Scale 1:4.

Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38B - C.16/32; T.34 - C.41/49; T.36 - C.25; T.6 - C.8; T.8 - C.24/28); 32/390-M4-1; 31/405F9-3 (two examples from the inner-room, three examples from the outer-room of the tomb); ‘Ain Tirghi (one example in Tomb 34; one example in Tomb 41); Qasr Allam. Date: Phase III. Parallels: el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plate 48, Type A330); Amarna (French 1986, 157, figure 9.18, Type MB2); Mut Temple at Karnak (Sullivan 2013, 207, Type G-3); Abu Id (Aston 1996c, 30, plate IV, nos. 56–68); Elephantine (Aston 1999, 182, plate 54.1674-8).

Deep Bowls Form 17: Deep bowls with protruding ledge bases (Figure 6.5c–d) Description: This distinct form is well-represented at Third Intermediate Period sites in the Nile valley and thus seems to be characteristic of the period in general. This is supported by their identification at Mut al-Kharab, 31/405F9-3, and Qasr Allam. According to Aston (1996a, 68, figure

207e–f), the slightly rounded bases occur earlier and date to Phase IIB, with the development of flat bases becoming more common in Phase III. Six examples occur in the Mut al-Kharab corpus. One of these (vessel 241) has traces of burning on the interior; similar markings are known on the same form at Abydos, where they were used for burning incense (Budka 2010, 58). Fabric/Ware: P25 (x 3); Sr18 (x 1); P1a (x 1); P37 (x 1); A2a (31/405-F9-3). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38B - C.16/15; T.36 - C.21/41; T.6 - C.8; T.8 - C.26); 31/405-F9-3 (two examples in the outerroom); Qasr Allam. Date: Phase IIB; Phase III. Parallels: Herakleopolis (López Grande et alii 1995, plate LVIn); el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plates 56.12, 56.14, 56.16 and 57.6); Abydos (Effland et alii 2010, 53, figure 34.1–2); Temple of Ptah at Karnak (Boulet 2017, figure 3h); Temple of Mut at Karnak (Sullivan 2013, 210, Type I-4); Elephantine (Aston 1999, 70, plate 16.509).

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Form 20: Chalices

Form 21: Large short-necked slender jars

a

b

c Figure 6.6

Forms 20 and 21 of the Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics typology. Scale: a and b 1:4, c 1:5.

Fragmentary Bowls Form 18: Bowls with projecting flat rims (Figure 6.5e) Description: This large bowl has a flat projected rim, and despite its fragmentary nature, probably had a rounded base, based on a parallel from Tanis (see below). Only one example was found in Trench 37 at Mut al-Kharab, together with several other large bowls. This form seems to have continued from the New Kingdom and is known from both the early and later phases of the Third Intermediate Period. A similar example, but with a less projecting rim, has been found at Qasr Allam. Fabric/Ware: P40 (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.37 - C.10); Qasr Allam. Date: Phase IIA; Phase III. Parallels: Tanis (Tefnin et alii 1998, figure 34.39); Mut Temple at Karnak (Sullivan 2013, 215, Type N2, nos. 1–3); Elephantine (Aston 1999, plate 13.398).

Form 19: Bowls with modelled rims (Figure 6.5f) Description: This large bowl has a distinct modelled rim, with two examples being found in Trenches 37 and 8 respectively; both were missing their bases. The form is known from Dynasty XVIII (Hope 1989, figure 1n), but appears to have continued into the early part of the Third Intermediate Period. Fabric/Ware: P40 (x 1); P4 (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.37 - C.10; T.8 - C.29). Date: Phase IIA. Parallels: Qantir (Aston 1998, 571–3, nos. 2345 and 2350); Tanis (Tefnin et alii 1998, figure 33.28). Form 20: Chalices (Figure 6.6a–b) Description: A number of fragments from deep bowls with footed bases and flaring rims were recovered. This form is more commonly known as a chalice or goblet, and it is welldocumented in Third Intermediate Period deposits in the Nile valley. This situation seems to have been paralleled in the Western Desert, with multiple sites producing chalice sherds, albeit in small numbers. At Mut al-Kharab, rims from at least four separate examples have been identified, as well as one base. These complement the fragments of the faience chalice found in Trench 38B (Figure 3.19a). Fabric/Ware: P25 (x 2); P1a (x 2); P37 (x 1); A2a (31/405-F93). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38 - C.15; T.6 - C.8; T.8 - C.28/ 32; T.38A - C.28); 32/390-M4-1 (one example); 31/405-F9-3 (two examples from the tomb fill); Qal‘a ed-Dabba (one example from Tomb 2). Date: Phase IIB; Phase III. Parallels: Tanis (Laemmel 2012, plate 25.144); Herakleopolis (López Grande et alii 1995, plate XXXVIIf, h and i); elAshmunein (Spencer 1993, plate 57, Type B3); Karnak North (Jacquet-Gordon 2012, figures 89.p and 93.r); Mut Temple at Karnak (Sullivan 2013, 212, Type L); Elephantine (Aston 1999, plate 19.556).

Slender Jars Form 21: Large short-necked slender jars (Figure 6.6c) Description: This is a very important oasis form. These tall slender jars have a short neck, out-turned rim, a slightly ribbed and elongated body and a pointed base. They are made from an extremely hard fabric, with several examples (namely those from Abydos, the Mortuary Temple of Seti I at Thebes, Elephantine and Amun Rock), having a metalliclike surface, making their appearance distinct. They seem to range in height from between 40–60 cm, with the maximum body diameter and rim diameter being approximately 10 cm and 5 cm respectively, although a shorter variation also existed, as shown by the example from the Mut Temple at Karnak (Figure 2.10d). This form seems to be unique to the oases. A complete example of unknown provenance is held in the Fine Arts Museum in Boston (Object Number:

Typology of Third Intermediate Period Oasis Ceramics

Form 22: Miniature imitation situlae

a b Form 23: Short-necked slender jar

c

Form 24: Medium-necked ovoid jars

Figure 6.7 Forms 22–24 of the Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics typology. Scale 1:4.

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Eg.Inv.7490). To date, this form has only been identified at sites in Upper Egypt which may suggest it originated from either Kharga or Dakhleh; this is likely given the discovery of fragments at Amun Rock on the outskirts of Kharga Oasis and the Wadi Batikh in eastern Dakhleh. The intentional high-firing of these vessels undoubtedly relates to their use as storage and transportation vessels. For the examples found in the Nile valley, more details about the fabric/ware, number of vessels and place of discovery are presented in Table 2.1. Fabric/Ware: Oasis Ware 2; A1 (Karnak North); Fabric A and B (Amun Rock); P38 (Wadi Batikh). Location: Abydos; Karnak North; Mut Temple at Karnak; Ptah Temple at Karnak; Temple of Seti I at Gurna; Abu Id; Elephantine; Amun Rock (multiple examples), Wadi Batikh (multiple examples). Date: Phase III. Parallels: N/A. Form 22: Miniature imitation situlae (Figure 6.7a–b) Description: These small short-necked slender jars are probably miniature imitation situlae. They have outward turning rims, a slightly ribbed body, and bases that are either rounded or bear a small ‘bubble’. At least 10 examples are known in the Mut al-Kharab corpus, including five within the well-dated Trench 38B deposit, one of which was reused as an ostrakon and thus can be dated to Phase III with confidence. This form is also known from other sites in Dakhleh (see below) and therefore helps to identify Third Intermediate Period activity. The two examples from Qal‘a ed-Dabba (Figure 5.17b–c) bear distinct coil decoration on the exterior; these were interpreted by Hope (1983, 149) as femino-forms, with the modelled clay representing arms and breasts. Fabric/Ware: P1a (x 4); P37 (x 3); P25 (x 2); Sr19 (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38B - C.16/32/15; T.36 - C.21; T.6 - C.8/39; T.8 - C.24); 32/405-A2-1 (two examples from Room 5); 31/405-F9-3 (one example in the outer-room, five examples in the inner-room), Qal‘a ed-Dabba (two examples from Tomb 2). Date: Phase III. Parallels: Herakleopolis (López Grande et alii 1995, plate XXIVg, i, k and m); el-Ashmunein (Spencer and Bailey 1986, figure 20.69–71; Aston 1996a, figure 103, nos. 69–71); Amarna (French 1986, 187, figure 9.21.2); Mut Temple at Karnak (Sullivan 2013, 222, Type 7-14, Type 7-16). Form 23: Short-necked slender jar (Figure 6.7c) Description: Only one example of this vessel is known from the cemetery 31/405-F9-3 located near Mut al-Kharab. It has a short-neck, out-turned rim and an almost pointed base. These features are similar to the previouslydiscussed situlae, although this form is larger and with a more pointed base. Fabric/Ware: P25. Location: 31/405-F9-3 (from the tomb fill).

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Form 25: Slender necked jar with ‘bulging’ upper neck

a

Form 26: Slender necked jars

b

Figure 6.8 Forms 25 and 26 of the Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics typology. Scale 1:4.

Date: Phase IIA; Phase IIB; Phase III. Parallels: Lahun (Aston 1996a, figure 83, no. 70J); Karnak North (Jacquet-Gordon 2012, figure 93x). Form 24: Medium-necked ovoid jars (Figure 6.7d–e) Description: This form has an ovoid body and a collared neck which features a small ledge at the midway point. This latter feature is noted on similar vessels from many sites in the Nile valley (see parallels below). Two examples are known from 32/390-M4-1 in eastern Dakhleh; one is a slender version, while the other is medium-broad. Fabric/Ware: P25. Location: 32/390-M4-1 (two examples recovered from the surface of an oven). Date: Phase III. Parallels: Lahun (Aston 1996a, figure 84, no. 82M); elAshmunein (Spencer 1993, plate 69-H1.48); Matmar (Brunton 1948, plate LVII.82B); Karnak North (JacquetGordon 2012, figure 90m); Mut Temple at Karnak (Sullivan 2013, 222, Type 7, nos. 9 and 10). Form 25: Slender necked jar with a ‘bulging’ upper neck (Figure 6.8a) Description: This form has a ‘bag-shaped’ body, rounded base and is distinguished by a large undulating ‘bulge’ on the upper part of the neck. Only one vessel has so far been identified; it is cream-slipped and was found in Tomb 14 at ‘Ain Tirghi. The occurrence of this distinct neck feature on well-dated examples from el-Ashmunein confirms the Third Intermediate Period date. Fabric/Ware: Sc2. Location: ‘Ain Tirghi (one example in Tomb 14). Date: Phase III. Parallels: el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plate 69, Type H.1.37). Form 26: Slender necked jars (Figure 6.8b) Description: These large slender necked jars have a thick outward flaring rim, a bag-shaped body and rounded base. Four examples were found in Trench 6 at Mut al-Kharab and all are decorated with roughly-executed horizontal and vertical red bands. The fact that all four examples were decorated in a similar way, and given the sparsity of decoration in general for Third Intermediate Period pottery at the site, it is likely these particular vessels held some kind of importance or value. Fabric/Ware: Dr4 (x 4). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.6 - C.8/39). Date: Phase III. Parallels: Elephantine (Aston 1999, 200, plate 61.1832).

Typology of Third Intermediate Period Oasis Ceramics

Form 27: Beer jars

a

c

b

d

e

f

g h Figure 6.9 Form 27 of the Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics typology. Scale 1:4.

Medium-Broad Jars Form 27: Beer jars (Figure 6.9) Description: These medium-broad jars, more common termed ‘beer jars’, are roughly-made, with flat bases and rim diameters of approximately 10 cm. They are very common at Mut al-Kharab and are characterised by their asymmetrical form, finger impressions around the base, and common occurrence of perforated bases. A variety of rim types exist, and these can be grouped into five broad categories: Type A with an inverted rim (Figure 6.9b), Type B with a slight shoulder/neck and an inward rim (Figure 6.9c), Type C with an upright rim (Figure 6.9d) and Type D with an outward turning rim (Figure 6.9e). The final category has been termed Type E and includes three

175

variations based on the occurrence of a small ledge associated with the rim (presumably created by the potter’s finger). These are E1, E2 and E3 (Figure 6.9f–h). Beer jars fragments are found in very large numbers at Mut alKharab, in particular within the dump. In Trench 17, for example, 190 bases were recovered, while 105 were found in Trench 16. In Trench 8, 85 beer jar bases were recorded. The high frequency of perforated bases means these vessels were not used for holding liquids; as such, they may have had a symbolic role in temple activities. This is substantiated by the large quantity of offering stands and braziers that have been recovered from the dump, together with the beer jars. Identifying Nile valley parallels to assist with dating these beer jars is difficult because extensive assemblages are known over a long period of time, from the New Kingdom to the Third Intermediate Period (Aston 1998, 182; 1999, 15–16). At Elephantine, examples from Phases IIA and IIB have narrower bases compared to their maximum body diameter (Aston 1999, 26–7 and 72), and although this feature occurs on some of the examples at Mut al-Kharab, the majority are fragmentary, making this difficult to ascertain. Similarities certainly exist with New Kingdom examples, but the same can be said for examples from Third Intermediate Period deposits from sites such as Amarna, Thebes, Memphis, Elephantine and Herakleopolis (Hubschmann 2010, 62–6). At the latter site, the vessels tend to be smaller and only have unrestricted mouths, although the poor manufacture closely parallels the Mut al-Kharab examples. More recently, similar forms have been found in the Phase IIA, IIB and III levels within the Mut Temple at Karnak (Sullivan 2013, 217, Type I). It is therefore clear that beer jars continued into the Third Intermediate Period (Aston 1996a, 55, 63 - Group 25, 69 - Group 14, figures 175-N3, 194a, 208d–e). Fabric/Ware: The quantity and fragmentary nature of these vessels makes it impossible to record to exact number of examples; moreover, this form occurs mainly in the dump, and only a small portion of this has been excavated. Nevertheless, the most common fabric is P4 and A1a, with cream-slips for both occurring regularly (Sc5 and Sc1). Beer jars are also made in P5, P37, P40, Sc19, P42 and Sc22. Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38B - C.32/15; T.34 - C.21/41/ 42/50; T.36 - C.25; T.37 - C.20; T.8 - C.24/26/27/28//29/31; T.9 - C.32; T.16 - C.35; T.17 - C.60/61; T.38A - C.28). Date: Third Intermediate Period. Parallels: Herakleopolis (López Grande et alii 1995, plates XXX and XXXVIIIg–l); Amarna (French 1986, 180, figure 9.14, 185, figure 9.19.2); Matmar (Brunton 1948, plate XLVI – 1009); Mut Temple at Karnak (Sullivan 2013, 217, Type I); Elephantine (Aston 1999, plates 3.57–58, 16.515–518). Form 28: Short-necked medium-broad jars with outturned rims (Figure 6.10a–b) Description: This is another important form because the two best-preserved examples from Mut al-Kharab were found in the Trench 38B deposit, and both were used as

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Form 28: Short-necked medium-broad jars with out-turned rims

b

a Figure 6.10

Form 28 of the Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics typology. Scale 1:4.

Form 29: Short-necked medium-broad jar with wide shoulders

Form 30 Small short-necked broad jar

b

Form 31: Neckless jars with modelled flat rims

d c

a

Figure 6.11 Forms 29–31 of the Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics typology. Scale 1:4.

Typology of Third Intermediate Period Oasis Ceramics

ostraka, thus confirming a Phase III date. At least ten examples have been found at the site, and although none are complete, they probably had rounded bases. The rim diameters seem to range from 10–15 cm, although vessel 218 at Mut al-Kharab indicates that a smaller version with a narrower body also existed (Figure 6.10b). Nile valley parallels for the larger jars have been difficult to identify, in particular the narrow mouth and bag-shaped body. Fabric/Ware: Sc1 (x 3); P25 (x 2); P1a (x 1); P13 (x 1); P41 (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38B - C.32/15; T.34 - C.49; T.36 - C.25; T.6 - C.8/39; T.8 - C.28); 32/390-K2-3 (two examples from Tomb 1); 33/390-K9-2 (one example from within a mudbrick house); 32/405-A2-1 (one example in Room 5 of the temple); 31/405-F9-3 (five examples in the tomb fill), ‘Ain Tirghi (two examples in Tomb 14, one example in Tomb 20, one example in Tomb 32). Date: Phase III. Parallels: Matmar (Aston 1996a, 44–5, figure 127.1000-47H); Abydos (Effland et alii 2010, 50–1 and 53, figures 32.8 and 35.11; Budka 2010, figure 16.8).

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Form 32: Broad wide-mouth neckless jars

a

b

Form 33: Necked jars with globular/bag-shaped bodies

d c

Form 29: Short-necked medium-broad jar with wide shoulders (Figure 6.11a) Description: This red-slipped jar is the only example of this form in the Mut al-Kharab corpus. Its maximum diameter occurs very high on the vessel, resulting in wide shoulders. It was found leaning against the lower silo in Trench 34. Similar vessels can be found throughout the Third Intermediate Period. Fabric/Ware: Sr18 (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.34 - C.50). Date: Phases IIA; Phase IIB; Phase III. Parallels: Abydos (Aston 1996b, 6, Type 6, figure 2d); Elephantine (Aston 1999, plates 19.578 and 20.584–5).

Broad Jars Form 30: Small short-necked broad jar (Figure 6.11b) Description: This very small jar is the only example in the Mut al-Kharab corpus. It was found within the Trench 38B deposit which dates to Phase III. It is fine-walled and has a very small hole pierced in the neck. Fabric/Ware: P1a (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38B - C.16). Date: Phase III. Parallels: Exact parallels have not been identified, although some similarities can be seen with small jars from Herakleopolis (López Grande et alii 1995, plate XLIXg and i) and Karnak North (Jacquet-Gordon 2012, figure 89ee).

Fragmentary Jars Form 31: Neckless jars with modelled flat rims (Figure 6.11c–d) Description: This form has a distinct modelled flat rim that

e Figure 6.12 Forms 32 and 33 of the Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics typology. Scale 1:4.

creates a ledge below the mouth of the vessel. Fragments from at least four examples occur in the Mut al-Kharab corpus, while similar rims are known from other sites in Dakhleh. Parallels from Amarna are also fragmentary and do not provide any insight into the complete form, especially the lower body and bases. Given only the rim sherds survive, it is possible they derive from small spouted vessels (Form 34 – see below). This is indicated by the similar rims, including the diameter and distinct ledge, as well as the common use of P25. Fabric/Ware: P25 (x 3); Sc1 (x 1); A2a (31/405-F9-3). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.34 - C.42; T.6 - C.8; T.8 - C.28); 32/405-A2-1 (one example in Room 5 of the temple); 31/ 405-F9-3 (one example in the tomb fill).

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Date: Phase III. Parallels: Amarna (French 1986, figure 9.11, Type SJ4.1.3[E]). Form 34: Spouted vessels

a

Form 35: Two handled short-necked jars

b

c Figure 6.13 Forms 34 and 35 of the Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics typology. Scale 1:4.

Form 32: Broad wide-mouth neckless jars (Figure 6.12a–b) Description: This form is distinguished by its thick modelled flat rim. At least six examples occur in the Mut al-Kharab corpus and they were presumably used as large storage vessels. Fragments from jars with similar rim/neck types are also known at 32/405-A2-1 in Dakhleh and Qasr Allam in Bahriyya, although their mouths are narrower than the Mut al-Kharab examples. Parallels from the Nile valley indicate this form was utilised throughout the Third Intermediate Period. Fabric/Ware: P1a (x 1); P1b (x 1); Sc1 (x 1); P38a/b (x 1); P41 (x 1); Dm1 (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab; 32/405-A2-1 (one example from Room 5 of the temple); Qasr Allam. Date: Phase IIA; Phase III. Parallels: Tanis (Laemmel 2012, Pl. 1.2); Memphis (Aston and Jeffreys 2007, figures 49.568, 52. 603–604, 52.606); Herakleopolis (López Grande et alii 1995, plate XXXIIb); Amarna (French 1986, 184, figure 918, Type MJ7.1.1[P]). Form 33: Necked jars with globular/bag-shaped bodies (Figure 6.12c–e) Description: The two fragments with straight necks (Figure 6.12c-d) probably derive from ‘globular’ jars. These vessels have rounded bases and are characteristic of Third Intermediate Period activity in the Nile valley. Fragments from at least five examples occur in the Mut al-Kharab corpus, with three coming from the Trench 38B deposit, indicating use during Phase III at the site. Only the rims/ necks of these vessels are preserved so it is not possible to confirm the shape of the body; an example from Qasr Allam (Figure 6.12e) shows this form could be ‘bagshaped’, rather than globular. Fabric/Ware: P1a (x 2); P2a/b (x 2); P42 (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38B - C.16/32; T.34 - C.42; T.8 - C.26); Qasr Allam. Date: Third Intermediate Period. Parallels: Tanis (Laemmel 2012, plate 11.62–68); Tell elRetaba (Rzepka et alii 2014, figure 116.6); Herakleopolis (López Grande et alii 1995, plate XXXIII) el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plate 70, I1.19, I1.29, I1.34); Karnak North (Jacquet-Gordon 2012, figures 87e and 95j); Mut Temple at Karnak (Sullivan 2013, 224, Type 10, no. 1); Elephantine (Aston 1999, 170–2, plates 50–51, nos. 1588–1595).

Spouted Vessels Form 34: Spouted vessels (Figure 6.13a) Description: These small spouted vessels are a distinct form within this corpus. They have a ring-base, a short cylindrical spout that is attached to the upper part of the

Typology of Third Intermediate Period Oasis Ceramics

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Form 36: Flasks

a

b

c

d

f

e

g

Figure 6.14 Form 36 of the Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics typology. Scale 1:5.

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body, no neck, and a flat modelled rim. At least six vessels have been found in the Third Intermediate Period deposits at Mut al-Kharab, with fragments from others being likely. Three well-preserved examples come from the Trench 38B deposit, confirming their Phase III date. They appear to have only been made in P25. Exact parallels for this form are unknown in Egypt; they have, however, been identified at numerous sites throughout the Western Desert (see below), suggesting they are part of an oasis ceramic tradition. Regarding purpose, these vessels were clearly used for pouring small quantities of liquid, but their occurrence at temples, settlements, religious estates, cemeteries and desert way-stations, indicates they were not limited to a specific context. They may therefore have been used in everyday domestic settings as tableware, as well as in cultic and funerary activities. As mentioned above, Form 31 may be a fragmentary example of this vessel type. Fabric/Ware: P25 (x 6); P25 (31/405-F9-3); P25 (‘Ain Tirghi); A2-unslipped (Amun Rock). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38B - C.16/32; T.6 - C.8); 32/ 390-M4-1 (two examples found in mud-paving around a collection of ovens); 31/405-F9-3 (two examples from the outer-room, two examples from the inner-room); ‘Ain Tirghi (one example in Tomb 52), Amun Rock, Qasr Allam; Jaqub 99/30 (Abu Ballas Trail). Date: Phase III. Parallels: N/A.

Handled Vessels Form 35: Two handled short-necked jars (Figure 6.13b–c) Description: These large jars have short necks and two vertical handles positioned on the upper body. Two examples occur in the Mut al-Kharab corpus and their sizes indicate both were storage containers. The first jar (Figure 6.13b) has a straight neck and square rim, while the second example (Figure 6.13c) is red-slipped, with a shorter neck and a flaring rim. Both vessels were found in the dump. Fabric/Ware: P1a (x 1); Sr19 (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.8 - C.26; T.38A - C.28). Date: Phase III. Parallels: Elephantine (Aston 1999, plates 51.1597, 59.1767 and 64.1869). Form 36: Flasks (Figure 6.14) Description: Flasks comprise a broad group of handled globular vessels that have out-turned rims, short necks and small loop handles that connect the upper shoulder to the lower part of the neck. This latter feature is quite distinct, with some handles being vestigial and therefore impractical for holding the vessel, even if using fingers or rope. Variations of this form include lentoid flasks (Figure 6.14a–b), which are characterised by a symmetrical and upright elliptical or spherical profile, and gourds (Figure

6.14d), which have an asymmetrical profile with one half being more pronounced than the other. In addition to these two types, which themselves can occur in both large and small sizes, are rare variations which have three, four or even no handles (Figure 6.14e–g). All these variations are included here as ‘Form 36’ because often the extant pieces are very fragmentary, so the exact vessel type cannot be identified. Surface treatments for these flasks include plain, smoothed and incised concentric circles, while slips and exterior colours are pinkish-cream, red, dark plum red, mustard yellow, white, black, dark grey and dark chocolate. This form seems to have evolved from pilgrim flasks which first appear in Egypt in the early XVIIIth Dynasty (Aston 1996a, 13); however, during the Third Intermediate Period, these flasks emerged in the western oases as distinct ceramic vessels. Their oasis provenance was first postulated by Aston (1996a) due to the distinct appearance of the fabric he termed Oasis Ware 1. Hope (2000, 189–210) then published the existence of similar vessels in Dakhleh, with Eccleston’s (2000, 215–17) macroscopic analysis confirming the oasis origins of flask sherds from Karnak North which Aston (1999, 186–7) had identified as being in Oasis Ware 1. Although occurring in very small numbers, oasis flasks have been found at numerous sites stretching the length of the Egyptian Nile. In fact they are known from 18 of the 20 sites that have thus far produced oasis wares, showing they were a significant oasis vessel. They were clearly used for transporting fluids, and this is likely to have been wine, although other items such oil or water cannot be discounted, especially for the smaller examples. Their occurrence in well-stratified deposits in the Nile valley indicates they were used throughout the Third Intermediate Period, but most commonly during the 8th– 7th centuries, namely Phase III (Aston 1999, 186). More details about the fabric/ware, number of vessels and place of discovery are presented in Table 2.1. In the oases, some examples have been found at ‘Ain al-Azizi and ‘Ain Tirghi in Dakhleh, and Amun Rock on the outskirts of Kharga; the most extensive collection, however, comes from Qasr Allam in Bahriyya. This may therefore have been a production centre for this form. Fabric/Ware: Oasis Ware 1; P38a/b (‘Ain al-Azizi, Karnak North); Sr17 (‘Ain al-Azizi); P1a (‘Ain al-Azizi, Karnak North), Sr1 (‘Ain al-Azizi, Karnak North), Sc1 (‘Ain al-Azizi, ‘Ain Tirghi, Karnak North); Fabric A and B (Amun Rock); Fabric 1c and O1 (Bahriyya). Location: ‘Ain al-Azizi; ‘Ain Tirghi; Qasr Allam; Qaret elToub; Tell Nebesha; Tell Retaba; Heliopolis; Memphis; Lahun; Herakleopolis; el-Ashmunein; Matmar; Abydos; Karnak North; East Karnak; Mut Temple at Karnak; Elephantine. Date: Throughout the Third Intermediate Period, but more common during Phase III. Parallels: N/A.

Typology of Third Intermediate Period Oasis Ceramics

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Form 37: One-handled jar

a

Form 38: Fry pans

b c

Form 39: Open stands

f

d Figure 6.15

e Forms 37–39 of the Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics typology. Scale 1:4.

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Form 37: One-handled jar (Figure 6.15a) Description: This one-handled jar is the only known example of this oasis form. It is fragmentary with only the thin neck, handle and upper body surviving. The throwing marks indicate the body was made by joining two bowls together. It is cream-coated and burnished, while the handle is made of two coils. It was found at Tell el-Retaba in Area 9 which contained domestic structures. The pottery in this building was assigned broadly to the ‘Third Intermediate Period’; the preliminary phasing system did not allow a more precise date (Rzeptka et alii 2014, 86). Fabric/Ware: Oasis Ware. Location: Tell el-Retaba. Date: Third Intermediate Period. Parallels: Kafr Ammar (Aston 1996a, figure 77.65–68). Form 38: ‘Fry pans’ (Figure 6.15b–c) Description: These so-called ‘fry pans’ comprise of a bowl attached to a hollow handle. Four fragments were found in Trenches 34 and 38A at Mut al-Kharab. Their design suggests they were used for cooking and this is supported by the occurrence of interior burn marks on one of the examples. Another possibility is that they were used as portable incense burners. Similar vessels are known from Second Intermediate Period deposits at ‘Ain Aseel in Dakhleh Oasis (Marchand and Soukiassian 2010, figure 234, no. 2232-9, Group 23B), although their discovery at Mut al-Kharab, especially in Context 40 of Trench 34, seems to indicate continued use into the Third Intermediate Period. Fabric/Ware: P4 (x 2); Sr19 (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.34 - C.40; T.38A - C.28). Date: Third Intermediate Period. Parallels: ‘Ain Aseel (Marchand and Soukiassian 2010, figure 234, no. 2232-9, Group 23B). Form 39: Open stands (Figure 6.15d–f) Description: This form comprises a range of bowls attached to stands with flaring base profiles. They have been found in very large numbers at Mut al-Kharab, mainly in the dump, together with slender stands (Form 40) and beer jars (Form 27). As only the bases have survived for many examples, it is difficult to know which type of stand they are from. Several variations of this form occur. Small roughly-made examples were found in Trench 34 (Figure 6.15d), while the larger versions come from the dump. The top sections have either rounded rims (Figure 6.15e), projecting flat rims (Figure 6.15f) or flaring rims. The most common fabric is P4, with numerous red-slipped examples (Sr3) also occurring. Dating these open stands is difficult because they were used over a long period of time. A small number of Nile valley parallels indicate continued use during the Third Intermediate Period, while their occurrence in the dump at Mut al-Kharab supports a Phase III date. The decision to attach a bowl to these stands means they were used to hold or carrying items. They could have been

Form 40: Slender stands

a

b

Form 41: Ring stands

c

Form 42: Bread moulds

e d

f

Figure 6.16 Forms 40–42 of the Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics typology. Scale 1:4.

Typology of Third Intermediate Period Oasis Ceramics

used for temple offerings or even as braziers for burning incense. Their high frequency at the site attests to extensive temple activity. Fabric/Ware: The quantity and fragmentary nature of these vessels makes it impossible to record the exact number of examples; moreover, this form occurs mainly in the dump, and only a small portion of this has been excavated. Nevertheless, the most common fabric/ware is P4 and Sr3. Braziers were also made in P1a, P40, Sr19, P37, P25, Sr20, Sc6 and P42. Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.34 - C.21/42; T.6 - C.40; T.8 C.29/31; T.16 - C.35; T.38A - C.28). Date: Phase III; possibly earlier. Parallels: Kafr Ammar (Aston 1996a, 35–6, figure 74.29); Elephantine (Aston 1999, plate 11.265).

Wheel-Made Non-Containers Form 40: Slender stands (Figure 6.16a–b) Description: This form is similar to the open stands (Form 39), but without the bowl attached to the top. They are found in very large numbers at Mut al-Kharab, but as mentioned above, the fragmentary nature of the sherds means it is difficult to know whether the bases originally derived from open or slender stands. A smaller roughlymade version was found in Trench 34 (Figure 6.16a), while taller examples (Figure 6.16b) were found in Trench 6 and the dump. As with the open stands, P4 and Sr3 are the most common fabrics/wares. Similarly, they are difficult to date with certainty; however, their location at Mut alKharab and the Nile valley parallels suggests they were used during the Third Intermediate Period. A base fragment from a stand at Qasr Allam further supports a Phase III date. This form clearly served a similar purpose to the open stands, but without the attached bowls, would have be used to supported other vessels. Again, these could have included offerings or incense burners. Together with the beer jars, the number of stands at the site indicates temple activity on a large scale. Fabric/Ware: As discussed above, it is impossible to determine the exact number of stands at Mut al-Kharab. P4 and Sr3 are the most common, but stands were also made in P40, Sr19, P1a, P37, P1b, Sc2, Sc6 and Sr20. Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.34 - C.42; T.6 - C.8/39 on 40; T.8 - C.29/32; T.17 - C.61; T.38A - C.28); Qasr Allam. Date: Phase III; possibly earlier. Parallels: Kafr Ammar (Aston 1996a, 35–6, figure 74.29); Elephantine (Aston 1999, plate 11.265). Form 41: Ring stands (Figure 6.16c) Description: Ring stands have an open mouth at both the top and bottom and were used to support unstable vessels. Only two examples of this form have been identified within the Mut al-Kharab corpus (133 and 216). They were found in Trench 34 and both have an out-flaring rim and base profile. This form is known over a long period of time, but

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Nile valley parallels show it continued in use during the Third Intermediate Period. Fabric/Ware: P40 (x 2). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.34 - C.40/49). Date: Third Intermediate Period. Parallels: Herakleopolis (López Grande et alii 1995, plate XXVIj); el-Ashmunein (Spencer 1993, plate 73, Type L); Elephantine (Aston 1999, plates 3.55, 25.756 and 50.1575).

Handmade Containers Form 42: Bread moulds (Figure 6.16d–f) Description: This form is well-document at Mut al-Kharab. Typologically, it fits into Jacquet-Gordon’s (1979, 19, figure 5) Type D category, which dates from the XVIIIth to the XXIst Dynasties. Many smaller bread moulds occur at the site, but these seem to be residual and from the New Kingdom, with many bearing potmarks on the base or lower body (Long 2008, 103, figure 3). The examples in this corpus though, are larger which may indicate a later date. From her work in the Treasury of Thutmose I at Karnak, JacquetGordon (1979, 20–1) noted a difference in size for the bread moulds of various phases. The earlier period of use saw examples of smaller dimensions, while the larger bread moulds were associated with later activity from Ramesside times. As such, she concluded that Type D moulds “continued in use for cult purposes at least until the end of the New Kingdom and probably well into the Libyan Period, if not later”. This claim is supported by a piece from Elephantine which may indicate the continuation of this form into the early XXVth Dynasty (Aston 1999, 194, plate 59.1766). Moreover, a larger example with a complete profile was found in Context 16 of Trench 38B (vessel 6) which dates to Phase III. A minimum of nine examples occur in this corpus, as indicated by the total number of bases, although many more rim and body fragments have been identified. Almost all examples are made in P5. Fabric/Ware: P5 (x 8), Sc5 (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38B - C.16; T.37 - C.10; T.8 C.29; T.9 - C.32; T.38A - C.28). Date: Third Intermediate Period. Parallels: Herakleopolis (López Grande et alii 1995, plate LVIm); Elephantine (Aston 1999, 194, plate 59.1766). Form 43: Bread trays (Figure 6.17a–d) Description: This form comprises a range of bread trays of different sizes. Six occur in the Mut al-Kharab corpus. Bread trays were produced in all phases of dynastic history (Marchand 2017, 227–9), with the two smaller types (Figure 105a–b) in use from the Middle Kingdom to the Late Period (Aston 1996c, 28). All the examples at Mut were made in uncoated A4, a straw-tempered fabric. Large numbers of the shallow type have been found in the Phase III deposits at Qasr Allam (Marchand 2017, 231–2, figure 10a–c; 2019, 419-23, figure 1a-g), while Nile valley parallels indicate this form was used during the Third Intermediate Period.

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Form 43: Bread trays

a

b

c

d

Form 44: Torches

e

f

Figure 6.17 Forms 43 and 44 of the Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics typology. Scale 1:4.

Fabric/Ware: P4 (x 6). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38B - C.32; T.36 - C.25; T.8 C.24/28/29); 32/390-M4-1 (1 example); Qasr Allam. Date: Third Intermediate Period. Parallels: Memphis (Aston and Jeffreys 2007, figure 33286), Tell el-Retaba (Rzepka et alii 2014, figure 117.11); Herakleopolis (López Grande et alii 1995, plate XXIVc), Abu Id (Aston 1996c, plate IV.53); Elephantine (Aston 1999, 140, plate 41.1316, plate 43.55 and 1356, plate 47.1493). Form 44: ‘Torches’ (Figure 6.17e–f) Description: The bases of two roughly-made ‘torches’ were found in Trenches 38B and 34. Both examples have a creamslip. They probably derive from narrow jars with flaring rims that are well-known in the Nile valley. Many of these also occur on the surface at Mut al-Kharab, especially in the vicinity of a large mud-brick structure explored in Trenches 40 and 44 (Figures 3.1 and 3.2; Hope 2017, personal communications). Fabric/Ware: Sc18 (x 1); Sc6 (x 1). Location: Mut al-Kharab (T.38B - C.15; T.34 - C.40). Date: Phase III. Parallels: Saqqara (French 1988, 84–5, nos. 7–18; Lecuyot

2000, 238 Type BE7, footnote 19); Herakleopolis (López Grande et alii 1995, plates XXXVIb and LVIo–p).

Chapter Summary The vast majority of forms in this typology are known from the Third Intermediate Period deposits at Mut alKharab. This is not surprising given this site has produced the largest collection of ceramics in the Western Desert. In fact, of the 44 forms presented here, only five are known from other sites. These are three types of slender jars (Forms 21, 23 and 24), flasks (Form 36) and a one-handled jug (Form 37), with only a single example of the latter known from Tell el-Retaba. It is interesting that two of these vessel types, namely the large short-necked slender jars (Form 21) and flasks (Form 36), are the best-documented oasis vessels in the Nile valley and Delta. Why then are they absent from the largest site in the Western Desert? This may be explained by the extensive occupation and disturbance at Mut al-Kharab, which has left much of the ceramics fragmentary. As such, many vessels only survive in small pieces, making identification of the complete form very difficult. However, even sherds from the distinct features of these forms, such as short necks, pointed bases,

Typology of Third Intermediate Period Oasis Ceramics

Table 6.1

Dating of ceramic forms to the Third Intermediate Period pottery phases.

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ribbed exteriors (Form 21), and globular bodies and small handles (Form 36) have not been found. Their absence at the site therefore implies these containers were not used in the temple of Seth. Designed for the storage and transportation of oasis commodities, which was likely wine, but could also have included water and oils, it appears these forms were unrelated to the temple activity at the site, as preserved in the archaeological record. In light of the length of the Third Intermediate Period, it is necessary to consider the occurrence of specific forms across Aston’s three sub-phases (Table 6.1). This allows broad ceramic traditions to be defined over a 500-year period. Within this oasis ceramics typology, Phase III is by far the most common, with 42 of the 44 forms dating to this time. As discussed in the previous chapter, this parallels the Mut al-Kharab corpus, but additional forms, namely the slender jars and flasks, also date to the 8th–7th centuries. With the material from Amun Rock and Qasr Allam being assigned a similar date, Phase III was clearly a time of significant activity in the oases. This is confirmed by a number of forms which have distinct features and are known from well-dated deposits or have clear Nile valley parallels. As such, they can be assigned to Phase III with confidence. Examples include medium-deep bowls with ring bases and flared rims (Form 16), situlae (Form 22), other slender jars (Forms 21, 24 and 25) and spouted vessels (Form 34). Far fewer forms can be assigned to Phases IIA and IIB, with each consisting of 17 and 19 respectively. These numbers, however, include forms that occur over a long period of time and are thus difficult to date with precision. For example, ring stands and bread trays are known not just from the Third Intermediate Period, but earlier and later. A similar situation exists for beer jars, which have been recorded in huge quantities at sites along the Nile from the New Kingdom onwards. Their occurrence in the dump at Mut al-Kharab suggests a Phase III date, but parallels from other sites mean an earlier date cannot be discounted. Furthermore, some the forms assigned to Phase IIA and IIB lack the distinct features present on many Phase III vessels. Examples include medium-deep bowls with rounded bases (Form 10), medium-deep bowls with inflected contours and rounded bases (Form 12) and necked jars with globular/bag-shaped bodies (Form 33), all of which are characteristic of the Third Intermediate Period in general. As such, it is difficult to refine their period of use because they are simple utilitarian containers. This preliminary typology marks an important step in clarifying our understanding of oasis ceramics during the Third Intermediate Period. It is a useful starting point for future analyses and will, of course, continue to evolve as more material from sites in Egypt are published and additional excavations are undertaken throughout the Western Desert.

Conclusions

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Conclusions

For many years our understanding of the Western Desert during the Third Intermediate Period was based almost entirely upon the Dakhleh stelae. With the discovery of new material in recent years, it is now possible to form a more detailed picture of this period. This volume has presented all the accessible evidence relating to activity in this vast region, deriving mostly from the western oases. This includes a range of textual sources, namely inscribed temple blocks, stelae, ostraka, and papyri, as well as architectural remains, and other artefacts such as seal impressions, statues and coffins. Ceramics, however, have formed the central component. The material from Mut alKharab, as well as other sites in both Egypt and the broader Western Desert, has been collated and analysed for the first time. This has clarified the dating of sites and will be a valuable resource for future investigations. As a result of this work, it is now possible to draw a number of important conclusions. These relate to the temple of Seth at Mut al-Kharab, the extent and nature of activity throughout the Western Desert, the relationship between the oases and the Egyptian state, and the existence of cultural traits that may be specific to the oases.

The Temple of Seth at Mut al-Kharab The purchase of the Greater and Smaller Dakhleh stelae by Captain Henry Lyons in 1894 indicated the existence of a significant temple dedicated to Seth at Mut al-Kharab during Dynasties XXII and XXV. This was further corroborated by the Stela of Khai recovered in 1928. All three documents refer to extensive temple activities, including oracles and offerings; these were supported by a formal priesthood whose cult was not only of local significance, but important to the Egyptian royal family. The excavations by Monash University can now substantiate these activities, with the archaeological record providing valuable new data. The size and detail of the Greater Dakhleh Stela suggests it stood in a prominent building, and remnants of this stone structure have been recovered. Although the temple has been destroyed, the extant fragments show the walls were

decorated with scenes revealing strong links to the Egyptian state. Moreover, the size and quality of some of the hieroglyphic inscriptions, and the dimensions of the blocks, verify the structure was substantial. The earliest Third Intermediate Period blocks relate to the High Priest of Amun, and may therefore date to Dynasty XXI, a time when this position held particular influence, especially in Upper Egypt. Menkheperre is known to have recalled exiles from the oases, as outlined in the Banishment Stela, and also ordered the construction of forts at points where roads from Kharga and Bahriyya connect to the Nile valley (Kitchen 1996, 249, figure 1, 269–70; J Darnell 2002, 135, 152, no. 3). This is perhaps evidence of Menkheperre attempting to control the desert routes, a policy which would be likely to involve building programs at sites in the oases, such as the largest temple in Dakhleh. Given the explicit reference to the High Priest of Amun (Block 3) and a large relief depicting this figure in a position of adoration (Block 2), it is tempting to wonder if these scenes commemorated a visit by the High Priest of Amun to the oasis. Such an occasion would certainly have been worthy of recording in the temple decoration and would have strengthened ties between the oasis and the Thebaid. The Greater Dakhleh Stela records a visit by a member of the royal family to Mut al-Kharab during Dynasty XXII and this interest from the central administration seems to be paralleled by fragments from temple decoration celebrating a royal jubilee. In terms of dating these reliefs, the discovery of an incomplete cartouche bearing the xpr sign suggests either Shoshenq I or Osorkon I as the most likely candidates. This is a remarkable theme to be depicted on the walls of an oasis temple. As suggested by Kaper (2009, 158), maybe the oasis was involved in the celebrations, possibly sending a cult statue of Seth to the festival in Egypt. The occurrence of Hb-sd scenes at Amenhotep III’s temple in Soleb, south of the Third Cataract (Wilkinson 2000, 231–2; Lange 2009, 212), shows this event could be celebrated ‘outside’ the borders of the Egyptian homeland. The high-quality of the reliefs implies direct patronage from the central administration and raises the question of whether artists were sent from the Nile

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valley to execute this decoration. The Hb-sd festival was closely associated with the renewal of royal power, so the portrayal of this event clearly reinforced the king’s control over Dakhleh and the broader Western Desert region. The temple’s distance from the Nile valley does not seem to have deterred the decision for royal intervention in Dakhleh. Rather, both the Greater Dakhleh Stela and the jubilee scenes show that the rulers of the early XXIInd Dynasty wanted to exert their authority over the oasis; perhaps royal control over this region had waned in previous years, or they were simply re-asserting their dominance? Either way, the central administration clearly valued the oases, and this is shown through their building programs at Mut al-Kharab. In addition to the royal decorative scheme of the temple, Monash’s excavations have revealed evidence about the day-to-day functioning of the temple. The area directly west of the stone temple housed storage magazines. This is shown in Trench 38 by the existence of three small rooms; one contained a large number of offering vessels, while the adjacent space held an extensive collection of ostraka. These inscribed sherds record miscellaneous temple activities. The bulk of these relate to wine offerings and include references to Egyptian gods, the foremost being Seth and Nephthys. These texts have been dated to around Dynasty XXV or slightly thereafter, and provide remarkable accounts about the nature of worship at Mut al-Kharab, including the individuals involved, the extent of offerings, the intended recipients of these donations, and the functioning of the temple administration. This latter point is further corroborated by the discovery of a collection of seal impressions in Trench 42. Despite being very fragmentary, the cartouche of Horsiese I has been identified, as well as other personal names and priestly titles. Seals were used for labelling items such as jars, papyri, boxes, and baskets and were impressed into clay to mark ownership. They are therefore closely related to the storage and thus administration of objects in a temple. In addition, Trench 34 contains circular mud-brick structures interpreted as silos. The associated ceramics seem to date these architectural features to the Third Intermediate Period. This collection of evidence strongly supports the identification of this part of the site as storage magazines for the temple. This study has also collated the largest category of evidence relating to temple activity at the site, the ceramics. Within the dump, thousands of kilograms of sherds have thus far been recovered, with the majority of forms being beer jars and stands. These attest to extensive offerings, and though the precise date of these forms is difficult to determine with certainty, both the archaeology of the site and ceramic parallels suggest they should be assigned to Aston’s Phase III (mid 8th–7th century). This would fit well with the ostraka, but also the Smaller Dakhleh Stela that records the donations of daily offerings under Piye of Dynasty XXV. Indeed, the lunette of this stela shows stands that appear to be very similar to those found at the site. The ceramic corpus is also dominated by small

shallow bowls and medium-deep bowls, which were used regularly in the temple. Significant numbers of these were found in Trench 34, near the aforementioned silos, and their often hasty-construction and the existence of interior burning marks, readily supports their use as lamps or incense burners. They seem to have been produced in large quantities and were ‘everyday’ vessels used by the priesthood and temple personnel. The temple at Mut al-Kharab was the cult centre of Seth, Lord of the Oasis. This identification had already been indicated by the Greater and Smaller Dakhleh stelae, as well as the Stela of Khai, but this is now substantiated by additional evidence. Numerous references to Seth occur in the decorated blocks and stelae, including the deity’s name and epithets (Blocks 5 and 7, Stelae 1 and 2). The title ‘Priest of Seth’ is also known from Block 10 and one of the seal impressions (Plate 3.16c; Figure 3.10d). This position was also held by Penbast, as preserved on his small statue; it is likely that this individual, together with the wab priest Penseth, were associated with the temple at Mut al-Kharab. The cult of Seth wielded considerable influence in the oasis. The ostraka deposit in Trench 38B alone records vast quantities of offerings given to this god, providing a snapshot of the temple’s income. As recorded in the Greater Dakhleh Stela, the cult also held political power, with the oracle of Seth being employed to determine the ownership of a well. A similar event may be recorded on Block 10 which mentions the subterranean oasis waters known as the ‘Cavern of Nun’. This inscription may commemorate the digging or donation of a well, and the reference to a priest of Seth indicates the cult of this god played a role in this process. This is further evidence of their involvement in the management of water in the oasis, a commodity that was no doubt highly valuable. In conjunction with Seth, Amun was also a key deity in the temple. This is again indicated in the Smaller Dakhleh Stela, which refers to a man who was both ‘God’s Father of Amun’ and ‘Second Prophet of Seth’ (Janssen 1968, 167, line 5), but can now be corroborated by additional evidence. In addition to the aforementioned references to the High Priest of Amun, the name of deity occurs on decorated blocks (Blocks 5, 6 and 9), in the ostraka, as well as on the copper-alloy stamp from Trench 38B. Similar to Seth, the worship of Amun-Re at the site can be traced back to the New Kingdom, with representations of the god occurring on decorated temple blocks dating to Horemheb (Hope and Kaper 2010b, 142–3) and the Ramesside stela featuring both deities (Hope and Kaper 2010a, 144–54). Although Amun-Re was the pre-eminent state god during both the New Kingdom and the Third Intermediate Period, the existence of a cult centre in Dakhleh may have been due to the close relationship between Thebes and the Southern Oases (Long 2012, 105–13). The Thebaid had long been involved in the administrative, economic and military affairs of Dakhleh and one of the by-products of this interaction may have been the installation of the Theban god in the oases. In fact, an Estate of Amun at Qasr Allam in Bahriyya

Conclusions

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Table 7 Overview of Third Intermediate Period sites in the Western Desert.

shows the wide reach of this cult. A similar situation may have existed in Kharga during the Late Period with the temple of Hibis being dedicated to both ‘Amen of Hibis’ and ‘Amen-Re of Karnak who dwells in Hibis’ (Cruz-Uribe 1999, 488). The impressive representation of Seth in the Hibis Temple provides another link between these two deities in the Western Desert.

The Extent and Nature of Third Intermediate Period Activity in the Western Desert As a result of the detailed study of Mut al-Kharab, a broader and more accurate assessment of the extent and nature of activity throughout the Western Desert has been possible. The DOP survey initially identified only three sites in Dakhleh that preserved evidence of Third Intermediate Period activity (Churcher and Mills 1999, 259); this number can now be increased to eleven. Excavations at ‘Ain Tirghi and Amhida have yielded evidence from this period, while the identification of additional sites is based upon the ceramics. Important progress was made by Patten (2000) and Hubschmann (2008) who also examined this material collected during the DOP survey, but the collation of the Mut al-Kharab ceramic corpus now provides greater certainty around dating and the identification of key forms.

The distribution of sites throughout Dakhleh reveals the existence of clusters in the western, central and eastern parts of the oasis, with each region having a mixture of settlements, temples and cemeteries (Table 7). In the west, Amhida was clearly a significant location, but has suffered from much disturbance and reuse. The discovery of inscribed blocks shows the existence of a stone temple, while a stela dating to Takeloth III implies political and administrative links with Theban dynasties. In the surrounding area though, activity can now be confirmed at the settlement 32/390-M4-1, the cemetery 32/390-K2-3, and the temple 32/405-A2-1; the occurrence of key ceramic forms at the latter location may even indicate the construction of mud-brick temples in the oasis during this time. The central part of Dakhleh was undoubtedly dominated by Mut al-Kharab. The settlement that would have originally surrounded the temple is now covered by modern housing and cultivation. Numerous cemeteries exist nearby and the discovery of a funerary stela (Stela 1) that includes a Seth animal in the inscription indicates at least one of these was being used during the Third Intermediate Period. This is further supported by the ceramic assemblage from 31/405-F9-3, located very close to Mut al-Kharab. The occurrence of key forms that closely parallel the pottery

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from Mut al-Kharab shows this cemetery was being used during Phase III. In eastern Dakhleh, the most substantial evidence comes from ‘Ain Tirghi. Excavations at this cemetery have produced a range of artefacts, with items such as the decorated coffins, cartonnage cases and bead nets revealing a population of at least moderate wealth. Where these people lived, however, is still unknown because a nearby settlement is yet to be identified. While a community may certainly have existed at ‘Ain Aseel, the Old Kingdom capital, it is unlikely residents would have used the cemetery at ‘Ain Tirghi as it was too far away. The styles employed for the burial equipment parallel those used in the Nile valley, indicating these people wanted to follow the Egyptian trends of the time. We are unsure if these items were made in Egypt and transported to the oasis, or whether they were produced by local craftsmen. If the latter, they were conversant with traditional Egyptian funerary motifs, which would have necessitated regular interaction with the Nile valley. The identification of these sites reveals a network of communities throughout Dakhleh that would have been in regular contact with not only each other, but other settlements in the Western Desert. This topic is only just starting to be explored, with recent discoveries slowly building a better understanding of interactions throughout this region. Amun Rock on the outskirts of Kharga appears to have been a way-station that facilitated desert travel. The flasks and short-necked slender jars suggest a Phase III date, while its location on the Darb ‘Ain Amur connects directly with the Wadi Batikh in eastern Dakhleh, providing proof of contact between the two oases, as well as the transportation of oasis goods along this desert road. Similarly, limited ceramics along the Abu Ballas Trail may indicate expeditions south-west of Dakhleh towards the Gilf Kebir. Perhaps these trips were used to search for raw materials, exploration or establishing trade routes. In Bahriyya, excavations have shown that Qasr Allam was a significant site. This ‘Estate of Amun’ was substantial in size, with large mud-brick buildings comprising areas for storage, baking and production. The earliest phase seems to have occurred during the 9th century, although the ceramic assemblage and the architecture indicates an expansion of activity towards the end of the Third Intermediate Period. This installation undoubtedly employed many people from the surrounding areas of northern Bahriyya to help with the management and production of local commodities. Temple personnel from the cult of Amun would have also been involved. As such, this estate would have played a central role in both the economy and politics of the community, a situation paralleled by the temple at Mut al-Kharab. In total we now have evidence from a possible 15 sites throughout the Western Desert revealing activity from this time. This is a significant increase on our previous understanding. While the extent of this activity may seem to be somewhat limited, when compared to the range of New Kingdom evidence in the oases, there actually seems

to be an increase during the Third Intermediate Period. Apart from Mut al-Kharab, the most informative New Kingdom data comes from the tomb of Amenhotep Huy in Bahriyya (Fakhry 1942, 39–47; Van Siclen 1981), while some material has been found at ‘Ain Aseel (Marchand and Tallet 1999) and Amhida (Bagnall et alii 2015, 42) in Dakhleh. Ceramics of Dynasties XVII/XVIII have been identified at Tundaba and Gebel Ghueita (D. Darnell 2002, 147–9 and 169–73), and amphorae are known to have been the most distinct oasis form (Hope 2002a). This is despite the Nile valley evidence implying extensive oasis activity in the New Kingdom. In contrast, the extent of Third Intermediate Period material from Mut al-Kharab and Qasr Allam alone is yet to be paralleled for the New Kingdom. It therefore appears that activity in the oasis may have increased significantly after the New Kingdom.

The Egyptian State and the Western Oases Control over the western oases provided many benefits to the Egyptian state. These included the oasis road which was used to facilitate contact with Nubia and African trade routes, territory to establish military outposts to monitor desert traffic, and access to oasis products such as wine. During the New Kingdom, the oases were formally incorporated into the central administration, as indicated by numerous pieces of evidence. Official titles such as ‘Governor of the Oases’ (HAty-a n wHAt) were held by many individuals from Abydos and Thebes, oasis religious estates were listed in inscriptions and jar labels, and Theban tombs scenes depicted oasis representatives delivering tribute (Giddy 1987, 65–93; Long 2012, 105–13). No such evidence for the Third Intermediate Period has yet to be found. Only in Osorkon I’s inscription from the Bubastis Temple does the king claim to have taxed the oases for divine offerings. In the Banishment Stela, the oases are presented as a place to send Egyptian exiles, but no administrative relationship is implied. Is it therefore possible that formal Egyptian control over the oases during the Third Intermediate Period was more fluid than in the preceding New Kingdom? This suggestion may be supported by the many instances of political division that characterise this phase of Egyptian history. This is most obvious during what Assmann (1996, 287–8) terms the ‘Libyan polyarchy’ (Dynasties XXII–XXIV), but also during Dynasty XXI, when power was shared between the royal line in the north and the High Priests of Amun in the south. Within this framework, the oases may have experiences phases of independence, with Egyptian kings having to periodically re-assert their authority over the region. This idea has some merit when one considers the Third Intermediate Period royal names that have been discovered at Mut al-Kharab – namely Shoshenq, Horsiese I and Piye. The identification of the ‘Shoshenq’ in the Greater Dakhleh Stela has been the source of much debate, but as a king founding a new dynasty, it would make sense for Shoshenq I to exercise his control over Egypt’s fringe regions. He

Conclusions

certainly had imperial ambitions as demonstrated by his campaigns into the Near East and Nubia (Kitchen 1996, 292–300). By sending a member of his family, Prince Weyheset, to Dakhleh, the king seems to have been genuinely interested in the affairs of the oasis, and thus valued their incorporation into the Egyptian state. The jubilee scenes too, advance the idea of reinforcing royal power over Dakhleh and these may date to Shoshenq I or his son Osorkon I. These interventions from the king were likely to have been politically motivated and used to strengthen control over the oases at the beginning of a new dynasty. Similarly, Horsiese I was, according to Dodson (2012, 105–6, 192), founder of the Theban XXIIIrd Dynasty, and adopted royal titles during the reign of Osorkon II. The occurrence of his name on items stored in the temple of Seth in Dakhleh may illustrate an attempt by the Theban ruler to re-establish the city’s control over the oasis and at the same time bolster his own influence. The final king, Piye, is known from the Smaller Dakhleh Stela dating to his Year 24. This places the creation of the text some three years after the successful defeat of his Delta rivals and the subsequent reunification of Egypt. Again, a document using his regnal years indicates Piye had established authority over Dakhleh. Controlling this region would have been important as it provided land access to Nubia via the oasis road; however, Piye may have also been motivated by competing powers within the oasis. The stela from Amhida dating to Year 13 of Takeloth III, implies Theban control of Dakhleh, while both this document and the Smaller Dakhleh Stela mention a man named Esdhuti, Chief of the Shamin. This local Libyan leader was clearly an important figure in the oasis and the Smaller Dakhleh Stela may signal an attempt by Piye to curb the influence of this regional leader. Piye’s attempts to control Dakhleh certainly seem to have impacted upon the broader Western Desert. This is indicated by the frequency of material that dates from the final phase of the Third Intermediate Period. In addition to the Smaller Dakhleh Stela, we have the Trench 38B ostraka and the substantial collection of Phase III ceramics from numerous sites including the two largest, Mut al-Kharab and Qasr Allam. This also coincides with the widespread use of the two most common oasis vessels, flasks and short-necked slender jars. This seems to suggest a boom in activity during Dynasty XXV which may be linked to the rise of the Kushite pharaohs and their policy to reunify Egypt. These rulers embarked on an extensive building program throughout the country, thus illustrating their growing prosperity (Dodson 2012, 163) and this is likely to have gone hand in hand with establishing control over the Western Desert, including its resources and trade routes. There is, of course, no confirmation that the dynasty maintained its hold over the oases – the only other evidence of royal intervention is a possible cartouche of either Shabaka or Shabitku from Bahriyya that was acquired by Fakhry (1939, 641; 1950, 73). Nevertheless, the archaeological record indicates an increase in activity during Dynasty XXV.

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The idea of kings having to regain control over the oases at the start of new dynasties after periods of independence is further supported by another relief from Mut al-Kharab depicting Psamtek I (Hope 2001a, 41; Kaper 2001, 75–7, plate 23; Kaper 2012, 168–9, plate 1). As the founder of the XXVIth Dynasty, Psamtek I had to reunite the country, a process which involved pacifying the southern part of Egypt and launching a campaign against Libyan tribes (Kitchen 1996, 403–5; Kaper 2012, 173). A royal building program in the temple of Seth at Mut al-Kharab, the capital of the oasis, could have been part of Psamtek I’s policies to extend his authority over the Western Desert and reassert royal control over the oases after a possible hiatus. The economic and military benefits would certainly have been worthwhile. From the reign of Psamtek I onwards, the western oases are known to have been fully integrated into Egypt’s administrative system, with an explosion of construction projects occurring throughout the Western Desert and sponsored by a long list of Late Period rulers including Necho II, Psamtik II, Amasis and Darius I, through to Nectanebo I and II (Kaper 2012, 173–4). The era of intermittent administrative control, comprising periods of formal incorporation into the state-wide bureaucracy, interspersed with Theban dominance and phases of independence, was at an end. Regardless of the extent of state control, a key element in the relationship between the Egypt and the oases continued to involve oasis wine. This is not surprising as high-quality oasis vintages are known as early as the New Kingdom (Marchand and Tallet, 1999, 307–8 and 338–9; Long 2012, 106–10). Oasis wine is mentioned in three of the five textual sources discussed in Chapter 2, namely the Onomasticon of Amenope, the Bubastis Temple inscription and Kawa Stela VI. The continued quality of this commodity is implied by the fact that it was given as a royal temple donation under both Osorkon I and Taharqa; it was, however, the wine of Bahriyya that was the most prized. Not only is the sheer quantity of these particular vintages mentioned, but those responsible for the Bahriyya vineyards were held in such high regard that they were sent by Taharqa to maintain the splendid gardens of ‘his city’. Recent developments in the identification and analysis of oasis wares has revealed the dominance of storage vessels, in particular flasks and short-necked slender jars. As the likely carriers of oasis wine, the distribution of the vessels provides great insight into the transportation of this commodity throughout the Nile valley and Delta, as well as the Western Desert. By documenting all the sites that have thus far produced oasis vessels it is possible to reconstruct the networks that connected the oases with Nile valley. Flasks are by far the most common form, as attested by their identification at 18 sites spanning the length of the Egyptian Nile, but their discovery in the Western Desert is even more telling. Work at Qasr Allam has thus far produced the largest collection of flasks, indicating it was likely a production centre for this form. This is supported by the Dakhleh examples, such as those

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from ‘Ain al-Azizi, which possibly date to a slightly later period, and Bahriyya’s connection to the Nile valley via the Darb el-Bahnasa. This desert road terminates at Oxyrhynchus (Giddy 1987, 15) and would certainly have facilitated the transportation of oasis commodities in flasks to sites throughout both Upper and Lower Egypt (Colin 2011, 56, footnote 2). Moreover, the fabric of flasks found in the Chapel of Osiris Ounnefer Neb-Djefaou at Karnak, classified as O3, has been designated as originating in Bahriyya (Boulet 2017, 56). In contrast, the distribution of the large short-necked slender jars is limited to sites in Upper Egypt which may indicate these vessels were produced in the southern oases. This seems probable given examples have been found in the Wadi Batikh and at Amun Rock, while no fragments have been identified in Bahriyya. Further exploration of the oases will hopefully locate the production centre of these vessels. The current dearth of Third Intermediate Period remains in Kharga means Dakhleh is the more likely option, although continued surveying in the former oasis may prove otherwise.

Regionality – The Existence of an Oasis Culture The populations of the oases were heavily influenced by the Nile valley culture. This is no more apparent than by their material culture, which is almost indistinguishable from that of the ancient Egyptians. Nevertheless, the Western Desert was not part of the traditional Egyptian homeland, so it cannot be assumed that these communities automatically shared all of the same values and customs. By embracing a framework of regionality it has been possible to investigate the western oases, and their populations, without the constraints of traditional views in which the Egyptian civilisation was seen as monolithic and uniform. As this study has shown, the western oases had a unique history that developed in tandem with the Nile valley, but certainly along its own path. During the Third Intermediate Period, the political control and administrative connections with the Egyptian state were not as concrete as the preceding New Kingdom, or the succeeding Late Period for that matter. When combined with the population movements of the late New Kingdom, as defined by a series of Libyan incursions, the communities of the Western Desert must have experienced significant change. An example may be seen in the establishment of Libyan groups residing in Dakhleh Oasis during the Third Intermediate Period. This is best indicated by the Smaller Dakhleh Stela which depicts Esdhuti, ‘Great Chief of the Shamin’ who was a high-ranking Libyan, standing before Seth in the stela’s lunette. Esdhuti’s prominent status in the oasis is further highlighted by the stela from Amhida, where he is recorded as making offerings to Thoth. These references to the Shamin are restricted to Dakhleh only, hence the belief that a Libyan tribe was residing in this oasis during Dynasty XXV. The inclusion of Libyan names and military titles in the Greater Dakhleh Stela bolsters the

idea that non-Egyptian groups existed in Dakhleh as early as Dynasty XXII. In this examination of Third Intermediate Period activity in the western oases, no evidence of a distinctly nonEgyptian, let alone Libyan culture, has been identified in the archaeological record. Although the definition of exactly what constitutes ‘Libyan’ has been widely discussed (Leahy 1985, 58–62; White 1994, 34–9; Simpson 2000, 99–101), the material remains from Mut al-Kharab, and all the other sites discussed herein, present the oasis inhabitants as seemingly ‘Egyptian’. Of course, the limitations of identifying cultural groups based purely on the archaeological record must be acknowledged; the challenges associated with the search for Libyans in Dakhleh Oasis has been effectively explored by Hope (2001a, 29–32; 2007, 408–10) and Hubschmann (2010b). So who were the people living in the oases during the Third Intermediate Period? In Dakhleh, the indigenous Sheikh Muftah existed before the arrival of Egyptian settlers during the Old Kingdom, while the aforementioned population movements of various Libyan groups occurred during the New Kingdom. The extant material remains suggest the dominant Egyptian culture spread throughout the oases, with other fringe groups being acculturated overtime. Although, as Hubschmann (2010b, 182) outlines, acculturation “fails to consider the possibility of preservation bias and the nature of the elite monopoly over textual and pictorial resources”. This is certainly a valid point considering the corpus of Third Intermediate Period evidence continues to be dominated by documents such as the Dakhleh stelae, which were commissioned by temples or the elite, and executed in an Egyptian style, often with political intentions. Nevertheless, the interconnections of various cultural groups throughout the western oases occurred over a long period of time, so much so, that by the Third Intermediate Period, it may not have been possible to distinguish clear cultural differences within the archaeological record. The existence of Libyans such as Esdhuti and the Shamin are confirmed by the textual sources, but cannot, to date, be corroborated by a distinct material culture. So maybe it is more appropriate to consider the existence of a broader ‘oasis culture’. This may have comprised a combination of both non-Egyptian elements, the distinct cultural indicators of which are invisible in the archaeological record, together with variations on the Nile valley culture. The latter component would certainly be a result of the oasis context which was influenced by the unique environmental conditions; this would have presented different priorities and challenges, compared to those faced by the populations in the Nile valley. Collectively, these factors would be conducive for the development of an oasis culture, and traces of it may be more visible, particularly in the ceramic remains. Pottery made locally in the oases has been the central component of this study and given its widespread distribution and frequency, and its ability to be void of the inherent biases present in textual and visual sources, it

Conclusions

can reveal much about the oasis culture. The Third Intermediate Period oasis ceramics provide valuable insight into the local oasis economy, the priorities of these communities, and interactions throughout the Western Desert. An analysis of the Mut al-Kharab corpus shows the oasis potters did follow Egyptian traditions, with a particular focus on the vessel forms. There are extensive Nile valley parallels from key Third Intermediate Period sites, such as Herakleopolis, el-Ashmunein, Matmar, Amarna, Thebes and Elephantine. When the broader collection of oasis vessels from other sites is considered, however, unique forms emerge. These seem to be evidence of regional ceramic traditions that are different from those of the Nile valley. Three key forms standout: flasks (Form 36), short-necked slender jars (Form 21) and small spouted vessels (Form 34). The first two types, discussed above, were clearly vessels for storing and transporting liquids, and given the oases association with viticulture, wine seems the most likely commodity. For the smaller versions though, water or oils may have been more likely. Currently it seems that flasks were manufactured in Bahriyya, while the slender jars were made in the southern oases, presumably in Dakhleh. While these larger storage containers were linked to the oasis economy, as shown by their widespread distribution, the spouted vessels had a more local function and therefore can provide quite a different perspective on the oasis culture. They were clearly used for pouring small quantities of liquid, but their occurrence at temples (Mut al-Kharab), settlements (32/ 390-M4-1), religious estates (Qasr Allam), cemeteries (31/ 405-F9-3, ‘Ain Tirghi) and desert way-stations (Amun Rock, Jaqub 99/30 and 99/33), indicates they were not limited to a particular context. They therefore seem to have been used in a range of settings, including domestic, religious and funerary activities. Most importantly though, their occurrence throughout the Western Desert, namely in Dakhleh, Kharga and Bahriyya, and their absence in the Nile valley, is clear evidence of a wider oasis ceramic tradition. This reveals close links between these oasis communities who were not only interacting and exchanging ideas, but sharing a common ceramic styles as part of their collective culture. In addition to the ceramics, the existence of an oasis culture may be evident in some of the ways in which Seth was worshipped. As has been mentioned throughout this volume, there has been a long-held view that the cult of Seth was officially proscribed by the Egyptian administration after the New Kingdom. This resulted in no new temples to the god being built, the erasure of Seth’s name and image in inscriptions, and the decline in personal names incorporating ‘Seth’, which had been a popular trend. The strongest interpretation of this thesis was voiced by Te Velde (1977), although he did acknowledge the continuation of the cult of Seth in foreign territories, due to their locations which were seemingly beyond the interest of the Egyptian state. But as has been shown, the western oases were clearly not ignored by the rulers of the Third Intermediate Period. Indeed, many kings endeavoured to

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maintain authority over the region; documents like the Greater Dakhleh Stela indicate direct royal involvement in the functioning of the temple of Seth. So the flourishing of the temple of Seth at Mut al-Kharab seems to contradict the notion of a proscription of this deity. Therefore, is it possible that the worship of Seth during a time when his popularity was decreasing in the Nile valley, is an element of an oasis culture? The ostraka and the ceramics from Monash’s excavations have revealed large-scale offerings to Seth during Dynasty XXV, a time when this cult was supposedly the victim of state-sanctioned attacks. We also see an array of personal names in the oasis that incorporate ‘Seth’, including Peteseth/Padiseth, Paseth, Sethirdis, Penseth, Sethnacht and Tjarsetekh. These are a clear sign of support for their local deity. This evidence therefore raises many questions about the extent and nature of the proscription of Seth. Already Cruz-Uribe (2009) has questioned the notion that the worship of Seth was merely tolerated in the oases, due in particular, to the size and positioning of the images of this god in the Hibis temple. Smith (2010, 416– 17) too has suggested attacks on Seth in textual sources are context-specific and linked to cultic settings. To further clarify this issue, Hope has initiated a project to compile a database of all monuments and objects that mention or depict Seth, in an attempt to determine whether or not the attacks against this god were systematic (Hope and Warfe 2017). Preliminary findings of this research, based on royal sculptures and the reliefs of Seti I at Karnak, show that iconoclasm against Seth certainly did occur, but it was not a complete or comprehensive process (Hope and Warfe 2017, 276–81). It seems that the worship of Seth in Dakhleh continued throughout the Third Intermediate Period, in full knowledge of the central administration, because it was linked to a local cult. So did the priesthood in the temple at Mut al-Kharab respond or adjust their religious practices in response to the proscription of Seth in the Nile valley? A clue to this question may exist on Block 5, in which a text relating to Seth was modified. The earlier inscription reads swtx aA pHty (Seth, Great of Strength), with the name of the god written with the Seth animal determinative. The altered version reads swtx nTr aA (Seth, the Great God), with the name of the god being written phonetically and without the Seth animal. These changing views relating to Seth can also be seen in the two Dakhleh stelae. The Greater Dakhleh Stela includes the Seth animal determinative, while the Smaller Dakhleh Stela, dated some 200 years later, omits it completely. The iconography of the Seth animal, therefore, seems to have been intentionally removed from use in the temple. This situation is paralleled by an unpublished inscribed door jamb from a Late Period or Ptolemaic tomb located in the vicinity of Mut al-Kharab. The tomb owner was a man named Padi-astarte who was a priest of Seth, and despite multiple references to the god, the Seth animal is absent in the text. This restriction on the use of the Seth animal might have led to further developments within this deity’s cult in

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Dakhleh. The Smaller Dakhleh Stela is the earliest known representation in the Western Desert of Seth as an anthropomorphic falcon-headed figure. While depictions of Seth as a falcon are known in the Nile valley (CruzeUribe 2009, 208-9), from Dynasty XXV onwards, this form of the god became increasingly popular in the oases. In particular, Seth came to be shown as a winged figure with a human body who is spearing Apophis, thus symbolising his strength and power. This is documented in numerous other oasis contexts from the Late Period onwards, including at Amhida, where it occurs on a stela and scenes in the temple, and in the well-known reliefs at the temple of Hibis in Kharga. The discovery of the inlaid moulds at Mut al-Kharab also shows that multiple representations of this god in the same guise and pose were part of the temple decoration. The scenes at Amhida, Hibis and Mut alKharab were all executed on a large scale, showing the cult of Seth continued to flourish in the oases, despite its decline in Egypt. We can, however, see the image of this god evolving during the Third Intermediate Period. The first step was the abandonment of the Seth animal, which either coincided with or was followed by the adoption of the anthropomorphic falcon-headed figure some time before Dynasty XXV, as indicated by the Smaller Dakhleh Stela. From the Late Period onwards, the image of Seth with a falcon head and spearing Apophis becomes widespread, with examples known throughout the Western Desert until the Roman period (Hope 20016, 132). At a time when this god’s popularity was declining elsewhere, the oasis communities continued to worship Seth, albeit with some iconographical distinctions. These developments may reveal idiosyncrasies specific to the oasis worship of this deity and thus be evidence of regional variation in Egypt, specifically an oasis culture.

Future Directions As the first major study to focus solely on Egypt’s Western Desert during the Third Intermediate Period, this volume has made important progress on this intriguing topic. To develop more solid conclusions, additional fieldwork is required, even though numerous challenges continue to exist. Mut al-Kharab will certainly produce more material, but work at the site is currently on hold as permission to excavate has not been granted by the Egyptian military since 2014. This greatly inhibits our ability to clarify pressing issues and strengthen our findings; unfortunately, there is no indication of when access to the site will be allowed. In addition, modern-day housing, farming encroachment, environmental erosion and population growth, means the ancient remains risk further disturbance or worse, destruction. Of course, these factors are not just limited to Mut al-Kharab. Sites throughout the western oases are facing similar pressures, with local organisations lacking the resources to not only preserve but protect the archaeological record. Given the limited evidence of Third Intermediate Period remains in general, these serious issues

reinforce the need to not only continue current projects, but search for new sites. Future work in the oases has many areas upon which to focus. Apart from the Smaller Dakhleh Stela of Dynasty XXV, most of the Third Intermediate Period inscriptions and decorated blocks from Mut al-Kharab are earlier in date. The references to the High Priests of Amun are possibly from Dynasty XXI, while the Greater Dakhleh Stela and jubilee blocks can be confidently assigned to Dynasty XXII. A similar date has been assigned to some of the coffins from ‘Ain Tirghi. In contrast, the bulk of the welldated material from Mut al-Kharab, such as the ostraka and the ceramics, comes from the final part of the Third Intermediate Period, namely Phase III. The significance of the Greater Dakhleh Stela as an historical source suggests far more evidence from the Libyan Period should exist in the Western Desert and this was certainly the expectation when excavations commenced at Mut al-Kharab (Hope 2001a, 29 and 34). A similar situation exists at Qasr Allam; while occupation commenced in the 9th century, the most extensive activity dates to the transition between Dynasties XXV and XXVI, as indicated by the ceramics (Colin 2011, 57; Rougeulle and Marchand 2011, 443–4). Where then is the earlier, in particular Libyan Period, material? This issue may be affected by our understanding of Libyan Period pottery. Although there has been a recent increase in publications of Third Intermediate Period pottery, ceramics specifically from the Libyan Period are still at a premium. Perhaps this situation is affected by the political decentralisation which characterises this era. The lack of a single state-wide administration and the growing prevalence of contemporary rulers may have resulted in more localised ceramic traditions, making identification of broader trends a difficult task. Improving our understanding of Phase IIB pottery in the oasis will certainly be a key focus for future research to help us to identify and clarify the extent of activity during this time. In Dakhleh, the sites of Mut al-Kharab, Amhida and ‘Ain Tirghi have all received significant attention; unfortunately, additional exploration at ‘Ain Tirghi is not viable following severe looting during the Arab Spring (Hope 2018, personal communications). As such, attention now needs to turn to other sites that will deepen our understanding of activity. Based on the occurrence of key ceramic forms, 32/390-M4-1 and 32/405-A2-1, both in western Dakhleh, will prove fruitful, as will the cemetery of 31/405-F9-3. At the latter site, only two rooms of a single tomb were explored, and the discovery of the funeral stelae at Mut al-Kharab shows that surrounding cemeteries were definitely being used during this time. In central Dakhleh, the large site of ‘Ain al-Azizi (31/405-M9-1) was the location of a temple, but this is yet to be explored in detail. It is known to have been the production centre for kegs from the Late Period onwards, but investigations may reveal earlier occupation. In the eastern part of the oasis, the search for a settlement associated with the cemetery of ‘Ain Tirghi needs to be undertaken. The burial equipment

Conclusions

indicates a certain level of wealth amongst the population; their community must have existed nearby. Beyond Dakhleh, the work by l’IFAO, the NKOS, the Theban Road Desert Survey, and exploration along the Abu Ballas Trail has been impressive and achieved rewarding results. Nevertheless, a significant portion of the Western Desert remains unexplored. Farafra is still yet to produce any material that pre-dates the Roman period, which is remarkable given it is the largest depression in the Western Desert and in antiquity, was connected to the other oases via desert roads. Farafra is currently under investigation by an Italian mission and this work will hopefully reveal pharaonic material; it is highly unlikely this large oasis was completely avoided by settlers and travellers of the Western Desert during dynastic times. In contrast, Bahriyya and Kharga have received more attention from archaeologists and sites like Qasr Allam are revealing significant activity. Continued excavations by the French mission will undoubtedly unearth even more material in northern Bahriyya from this time. For Kharga, however, the Third Intermediate Period remains are sparse. Continued investigation of this oasis is required. With substantial activity occurring in Dakhleh and Bahriyya, and extensive traffic occurring in the Theban Desert, it seems unlikely Kharga was not widely occupied. Current evidence suggests its primary function may have been as a stopping point for travellers, but again, its proximity to both the Nile and the Thebaid, together with the substantial remains from the Late Period onwards, makes this hypothesis unlikely. Additional exploration will hopefully clarify this issue. This study has laid solid foundations for future investigations into activity in Egypt’s Western Desert during the Third Intermediate Period. The collation of all available evidence, the analysis of the Mut al-Kharab corpus, the development of the ceramic typology, and the identification of distinct oasis forms, will provide valuable comparative material for other sites. With the prevalence of forms dating to Phase III, this will also help with dating ceramic deposits both in the Nile valley and the Western Desert. Despite the challenges of this topic, a more-secure footing has been established, and future material can now be analysed with more confidence.

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APPENDIX

The Third Intermediate Period Pottery from Mut al-Kharab The pottery in the following tables is discussed in Chapter 4 and reproduced as Figures 4.1–4.5, 4.7–4.17, 4.19–4.22, 4.24–4.30 and 4.32–4.36.

TRENCH 38B

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Appendix

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TRENCH 34

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TRENCH 36

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TRENCH 37

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TRENCH 6

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216

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TRENCH 8 (Dump)

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218

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TRENCH 9 (Dump)

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TRENCH 16 (Dump)

TRENCH 17 (Dump)

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TRENCH 38A (Dump?)

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Appendix

The Dakhleh Oasis Project Monographs

223

The Dakhleh Oasis Project Monographs The monograph number is given in bold in parentheses

REPORTS Ceramics from Dakhleh Oasis: Preliminary Studies, by W. I. Edwards, C. A. Hope and E. R. Segnit (1) Reports from the Survey of the Dakhleh Oasis 1977–1987, edited by C. S. Churcher and A. J. Mills (2) Preliminary Reports on the 1992–1993 and 1993–1994 Field Seasons, edited by C. A. Hope and A. J. Mills (8) Vernacular Mudbrick Architecture in the Dakhleh Oasis and the Design of the Dakhleh Oasis Training and Archaeological Conservation Centre, by W. Schijns, with contributions by O. Kaper and J. Kila (10) Preliminary Reports on the 1994–1995 to 1998–1999 Field Seasons, edited by C. A. Hope and G. E. Bowen (11) Prehistoric Pottery from Dakhleh Oasis, Egypt, by A. R. Warfe (18)

PAPYRI FROM KELLIS I: Greek Papyri from Kellis 1, edited by K. A. Worp (3) II: Kellis Literary Texts: Volume 1, edited by I. Gardner (4) III: The Kellis Isocrates Codex, edited by K. A. Worp and A. Rijksbaron (5) IV: The Kellis Agricultural Account Book, edited by R. S. Bagnall (7) V: Coptic Documentary Texts: Volume 1, edited by I. Gardner, A. Alcock and W.-P. Funk (9) VI: Kellis Literary Texts: Volume 2, edited by I. Gardner (15 sic) VII: Coptic Documentary Texts from Kellis: Volume 2, edited by I. Gardner, A. Alcock and W.-P. Funk (16) (VIII): Greek Ostraka from Kellis, edited by K. A. Worp (13)

224

The Dakhleh Oasis Project Monographs

THE OASIS PAPERS 1: Proceedings of the First International Symposium of the Dakhleh Oasis Project, edited by C. A. Marlow and A. J. Mills (6) 2: Proceedings of the Second International Conference of the Dakhleh Oasis Project, edited by M. F. Wiseman (12) 3: Proceedings of the Third International Conference of the Dakhleh Oasis Project, edited by G. E. Bowen and C. A. Hope (14) 6: Proceedings of the Sixth International Conference of the Dakhleh Oasis Project, edited by R. S. Bagnall, P. Davoli and C. A. Hope (15) 8: Pleistocene Research in the Western Desert of Egypt, by M. R. Kleindienst et alii (20) 9: Proceedings of the Ninth International Conference of the Dakhleh Oasis Project, edited by G. E. Bowen and C. A. Hope (19)

THE EXCAVATIONS AT MUT AL-KHARAB I: Dakhleh Oasis and the Western Desert of Egypt under the Ptolemies, by J. C. R. Gill (17) II: The Third Intermediate Period in the Western Desert of Egypt, by R. J. Long (21)