The era after the Baroque: music and the fine arts 1750-1900 9781576471241

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The Era after the Baroque Music and the Fine Arts 1750-1900

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The Era after the Baroque Music and the Fine Arts 1750-1900 by

Robert Tallant Laudon

MONOGRAPHS IN MUSICOLOGY No. 13

PENDRAGON PRESS HILLSDALE, NEW YORK

Other Titles in the Series MONOGRAPHS IN MUSICOLOGY No.2 La Statira by Pretro Ottoboni and Alessandro Scarlatti The Textual Sources by William C. Holmes (1983)

No.6 = The Art of Noises by Luigi Russolo (1987) No.9 Peano and Song (Didactic and Polemical) by Friedrich Wieck The Collected Writings of Clara Schumann’ Father and Only Teacher (1988) No. 10 Confraternity and Carnevale at San Giovanni Evangelista, Florence, 1820-1924 by Aubrey

S. Garlington (1992) No. 11. Franz Schubert's Music in Performance Compositional Ideals, Notational Intent, Hestorical Reahkttes, Pedagogical Foundations by David Montgomery (2003)

No. 12 Revoling Embrace The Waltz as Sex, Steps, and Sound by Sevin H. Yaramin (2002)

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Laudon, Robert T-

The era after the Baroque : music and the fine arts 1750-1900 / by Robert Tallant Laudon.

p. cm. -- (Monographs in musicology ; no. 13) Includes bibliographical references and index.

ISBN 978-1-57647-124-1 .

1. Music--19th century--History and criticism. 2. Music--18th century--History and criticism. 3. Art and music. I. Title. ML193.L38 2008 780.9'033--dc22 2008013536

Copyright 2008 Robert Tallant Laudon

iv

Contents

List of Illustrations vi

Preface vil Acknowledgements vill

List of Musical Examples vil

1. Naming the Era 1

2. The Proposal: The First Main Theme 11 3. The Proposal: The Second Main Theme 21

4. Synergy of Forces 33

5. Defining the Expressive Ideal 43 6. Vocal Art and the Expressive Ideal 51

7. Instrumental Art and the Expressive Ideal 63 8.. Intensity and Interrelationships in the Arts 73

9. Coda 81 Appendices 83

Index 89

4

Illustrations Vignette of Calliope (Batteux’s Les Beaux Arts) it The Passion of Scorn (Le Brun Conference...upon 2 EXPRESSION

Promethée (Henry Fuselt) 12

Prométhee (Gravelot) 22

La Symphonie (Beethoven Monument) 24 Vocal Concert of the Orphéon Society 34

La Chevardiére’s Catalogue 38

Pastoral Scene after Claude Lorrain 41

Le Ruisseau (Moreau le jeune) 46 Vignette of Prometheus (Graf Leopold zu Stolberg) 34 Auf dem Wasser zu singen (Der angenehme Gesellschafter) 61

The Periodical Overture (Jomell1) | 72

Musical Examples

N’est-il Amour (Anon.) 51

SuBe Heilige Naatur (Peter Schulz) 56 Auf dem Wasser zu singen (Franz Schubert) 58 Sorgenlose Heiterkeit (Daniel Gottlob Turk) 67 Andante, Piano Concerto K 482 (Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart) 68

vi

Preface What shall we call the era in western music history from 1750 to 1900? Listeners and scholars alike treasure the works of its great composers: Mozart, Beethoven, Chopin, Wagner, Tchaikovsky. A powerfully symbolic name, though—analogous to “baroque” for the previous era—still eludes us.

We refer constantly to two trends, classical and romantic, which have substantive meaning for various composers’ orientations and for ways of performing the music. But these two terms—whether understood as indicating consecutive or overlapping trends—do not plainly suggest the two main events of the age: the industrial revolution, and the democratic political upheavals of 1776, 1789, and 1848. Also, they do not acknowledge an emerging sense of humanity or the excitement of a passionate audience seeking recognition and expression. This extended essay proposes a powerful symbol for the new era while at the same time keeping traditional terminology intact. It looks at the age in a

primarily positive manner while still acknowledging its darker aspects. In particular, it evokes the sphere of the newly recognized system of “fine arts” and therefore has resonances for the visual and literary arts in addition to its primary focus on music. It advances an expressive ideal that is traced in both vocal and instrumental music during that century and a half. It stresses that music was not an art unique and set apart but rather participated in the great dissemination of education and artistic opportunity that was then emerging in the context of an increasingly human-centered concept of freedom.

vil

Acknowledgments Thanks are extended to musicologists Ralph Locke, David Grayson, Leon Plantinga, DonnaMae Gustafson, and Stanislav Tuksar; to composer Dominick

Argento; to pianist Louise Guhl; to writer Georgia Greeley; and to several anonymous readers. All have been exceedingly helpful but are not, of course, responsible for any insufficiencies that still remain. Special gratitude goes to the

librarians of the University of Minnesota, the New York Public Library, Washington University at St. Louis, the Pierpont Morgan Library, the Bibliothéque de l’ Opéra (Paris), and the Newberry Library. Several librarians have helped beyond the call of duty: Susan Rippley and Timothy Maloney of the University of Minnesota, John Bidwell of The Morgan Library, Jill Gage of the Newberry Library, and Erin Davis of Washington University,

Vill

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ae 1. Naming the Era an 4

ere OO ONE VEO LT ew

Historians have divided their raw material for western Europe and those areas

| dependent upon western European traditions into extended eras, each representing a norm of society, style, and thought. They have then subdivided these large eras into shorter time spans, generally called periods. Our terminology

for eras derives from a number of sources, most frequently from nineteenthcentury historical research. Several terms such as Medieval, Renaissance, and Baroque are in current use. Two even achieved their status after first being used

in a pejorative fashion. |

“Medieval,” has the fundamental meaning of “Middle Ages.” This word, by itself, denotes a time span but very few stylistic messages; those have accrued by usage. “Renaissance,” has a basic meaning of “rebirth” and carried an ideal

with it, a time of rebirth of the human spirit evident previously in classical Greece and Rome. From its initial concept, in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries

as a literary emergence of humanism, it has come to denote both a time span and a stylistic ideal. “Baroque,” on the other hand, derives in modern usage from style analysis, particularly as Baroque contrasts with Renaissance style in the visual arts. It was first formulated in the work of the art historian Heinrich Wolfflin' but its meaning has broadened as public, scholars, and performers have discovered its special wonders and depth of thought. Manfred Bukofzer used the scheme of era, period, and comprehensive name effectively in his path-breaking study of music in the Baroque Era.* He recognized both the advantages and disadvantages of generic terms such as baroque. These terms cannot have absolutely precise definitions. He knew that “the concrete life of a period knows internal contradictions, conflicts of prevalent

and suppressed ideas, survivals from the preceding and anticipations of the __ following periods,” however “in spite of these complexities, the prevalent ideas of an era stand out and must receive the main attention.’ So indeed, baroque—

otiginally referring to an irregular pearl or to a tortured syllogism—has now

become a widely accepted symbol of an era. | ‘Heinrich Wolfflin, Renaissance und Barock (Munich: T. Ackermann, 1888); Kanstgeschichthche Grundbegriffe (Munich: F. Bruckman, 1915). Manfred Bukofzer, Music in the Baroque Era: From Monteverdi to Bach (New York: Norton, 1947). He divided the entire era into three smaller periods, Early, Middle, and Late Baroque. *Bukofzer, Baroque Era, 2-3. 1

ee THE ERA AFTER THE BAROQUE

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| The name that I propose for this historical movement is the Promethean Era, a term derived from Greek legend. It takes its name from the Titan, Prometheus, son of Japetus and Themis.’ The adjective “promethean” traditionally carried meanings such as “pertaining to Prometheus who stole fire from heaven”? or “pertaining to, ot resembling Prometheus, in his skill, art, or punishment,” the emphasis being on the Titan himself. Over the years definitions and connotations have strayed some distance from the original meaning. In this essay the Titan’s

name will be used in the traditional sense to refer to one who stole fire (and by | extension technology) from the realm of the gods and brought it to earth for the benefit of mankind at a time when humans were untutored and in great

need of means of improvement. |

Aeschylus in Prometheus Bound has the Titan proclaim, in two great soliloquies,* both the potency of fire aud the necessity of education, technology

and humanity.” All too often Prometheus has been associated solely with technology and has acquired the connotation of “unfettered power and ‘In the Aeschylus drama, Prometheus acknowledges Themis as his mother. Other sources sometimes state that his mother was Asta. It is from Themis, a Titan, Mother-Goddess, and Deity of the Delphic Oracle (before Apollo), that Prometheus, the forethinker, gained his power to know foreordained events. *"Noah Webster, An American Dictionary of the Englsh Language (New Haven: Hezekiah Howe, 1828).

‘Still used in the latest edition (1989) of the New Oxford Dictionary.

‘Each soliloquy occurs at a moment of great stress for the Titan: the first after he has been chained and the second after he has refused an offer by his fellow Titan, Oceanus, to recant and reconcile with Zeus. The second soliloquy is delivered in the presence of the Oceanides, witnesses to his most private convictions. >Lawrence Kramer, “The Waters of Prometheus: Nationalism and Sexuality in Wagner’s Rzng,” The Work of Opera: Genre, Nationhood, and Sexual Difference, ed. Richard Dellamora and Daniel Fischlin (New York: Columbia University, 1997), 135-36, perceptively notes “In classical terms, Prometheus the fire-bringer is a personification of Bronze Age technology. Only much later, in the Promethean texts of European Romanticism, does the emphasis shift from material to symbolic culture, from technique to value.” Kramer finds that the fire element of Prometheus “becomes expendable” within that literature as writers focus on what I am calling the “second theme.” I would, however, claim that while the literary references to fire/technology begin to disappear as the new sense of humanity begins to flourish, the actuality of fire/technology is the very foundation of industrial society. It is so pervasive that it hardly needs mention except when it treads upon the ideals that are dawning.

11 |

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Composets, writers, and visual artists, no longer servants of the church ot nobility, now seemed infused with the power of individual thought.’ The new musician might still be called maestro [mattre or Mezster| in the traditional way but more and more he was given a name befitting his new-found status: arfzst, a word with a halo around it. Berlioz did not ute his Fantastic Symphony “Episode in the Life of a Musician” nor did Schumann found the Neue Zeitschrift fir Musik

for “Musicians and Music Lovers.” Both used the word “artist,” a term that gave nobility to their craft, (illustration opposite page) the desire to rise above the shallow values of the commercial market, a hope not always realized.’ In German-speaking lands, the composer at times became the Tone Poet, the Tondichter, a term that combined the word for sound with that of poem— “sound” the very essence of music and “poem” in the Greek sense of a creation, something made in the grip of the divine. Music itself became known as “the divine art.” The claim to be an artist rested, however, not solely on effusive or self-serving declarations, nor on honorific names. It arose as part of a larger outlook. The “artist” no longer practiced a craft but one of the “fine arts,” arts exceeding mere practicality, something exalted above the useful arts."° In 1746, the Abbé Charles Batteux put forth in his treatise Les Beaux Arts réduits a un méme principe,'' a schematic system for the arts of music, poetry, painting, sculpture, and dance. He grouped them all into a category of “fine atts,” a concept still accepted today. These beaux arts, self sufficient in his view, were raised to a new level, an entity free of its former restraints as ornaments of

’Although at times they might have to sacrifice individual aspiration to financial security and commercial demand. *Periodicals of the era addressed the amateur market in one degree or another. They carried notices and reviews of music and concerts, a necessary help in an age when so much music was being published and performed. Often they promoted local events and supported local pride though some journals had correspondents in a variety of European cities so that the musical devotee could be informed of the larger scene. Time and time again, musical affairs were paired with theatrical reports, sometimes paired with mode, fashion, and the social scene, yet again with businesses that wanted to promote their own publications. “Artist” represented an ideal, not always a reality.

‘Jules Janin rhapsodizes thus: “What a fine word—artist! It is as if one said intelligent...he is one of the happy men of the world, a dreamer, a careless philosopher little disturbed by the material facts of life...a worthy man whose only cares are sound, color, tune, soul and heart” in “Etre artiste,’ opening essay in the first issue of L’Artste (1831). "Charles Batteux, Les Beaux Arts réduits a un méme principe (Paris: Durand, 1746). This is also available in a reprint of 1970 by the Johnson Reprint Corporation as part of the series, Classics in Art and Literary Critisism, under the editorship of René Wellek. Paul Oskar Kristeller’s “Modern System,” Journal of the History of Ideas 11 (1951): 501-27; 12 (1952): 17-24, traces the emergence

of Batteux’s ideas and shows that the concept of the fine arts arose for the first time in mideighteenth century. An important follow-up to Kristeller’s work is Georges Matoré’s, “Les Notions d’art et d’artiste 4 l’€poque romantique,” Revue des Sciences Humaines 16 (1951): 120-37. Matoré’s work has the added advantage of dating the first appearance of important terms. He introduces the important word sentiment into the discussion.

25

THE ERA AFTER THE BAROQUE

courtly life or backgrounds for religious observances. They were as free and open to humanity’’ as Prometheus had promised when he made humans “masters

of their own thought.” Batteux went beyond his own basic principle of the “imitation of nature” when he approached the art of music. He knew that music entered the realm of feeling (sentiment), a quality that became one of the distinguishing marks of the new era. He realized that “the heart has its intelligence independent of words, and when it is touched everything is clearly understood.” He had before him a lively theater culture in which the poetry, music, and choreography each played a part forming a “union of the arts.” Thus when artists separate these three arts in order to cultivate and polish them with mote care, each one in particular, they ought not to lose sight of the first order of nature nor think they can do without the others. They ought to be united, nature demands it, taste requires it."

Even more boldly, he kept the place of honor for music, the art dependent upon feeling and sentiment. It is music alone that apparently has the right to unfold all its charms. The theater is for her. Poetry has only the second place and dance the third.”

To this union of the theatrical arts he added architecture, painting, and sculpture that “ought to prepare the locales and the scene of the spectacle and to do this

in a manner corresponding to the dignity of the actors and the quality of the subjects at hand.”'® Here we have, in kernel, the power of drama and even something akin of the “complete art work,” a hallmark of the Promethean Age. Batteux’s concept of the fine arts spread rapidly. In 1751, Johann Adolf Schlegel translated the treatise into German.'’ Even more importantly, the concept formed the basis of Johann Georg Sulzer’s monumental A//gemeine Theorte der schonen Ksinste und Wassenschaften (1771-74), a work in which music’s place became so important that Sulzer had to draw upon musical experts to help him.

The actual independence of the arts from the old patrons took place gradually and only gained momentum bit by bit throughout the Promethean Era. SBatteux, Beaux Arts, 285-86. “Batteux, Beaux Arts, 300. SBatteux, Beaux Arts, 303. ’Batteux, Beaux Arts, 307. "Under the title Eznschrankung der schinen Kiinste auf einen einzigen Gegensatz. His elder brother, Johann Elias Schlegel, anticipated some of the principles of Batteux in his Abhandlung von der Nachahmung (1742-45).

26

THE PROPOSAL: THE SECOND \LAIN THEME

The years around 1750 bristled with other grand projects, each endeavoring to understand and use knowledge as Prometheus would have it: man and the natural world, man and the world of work and technology. The first volume of the Encyclopédie, a Methodical Dictionary of Arts and Trades, appeared in 1751.’° Jean Le Rond d’Alembert, in the preface, divided the whole realm of knowledge and understanding into those items based on (1) memory,

(2) reason, and (3) imagination. Music, painting, sculpture, architecture and engraving found their place in the realm of “imagination” and all under the subdivision “poetry,” thereby signifying their exalted place. As part of this larger

outlook concerning the value of art—practiced by the noble artist—came philosophical speculation about art itself and its limits, an inquiry that became an established branch of philosophy called “aesthetics,” using the title given to

the work on sensory perception by Alexander Gottlieb Baumgarten in his Alesthetica of 1750-58. Almost simultaneous with this general recognition came

an interpretation of a wilder type of expression that involved mystery, abnormality, and even terror—such things as the heroes and warfare of the

imagined Celtic bard Ossian, the wilder scenes of Henry Fuseli,” or the avalanches and conflagrations of French rescue operas.*? Edmund Burke in 1757 termed this “the sublime,’””’ one part of a duality in which the awe inspiring

“sublime” was opposed to the “beautiful in form.” The concept was discussed by several great thinkers of the age—Diderot, Lessing, Kant and Schiller—and the term “sublime” became widely accepted.”

"See Appendix A. “A convenient source for the works of Fuseli is the exhibition catalogue, Henry Fuseh, 1741-1825 (London: Tate Gallery, 1975). No. 78 in this catalogue is a sketch of Prometheus in which Fuseli has turned an academic exercise into an expressive theme. No. 73 is a pencil and watercolor sketch of the chaining of Prometheus. Recently two exhibitions have presented works in the tradition of the sublime: the exhibition of works of Girodet in Paris and at the Chicago Institute of Arts, and an exhibition centered on Fuseli and related artists at the Tate Britain in London. This latter presentation is accompanied by a splendid book of essays and colored plates: Martin Myrone, Gothic Nightmares: Fuseh, Blake and the Romantic Imagination (London: Tate Publishing, 2006). Special attention should be given to the essay “Perverse Classicism,” pp. 53-99, which includes substantial discussion of Fuseli and his Prometheus images. Spectacular theater effects were not new. The Baroque Age cultivated the art of the theatrical machine and produced extraordinary stage productions in a genre often called the “marvelous.” In the Promethean Era many of the effects were of natural phenomena, ordinary people, and historical situations—all of these related to the “human-centered” view of the time. **Edmund Burke, A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origins of our Ideas of the Sublime and the Beautiful

(London: R. and J. Dodsley, 1757). Burke’s Enguiry is selected as a clear-cut exposition of what had been discussed previously by a number of English philosophers, Addison and Hume among them. The concept first appears in ancient Greece in a work by the so-called Longinus. See also Roger B. Larsson’s “The Beautiful, the Sublime and the Picturesque in Eighteenth-Century Musical Thought in Britain” (Ph.D. diss., State University of New York at Buffalo, 1980). See Appendix B.

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THE ERA AFTER THE BAROQUE

The artist became a standard bearer of the new era which brought to the wider audience an art that raised man to a higher state far beyond that brutish one in which the Forethinker had found him ages before and even beyond what had been accomplished in the intervening ages before 1750. In recognition, the artist became celebrated in festivals, in statues, in venerated tombs, in monuments,

or portraits.” Poet’s Corner in Westminster Abbey, a series of monuments to literary artists—and including the musician, Handel—was so designated in the eighteenth century by Oliver Goldsmith, himself a friend and admirer of Burke. The Temple of British Worthies in the Elysian Fields in the gardens at Stowe was designed

around 1735 to display busts of Pope, Milton, Shakespeare, Locke, Newton, Bacon and others.” Le Parnasse Francois, a monument conceived by Titon du Tillet and sculpted

in 1721 by Louis Garnier, is a bronze model of the Mount of Parnassus on which were displayed figures of the most illustrious poets and musicians of France—Racine, Corneille, Mlle. De Scudéry, La Fontaine, Segrais, Boileau, Lully

and others. A colossal monument, based on the model, was to be erected in the center of Paris, a project which never came to pass.” The Panthéon in Paris was set aside in 1791 to keep the remains of those deserving of a nation’s tribute. The cemetery of Pere Lachaise likewise celebrates those “illustrious men and women who were born to no titles, but achieved fame by their own energy and their own genius...a nobler royalty—the royalty of heart and brain.’’”°

In music, among numerous examples of tribute to the artist was the | Beethoven statue at Bonn, a project which almost foundered in 1839 until Franz

Liszt took it under his own protection. With his help, the statue was finally installed in August of 1845.’ Yet more sweeping in honoring genius, the Weimar

Court, the “Court of the Muses,” in 1849 mounted a Goethe Festival*® and

inaugurated a statue, and then, in 1850, a Herder Festival to which Liszt In regard to tombs: a commoner’s tomb in this age was frequently kept sacrosanct until only the bones were left; then they were removed and the space used for the next person. In regard to monuments, see Thomas Tolley’s Painting the Cannon’ Roar: Music, the Visual Arts and the Rise of an

Altentive Public in the Age of Haydn (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001), 182-85. In regard to portraits:

prints of celebrities became collector’s items for connoisseurs and publicity for aspiring musicians. Tolley, Cannon’s Roar, 16, 164-65, 209-10. Heartz, in recognition of the essential role of visual art, includes a large number of illustrations and analyses of that art within his European Capitals.

“The entire issue of Apolo for June 19, 1973 is devoted to this monument. Judith Colton, The Parnasse Francois: Titon du Tillet and the Origins of the Monument to Genius (New Haven: Yale, 1979). *°Mark Twain, The Innocents Abroad (New York: New American Library, 1966), 101-02. *7Alan Walker, Franz Lizst, The Virtuoso Years, 1811-1847, rev. ed. (Ithaca: Cornell, 1987), 269-72, 417-26.

Walker, Franz Liszt, The Weimar Years, 1848-1861 (New York: Knopf, 1989) 119-21.

28

THE PROPOSAL: THE SECOND MAIN THEME

contributed incidental music for—a significant choice—Herder’s Der entfesselte Prometheus (Prometheus Unbound).”’

The social reformers used Prometheus as a congenial symbol. As early as the 1760s, the Chevalier de Jaucourt in his Encyclopédie article on Prometheus

tied the Titan’s struggle to that of the progressive thinkers of the Enlightenment. “The melancholy of leading a miserable life in a savage land where a vulture devours his liver, would that not be a vivid image of the depths and distressing meditations of a philosophe?” One of the most widely read and influential treatments, a landmark in Romantic literature, was Shelley’s Prometheus Unbound written between 1818 and 1820. Its idealistic appeal arose from his call to social action and from the beauty of his lyrics. With his poetic gifts he converted the myth into a musical image, the sound of the new society. Then weave the web of the mystic measure; From the depths of the sky and ends of the earth, Come, swift Spirits of might and of pleasure, Fill the dance and the music of mirth, As the waves of a thousand streams rush by To an ocean of splendour and harmony!” And our singing shall build In the void’s loose field

A world for the Spirit of Wisdom to wield: We will take our plan From the new world of man, And our work shall be called the Promethean.”' The myth excited similar interest in the ranks of the more radical social reformers, those concerned with the material side of contemporary life. In his doctoral dissertation of 1841, Karl Marx, at the end of the introduction, called the Titan “the most eminent saint and martyr in the philosophical calendar.”

Walker, Liszt, Weimar Years, 121-23. The compositional and publishing history of Liszt’s Prometheus music is extremely complex. See Paul Allen Bertagnolli’s, “From Overture to Symphonic Poem, from Melodrama to Choral Cantata: Studies of the Sources for Franz Liszt’s Prometheus and his Chére zu Herders ‘Entfesseltem Prometheus’ ” (Ph.D. diss., Washington University, St. Louis, 1998). Shelley, Prometheus Unbound, Act IV, Chorus of Spirits and Hours (lines 129-134). *'Shelley, Prometheus Unbound, Act IV, Chorus of Spirits (ines 153-58).

29

THE ERA _AFTER THE BAROQUE

Marx himself was even portrayed in 1843 as Prometheus chained to the printing press of the Rheinische Zeitung with the Prussian Eagle gnawing at his liver.” Prometheus, as presented by Aeschylus, did not anticipate a Utopia-to-

Come—though some nineteenth-century social critics believed in such a possibility. Ideal communities they founded thrived for a time but did not survive. More realistic thinkers saw the gift of Prometheus in human terms, in the freedom to understand and to express themselves. Goethe in his unfinished drama Prometheus (1774) recognized the gift to

be neither completely joyous nor completely despairing. In a famous ode, the opening speech of a proposed third act—later set to music by Schubert” and Wolf—he had Prometheus proclaim:

Hier sitz’ ich, forme Menschen Here I sit, forming men

Nach meinem Bilde, After my image, Ein Geschlecht das mir gleich sei, A race that will be like me,

Zu leiden, zu weinen, To suffer, to weep, Zu genieBien und zu freuen sich, To enjoy and be glad together,

Und dein nicht zu achten, And to esteem you [Zeus] not at all,

Wie Ich. Just as I.

What Prometheus gave was independence, to “strengthen Man in his own

mind” as Byron put it.* From this recognition of what a human can achieve sprang the feeling of compassion, the understanding of the human condition. Love’s joys and sorrows, the renewing forces of nature, the mystery of the night, the enchantment of childhood, the protest against tyranny and cruelty, in short, all that is human could take its place in the emotional world of the new age.

Our attitudes today have changed so radically that it is difficult for us to accept such promethean concepts as “progress” or “sentiment.” At times our awareness of the dreary aspects of the era—the evils of the factory system, the

Francis Wheen, Karl Marx, A Life (New York: Norton, 1999), figure 5 in an unpaginated and unnumbered series of illustrations. Prometheus became a prominent theme in the Soviet Union. Schubert set this poem for bass voice and piano in October of 1819 (D-674). He also set a cantata version of the Prometheus story (D-451) to the words of Philipp Draxler von Carin; it was given in a private performance on 24 July 1816 and repeated in 1819 at the home of Ignaz von Sonnleithner. The music was lost during Schubert’s lifetime and has never been found. The ode was also set by Hugo Wolf in 1889 for voice and piano and a few years later for voice with orchestral accompaniment. 4George Gordon Byron, “Prometheus,” The Complete Poetical Works, vol. 4, ed. Jerome J. McGann

(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1986), 32.

30

THE PROPOSAL: THE SECOND MAIN THEME

excessive hours of labor, the usurpation of the democratic ideal by military and political forces, even the bathos of sentimentality—overwhelm us and lead us to abandon recognition of any positive qualities. Many of the contradictions of the era became evident as the twentieth century dawned. Some of the problems— intense nationalism, ecological damage, disparity between the “developed” world and the “undeveloped” and more—are still with us. Like all ages, it had its dark side. Yet nothing could stop the inexorable march of the new society within our

focus on western Europe although not in portions of eastern Europe that retained a semi-feudal society during the era.

If one judges, however, by the life of the time preceding and the age afterward—neither of them golden ages—this era can be viewed in an affirmative

manner, an aspiring age, the way in which Herder saw it when he proclaimed: “Use the fire that Prometheus brought to you, use it for yourselves. Let it shine brighter and more beautiful; it is the flame of the ever-progressing culture of

man.”

*Johann Gottfried Herder, “Der entfesselte Prometheus, Scenen,” Savthche Werke, vol. 4, ed. Bernhard Suphan and Carl Redlich (Berlin: Weidmann, 1884), 328. Herder had pondered, during a lifetime of literary work, the Prometheus myth.

31

BLANK PAGE

es Gir ie i — A 4 or

vo an oe 6 a) oe ey” me » , 4 Synergyof Forces — 4

Gr CNT re Oe Yee The two promethean themes—so far presented separately—cannot be fully appreciated in isolation; they are intertwined. In tandem with the remarkable inctease in manufacture of instruments, for instance, came the necessity of teaching large numbers of people both the fundamentals of music and the techniques of their chosen instruments.

The statement “large numbers of people” is not casual; it requires explanation. While the new public is often described as middle class or bourgeois,

those terms, while essential, can be difficult or misleading if used as the sole ctiterion.' It was a time—if we consider the entire age—that witnessed in western Europe a movement of people from farm to city, to factory life, to wage-earners

life, to merchant life, or even to executive life. The new broader arts public

consisted of a mixed group that included some of the nobility, some of the merchants and their families, some of the professional musicians, some of the amateurs belonging to choirs or bands, and some of the citified folk who found means for occasional attendance at musical events—a mixture that grew more varied as the era unfolded and audiences experienced presentations going from the lighter fare of the pleasure gardens to the upper class subscription concerts _ attended by the members of a society of performers, directors, and auditors.’ Not only were there more people who could afford to follow and enjoy the arts; indeed, there were more and more actual persons within western Europe. Carl L. Becker presents a telling summary when he writes, In 1685 the population of England was about 5,000,000. For centuries the increase had been so slight that Gregory King, an economist living in the early eighteenth century, estimated that there would not be 11,000,000 in England until the year 2300. But in fact there were 11,000,000 in England in 1815. In 1910, there were 36,900,000. Between 1801 and 1910 the population of France increased from about 25,000,000 to 39,000,000; during the same period the population in the

‘William Weber, “The Muddle of the Middle Classes,” 19th Century Music 3/2 (1979), 175-85,

outlines some of the problems that social historians have found in this usage. In any case, ovetwhelming numbers of peasants, quite removed from cultivated music circles, remained numerically the backbone of the various countries. *Henry Raynor, Music ¢» Society Since 1815 (New York: Schoken, 1976), Chap. 7, offers a resumé of concerts both light and serious.

33

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The principal reasons for this upsurge wete the improvements 1n sanitation and medical treatment together with a decline in infant mortality—truly promethean chang es.

A new type of relationship be tween music producers and music consumers emerged, a type oO usiness” atrangement. as dependent upon widesprea

d f “bust ” It was d dent wid d 3 1 L B k e T. ° e . e ° e . oye ° listening exp erience and musical education. In the coinmon schools the ordinar y

Carl L. Becker, Modern History, The Rise of a Democratic, Scientific, and Industrialized Civilization (New

. York: Silver Burdett, 1942), 502. °

s topic and its medical aspects are treated by Gay, The Enhghtenment, 21-23.

SYNERGY OF FORCES

person could find at least singing of folk songs and, often, some instruction in music reading. Solfége, Tonic Sol-Fa and Rousseau’s number system became accepted methods of teaching note reading.’ During the Baroque Era, aspiring music students planning a professional career had found individual masters, teachers in the Italian conservatories, and the musicians of the various choir schools to instruct them. The establishment of the Parisian Conservatoire National de Musique et de Déclamation in 1795, once past its military and revolutionary stage, marked a turning point. The French government began subsidizing the training of talented students, the first step in

what was to become for various countries a system of state-sponsored conservatories that spread musical culture throughout Europe. Outstanding teacher-musicians and directors often wrote textbooks, composed instructional

manuals and études, set up tests for their students, and, in some cases even influenced music in the public schools.

Musical literacy served well the civic groups: the Mannerchore and Frauenchore of Germany, the Caveau and Orphéon in France, and the festival

choruses of England. Percy Scholes calls the nineteenth-century English cultivation of sight-singing a “mania (and mania is not too strong a word).”° Mania though it might be, the ability to read music opened new realms to the ordinary person in the same way that newspapers and magazines were giving the working classes a knowledge of worlds far beyond the village or the factory’

while novels—such as those by Charles Dickens or George Sand—often published in magazines and newspapers, gave them a broader view of society, such as the difficult position of women or the cruelties visited upon the young and the poor. A growing number of methods and studies testifies further to the great educational wave engulfing western Europe. The following table shows the most important keyboard texts for the Early Promethean Period.® >Among the items in the vast literature on music education, prominent mention should be given to the numerous volumes edited and reprinted through the activity of Bernarr Rainbow under the general rubric of “Classic Texts in Music Education.” While these lean heavily toward British sources, there are some from the continent as well. They include Rousseau’s work on music reading as well as Joseph Mainzer’s Singing for the Million; Mainzer, a disciple of song and note reading worked in Germany, France, and England. °Percy A. Scholes, The Mirror of Music, 2 vols. (London: Novello and Oxford University, 1947),

1:3. The first chapter, entitled “The Sight-Singing Century,” contains a listing of choral organizations, many dating from the eighteenth century. ‘See Jonathan Rose, The Intellectual Life of the British Working Classes (New Haven: Yale University,

2001), 25. Rose gives enough facts to support the conclusion of Marshall McLuhan that “Print carries the individuating power of the phonetic alphabet much further than manuscript culture could ever do. Print is the technology of individualism” (Gutenberg Galaxy: The Making of Typographic

Man [Toronto: University of Toronto, 1962], 158). “The table shows primarily chronology but also the gradual change from methods for harpsichord or clavichord to those for the pianoforte, and also it shows the gradual appearance of methods designed specifically for beginners and for children. In addition to the methods of the (cont.)

35

THE ERA AFTER THE BAROQUE

STUDIES AND METHODS

(P. C. Hartung) The Theoretico-Practical Musician, “Part I containing a Methodical Guide to the Clavier that expounds a convenient, speedy, artful, and artfulappearing application of the fingers”

1750 Marpurg, F. W. Die Kunst das Clavier zu spielen, Berlin Second volume issued in 1751, French translation 1755, Enlarged 1762

1753 © Bach, C. P. E. Versuch uber die wahre Art das Clavier zu spielen, Berlin Part One, also 1859, Part Two issued in 1762, the whole reissued 1780 and 1797. This was followed by 6 Probe Sonatas and was

later supplemented with 6 Easy Sonatinas. In addition, Emanuel Bach published various Easy

Sonatas, Sonatas for the Ladies, and between

ial naa 2 foil 1779 and 1787, six collections of Sonatas, Rondos and Fantasies for Professionals and Amateurs

1753 Corrette, M. Le Maitre de clavecin...méthode théorique et

1755 Marpurg, F. W. Anleitung zum Clavierspielen, Berlin

Second edition in 1765, French translation 1756, Dutch translation 1760

1762 Kirnberger, J. P. Clavieribungen mit der Bachischen Applicator, in einer Folge von den leichtesten bis zu den schwersten Stiicken Keyboard exercises with the C.P.E. Bach fingering

ie a eee arranged according to the easiest to the most difficult pieces.

3 parts, other volumes in 1767, 1775

1765 Léhlein, G. S. Clavier-Schule, Leipzig and Ziillichau

editions for nearly a centu: | Second edition, c. 1780

1767 Petri, J. .S. Anleitung zur practischen Musik vor neu angehende Sanger und Instrumentenspieler, Laubon Revised 1782

Published under name of Anton Bemetzrieder

36

SYNERGY OF FORCES

Lehrstunden, Vienna Reissued 1791

infanger, Leipzig = ; | | praktischen Beyspielen erkidret, Augsburg 1783 Wolf, G. F. Kurzer aber deutlicher Unterricht it Klavierspielen, Gottingen Also 1784, 1789, 1799

c. 1785 | Hook, J. Guida di musica; being a complete book of instructions for beginners on the harpsichord or piano-forte, entirely on a new plan, calculated to save a great deal of time & trouble both to master

& scholar. To which is added twenty-four progressive leasons in various keys, with the fingering marked throughout. Op. 37 Second Part, Op. 75 in 1794, New Guide, Op. 81 in 1796

| pour le Forte-Piano ou Clavecin. Oeuvre mélée de Théorique et de Pratique ir Lehrer und Lernende, Leipzig and Halle

Gebrauch der Bachschen Fingersetzung, die Manieren und den Vortrag betreffend, Berlin und Lernende, Halle

1796 Hilimandel, N. J. Principles of Music chiefly calculated for the piano forte or harpsichord with progressive lessons, Op.

ial na oe 12, London

1796 Duasek, J. L. & Pleyel, 1. Instructions on. the art of playing the pianoforte or

harpsichord, London, also in French in 1797 with principles of fingering and tuning

1796 Hering, C. G. Praktisches Handbuch zur leichten Erlernung des Halberstadt Stockholm

37

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Some columns of the catalogue of the publishing house of La Chevardiére, printed within the score of Adolph Blaise’s, Aznette et Lubin, (1765).

La Chevardiére realized the advertising value of such a catalogue inserted in his musical scores, a practice that persists even today. This particular publication printed 14 sections of his catalogue of vocal and instrumental music. Sometimes on title pages, he included addresses outside of Paris—Versailles and Lyons—whete his publications could be purchased. He also published various arrangements and popular” collections of airs, minuets and contradances as a means of delighting customers.

”»,,,-4 Courtesy of The Newberry Library

SYNERGY OF FORCES

There were similar publications for the other instruments such as Geminiani’s Art of Playing on the Violin (1752), Leopold Mozart’s Versuch einer griindlichen Violtnschule (1756), or Abbé le fils’s Princpes du violon (1761), although they were

not as numerous as those for the keyboard.’ These tutors could be used to learn without a master! as, for instance, Adolph Bernhard Marx did with Daniel Gottlob Tiirk’s Clavierschule."' They were

meant, however, as their titles indicate, “for teachers and students.” The profession of “music teacher” blossomed until it became an occupation” by itself as it did for Turk, Hering, and others. In large cities a significant number of such teachers were available; in Paris of 1783, for instance, there were 149 teachers of harpsichord and forte piano.”

Alongside the performance organizations, the ranks of learners and teachers, and the methods of teaching musical literacy, came the business enterprises.'* These ventures used the new technologies of manufacturing and printing—and the blossoming device of advertising—in the service of education and financial profit (illustration opposite page).

Promethean Era, the era can justifiably be called the age of the étude, the technical study designed to help an aspirant master a particular difficulty of execution. In many cases, these technical studies—ranging from works for children up to the professional studies designed by the teachers of the Paris Conservatoire—began to incorporate expressive character. Even Tiirk’s small pieces for children devoted to a particular aspect of nomenclature or technique frequently are given characteristic titles. At a later date, the Chopin Etudes acquired popular descriptive titles such as “Winter Wind” or “Revolutionary.” These examples support the basic thesis of this essay: that the expressive ideal of the age encompassed both 1) clear, accessible construction and 2) character often expressed in dramatic ways. *Still other publications of studies such as Locatelli’s L’Arte del violino, Guillemain’s Amusement, and works of Viotti and Tartini took revered places in the teaching repertory. ‘The notation in these works and in printed music also gradually abandoned the older movable clefs in favor of the two principal clefs in use today. For reading of music the simplified solfége systems were favored. See Philippe Lescat’s, “Reflexions sur l'éducation musicale en France au XVIIle siécle,” L’Education musicale en France, ed. Daniele Pistone (Paris: Presse de l’Université de Paris-Sorbonne, 1983): 28-31. ‘Marx later studied basso continuo with Turk himself. See the article on Marx by Birgitte Moyer in the New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, 1980 ed.

“Michael Roske, “The Professionalism of Private Music Teaching in the 19th Century: A study with social statistics,” Councel for Research in Music Education Bulletin USA 91 (spring 1987): 143-48,

is an attempt to reconstruct such an occupation in Altona (part of Hamburg today) in the first half of the 19th century. '’Tome I, Etude Historique, of Barry Brook’s La Symphonie Francaise dans la seconde moitié du XV IIle stécle (Paris: Institut de Musicologie de Université de Paris, 1962), 25; Philippe Lescat, “Réflexions,” 26.

“William Weber, “Mass Culture and the Reshaping of European Musical Taste, 1770-1870,” International Review of Aesthetics and Sociology of Music 7 (June 1977): 6-12, considers the change

from the “personalized commerce” of the early years of the era and the “merchandizing” of the later years.

39

THE ERA AFTER THE BAROQUE

Publishers could prime this market sull further with music journals to meet the requirements of a wide clientele—amateurs and professionals alike. Imogen Fellerer has recorded something over 1,200 periodicals begun during the time period and the locale we are considering.’” As we move into the Middle Promethean Period (1800-1850), the public now had newspapers available and

more people literate enough to read them. The newspaper editors found that they could interest people with musical reviews and articles. Readers, in turn, as they became involved with the art, asked for more coverage in the newspapers or in the journals. With such synergy of forces a “music business” was established.

Literacy grew not only by the written word but also by visual illustration. The Encyclopédie enhanced its teaching a thousand fold by eleven volumes of

magnificently-drawn plates. Books of the age seemed incomplete without illustrations, vignettes, full-page plates, headpieces and tailpieces. In the hands of an accomplished artist, a book could become a treasured artwork in itself, an item to be collected for its artistic quality."° The ancient art of drawing now took on the dimensions of a trade—the

making and marketing of engravings, etchings, or illustrations by related techniques. Artists made copies of famous art works, freshly conceived subjects, and portraits of noted people—composers, artists, and statesmen. Such prints

became objects of display and esteem, constant reminders of what could be accomplished in the Promethean Age. Rousseau had such a collection; so did Haydn." At least one important music dealer, Artaria of Vienna, began his trade as a dealer in prints, “relatively inexpensive works of art intended for a broad public.”’'® Eventually the house became a world leader in art works and maps. A person who wanted an art work but could not afford a painting turned to the market of prints (illustration opposite page). Not only were prints in demand but busts of famous figures, frequently

executed in plaster or terracotta, were collected. In the case of Houdon, this was turned into a business.” Houdon was the first modern sculptor who did not hesitate to mass produce his sculptures or to delegate production to his workshop. In this he far surpassed 5In her article “Periodicals” in The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians as well as in her earlier work, Verzeichnis der Musikzeitschriften des 19. Jahrhunderts (Regensburg: G. Bosse, 1986). 6Gordon N. Ray, The Art of the French Illustrated Book, 1700 to 1914 (New York: Dover, 1986) and The IWustrator and the Book in England from 1790 to 1914 (New York: Dover, 1991) both based on earlier editions by the Pierpont Morgan Library, contain examples, history, and bibliography of this complex subject. Tolley, Cannon’ Roar, 324-27 lists Haydn’s collection. '’Tolley, Cannon’s Roar, 95.

‘Haydn had five busts of himself; Tolley, Cannon’s Roar, 326-27. Considering his success in setting “Let there be light,’ we might also note that his collection included an “Apollo,” god of light, in alabaster.

40

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To mark the change of emphasis as the poet compares the movement

of the boat to the gliding of the soul (lines 3 and 4), Schubert shifts to the 5)

mediant-major (ms. 5-7) by harmonizing the C-flat of the tonic chord as root of a major triad in order to give a whole new color to the crux of the poem. Then in order to suggest the mystery of the heavens from whence light comes, he prolongs an equivocal diminished-seventh chord (ms. 13-15).

eees

To depict ds “‘h ” and “heights” Schub laced th d O epict theth words eavenl an e1g. ts chupdert Pp ace ese words

e e °°

on the highest notes of the vocal melody, a vivid musical device, the rhetorical fisure of hypotyposis. Finally to call attention to the conclusion of each stanza, he introduced a high sustained note (ms. 18-19).

THE ERA AFTER THE BAROQUE

Schubert employs the minor mode—suggesting the intrinsic sorrow of man’s passing time on earth—and maintained this with the one expressive exception noted above (ms. 5-11) until the conclusion of each stanza (m. 19) at which point the piano carries the listener into the major mode confirming that the journey has been both shining and ultimately worthwhile. Within this short Lied—which unfolds naturally and with a folk-like simplicity matching the natveté of the poem—Schubert created a state of heightened character with a fuller union of word and tone than Batteux could have imagined. It shows us how composers of the age were enlarging their concept of the expressive ideal beyond that of “simplicity” to “heightened character,” and even to “incipient drama.” With ingenious accompaniments, less dependence on rhetoric alone in building a melodic line, and great sensitivity to literary texts, composers were erecting an amazing art that reached the divine heights associated with the very name of poetry. In its embrace of topics of personal life, the art reached out to the rapidly burgeoning public showing them the profundity of a new musicalpoetic art'*—achieved through the technological marvel of the piano and composers’ mastery “of their own thought,” the two-pronged gift of Prometheus

to mankind. In the process, the Middle Promethean Period (1800-1850), the time of this Schubert song, realized more fully what was already present in embryo during the Early Period (1750-1800). The newly developed style became widely accepted. It meets the test of a truly promethean manner that must go out to a large public. Songs were printed

in quantities that seem almost incredible. Max Friedlaender lists 762 Liedersammlungen between the years 1750 and 1799.”

Strands of poetry and music joined hands in the almanacs of the eighteenth century. Simple songs in this format began to be published in 1765 by the newlyfounded Parisian A/manach des Muses that became the model for later almanacs. This popular yearly publication usually included three or four chansons in each

issue, the poetry in the body of the text and the engraved melodies grouped together near the end of the volume just before the notices on the poetic publications and theatrical performances of the year.*” The songs displayed the

principles put forth by Rousseau: simple melodies in symmetrical units with 'Schubert’s Lieder only slowly became known and appreciated through a few transcendent performances and especially through the Liszt transcriptions that introduced the larger public to them. Just as literacy was growing slowly, so was the ability of audiences to understand the new music.

"Friedlaender, Deutsche Lied, 6-62 (Bibliography). *°The series under the impetus of Sautreau de Marsy and published by Delalain, eventually reached 65 volumes. It was widely imitated. Frédéric Lachévre has published a Brbhographie sommaire de L’Almanach des Muses (Paris: L. Giraud Badin, 1928). Music was included steadily for 16 years

when suddenly the almanac switched to poetry alone and welcomed many complex poetical works unsuitable for music.

60

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