The End of the American Avant Garde: American Social Experience Series 9780814744857

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The En d of the

American Avant Gard e

T H E A M E R I C A N S O C I A L E X P E R I E N C E SERIE S

James Kirby Martin GENERAL EDITO R

Paula S. Fass, Steven H. Mintz, Carl Prince, James W. Reed & Peter N Stearns EDITORS

1. The March to the Sea and Beyond: Shermans Troops and Carolinas Campaigns JOSEPH T . GLATTHAA

in the Savannah

R

2. Childhearing in American Society: 1650-1850 CATHERINE M . SCHOLTE

N

3. The Origins of Behaviorism: American Psychology, 1810-1920 JOHN M . O'DONNEL

L

4. New York City Cartmen, 1667-1850 GRAHAM RUSSEL L HODGE S

5. From Equal Suffrage to Equal Rights: Alice Paul and the National Woman's Party, 1910-1928 CHRISTINE A . LUNARDIN

I

6. Mr. Jeffersons Army: Political and Social Reform of the Military Establishment, 1801-1809 THEODORE J . CRACKE

L

7. "A Peculiar People": Slave Religion and Community-Culture among the Gullahs MARGARET WASHINGTO N CREE

8. U A Mixed Multitude": The

L

Struggle for Toleration in Colonial Pennsylvania SALLY S C H W A R T Z

9. Women, Work, and Fertility, 1900-1986 SUSAN H O U S E H O L D E R VA N H O R

N

10. Liberty, Virtue, and Progress: Northerners and Their War for the Union EARLJ . H E SS

11. Lewis M. Terman: Pioneer in Psychological Testing HENRY L . MINTO

N

12. Schools as Sorters: Lewis M. Terman, Applied Psychology, and the Intelligence Testing Movement, 1890-1930 PAUL DAVI S CHAPMA

N

13. Free Love: Marriage and Middle-Class Radicalism in America, 1825-1860 JOHN C . SPURLOC

K

14. Jealousy: The Evolution of an Emotion in American History PETER N . STEARN

S

15. The Nurturing Neighborhood: The Brownsville Boys Club and Jewish Community in Urban America, 1940-1990 GERALD SORI N

16. War in America to 1775: Before Yankee Doodle JOHN MORGA N DEDERE R

17. An American Vision:

Far Western Landscape and National Culture, 1820-1920 A N N E FARRA R H Y D E

18. Frederick Law Olmsted: The Passion of a Public Artist MELVIN KALFU S

19. Medical Malpractice in Nineteenth-Century America:

Origins and Legacy

KENNETH ALLE N D E VILL E

20. Dancing in Chains: The Youth of William Dean Howells RODNEY D . OLSE

N

21. Breaking the Bonds: Marital Discord in Pennsylvania, 1730-1830 MERRIL D . SMIT

H

22. In the Web of Class: Delinquents and Reformers in Boston, 1810s-1930s ERIC C . SCHNEIDE

R

23. Army of Manifest Destiny: The American Soldier in the Mexican War, 1846-1848 JAMES M . MCCAFFRE

Y

24. The Dutch-American Farm DAVID STEVE N COHE N

25. Independent Intellectuals in the United States, 1910-1945 STEVEN BIE L

26. The Modern Christmas in America: A Cultural History of Gift Giving WILLIAM B . WAIT S

21. The First Sexual Revolution: The Emergence of Male Heterosexuality in Modern America KEVIN W H I T E

28. Bad Habits: Drinking, Smoking, Taking Drugs, Gambling, Sexual Misbehavior, and Swearing in American History JOHN C . BURNHA

M

29. General Richard Montgomery and the American Revolution: From Redcoat to Rebel HAL T . SHELTO

N

30. From Congregation Town to Industrial City: Culture and Social Change in a Southern Community MICHAEL SHIRLE

Y

31. The Social Anxieties of Progressive Reform: Atlantic City, 1854-1920 MARTIN PAULSSO

N

32. America Goes to War: A Social History of the Continental Army CHARLES PATRIC K NEIMEYE

33. American Women

R

and the Repeal of Prohibition

KENNETH D . ROS E

34. Making Men Moral: Social Engineering During the Great War NANCY K . BRISTO

W

35. Tituba, Reluctant Witch of Salem: Devilish Indians and Puritan Fantasies ELAINE G . BRESLA

W

36. Yankee Town, Southern City: Race and Class Relations in Civil War Lynchburg STEVEN ELLIOT T T R I P

P

31. The End of the American Avant Garde STUART D . HOBB S

The En d

of the

American Avant Gard e

Stuart D . Hobb s

n

N E W Y O R K U N I V E R S I T New York and London

Y P R E S

S

N E W Y O R

K

U N I V E R S I T

Y P R E S

S

New York and Londo n ® 1997 by New York University All rights reserve d Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publicatio n Dat a Hobbs, Stuar t D . (Stuart Dale) , 1961The en d o f the American avan t garde / Stuar t D . Hobbs . p. cm . — (The America n socia l experience serie s ; 37) Includes bibliographical reference s an d index . Contents: Toward th e last American vanguard , 1930-1955. Introduction : the avan t garde and the culture o f the future—The communis t party , modernism, an d th e avant garde—Th e American avan t garde, 1945-1960 . Alienation—Innovation—Th e future—The en d o f the avan t garde, 1950-1965 . The col d war, cultural radicalism , an d th e defense o f captalism—Institutiona l enthrallment—Consumer cultur e commodification—The en d o f the avant garde, 1965-1995 . The conventio n o f innovation an d th e en d o f the futur e ISBN 0-8147-3538- X (alk . paper ) I. Unite d States—Intellectua l life—20t h century . 2 . Avant-gard e (Aesthetics)—United States—History—20t h century . I . Title . II. Series . E169.12.H59 199 7 9 7 3 _ d c 2 0 96-3560 4 CIP New York University Press books are printed o n acid-fre e paper , and thei r binding materials ar e chosen fo r strengt h an d durability . Manufactured i n the United State s of America 10

9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2

1

To Jamie

Contents

Acknowledgments xi PART I Towar

d th e Las t American Vanguard , 1930-195 5

1 Introduction : The Avan t Garde an d th e Cultur e o f the Future 3 2 Th e Communis t Party , Modernism, an d th e Avant Garde 1 9 PART I I Th

e America n Avan t Garde , 1945-196 0

3 Alienatio n 4 1 4 Innovatio n 5 9 5 Th e Futur e 9 3 PART II I Th

e En d of the Avan t Garde , 1950-196 5

6 Th e Col d War , Cultura l Radicalism , an d th e Defens e of Capitalism 11 5 7 Institutiona l Enthrallmen t 12 5 8 Consume r Cultur e Commodificatio n 13 9 PART I V Th

e En d of the Avan t Garde , 1965-199 5

9 Th e Conventio n o f Innovation an d th e En d o f the Future 17 1 Notes 187 Bibliographical Essay 21 5 Index 225 ix

Acknowledgments

I would lik e to thank John C . Burnha m a t The Ohi o Stat e University fo r first suggestin g t o m e tha t th e en d o f th e avan t gard e wa s a questio n worth answering . This boo k benefited greatl y from hi s reading, a s well as the comment s o f Willia m R . Childs , Edwar d Lense , K . Austi n Kerr , and Susa n M . Hartmann . Th e member s o f th e Cultura l an d Intellectua l Historians Circle , Kevi n E White , Lawrenc e E Greenfield , an d Davi d J . Staley, supporte d th e projec t wit h thei r insigh t an d goo d humor . M y editor a t Ne w Yor k Universit y Press , Nik o Pfund , skillfull y guide d th e manuscript throug h th e production process . I would lik e to thank the followin g fo r th e use of their work : Letters b y Rober t Dunca n cite d wit h th e permissio n o f Th e Literar y Estate o f Robert Duncan . Letter b y Irving Howe quote d b y permission o f Nicholas Howe , Literar y Executor o f Irving Howe. Excerpts from "Bomb, " by Gregor y Corso : The Happy Birthday of Death. Copyright ® 1958 b y New Direction s Publishin g Corp . Reprinte d b y permission o f New Direction s Publishin g Corp . Letters by Gregory Corso copyright© 199 6 by Gregory Corso. Reprinte d by permission o f New Direction s Publishin g Corp . Letter b y Mar k Rothk o copyrigh t © 199 6 b y Kat e Rothk o Prize l an d Christopher Rothko . Reproduced b y their kind permission . xi

Xii • A C K N O W L E D G M E N T S

Excerpts from "Asphode l Tha t Green y Flower " b y William Carlo s Wil liams: Collected Poems: 1939-1962. Vol . II . Copyrigh t ® 1962 b y Wil liam Carlo s Williams . Reprinte d b y permissio n o f Ne w Direction s Publishing Corp . City Light s Book s Papers , Rober t Dunca n letter s t o Sander s Russell , Daniel Moor e Papers , courtes y o f th e Bancrof t Library , Universit y o f California, Berkeley . Allen Ginsber g Papers , Pete r Orlovsk y Papers , Jac k Keroua c Papers , Philip Whale n Papers , Rar e Boo k an d Manuscrip t Library , Columbi a University. Malcolm Cowle y Papers, The Newberr y Library . Interview wit h Rober t Motherwell , Columbi a Universit y Ora l Histor y Research Offic e Collection . Dwight Macdonal d Papers , Manuscript s an d Archives , Yal e Universit y Library. Allen Ginsberg Papers, Department o f Special Collections, Stanford Uni versity Libraries. Judson C . Crew s Papers , Stuar t Z . Perkof f Papers , Kennet h Rexrot h Papers, Departmen t o f Specia l Collections , Universit y Researc h Li brary, University o f California, Lo s Angeles. Quotation from Elme r Bischoff , Library , Sa n Francisco Art Institute, an d Adelie Landis Bischoff . Material fro m th e America n Abstrac t Artist s Records , Willia m Brow n Papers, Bett y Parsons Paper s an d Galler y Records , William an d Ethe l Baziotes Papers, Archives o f American Art, Smithsonia n Institution . I dedicat e thi s boo k t o m y wife , Jamie , wit h thank s no t onl y fo r he r editorial help, but also her patience an d support ove r the years of research and writing . Finally , t o m y daughter , Sarah , I ca n onl y apologiz e tha t he r father's boo k has lots of big words an d no pictures .

C « H - A ' P ' T ' E ' RI

Introduction: The Avan t Gard e an d th e Cultur e of the Futur e

I

n 1935 , David Bernstein , edito r o f the American literar y mag azine The New Talent, characterize d th e avan t garde as a group of writers motivate d b y th e "spiri t o f revol t . . . against artifi cial boundaries o f so-called goo d taste , against hypocritical 'sweetnes s an d light,' agains t formalisti c stricture s o f language. " Throug h thi s revolt , members of the avant garde heralded an d to a great extent created unprec edented changes , no t onl y i n art , bu t als o i n al l area s o f intellectua l an d material lif e i n th e West . The powerfu l impac t o f the movemen t wa s still apparent half a century and more late r not onl y in museums an d libraries , but als o in advertisement s an d popula r culture. 1 Yet, by the 1960s , many critics, scholars, and artist s began proclaimin g the deat h o f the avan t garde. "Truth is, " wrote compose r Virgil Thomso n in 1966 , "there i s no avant-gard e today . Dad a ha s won; al l is convention ; choose you r own . Wha t mostl y get s chose n . . . i s tha t whic h ca n b e packed an d shippe d . . . [for ] a conditioned public. " In 1967 , critic Irvin g Howe argue d tha t 3

4 • T O W A R D TH E LAS T AMERICA N V A N G U A R D , 1 9 3 0 - 1 9 5 5

it seem s greatl y ope n t o doub t whethe r b y now, a few decade s afte r th e Second World War , there ca n still be located i n th e West a coherent and self-assured avant-garde. . . . Bracin g enmity has given way to wet embraces, the middle class has discovered that the fiercest attacks upon its values can be transposed int o pleasin g entertainments , an d th e avant-garde write r o r artist must confront th e one challenge for which he has not been prepared: the challenge of success. An important cultura l developmen t had taken place, which on the surface , given th e cultura l impac t o f th e movement , wa s no t t o b e expected . Destroyed b y a combinatio n o f externa l force s an d interna l weaknesses , the end of the avant garde set the stage for the present period o f postmodernist cultur e an d poststructuralis t thought . Wh y th e dissolutio n o f th e avant garde occurre d i s the subjec t o f this work. 2 The ter m avant-garde was originally a military one , referring t o troop s in th e lead , o r vanguard. I n th e eighteent h century , th e word bega n t o b e applied metaphoricall y t o politics. For example, in 179 4 it appeared i n th e title o f a French periodica l addresse d t o intellectual s i n th e army , urgin g them t o continue defendin g th e principles o f the Revolution. 3 The socia l an d politica l connotation s o f th e ter m gre w increasingl y important i n the next century. French socialis t Henri d e Saint-Simo n wa s one o f th e first, Donal d Egber t argues , t o appl y th e ide a o f vanguard t o art. I n hi s Opinions litteraires, philosophique et industrielles, Saint-Simo n wrote a dialogu e betwee n a n artis t an d a socialis t i n whic h th e artis t declares: "It is we, artists, who will serve you a s avant garde: the power o f the art s is in fact most immediate an d most rapid: when we wish to sprea d new ideas amon g men, we inscribe the m o n marbl e o r o n canvas;.. . an d in tha t way above al l we exert an electri c an d victorious influence. " Saint Simon believe d tha t he live d o n th e ev e of the greates t perio d o f intellectual an d artisti c developmen t i n huma n histor y an d tha t artist s ha d a "priestly" mission t o lead th e way into that future. 4 By the 1840s , French radical s regularl y describe d themselve s a s avantgarde, and th e ter m ha d becom e a political cliche . Indeed, afte r 184 8 th e term los t th e olde r artisti c connotations , a meaning tha t ha d alway s bee n subordinate t o politics , even for Saint-Simon . I n th e earl y 1860s , Charle s Baudelaire kne w avant-garde onl y a s a military-politica l word . No t unti l the 1870 s di d cultura l an d politica l radicalis m com e togethe r onc e mor e as th e avan t garde . Literar y historia n Renat o Poggiol i argue s tha t th e crises o f th e Franco-Prussia n Wa r an d th e suppressio n o f th e Commu nards gav e innovativ e artist s an d politica l radical s a sens e o f commo n

INTRODUCTION • 5

purpose that brought them together, if only for a short time. It was durin g the 1880 s tha t avan t gard e becam e a synony m fo r artisti c innovatio n i n the moder n sens e an d los t it s politica l connotations . Exactl y wh y thi s happened i s no t clear . Egber t suggest s tha t th e dissociatio n occurre d because, at the turn o f the century, most members o f the avant garde were divided: political radical s tende d t o b e Marxists, whereas cultura l radical s tended t o be anarchists. 5 The Vanishin g Avant Gard e The avan t gard e migh t b e describe d a s a vanishin g topi c i n America n intellectual histor y a t th e en d o f th e twentiet h century . Th e writer s o f earlier classi c work s o f intellectua l history , suc h a s Osca r Cargil l an d Merle Curti , describ e th e intellectua l rebellio n o f the firs t decade s o f th e twentieth centur y i n som e detail , typicall y characterizin g th e even t a s something of a coming of age, an "end t o American innocence, " as Henr y May pu t it . I n mor e recen t survey s o f America n intellectua l history , authors giv e som e attentio n t o th e earl y phas e o f th e avan t gard e i n America but ignore evidence that there was an avant garde after th e 1920s . Lewis Perry, fo r example , in his 198 4 survey of American intellectua l life , discusses th e avant-gard e rebellio n agains t Victorianis m tha t too k plac e in the 1910 s and 1920 s and create d modernis t culture . But in his work, a s in others , th e subjec t largel y disappear s fro m subsequen t chapters . Perry , like othe r contemporar y intellectua l historians , make s brie f referenc e t o the "beatniks " a s precursor s t o th e countercultur e o f th e 1960s , bu t neither i n Perry' s wor k nor i n mos t othe r intellectua l historie s o f the las t decades o f the twentiet h centur y ca n th e reade r lear n tha t a n avant-gard e community persisted i n America fro m th e 1920 s through th e late 1950s. 6 In th e semina l 197 9 antholog y New Directions in American Intellectual History, John Higha m implicitl y suggeste d wh y th e avan t gard e di d no t figure i n th e discussion . Contributor s t o th e boo k showe d a marked tur n away from literatur e an d psychology , tw o staple s o f earlie r discussion s o f the avan t garde . Clearly , th e focu s o f intellectua l histor y wa s changing . Contributors showe d a n interes t i n th e socia l an d institutiona l basi s o f knowledge an d i n th e histor y o f mentalities—importan t subjects , bu t ones that too k historians awa y from th e issues raised b y the avan t garde. 7 Since th e 1960s , researcher s i n moder n America n intellectua l histor y have tende d t o focu s o n tw o areas . On e grou p ha s examine d th e profes sionalization o f th e science s fro m th e lat e nineteent h centur y t o th e

6 • T O W A R D TH E LAS T AMERICA N V A N G U A R D , 1 9 3 0 - 1 9 5 5

middle o f th e twentiet h century . Anothe r grou p ha s explore d th e idea s and cultura l impact of the New York intellectuals. These author s d o sho w that th e intellectual s i n th e Ne w Yor k communit y sometime s describe d themselves a s avan t gard e o r mourne d th e passin g o f tha t vanguard , bu t they see that identity as incidental to the history of ideas and relationship s in the group. Many historians have been more interested i n the New York intellectuals a s anti-Communists tha n a s modernists. The postwa r American avan t garde has not been completel y ignored i n historical scholarship . Anthon y Linick , Harr y Russel l Huebel , an d Mi chael Davidson , fo r example , wrot e importan t work s o n th e interrelate d literary avant-gard e movement s o f th e Beat s an d th e Sa n Francisc o Re naissance. These scholar s describ e a community o f intellectuals alienate d from thei r societ y who understoo d bot h thei r wor k an d thei r communit y to be , i n Davidson' s phrase , a n "oppositiona l sign " expressin g th e avant garde hope fo r a new culture . Art historian s hav e describe d anothe r vanguar d community , th e ab stract expressionis t painters . Th e wor k o f Irvin g Sandler , An n Gibson , Stephen Polcari , an d Alwynn e Macki e combine s a clos e stud y o f th e iconography an d state d purpose s o f thes e artist s wit h a n examinatio n o f the intellectual milieu in which the y worked. These scholar s describe ho w the avan t gard e create d a n ar t tha t expresse d life-affirmin g mythologica l and religiou s themes , which member s o f the van hope d woul d contribut e to the regeneration o f Western culture . As th e abov e example s suggest , mos t recen t wor k o n th e avan t gard e has focused o n particula r genres , such a s literature o r painting . Walter B . Kalaidjian, Richar d Candid a Smith , an d Sall y Bane s hav e attempte d t o bring th e variou s strand s o f th e America n avan t gard e together , a t leas t for limite d place s o r times . Kalaidjia n examine s th e literar y an d artisti c American vanguar d o f th e 1920 s an d 1930 s a s par t o f a n internationa l vanguard movemen t an d argue s tha t a n oppositiona l vanguar d continue s to exis t i n th e las t decade s o f th e twentiet h century . Smit h look s a t th e literary and artistic avant garde in California i n the mid-twentieth century , while Bane s chronicle s th e divers e avant-gard e activitie s i n Ne w Yor k City in the earl y 1960s . History afte r t h e Linguisti c T u r n

By th e 1990s , poststructuralis t thought—wha t ha s bee n calle d th e "lin guistic turn"—bega n t o hav e a significant impac t o n intellectua l history .

INTRODUCTION • 7

Historians hav e argue d tha t th e discours e o f intellectual s i s no t abou t universalist principles , bu t i s merel y th e self-referentia l conversatio n o f elites. According t o thi s postmoder n view , language doe s no t describ e a n objective reality "out there," but rather is a self-contained syste m in which meaning result s from th e relation s amon g words, not betwee n word s an d the world. 8 This boo k fit s int o th e ne w world o f discours e i n tw o ways: as a stud y of discours e an d a s a n examinatio n o f th e origin s o f th e postmoder n linguistic turn . A s a stud y o f intellectua l discourse , thi s wor k addresse s the idea s o f a specific , self-defined , an d self-consciou s community—th e American advanc e guard—about th e relationship betwee n ar t and society . I describ e th e music , poetry , novels , an d visua l ar t o f avan t gardists , an d in particular the notion o f art as process that is the chie f innovation o f th e postwar van . Bu t th e primar y focu s i s o n th e meanin g tha t member s o f the advanc e guar d believe d thei r wor k ha d fo r America n society . I n th e primary source s upon whic h thi s work is based—that is , the manifestoes , little magazin e essays , exhibitio n catalogs , an d letter s an d diarie s writte n by th e member s o f th e avan t garde—the y discusse d thei r belie f tha t th e integration o f art and lif e coul d creat e a new consciousness an d transfor m American culture. 9 The fundamenta l proble m o f huma n discourse—tha t language , an d indeed an y for m o f communication , i s ope n t o interpretation—als o ap pears i n thi s account . I n postwa r America , journalists , critics , galler y owners, museu m curators , educators , an d other s interprete d avant-gard e work i n way s counte r t o th e vanguard' s self-understanding . Fa r from transforming America n culture , cultura l Col d Warrior s appropriate d th e radical va n a s a weapo n i n th e Col d War ; curators , galler y owners , an d publishers absorbe d th e advanc e guar d int o traditiona l institution s o f culture; an d advertiser s an d businesspeopl e commodifie d th e movemen t in consumer culture . The meaning s that avan t gardists gave to their work , which the y believe d wa s expresse d i n a form tha t tappe d int o a universa l human subconscious , proved susceptibl e t o divers e interpretations. Ironi cally, these alternativ e reading s overwhelme d vanguar d intentions . The secon d relatio n betwee n thi s boo k an d th e linguisti c tur n i s a s a contribution t o the history of the transition from modernis m t o postmod ernism. Th e avan t gard e i s th e sourc e o f postmodern , poststructuralis t notions o f language tha t concern man y present-day historians an d literar y theorists. The genealog y o f the linguisti c tur n ca n b e trace d t o Friedric h Nietzsche an d hi s contentio n tha t th e artist , throug h th e innovativ e us e

8 • T O W A R D TH E LAS T AMERICA N V A N G U A R D , 1 9 3 0 - 1 9 5 5

of language , coul d destro y th e bana l bourgeoi s worl d an d creat e a ne w consciousness an d thu s a ne w world. 10 Th e Nietzschea n visio n o f th e power o f word (an d image ) i n th e hand s o f the artis t forme d th e basi s fo r the fait h America n vanguardist s ha d i n th e future . Ironically , however , b y the middl e o f th e twentiet h century , th e legac y o f thes e vanguar d idea s would no t b e cosmopolitanis m an d universalis m bu t exactl y the opposite . From huma n communicatio n havin g the power to create a new world an d a ne w culture , intellectual s cam e t o emphasiz e th e limit s o f communica tion. Language ca n creat e a ne w world , postmoder n intellectual s argued , but th e worl d create d i s purel y subjective . Th e artist' s visio n passe s through a myria d o f interpretiv e prisms , creatin g a plethor a o f ne w visions. Cultura l radical s abandone d th e ide a o f a unifie d cultur e wit h themselves i n th e vanguard . Avan t gardist s looke d les s t o th e futur e an d instead emphasize d th e infinit e possibilitie s o f meanin g thei r wor k coul d have i n th e subjectiv e present . Cultura l radical s thu s le d th e wa y t o th e present stat e of pluralism i n which, as David Hollinge r notes, universalist , "species-centered discourse " ha s bee n replace d b y particularist , "ethnos centered discourse. " A t th e sam e time , th e ide a o f th e futur e ha d bee n discredited; intellectual s increasingl y focused o n present injustice s agains t particular communitie s an d looke d fo r element s o f the pas t that coul d b e used i n present politica l struggles. 11 T h e Avan t Gard e an d Culture : Alienation , Innovation, an d t h e Futur e

Culture i s that comple x combinatio n o f values, ideas, myths, an d institu tions tha t enable s member s o f a socia l grou p t o interpre t thei r environ ment an d organiz e thei r society . Cultur e function s t o establis h orde r an d stability. Historia n Warre n I . Susma n ha s show n that , i n th e Unite d States, culture an d cultura l chang e hav e historically bee n th e focu s o f th e "liberal-radical" tradition . I n particular , Susma n contends , libera l an d radical critics have been concerned wit h cultural restrictions o n individua l self-expression an d self-fulfillment . Self-fulfillmen t throug h th e synthesi s of ar t an d lif e wa s th e goa l o f member s o f th e avan t garde . Thus , whil e avant gardis m wa s a t leas t partiall y roote d i n Europe , i t als o ha d signifi cant intellectua l connection s wit h America n tradition s o f socia l criti cism.12 To defin e th e avan t gardist s i n relatio n t o thei r cultur e goe s beyon d

INTRODUCTION • 9

many definition s o f thei r movement , whic h focu s merel y o n it s aestheti c innovations. Th e resistanc e o f culture s t o chang e explain s th e extremel y innovative qualit y of avant-garde creativity . With thei r innovations, mem bers o f the avan t gard e expresse d bot h thei r alienatio n fro m thei r cultur e and thei r desir e t o transfor m tha t cultur e t o creat e a new future . Thus , a distinct set of ideas defined th e van. Some avant gardists illustrated partic ular point s bette r tha n others ; an d ther e wa s certainl y muc h roo m fo r variation o n particular themes . However, th e famil y resemblance , t o use a phrase fro m Ludwi g Wittgenstein , betwee n avan t gardist s wa s strong , regardless o f specific differences amon g members o f the movement. 13 Three theme s explain the relationship o f avant gardists to their culture : alienation, innovation , an d th e future . The moder n understandin g o f alienation come s from Kar l Marx. Marx took this term fro m Hege l an d fro m lega l terminology t o describ e a sense of uselessness an d isolatio n fel t b y people estrange d fro m thei r work and , ultimately, society. Others subsequently used th e term t o describe moder n people in genera l an d intellectuals i n particular. 14 The alienatio n o f th e avan t gard e wa s roote d i n socia l an d economi c changes tha t too k plac e i n Europ e i n th e nineteent h century , whic h transformed th e statu s o f th e artist . Wit h th e ris e o f th e moder n middl e class an d industria l capitalism , th e ol d syste m o f patronag e disappeared . Artists wer e n o longe r artisan s bu t laborers , sellin g thei r product s o n th e open marke t an d subjec t t o th e sam e economi c risk s a s othe r laborers . And the y had t o compet e agains t th e ne w mass-produce d culture . In thi s context, artist s coul d eithe r joi n th e cultur e o r defin e themselve s b y their oppositio n t o it . Alienatio n wa s th e beginning , therefore , o f self definition. The resul t o f thi s economi c chang e wa s th e creatio n o f a ne w mode l for th e artist—th e bohemian . No longe r th e artisan , artist s became intel lectual vagabonds , livin g i n povert y o n th e edg e o f societ y an d defyin g the convention s o f th e middl e class . Th e ide a o f bohemi a wa s idealize d from th e beginning , bu t th e mode l remaine d bot h th e stereotyp e an d th e reality for artist s well into the twentiet h century . The avan t gard e constitute d a n oppositio n culture . I t emerge d t o counter th e values o f the ne w Victorian middl e clas s that ros e t o cultura l dominance wit h th e industria l revolution . Th e Victoria n worl d vie w o f the Englis h an d America n middl e classe s emphasize d innocence . Th e Victorians desire d t o separat e themselve s fro m corruptio n an d creat e a harmonious world . I n th e Unite d States , thi s Victoria n cultur e ha s als o

10 • T O W A R D TH E LAS T AMERICA N V A N G U A R D , 1 9 3 0 - 1 9 5 5

been referre d t o a s th e "gentee l tradition. " Promote d b y a grou p o f literary publicists centered i n cities of the Northeast, th e genteel traditio n was a n attemp t t o civiliz e th e emergin g industria l orde r b y encouragin g graceful manners , stric t morality , an d respec t fo r cultura l tradition , espe cially that o f England. 15 Avant-garde critic s o f th e dominan t culture , wh o themselve s cam e largely from the middle classes, experienced thei r society as over-civilized, inauthentic, formalist , an d artificial . The y believe d tha t th e gentee l tradi tion smothere d creativit y an d individuality . The y rejecte d Victoria n cul ture i n th e nam e o f "rea l humanity. " Thus , i n 1930 , th e editor s o f th e American littl e magazin e Blues, the poet s Charle s Henr i For d an d Parke r Tyler, declare d i n a n editoria l tha t "th e hideous genteel , th e sha m cultur e of th e admirer s o f Willia m Lyo n Phelp s . . . compris e th e element s i n American lif e whic h ar e . . . hostil e t o th e experimenta l enterpris e o f Blues's artists; an d b y experimenta l enterpris e w e mea n simply : freedom of th e spiri t an d th e imagination. " Vanguardist s sough t t o combin e tha t which the Victorians had trie d t o separate: the human an d th e animal, th e civilized an d th e savage . Drawing o n th e ne w biology , physics , an d socia l sciences, cultura l radical s create d a new cultur e base d o n idea s o f relativ ity, contingency, an d proces s without a final closure. 16 Alienation—and th e proble m o f self-definition—fuele d avant-gard e creativity. Th e emergenc e o f avant-gard e ar t from thi s negativ e groun d explains the dark and often destructiv e quality of many avant-garde works. One shoul d not , however , characteriz e avan t gardism a s mere negativism . Alienation als o provide d th e creativ e energ y fo r th e constructiv e charac teristics of avant gardism: innovationism an d futurism . Innovation i s th e characteristi c mos t closel y identifie d wit h th e avan t garde. Poggioli point s ou t tha t th e very phrase avant garde focuses atten tion o n thi s theme . H e remind s u s that th e imag e suggeste d b y the ter m is one o f soldiers o n reconnaissanc e preparin g th e way for th e advanc e o f the main bod y of troops. 17 Avant-garde innovatio n derive d fro m th e goa l o f creatin g a ne w ar t integrated wit h life . Members o f the advanc e guar d believe d tha t cultura l renewal cam e throug h th e fresh unio n o f ar t an d life , a concer n derive d from th e alienatio n o f th e artis t i n capitalis t society . Pete r Burge r note s that ar t i n th e Middle Ages , for example , was linked wit h th e church , th e most importan t socia l institutio n o f tha t time. I n th e capitalis t orde r o f the nineteent h century , ar t an d th e aestheti c existe d i n a sphere separat e from th e everyda y realit y o f economi c competition . Ar t wa s though t t o

INTRODUCTION • I I

provide a n escap e fro m hars h realit y int o a real m o f joy , truth , an d humanity. Th e avan t gard e emerge d t o challeng e thi s separatio n o f ar t and life . Avan t gardist s accomplishe d thi s goa l i n a variet y o f ways : b y questioning the whole idea of art, most extremely in the work of Dadaists; by respondin g t o technologica l innovation ; an d b y searchin g fo r a ne w mythological syste m in which t o frame huma n experience. 18 While mos t cultura l historian s hav e tende d t o mak e innovatio n th e defining characteristi c o f avant gardism , Poggiol i maintain s tha t th e end less ques t fo r th e ne w i s actuall y th e leas t distinctiv e qualit y o f avan t gardism. Wha t set s avant-gard e innovation s apar t from other s i s the fac t that avan t gardist s connecte d thei r innovation s t o cultura l transformatio n and to th e future. 19 Members o f th e avan t gard e believe d tha t huma n creativit y coul d b e an avenue to a better tomorrow . As cultural radicals, they believed tha t b y conceiving ne w expression s i n art , literature , music , an d othe r creativ e areas the y coul d transfor m th e perception s o f thei r audiences . Vanguar d artists constantl y asked , "Wha t i s painting? " o r "Wha t i s music? " I n answering thes e questions , avant-gard e artist s bot h brok e dow n an d ex tended th e forma l boundarie s o f art . Often th e result s shocke d people , bu t th e poin t o f innovatio n wa s not jus t t o epater le bourgeois. B y ridiculin g th e rule s o f gentee l society , vanguardists hoped to liberate others from it s confines. Radical innovator s believed tha t peopl e perceive d ar t an d th e worl d aroun d the m i n muc h the sam e manner . Therefore , the y believe d tha t b y changin g perceptio n in on e are a the y coul d chang e perceptio n i n anothe r an d thu s creat e a new order . This them e i s especiall y importan t i n th e America n context , fo r th e American avan t garde , fo r a variety o f reasons , wa s more optimisti c tha n its Europea n counterpart . Vanguar d belie f i n th e futur e wa s th e counte r to alienation . America n cultura l radical s believe d i n a future i n whic h ar t and life were integrated an d huma n being s experience d self-fulfillment . Cosmopolitanism wa s als o a n importan t relate d them e fo r America n vanguardists. Th e cosmopolita n idea l wa s o f a futur e i n whic h peopl e transcended th e particularism s o f class , ethnicity , politica l ideology , an d religion i n favo r o f a universal, secular , rationa l visio n tha t unite d peopl e and enable d the m t o experienc e thei r individua l live s mor e fully , a s wel l as to appreciat e th e experienc e o f others with greate r sympathy. 20 The avan t garde , then , wa s a movement o f creativ e intellectual s alien ated from th e emergin g industrial orde r o f Western Europ e an d America .

12 • T O W A R D TH E LAS T AMERICA N V A N G U A R D , 1 9 3 0 - 1 9 5 5

In th e las t quarte r o f th e nineteent h century , thes e intellectual s rebelle d against th e cultura l value s o f thei r societ y an d pursue d innovation s i n a variety o f areas i n orde r t o creat e a future i n which ar t an d lif e woul d b e merged. In practice , the avan t garde functione d a s the leadin g edge o f modern ist culture. Yet the extremis m o f the avant-gard e rejectio n o f the immedi ate pas t an d pursui t o f th e ne w ca n obscur e thei r continuitie s wit h th e past. Th e avan t gard e ca n thu s b e describe d a s a n unstabl e combinatio n of th e Enlightenmen t notio n o f progres s an d th e romanti c emphasi s o n human creativity . The Las t American Vanguar d From 194 5 t o 1965 , th e las t generatio n o f th e America n avan t gard e emerged. Thi s grou p o f advanc e guardist s wa s bor n i n th e 1910 s an d especially th e 1920s . They wer e mostl y o f middle-clas s origin , th e tradi tional breedin g groun d o f th e avan t garde . Th e member s o f thi s va n formed a self-consciou s communit y linke d b y professiona l cooperatio n and persona l friendships . Thi s communit y shoul d b e picture d no t a s on e large circle, but a s several interconnected circle s representing a variety of communities—some geographical , but most defined b y specific artisti c o r intellectual interests . Amon g thos e tha t figure prominentl y i n thi s wor k are the abstrac t expressionist , Beat , Sa n Francisco Renaissance , and Blac k Mountain Colleg e communities . The abstrac t expressionist painters illustrate the qualities of geographi c proximity and artisti c interest that defin e man y avant-garde communities . Among thi s grou p o f innovatin g painter s wer e Wille m d e Koonin g (b . 1904), wh o becam e famou s fo r hi s serie s o f abstrac t figure studie s o f women tha t combine the human for m with a n energetic brush strok e tha t can onl y b e calle d violent ; Rober t Motherwel l (1915-1991) , perhap s th e most articulat e theoris t o f th e group ; Barnet t Newma n (1905-1970) , a n artist larg e o f personalit y an d a skille d polemicis t wh o create d severel y abstract works ; an d Jackson Polloc k (1912-1956) , whos e shockin g tech nique o f pourin g pain t o n th e canva s earne d hi m (fro m derisiv e critics ) the nickname "Jac k the Dripper." 21 Most o f thes e an d othe r artist s o f th e movemen t live d withi n a fe w blocks o f on e anothe r i n Ne w York' s Greenwic h Village . They forme d a geographic community , bu t als o a n intentiona l community . Aside from visiting eac h other' s gallerie s o r discussin g th e day' s wor k a t th e Ceda r

INTRODUCTION • 1 3

Tavern, thes e artist s me t formally , firs t a t th e Subject s o f th e Artis t School organize d b y Motherwell an d other s i n th e lat e 1940s , and, mos t famously, a t the Eight h Stree t Clu b organize d b y de Koonin g an d other s in 1949 . Throughout th e 1950s , th e clu b sponsore d a weekly discussio n on Frida y night s tha t forme d th e intellectua l an d socia l hear t o f th e community. A simila r communit y i s illustrate d b y th e literar y va n know n a s th e Beats, wh o coalesce d i n Ne w Yor k an d Sa n Francisc o i n th e lat e 1940 s and earl y 1950s . The novelis t an d poe t Jack Kerouac (1922-1969 ) experi mented wit h a styl e o f spontaneou s writin g inspire d i n par t b y jaz z improvisation. Poe t Alle n Ginsber g (b . 1926 ) explore d th e alienatio n o f social outcasts in a poetry inspired b y Walt Whitman, th e Hebrew proph ets, an d Easter n religiou s thought . Novelis t Willia m S . Burrough s (b . 1914) dre w o n hi s experience s a s a heroi n addic t t o presen t a strea m o f consciousness critiqu e o f the technologica l society . The Bea t circl e intersected wit h th e Sa n Francisco Renaissanc e partic ularly throug h th e perso n o f Kennet h Rexroth . Rexrot h (1906-1982) , poet, translator , polemicist , an d patriarch o f the Ba y Area van, introduce d Beat an d loca l vanguardist s t o eac h othe r a t salon s hel d i n hi s home . A t readings an d i n hi s writing , Rexrot h encourage d an d promote d bot h th e Beat an d Sa n Francisc o Renaissanc e movement s (thoug h h e woul d late r turn o n th e Beats) . The Sa n Francisc o Renaissanc e communit y include d Gary Snyde r (b . 1930) , a lyri c poe t o f natur e wh o spen t twelv e year s i n Japan studyin g Ze n Buddhism , an d Rober t Dunca n (1919-1988) , a poe t and earl y advocate o f what would com e to be called ga y liberation. The interconnectednes s o f the advance-guar d communit y ca n b e illustrated n o bette r tha n i n th e exampl e o f Blac k Mountai n College . Poe t Charles Olso n (1910-1970 ) serve d a s recto r o f th e innovativ e Nort h Carolina colleg e i n th e mid-1950s . Poet Rober t Creele y (b . 1926 ) taugh t there an d edite d th e Black Mountain Review with th e help o f fellow facult y member Rober t Dunca n an d suppor t fro m Kennet h Rexroth . Afte r hi s time a t Blac k Mountain , Creele y live d i n Ne w York , wher e h e me t abstract expressionis t Fran z Klin e fo r lon g talk s a t th e Ceda r Tavern , a s did Allen Ginsber g an d Jack Kerouac. 22 Several Black Mountain student s an d facult y would becom e prominen t in th e avan t garde . Fo r example , artis t Rober t Rauschenber g (b . 1925 ) created highl y origina l "assemblages, " objects somewher e betwee n paint ing, sculpture , an d th e rubbis h bin . Rauschenber g mad e man y o f thes e pieces a s set s fo r dance s create d b y choreographe r Merc e Cunningha m

14 • T O W A R D TH E LAS T AMERICA N V A N G U A R D , 1 9 3 0 - 1 9 5 5

(b. 1919) , who , wit h Cunningha m troup e compose r Joh n Cag e (1912 — 1992), spent som e tim e a t Blac k Mountain. Cag e becam e a central figure in the postwar vanguard; his experiments with chance techniques in musical compositio n influence d a whol e generatio n o f poet s an d painter s a s well as composers. The tri o o f Cunningham , Cage , an d Rauschenber g wa s wel l know n back in the Village and the abstrac t expressionis t circl e through d e Koon ing, who had taugh t a t Black Mountain i n the summe r o f 1948 . Elaine d e Kooning, Willem' s wif e an d als o a painter , wrot e t o a friend i n th e early 1950 s tha t "Merc e Cunningha m ha s finished hi s balle t t o Igor' s [Stravinsky] scor e fo r Le s Noce s an d everyon e i s drivin g u p t o Bosto n this Saturda y . . . t o hea r o r see Merce' s idea s o n th e sacramen t o f marriage." Include d i n th e d e Koonin g circl e wer e Motherwell , Pollock , Newman, an d the poet Frank O'Har a (1926-1966). 23 Little magazine s forme d anothe r kin d o f community . Th e "little " i n little magazin e refers , o f course , t o th e smal l circulatio n o f th e usuall y short-lived, low-budge t publication s tha t cultura l radical s produce d a s forums fo r thei r idea s an d creativ e work. Edito r Judson Crew s ma y serv e as a typica l exampl e o f th e littl e magazin e edito r i n th e postwa r years . From hi s hom e i n Taos , Ne w Mexico , Crew s edite d a strin g o f maga zines, includin g Suck-Egg Mule: A Recalcitrant Beast (1950-1952) , The Deer and Dachshund (1952-1954), and The Naked Ear (1956-1959) . Crew s brought togethe r i n hi s magazines a variety o f poets, including represen tatives from th e Beat , Blac k Mountain , an d Sa n Francisc o Renaissanc e circles. Crews's magazine s focuse d o n poetry , bu t a variet y o f smal l pres s periodicals existe d i n th e 1940 s an d 1950s . I n Possibilities (1947-1948) , editors Rober t Motherwell , John Cage , an d Harol d Rosenber g explore d music, poetry , painting , an d th e interconnection s betwee n th e thre e genres. In The Grundtvig Review (1950-1957), publishe d i n Eagl e Creek , Oregon, a t th e Grundtvi g Fol k School , edito r Gle n Coffiel d produce d a magazine containin g verse and anarchis t socia l criticism . While Ne w Yor k Cit y wa s th e cente r o f muc h avant-gard e activity , including publication , durin g th e perio d covere d b y this study , a numbe r of othe r editor s acros s th e countr y pu t togethe r littl e magazine s tha t helped lin k th e avant-gard e community . Fo r example , th e White Dove Review, publishe d i n Oklahom a b y student s a t th e Universit y o f Tulsa , was part o f the nationa l vanguar d movemen t a s well a s the foca l poin t o f

INTRODUCTION • 1 5

a loca l communit y o f cultura l radicals . Th e editor s publishe d wor k b y Ginsberg, Kerouac, Creeley , and Crews . In addition , the y drew the atten tion of their readers to other little magazines, including Hearse, The Fifties, Naked Ear, and Trace. Th e magazin e wa s als o par t o f a local community . The editor s pu t th e magazin e togethe r i n a loca l vanguar d gallery , an d one o f their patron s an d advertiser s wa s a bookshop proprieto r wh o sol d many o f th e littl e magazine s an d avant-gard e publication s recommende d by the editors. 24 The postwa r avant-gard e communit y wa s intentional, nationa l (an d t o some exten t international) , an d crosse d genres . Th e member s o f thi s community wer e unite d b y thei r experienc e o f alienation , thei r belie f i n new perceptio n throug h innovation , an d thei r expectatio n o f a futur e i n which ar t and life were integrated . The En d o f the Avan t Gard e The postwa r America n avan t gard e struggle d heroicall y fo r severa l de cades an d the n ende d a s a movemen t i n th e 1960s . I n general , severa l interrelated development s withi n America n cultur e an d withi n th e avan t garde cause d th e deat h o f th e movement : th e appropriatio n o f th e avan t garde by Cold Warriors, the movement o f intellectuals into the universit y and othe r institutions , th e ris e o f the consume r cultur e an d th e transfor mation o f ar t an d idea s int o commodities , an d th e avan t gardists ' los s o f faith i n th e future . Thes e ar e th e theme s I follo w t o sho w ho w an d wh y the avan t garde expired . The avan t gard e becam e a weapon i n th e Col d War . Member s o f th e van fel t alienate d from Col d Wa r politic s an d sharpl y criticize d thes e policies. But many Cold Warriors believe d tha t avant-garde creativit y an d individualism mad e members o f the movement th e perfect demonstratio n of the superiority of American societ y over Soviet society. Much vanguar d rhetoric supported thi s interpretation, wit h the result that cultural radical s became tool s o f th e cultura l Col d War . I n th e process , th e movemen t gained respec t an d prestig e tha t farthere d th e proces s o f cultura l en thrallment an d internal dissolution . The academizatio n o f intellectual s from th e 1950 s o n further , an d fatally, transforme d th e movement . Th e postwa r expansio n o f highe r education i n Americ a gav e college s an d universitie s a n all-but-insatiabl e appetite fo r young intellectuals. The ne w opportunities provide d b y these

16 • T O W A R D TH E LAS T AMERICA N V A N G U A R D , 1 9 3 0 - 1 9 5 5

institutions led most postwar intellectuals to reject bohemianism . Cultura l outsiders becam e cultura l insiders . Th e specialis t wh o spok e t o othe r specialists replace d th e freelanc e intellectua l wh o addresse d a n educate d public and le d th e public into th e future . Moreover, i n th e 1950s , a s a consume r cultur e base d o n th e sal e o f lifestyle image s reache d maturity , avan t gardis m becam e a commodity . Gallery operators , critics , an d museu m curator s al l promote d vanguar d art t o a prosperous middl e an d uppe r middl e class . Journalists an d critic s in the popular press converted avant-gard e rebellion into fads and fashion , encouraging innovatio n fo r th e sak e o f innovation . Th e resul t wa s a pluralist cultur e i n whic h n o coheren t vanguar d movemen t coul d b e discerned. In additio n t o these externa l causes , changes i n the avan t gardists' selfunderstanding contribute d t o th e en d o f th e movement . I n particular , changes i n th e avan t gardists ' ide a o f th e futur e offe r th e ke y t o under standing ho w th e advanc e guar d cam e t o end . Vanguardist s turne d awa y from thei r histori c understanding o f themselves a s those who le d th e way into th e future . Instead , the y bega n t o focu s o n th e present , producin g moments o f epiphan y whos e meaning s di d no t transcen d th e subjectivit y of thei r participants . Thi s chang e ha d severa l results . Avant gardist s los t an understandin g o f cultur e a s a coheren t entity . Thi s sens e o f incoher ence furthe r encourage d th e pluralis m withou t directio n alread y noted . Furthermore, innovator s coul d n o longe r loo k t o a n en d t o alienatio n i n a futur e communit y i n whic h ar t an d lif e wer e integrated . Instead , avan t gardists assuage d alienatio n wit h th e securit y o f affiliatio n wit h institu tions o f commerc e o r culture . The belie f i n th e futur e gone , th e spiri t o f the avan t gard e wa s lost . Moreover , a centra l concep t tha t define d mod ernist culture , an d indee d Wester n cultur e sinc e th e Renaissance , n o longer ha d meanin g fo r man y American intellectuals . An important intel lectual change had occurre d whe n th e idea o f the futur e disintegrated . The comin g togethe r i n th e 1950 s o f thes e severa l social , political , economic, an d intellectua l current s cause d th e dissolutio n o f a movement that fo r sevent y or eight y years had decisivel y shaped though t an d cultur e in th e West . Artisti c innovatio n continue d i n th e 1960s , alon g wit h a surfeit o f radica l activism . Bu t thes e movement s quickl y gained , i f no t universal acceptance , a t least a place i n middle-clas s culture . Radica l chi c was not avan t garde . Moreover, intellectua l development s afte r th e 1960 s were characterize d b y a n inwar d turn . No t onl y di d intellectual s spea k exclusively t o a selec t grou p o f specialis t colleagues , bu t wha t ha d bee n

INTRODUCTION • 1 7

for a n older generatio n artisti c an d intellectua l self-consciousnes s becam e so extrem e i n postmoder n thinker s tha t the y focuse d o n mer e surface s and images. For a new generatio n o f intellectuals, ideas abou t civilization , culture, an d th e futur e becam e meaningless . I n thes e event s lie s th e significance o f the en d o f the avan t garde .

C « H - A » P « T « E « R2

The Communis t Party , Modernism , and the Avan t Gard e

MK^s th e 1930 s generatio n o f American avan t gardist s sough t M ^L a specifi c directio n for cultura l advance , man y increas J ^ ^ ^ m ingl y cam e t o believ e tha t th e answe r wa s t o b e found with th e Communis t Party . Cultura l an d politica l radicalis m hav e ofte n been linked . I t wa s n o acciden t tha t th e ter m avant garde had politica l connotations befor e artisti c ones, and Lenin himsel f referred t o the Com munist Part y a s being the politica l vanguard. Th e Communis t movemen t appealed t o member s o f th e avan t gard e fo r severa l reasons : Marxis t philosophy explaine d th e alienatio n cultura l radical s fel t i n bourgeoi s society; th e clas s struggl e provide d a directio n fo r innovation ; an d th e party promise d t o lea d th e wa y t o a futur e withou t alienation . Th e relationship betwee n th e Communis t Part y an d th e avan t gard e prove d unstable, however . A differen t conceptio n o f th e dynamic s o f socia l an d cultural chang e le d man y avan t gardist s t o leav e Marxis m an d th e part y behind. Thes e intellectual s redefine d thei r rol e a s vanguar d i n term s o f 19

2 0 • T O W A R D TH E LAS T AMERICA N V A N G U A R D , 1 9 3 0 - 1 9 5 5

cultural preservation , a goal the y achieve d b y canonizing th e work o f th e avant gardist s o f th e first decade s o f th e twentiet h centur y a s "mod ernism. " The proces s of political radicalization an d deradicalization se t the stage for th e emergenc e o f th e las t America n vanguard . Thi s advance-guar d movement appeare d i n th e lat e 1940s , an d it s member s rejecte d bot h Communist ideolog y an d modernism . Thes e vanguardist s create d a variety of innovative artisti c works, all with th e goa l of transforming postwa r American culture. But by the 1960 s they were assimilated into institution s of commerce an d cultur e an d th e avan t garde was over. The Re d Vanguar d Before th e 192 9 stock market crash , th e American Communis t Part y was one o f man y small , sectarian , politica l partie s o n th e left . Onl y afte r th e onset o f th e Grea t Depressio n di d th e Communist s emerg e from obscu rity t o become , durin g th e 1930s , th e mos t prominen t radica l politica l movement i n th e Unite d States . Eve n so , th e organizatio n remaine d small, neve r attractin g mor e tha n a hundre d thousan d member s a t on e time, althoug h durin g th e cours e o f th e decad e mor e tha n twic e tha t number ma y have joined th e party, if only for a short time. The Communis t movemen t appeale d t o man y o f the intellectual s wh o defined themselve s a s avan t garde . Th e member s o f America' s prewa r rebellion agains t the Victorian produce r cultur e desire d th e social , political, economic, and intellectual transformatio n o f American culture . Thes e avant gardist s linke d wha t criti c Wald o Fran k calle d "th e politica l an d cultural currents of advance." Randolph Bourne , in particular, exemplifie d the integratio n o f political an d artisti c radicalis m an d fo r thi s reaso n wa s greatly admire d b y th e youn g America n avan t garde . Bu t Bourne' s un timely deat h i n 191 9 serve s almos t a s a metapho r fo r th e separatio n between advance d ar t an d politic s tha t woul d occu r i n th e 1920s . Th e destructiveness o f Worl d Wa r I an d th e failur e o f Wilson' s peac e pla n caused man y youn g intellectual s t o becom e disillusione d wit h politics . They turne d from integratin g ar t with lif e t o a n emphasi s o n ar t fo r art' s sake.1 The Depressio n radicalize d man y intellectuals, who moved onc e mor e to a n avant-gard e positio n an d assume d responsibilit y fo r th e stat e o f American culture . Man y intellectual s believe d tha t the y ha d acte d irre sponsibly in th e 1920 s because the y ha d retreate d from "reality " t o Pari -

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sian aestheticism . Fany a Foss , a poet , short-stor y writer , an d membe r o f the New York John Ree d Club , wrote in 193 4 that "the spirit of exile here or abroa d i s the spiri t o f a n escapist , whic h consciousl y o r unconsciousl y is dangerously nea r Fascism. " Leftist theate r criti c John Gassne r remem bered tha t " a great fear o f social acedia, of evading or having evaded one' s social responsibility , pervade d th e worl d o f th e artis t an d th e intellectua l as the Depressio n gre w deeper an d th e fortune s o f fascism i n Italy, Spain , and German y ros e higher . Th e on e thin g th e artis t an d th e intellectua l feared mos t from a n embattle d leftis t criti c was the charg e of'escapism.' " As painter Pete r Blum e succinctl y conclude d i n 1936 , "Th e artist s didn' t really descend from . . . thei r ivory towers—they were thrown out!" 1 If th e bohemian s o f th e 1920 s were no t concerne d abou t thei r societ y and culture , mos t member s o f th e twentie s Communis t Part y care d littl e for th e bohemians . On e activis t from th e 1930 s remembered tha t h e an d his colleague s "despised the intellectuals. " Michael Gold , th e edito r o f th e party's unofficial literar y magazine, the New Masses, fough t a lonely battl e during th e 1920s , trying t o persuad e part y leader s tha t intellectual s wer e important t o th e Communis t cause , an d tryin g t o persuad e intellectual s that th e Communis t Part y wa s relevan t t o them . Thi s backgroun d o f indifference an d hostilit y explain s th e surpris e o f man y Communist s a t the radicalizatio n o f bohemia . A s on e Marxis t edito r exclaime d i n 1934 , "Even Greenwic h Village has succumbed!" 3 During th e 1930s , th e part y leadershi p bega n t o tak e a n interes t i n artists and intellectuals. Communist Part y leaders exploited th e intellectu als' ne w radicalis m t o th e party' s institutiona l benefi t b y establishin g a variety o f loosel y affiliate d cultura l organizations . Th e Joh n Ree d club s are probably the best known o f these organizations. The John Ree d clubs , like th e othe r organizations , wer e (accordin g t o th e clu b statemen t o f purpose) "dedicate d t o advancin g th e interest s o f the working clas s . .. t o the defense o f the achievements of the Union o f Soviet Socialist Republic s [and] the developmen t o f new working clas s writers an d artists , as well a s alignment o f all artists, writers an d intellectual s t o th e sid e o f the revolu tionary workin g class , stimulatin g thei r participatio n i n revolutionar y activity." Mos t o f thi s activit y wa s centere d i n Ne w Yor k City , bu t Joh n Reed club s i n severa l cities , from Hartfor d t o Hollywood , manage d t o publish a t leas t a fe w issue s o f loca l literar y magazine s an d sponso r ar t exhibits. The Worker' s Music Leagu e established , a t least on paper , loca l Pierre DeGeyte r club s around th e country , an d th e party-associate d Ne w Dance Grou p als o ha d branche s outsid e o f Ne w Yor k City . Afte r 1935 ,

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the part y disbande d man y o f thes e decentralize d an d loca l group s an d replaced the m wit h nationa l organization s suc h a s the Leagu e o f Ameri can Writers an d th e Artists' Congress . In al l of these institutions , ar t was closely linked to , if not subordinat e to , politics. 4 Communism an d the Avan t Garde : Alienation, Innovation, and the Futur e The ideolog y of the Communis t Part y addressed, in a variety of ways, the themes tha t define d avan t gardism , namely , alienation , innovation , an d futurism. Th e feelin g o f alienation from bourgeoi s cultur e was, of course, basic to th e avan t gardists ' self-understanding . Cultura l radical s interpre ted th e Grea t Depressio n a s a sig n o f th e failur e o f bourgeoi s capitalis m and a confirmation o f their rejectio n o f the bourgeoisie . Samue l Putnam , for example , writing i n New Hope in 1934 , declared tha t "societ y toda y i s a poisoned well. . .. Painting , literature , ever y for m o f ar t . . . reek s wit h the stenc h o f bourgeoi s decay. " Edito r Willia m Phillip s wrot e i n th e Partisan Review in 193 4 that alienation was forced o n creative intellectual s as a result o f the depression : The gravity of the economic crisis has levelled most of us (and our families) to a meager , near-starvatio n existence . Opportunitie s fo r cashing-i n ar e gone, and we have no illusions about their return . The kin d o f reputation which use d t o brin g job s a s editors , lecturers , an d reader s i n publishin g houses, holds no lure for us, because those jobs have been whitded down to a few sinecure s fo r stand-patter s an d tight-rop e walkers . The bourgeoisi e does not want us, and we could not accept the double-dealing which these jobs require. In respons e t o th e economi c crisis , compose r Wallingfor d Riegge r said , "As an artist, I feel impelle d t o continue m y creative work, bu t I also feel , as a n artist , tha t I mus t hel p oppos e thos e force s whic h woul d den y humanity it s heritag e o f cultur e an d freedom." Th e Communis t Party , possessed o f both a counter-bourgeois ideolog y and an organization dedi cated t o carryin g ou t ideologica l goals , seeme d t o man y cultura l radical s to b e a n answe r t o thei r alienatio n an d thei r uncertaint y abou t th e wor k they should b e doing. 5 In th e 1930 s many avant gardists believe d tha t Marxism an d th e Com munist Part y provide d bot h a n intellectual framework fo r innovatio n an d a communit y tha t modele d th e integrate d societ y o f th e future . Bu t b y

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the mid-1950s , division s amon g radica l intellectual s appeared , especiall y over the use of Marxism for cultura l or social revolution. Som e intellectu als maintaine d tha t ar t shoul d serv e th e revolutio n o f th e politica l econ omy. Other s believe d tha t th e ne w perception s o f th e Europea n an d American avan t gard e o f th e 1910 s an d 1920s , when combine d wit h th e social an d economi c insight s o f Marxism , provide d th e sures t wa y t o cultural renewal . Thi s divisio n woul d ultimatel y lea d mos t member s o f the avan t gard e t o rejec t th e Communis t Part y an d orthodo x Marxis t interpretations o f the relations between ar t an d society . Since th e 1920s , Communis t Part y literar y theorists , suc h a s Josep h Freeman an d Michae l Gold , ha d argue d tha t innovatio n neede d t o b e guided b y specifi c ideologica l goal s an d socia l content . I n a 193 0 essay , Gold, edito r o f th e New Masses, described th e purpos e o f proletaria n ar t in functiona l terms : "Ever y poem , ever y nove l an d drama , mus t hav e a social theme , o r i t i s merel y confectionery. " H e rejecte d innovation s i n literary technique a s "another for m fo r bourgeoi s idleness," declaring tha t in proletaria n writin g ther e shoul d b e "n o strainin g o r melodram a o r other effects ; lif e itsel f is the suprem e melodrama . Fee l this intensely, an d everything become s poetry—th e ne w poetr y o f materials , o f th e so called 'commo n man, ' th e Worker mouldin g his real world." Writers wh o adhered to this creed tended t o use conventional literary forms t o describ e the lif e o f workers . Thus , th e techniqu e o f on e contributo r t o th e New Masses was described a s "to make words rhyme an d syllables come in exact order, t o poetically exal t the proletariat ou t o f its misery." 6 The proletaria n aesthetic , partisan s argued , mad e i t possibl e fo r th e artist to avoi d th e fals e conscienc e o f commercial popula r cultur e an d th e irrelevance of aestheticism. In 1936 , painter Louis Lozowick declared tha t the capitalis t syste m "degrade s th e huma n personality , scienc e an d ar t t o cash payments." Compose r Han s Eisle r argue d tha t sam e year tha t musi cal innovations o f the first decades of the twentieth centur y had succeede d in "isolatin g moder n musi c from life. " Rathe r tha n communicatin g t o hi s society, Eisler argued , "th e modern compose r ha s become a parasite, he is supported b y privat e connoisseur s an d th e benevolenc e o f a fe w wealth y people, an d h e produce s n o sensible , socia l work. " Th e solutio n Eisle r advocated wa s for musician s t o recognize th e crisi s facing moder n societ y and contribut e thei r talent s t o th e struggl e fo r change . "I n a perio d o f great struggl e fo r a new world , wh y shoul d th e musicia n b e a skulker? " He urge d composer s t o "all y wit h thos e other s wh o suffe r unde r th e

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present syste m o f societ y an d fight agains t it . Her e i s th e ti e betwee n the progressiv e intellectual , scholar , doctor , engineer , artis t an d th e workers." 7 Vanguard intellectuals , i n contras t t o th e advocate s o f proletaria n art , interpreted Marxis t philosoph y a s a universa l theor y aroun d whic h a unified cultur e characterize d b y socia l an d economi c equalit y an d avant garde aesthetic s coul d b e created . Cubis t painte r Stuar t Davis , for exam ple, argued tha t abstrac t art , no t realis t art , addresse d th e socia l realit y o f the moder n world . Davi s believe d th e stylisti c innovation s o f abstrac t ar t reflected th e dynamis m o f modern technolog y and th e relativism o f mod ern thought . Davi s wrote , "Abstrac t ar t i s a contemporar y expressio n o f the ne w lights , spaces , an d speed s o f ou r t i m e . . . . I t i s th e onl y ar t tha t concerns itsel f wit h th e materia l worl d i n motio n an d no t a s a world o f absolutes an d stati c entities. " Davi s als o believe d tha t Marxis m wa s "th e only scientifi c socia l viewpoint. " I n particular , h e argue d tha t th e dialec tical emphasis in Marxist thought parallele d th e dynamis m o f the moder n world. The influenc e o f jazz in Davis' s work perhaps bes t illustrates wha t he was trying t o do . In hi s 194 0 painting, Hot Still-scape for 6 Colors—1th Ave. Style, Davi s conveye d th e rhythm s o f jazz , th e moder n America n urban milieu that produced th e music, and the dialectic of history throug h the us e o f bold colors , overlappin g geometri c shapes , an d swirlin g forms . In thi s an d othe r painting s o f th e time , Davi s wante d t o express , a s h e wrote i n hi s notebook, "[The ] progressiv e spiri t o f democracy; individua l freedom; wonder s o f science; new light, space, speed." 8 The editor s an d contributor s t o th e littl e magazin e Experimental Cinema declared, in terms very much like those of Davis, that motion picture s presented a ne w wa y o f seeing . Fo r example , i n 1931 , write r Seymo r Stern, with th e montag e techniqu e o f Sovie t directo r Serg e Eisenstei n i n mind, describe d film a s " a ne w instrumen t o f huma n consciousness . A s the for m o f consciousness itself." He maintaine d tha t film required a new kind o f creator, "th e scientist-artis t laborer " who was a "dialectic-minde d thinker" an d coul d joi n "radical-revolutionar y science " to attai n "a n ulti mate expositio n o f radica l revolutionar y world-meaning. " Indeed , Ster n concluded tha t th e cinem a woul d transfor m Wester n civilizatio n mor e profoundly tha n th e Bolshevi k revolutio n becaus e a s cinem a advanced , "all bourgeois conception s o f esthetics an d creativit y [were ] being foreve r swept away." 9 In 1934 , William Phillips and Philip Rahv launched th e Partisan Review with th e explici t purpos e o f combinin g th e precept s o f proletaria n ar t

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with innovativ e technique s o f previou s generation s o f vanguards . I n a 1934 essa y entitle d "Thre e Generations, " Phillip s presente d a literar y genealogy fo r proletaria n literature , proceedin g from th e first generatio n of naturalists, suc h a s Theodore Dreise r an d Sherwoo d Anderson , t o th e "lost generation " o f th e 1920s . Th e wor k o f thi s expatriat e generation , Phillips argued , neede d t o be integrated wit h tha t o f the previou s genera tion. Phillip s assigne d thi s tas k o f integratio n t o th e "thir d generation, " the proletaria n writer s o f the 1930s . "The spiri t o f the twentie s i s part o f our heritage, " Phillip s wrote , "an d man y o f th e younge r revolutionar y generations ar e acutel y conscious o f this." Phillips noted tha t mos t o f th e important figures i n revolutionary literature, men suc h as Freeman, Gold , and Joshu a Kunitz , wer e o f th e sam e generatio n a s Ernes t Hemingwa y and e . e . cummings . These olde r radica l writers wer e no t expatriate s an d had kep t aliv e th e sociologica l traditio n o f Dreise r whil e "side-stepping " the innovation s o f thei r peers . Writer s lik e Gol d an d Freema n ha d thu s "carr[ied] th e lin e o f revolution forward, " accordin g t o Phillips . Bu t the y left a task for th e third generation , th e "proletaria n generation" : t o tie th e threads o f th e pas t together , "t o us e whateve r heritag e ther e i s a t ou r disposal fo r ou r revolutionar y tasks. " Phillip s di d no t sa y outrigh t tha t Gold an d the others were wrong to ignore contemporary literary developments, bu t h e clearl y rejecte d th e leftis m o f thos e wh o woul d argu e tha t proletarian writer s ha d nothin g t o lear n from avan t gardism . O n th e contrary, Phillip s evaluate d th e qualit y o f pas t writin g o n aesthetic , no t social or political, grounds. "T S . Eliot," he wrote, "is one of the stronges t literary influence s o n us . Thi s i s so[, ] probably , becaus e h e i s th e onl y really importan t poe t o f th e immediat e past. " Rah v an d Phillip s ha d se t for themselve s a clear program: t o mel d innovativ e aesthetic s with Marx ian revolution. 10 Despite differin g interpretation s o f the relatio n betwee n ar t an d socia l change, a common visio n o f th e futur e unite d th e Communis t Part y an d avant-garde intellectuals . Communist s seeme d t o shar e th e vanguar d vi sion of a future i n which ar t and lif e were integrated an d human creativit y liberated. Kar l Marx an d Friedric h Engel s envisione d a communist com munity i n which specializatio n wa s eliminate d an d al l people wer e labor ers an d artists : "I n a communis t society, " Mar x wrote , "ther e ar e n o painters, bu t a t mos t me n who , amon g othe r things , als o paint. " Leo n Trotsky describe d th e ne w huma n o f th e futur e a s "immeasurabl y stronger, wiser , subtler " tha n peopl e o f the present . "Th e averag e huma n type," Trotsky declared, "wil l rise to the heights of an Aristotle, a Goethe,

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a Marx . An d abov e thi s ridge , ne w peak s wil l arise. " Davi s describe d the new , postrevolutio n huma n being s a s a ne w bree d o f perceptuall y sophisticated "Color-Spac e People. " Thi s belie f i n th e ne w person , th e liberated, authenti c huma n bein g who wa s th e tru e destin y o f al l people , linked th e Communist s an d th e avan t garde. 11 Furthermore, members o f the Communis t Part y did not just talk abou t the future ; the y describe d th e Sovie t Unio n a s th e plac e wher e th e community o f the futur e wa s already being built. American avan t gardist s used th e Sovie t Unio n a s a mode l fo r thei r visio n o f th e future . Fo r example, Ka y Rankin , a member o f on e o f th e Communis t Party-associ ated danc e group s i n Ne w Yor k City , declared , "Danc e mus t b e use d t o teach workers ' childre n tha t the y belon g t o th e workin g clas s . . . [and ] use themes o f nature t o teach childre n t o danc e together i n harmony, jus t as workers o n a Sovie t collectiv e wor k together. " Accordin g t o th e ideal ized pictur e o f th e Sovie t Unio n tha t man y America n vanguardist s held , the grea t caus e o f buildin g th e socialis t stat e ha d inspire d unit y amon g diverse people an d a willingness t o sacrifice an d suffe r fo r th e goo d o f th e whole. As this community was built, art and life would becom e integrated . Soviet musi c criti c Grigors t Schneerso n describe d i n Modern Music i n 1936 how "Soviet music is sharply distinguished b y a purposeful ideology , a truthfu l realis m i n th e aspiration s o f Sovie t composer s wh o ar e stirre d by the life surroundin g them." 12 The Communis t Part y represente d t o America n vanguardist s th e ful fillment o f th e cosmopolita n ideal . The revolutionar y ne w societ y woul d be rational an d progressive. Ethnic an d clas s hostilities would b e replace d by cooperation . Huma n creativit y woul d b e liberate d t o mak e self-ful fillment possible . Capitalis t society , i n contrast , produce d onl y poverty , economic crisis , fascism, an d war . To the intellectual s o f the 1930s , Gassner late r recalled , Marxis m presente d "th e othe r sid e o f despai r an d th e alternative t o a passivenes s disgrace d b y th e appeasemen t policie s o f th e government." 13 Breaking wit h th e C o m m u n i s t Part y

In th e latte r hal f o f th e 1930s , avan t gardist s bega n t o reconside r thei r relationship t o th e Communis t Party . Politica l event s wer e generall y th e ostensible reaso n fo r th e break . Th e hypocris y o f th e Mosco w trial s o f 1937 caused man y intellectuals , includin g Partisan Review editors Phillip s and Rahv , t o rejec t th e party . Others , lik e Davis , rationalize d th e purge s

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but could no t rationaliz e th e 193 9 Nazi-Soviet Pact . Confronte d wit h th e choice o f supporting th e policie s o f the Sovie t Union o r thei r ow n mora l and intellectua l integrity , mos t vanguardist s brok e wit h th e party . Bu t beneath th e immediat e caus e o f th e break , i n mos t cases , ther e la y a deeper reason : avan t gardist s an d Communist s believe d i n differen t dy namics of cultural change . What wa s the caus e of cultural change ? Fo r the Communists , th e clas h of differen t interest s create d b y inequalitie s i n th e politica l econom y generated conflic t an d change: the eighteenth-century Frenc h bourgeoisi e rejected th e authorit y o f a feuda l aristocracy ; th e exploite d industria l proletariat woul d revol t agains t it s capitalis t exploiters . Th e result , i n time, would b e a humane ne w society . Fo r th e avan t gardist , powe r cam e through ideas , an d especiall y throug h perception . B y presentin g peopl e with ne w way s o f lookin g a t reality , cultura l radical s expecte d t o chang e their audience' s perceptio n o f reality . Vanguardist s believe d tha t peopl e confronted wit h ne w use s o f language , visua l media , an d sound s woul d recognize th e limitations o f the convention s o f their culture . Recognizin g these limitations , peopl e coul d the n procee d t o envisio n a new , mor e fulfilling wa y of life . These tw o model s o f cultura l chang e prove d irreconcilable . Th e De pression focuse d th e attentio n o f radica l artist s o n economi c issues . Th e Communist Part y addresse d tha t proble m wit h a theory (th e writing s o f Marx e t al.) , an organization (th e party) , an d a model (th e Sovie t Union) . Always short o n specifics themselves , it is no wonder tha t cultura l radical s gave Marxis m an d th e Communis t Part y seriou s attention . Th e primar y interest o f th e Communists , however , fo r reason s bot h pragmati c an d theoretical, was politics. Creative activit y had t o b e subordinat e t o politi cal goals . Thi s polic y conflicte d wit h avant-gard e insistenc e o n creativ e freedom. For cultura l radical s i n th e Unite d States , creativ e freedom wa s th e essence o f authenti c vanguardis m becaus e freedom wa s th e opposit e o f the bourgeoi s conformit y tha t alienate d th e avan t garde . Artistic innova tion wa s predicate d o n th e fre e imaginatio n o f th e creator . Avant-gard e self-expression wa s the mean s t o th e cosmopolitan , liberate d futur e envi sioned b y vanguardists. Communist Part y leader s emphasize d th e artist' s socia l responsibilit y rather tha n hi s o r he r creativ e freedom. Responsibilit y mean t sociall y relevant art , i n particula r socialis t realism , a typ e o f genr e ar t wit h a message tha t vanguardist s rejected . Furthermore , th e politica l agend a o f

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the Sovie t Union cam e into conflic t wit h bot h avant-gard e an d America n values. American individualism , wit h it s emphasis o n politica l liberty , an d avant-garde cosmopolitanism , wit h it s hostility t o war, coul d no t suppor t the Moscow trials, the Hitler-Stalin Pact , an d Sovie t militarism . In th e end , th e Communis t Party' s conceptio n o f chang e throug h th e dynamic o f politic s prove d incompatibl e wit h th e avant-gard e visio n o f change throug h ne w ways of self-expression an d perception . Artistic radicals wante d t o loo k a t th e worl d directly , a s Davi s alway s argued , an d respond i n thei r ar t t o wha t the y sa w without th e limitation s o f politica l ideology. A s poe t Kennet h Rexrot h wrot e t o Malcol m Cowley , " I don' t believe ART should b e solely or eve n principally concerned wit h the clas s struggle.... AR T i s mainl y concerne d wit h gettin g born , growin g up , eating an d drinking , fucking , gettin g a n 'ai m i n life, ' wishin g you hadn't , dying." Thus, b y World Wa r II , th e cultura l radical s o f th e thirtie s cam e to rejec t th e politica l radicalis m o f the Communis t Part y an d returne d t o the histori c vanguar d them e o f integratin g ar t an d life . I n larg e par t because o f the experienc e o f the 1930 s avan t garde , th e nex t generation' s vanguard woul d b e fiercely independent , anarchisti c i n politics , an d fo cused o n transformin g th e individual, not societ y directly. 14 Modernism Canonize d In th e late 1930s , the New York intellectuals, disillusioned with the extan t Marxist vanguard , reconstitute d themselve s i n th e cultura l forefron t b y returning t o th e basi c texts of the Europea n an d American avan t garde o f the 1910 s an d 1920s . By aligning themselve s wit h a "high culture " tradi tion tha t critic s suc h a s Dwigh t Macdonal d an d Clemen t Greenber g defined a s distinct fro m bot h lo w "mas s culture " and th e somewha t mor e refined "middle-brow " culture , the New York group separated themselve s from America n societ y and cultur e eve n a s they identified wit h America' s liberal political institution s a s opposed t o Sovie t totalitarian politics. 15 In thi s program , th e Ne w Yor k intellectuals ha d allie s i n th e so-calle d new critics . John Crow e Ransom , on e o f th e founder s o f th e ne w criti cism, described th e method a s "more scientific , o r precise and systematic " than th e impressionistic , ethical , o r historica l approache s o f traditiona l criticism. Th e ne w critics , represente d i n suc h journal s a s th e Kenyon Review an d th e Hudson Review, an d wit h a ver y differen t politica l an d cultural pedigre e fro m tha t o f th e Ne w Yor k intellectuals , share d a n interest wit h th e Ne w Yor k grou p i n writer s suc h a s Henr y James, Na -

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thaniel Hawthorne , and , mos t importan t for ou r purposes , avan t gardist s such as T. S. Eliot, Franz Kafka, an d Ezra Pound. The Ne w York intellectuals an d th e ne w critic s formed a cultura l movemen t wit h a stron g ideological "charter, " t o us e historia n Gran t Webster' s term , base d o n liberal, consensu s politic s an d a "high" modernis t aesthetic . This cultura l charter received institutional suppor t from periodical s such as the Partisan Review and th e Kenyon Review and from th e academi c position s o f man y of the members. 16 In th e proces s o f canonizin g th e histori c avan t garde , intellectual s transformed th e vanguard fro m a movement fo r cultura l renewa l throug h the integratio n o f ar t an d lif e int o anothe r styl e perio d i n Europea n literature, calle d "modernism. " Thi s proces s wa s accomplishe d i n severa l ways. First, intellectual s canonize d modernis m b y redefinin g th e rol e o f th e avant gard e i n society . Fro m th e lat e 1930 s throug h th e 1940s , i n th e pages o f th e Partisan Review, the meanin g o f th e avan t gard e change d a s writers focuse d les s o n theme s o f innovatio n an d cultura l renewa l an d more o n th e rol e o f intellectual s i n conservin g th e gain s o f a narrowl y defined hig h culture . I n a 193 8 essay , Rah v define d th e rol e o f th e intellectual t o b e "th e spher e o f technica l an d spiritua l culture. " Rah v argued tha t intellectuals had th e responsibility t o cultivate cultura l values, protecting th e legac y o f th e pas t an d seein g tha t cultur e continue d t o grow. The fruit s o f the pas t provide d th e energ y fo r futur e development , so intellectuals had a somewhat contradictor y role : "They watch ove r th e hidden mann a eve n a s the y consum e it. " Bu t th e Partisan Review writer s also describe d th e avan t gardist s a s alienate d from thei r society . Creativ e intellectuals coul d no t coun t o n havin g influenc e beyon d a small coterie . The avan t gard e existe d i n a stat e o f creativ e tensio n wit h society . Ad vanced artist s forme d a cosmopolitan communit y tha t serve d a s guardia n of human values, presenting a vision o f the futur e t o which peopl e shoul d aspire, an d yet was incapable o f actuall y leading humanit y t o tha t future . As Phillips wrote , "Envisionin g th e mos t fa r reachin g ideals , the artis t is, nevertheless, isolated from thos e force s which ca n realize them." 17 Second, intellectual s canonize d modernis m b y redefinin g avant-gard e innovation i n formalis t rathe r tha n cultura l terms . I n 1948 , for example , composer an d criti c Kur t Lis t reviewe d "Th e Stat e o f American Music " for th e Partisan Review. List bega n hi s essa y wit h a formalis t accoun t o f musical aesthetics from Bac h to the present, a n account designe d t o sho w that Arnold Schonberg' s twelve-ton e polyphon y presented th e solution t o

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the technica l problem s face d b y twentieth-centur y composers . "I f musi c is t o exis t a s a n artisti c expressio n o f moder n America, " Lis t concluded , "atonal polyphon y i s reall y th e onl y vali d guide. " H e mentione d Roge r Sessions and Charle s Ive s as the bes t example s amon g American compos ers o f wha t h e ha d i n mind . O f th e emergin g vanguard , h e ha d littl e t o say beyon d dismissin g th e earl y wor k o f John Cag e a s a n "escapis t . . . [and] regressiv e . . . reversio n t o Orienta l techniques. " Lis t explicitl y de fined th e tas k o f th e compose r a s continuin g th e evolutio n o f Europea n music within th e framewor k o f "problems " that th e wor k o f the pas t ha d left fo r th e nex t generation . H e expresse d n o interes t i n innovation s tha t looked t o a completel y differen t music . Her e wa s a model keepe r o f th e canon.18 The formalis t interpretatio n o f ar t wa s advocate d b y th e painter s an d sculptors associate d wit h American Abstrac t Artists (AAA) . The AA A was founded i n 193 6 by a group o f mostl y geometri c abstractionist s wh o fel t alienated from movement s mor e prominen t i n th e New York art world o f the day , specificall y surrealism , regionalism , an d socia l protes t art . Th e primary goa l o f th e organizatio n wa s t o sponso r exhibit s o f members ' work, bu t the y als o assigne d themselve s th e missio n o f educatin g th e public abou t America n abstrac t ar t throug h catalo g an d magazin e essays . Perhaps th e AAA' s mos t indefatigabl e polemicis t wa s painte r Georg e L. K . Morris , a foundin g membe r o f th e AA A and als o a patro n o f an d contributor t o the Partisan Review. The artist s o f th e AA A define d themselve s a s avan t garde , o r a s on e catalog essayis t explained , "i n th e forefron t o f aestheti c development, " because thei r ar t returne d paintin g an d sculptur e t o thei r basi c root s i n color, form , an d design . Morri s explaine d thi s formalis t vie w b y arguin g that Wester n artists , especiall y sinc e th e Renaissance , ha d explore d th e basic aspects of painting within a realistic framework unti l th e nineteent h century, when th e ol d formula s ha d bee n used t o th e point o f banality. At this point , Pau l Cezanne , George s Seurat , an d th e cubist s rescue d paint ing b y turnin g artist s bac k t o th e basics , clearin g th e path , a s Morri s expressed it , fo r abstrac t artist s "wh o have finally stripped paintin g dow n to it s bone s an d thereb y establishe d foundation s fo r a ne w beginning. " Abstractionists, Morri s declared , too k ar t int o th e futur e b y "attacking ] the establishe d conception s o f art itself." 19 Morris's stanc e wa s simila r t o anothe r Partisan Review edito r an d ar t critic, Clemen t Greenberg . Greenberg , however , di d no t believ e tha t geometric paintin g wa s avan t garde . H e champione d th e ne w vanguar d

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painters, th e abstrac t expressionists . Greenber g ma y thu s appea r t o b e a n exception t o th e patter n o f canonizin g th e wor k o f th e past . O n close r inspection, however , h e become s th e exceptio n tha t prove s th e rule . I n Greenberg's formalis t aesthetics , th e "modernization " proces s o f art con sisted i n eliminatin g convention s from othe r medium s unti l th e art , whether music , poetry , o r painting , wa s pure . Applyin g thi s formul a t o painting, Greenber g wrote tha t in thei r painting s th e abstrac t expression ists were "testin g th e limit s o f the inherite d form s an d genres , an d o f th e medium itself , an d i t i s what th e Impressionists , th e post-Impressionists , the Fauves , th e Cubists , an d Mondria n di d i n thei r time. " Greenber g could accoun t fo r abstrac t expressionis t paintin g i n thi s formalis t fashio n because h e consciousl y an d consistentl y dismisse d th e intellectua l con cerns o f the artist s themselves . In s o doing, he completel y misinterprete d and misrepresented wha t thes e artist s understood themselve s t o be doing , but he was able to connec t thei r work to the modernist canon. 20 Canonical modernis m resulte d i n par t from th e canonizers ' respons e to thei r activis t pasts . Havin g believe d i n th e promis e o f a ne w worl d offered b y the Communis t Part y and the n fel t betraye d b y the totalitaria n reality of Stalinism, the intellectuals o f the Depression generatio n becam e suspicious o f any program o f cultural renewal . They interprete d th e text s of the historic avant garde, with which they had come of age intellectually, as, in Davi d Hollinger' s phrase , " a set o f suspicions" about human being s and huma n societ y rathe r tha n a worl d view . Intellectual s use d thes e suspicions t o questio n th e veritie s o f libera l society—huma n goodness , progress, middle-clas s morality—withou t havin g t o tak e a stan d o n th e truth o f thes e suspicions . At th e sam e time , b y attackin g th e totalitaria n suppression o f the avan t garde , intellectuals coul d affir m th e libera l state . As a result o f this process, intellectuals transforme d th e avan t gard e from a movemen t closel y relate d t o th e surroundin g cultur e t o a highbro w movement suspende d abov e culture , "o/th e world, " a s Hollinge r notes , "but not in it." 21 Canonical modernis m als o resulte d from th e institutiona l goal s o f th e new critics. The new critics defined thei r method a s intellectually rigorou s and therefor e mos t appropriat e fo r th e universit y setting . Ranso m de scribed th e method a s a complex one intended t o be practiced b y "learned persons," tha t is , technically traine d experts , no t gentlema n scholars ; "it s proper seat, " Ranso m declared , "i s in th e universities. " The practitioner s were especially adept at using the method o n the complex texts written b y the first-generation avan t garde. The ne w critics used th e technica l preci -

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sion o f thei r reading s t o justif y bringin g bot h th e ne w literatur e an d th e new criticis m int o th e universit y curriculum . I n thi s way , th e histori c avant garde became anothe r academi c specialization. 22 The succes s o f thi s modernist-libera l synthesi s wa s such that , i n 1950 , the editor s o f Time feature d T . S . Elio t o n th e magazine' s cover . Th e feeling o f acceptanc e appeare d t o b e mutual : Rah v an d Phillip s note d i n their introductio n t o th e famou s Partisan Review symposium "Ou r Coun try, Ou r Culture " tha t America n writer s (wit h exceptions ) n o longe r fel t alienated from America n society . The modernis t avan t gard e had travele d a lon g wa y fro m it s beginning s a s a rebellio n o f alienate d bohemian s t o stand a t th e cente r o f contemporar y culture . Literar y historia n Jame s Breslin noted tha t "a t mid-century, accepted , eve n celebrated b y the Luc e corporation, th e modernist revolutio n migh t well seem to be finished." 23 Indeed, throughou t th e immediat e postwa r years , man y cultura l com mentators fo r journal s suc h a s the Partisan Review and th e Kenyon Review expressed disappointmen t tha t th e avan t gard e ha d bee n tame d eve n a s they continue d t o canoniz e th e work s o f th e 1920 s modernis t vanguard . In 1946 , fo r example , Willia m Barrett , i n a review o f Frederic k J. Hoff man, Charles Allen, and Carolyn F . Ulrich's The Little Magazine: A History and Bibliography, publishe d b y Princeton Universit y Press, noted tha t "th e very existence o f this book shows the avant-gard e ha s become institution alized t o th e exten t tha t th e littl e magazin e i s now accepte d a s a more o r less permanen t sidesho w i n ou r culture. " I n 1951 , Paul Goodma n wrot e about th e avan t gard e i n th e Kenyon Review as if cultura l radicalis m wer e largely a thing o f the past . A few years later, Greenber g seeme d nostalgi c for th e rambunctiou s pas t o f th e avan t garde , befor e it s "acceptanc e b y official an d commercia l culture. " I n 1958 , F . W. Dupee , i n a revie w o f several recen t poetr y anthologies , lamente d tha t non e o f th e wor k wa s "conspicuously creative. " Dupe e characterize d th e writer s a s th e "job holding generation " an d speculate d tha t "th e favorable—i f tha t i s th e word fo r it—economi c situatio n o f recent years has affected th e ton e an d substance o f th e poetr y written b y th e young generation " whos e subject s tended t o b e "home , wife , children , parents , pets , gardens, " an d such . Dupee misse d th e engagemen t wit h large r ideas , i f not th e experimenta tion, tha t had characterize d th e avan t garde. 24 The pictur e draw n b y thes e critic s o f avant-gard e institutionalizatio n and predictabilit y bor e littl e relatio n t o th e facts , o f course , a s woul d become ver y clea r b y th e en d o f th e 1950s . Thi s attitud e indicate d th e preoccupation o f th e Ne w Yor k intellectual s an d ne w critic s wit h th e

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aesthetics o f earl y modernis m rathe r tha n wit h innovativ e artist s o f thei r own day. The Las t American Vanguar d From th e mid-1940 s throug h th e earl y 1950s , th e las t America n avant garde movemen t cam e together . Th e Communis t Part y an d Stalinis t politics forme d th e contex t fo r thi s van' s rebellion . No t al l o f thes e vanguardists had been party members, but most were aware of the debate s that ha d divide d cultura l radical s i n th e 1930s . Thi s advanc e guar d dif fered fro m th e previous generatio n i n that the younger radical s refused t o compromise th e visio n o f a renewe d culture . Th e ne w generatio n thu s also define d itsel f a s alienate d from th e canonizer s o f th e olde r avan t garde. Some members o f the new vanguard movemen t ha d bee n member s of , or associate d with , th e Communis t Party . Painter s Mar k Rothk o an d Adolph Gottlie b were member s o f the Communis t Party-dominate d Art ists' Congres s unti l th e Sovie t Unio n invade d Finland . Disillusioned , th e painters brok e wit h th e movement . Bea t write r Joh n Clello n Holmes , in th e year s immediatel y afte r Worl d Wa r II , identifie d briefl y wit h Communism. Holme s wrot e tha t fo r hi m an d other s o f hi s generation , "our youth , ou r passion , ou r betraye d idealism : th e su m tota l o f live s without real hope was poured int o this belief in a better life." For Holmes, Marxism wa s inextricabl y linke d t o th e Sovie t Union . Th e 194 8 cou p i n Czechoslovakia "severed " Holmes from th e Communist movement, muc h as th e sho w trial s an d Nazi-Sovie t pac t alienate d th e earlie r generation . Now, Holme s sa w Communis m a s pernicious , a kin d o f "intellectua l disease." The "luck y ones" left "befor e the y die d spiritually. " The flaw i n Communist morality, Holmes decided, not with a great deal of originality, was th e ide a tha t th e en d justifie d th e means . H e als o sa w thi s immora l principle equall y a t work i n th e Wes t an d it s anti-communis t Col d War . As a result , Holme s los t al l fait h i n politics . " I don' t believe, " Holme s wrote i n th e lat e 1940s , "tha t rea l justice ca n b e legislated , tha t goodnes s and equit y ca n b e establishe d merel y b y puttin g the m o n th e statut e books, an d tha t huma n law s will alway s operat e fo r th e majorit y merel y because you write the m dow n . . . . Ca n we really live without hop e base d on reason? I only know that somehow we must." 25 Critic Lawrenc e Bart h agree d wit h Holmes , declarin g tha t "huma n society cannot muc h longer stan d th e ravage s of politics." Marxist parties,

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he argued , wer e littl e mor e tha n clique s characterize d b y "trickery " an d "hypocrisy" a s the y jockeye d fo r powe r amon g themselves . Bart h com pared radica l parties to religious movements tha t oversimplified th e world around them , becomin g "non-realistic , anti-sexual , [and ] anti-rationa l a t [their] core. " Critic James Courze n wrot e tha t Marxist ideology, "i n plac e of a needfu l rightin g o f religiou s values, " suppresse d huma n personalit y and pu t i n it s place a "deified State " that too k o n th e "guis e o f a punitive rather tha n lovin g god. " Member s o f th e avan t gard e rejecte d Marxis t materialism a s a n insufficien t answe r t o th e problem s facin g huma n be ings. Cultural radicals believed tha t Marxism, much like American liberal ism and conservatism , di d not g o far enoug h i n articulatin g a new anthro pology an d a new spiritualit y b y which individual s an d cultur e coul d b e redeemed. 26 Avant gardist s als o dismisse d th e socia l realis t ar t tha t went , a s the y saw it, wit h Communis t politics . I n thei r view , th e Marxis t aestheti c wa s as spirituall y bankrup t a s it s politics . T o requir e o f a n artis t politica l o r social conten t wa s t o bloc k th e creativit y o f th e spiri t an d thu s th e possibility fo r rea l socia l renewal . Suc h a n aestheti c create d on e mor e conformity i n a n ag e o f conformism . Kennet h Rexrot h dismisse d prole tarian literatur e a s "th e produc t o f a sociolog y cours e an d a subscriptio n to a butcher-paper weekly. " Poet Stuar t Z. Perkoff joine d th e Communis t Party while in high schoo l in the forties . H e als o wrote lov e poetry in th e style o f Kennet h Patchen . Part y official s tol d Perkof f tha t hi s subjec t matter wa s to o persona l an d tha t h e shoul d sto p writin g suc h poetry . Perkoff qui t th e party . Painte r Barnet t Newma n lumpe d socia l realis t painting with American regionalis t ar t and dismisse d both a s "commercia l official art. " Newman's friend , painte r William Baziotes, agreed, declarin g that "whe n th e demagogue s o f art call on you to make the social art—th e intelligible art—th e goo d art—spi t dow n o n them—an d g o back to your dreams—the world—an d you r mirror." 27 While vanguardists share d with the canonizer s o f modernism a n antipathy t o Communism , th e tw o group s ha d littl e els e in common . T o mos t vanguardists, th e canonizer s wer e th e enem y t o b e defeated . Write r an d little magazin e edito r Osca r Collie r carefull y note d t o edito r Judson C . Crews tha t Collier' s journa l wa s "certainl y no t a partisa n revie w [sic]. " Kenneth Rexrot h dismissivel y referre d t o th e "K u Klu x Klenyon " an d "the Bronx edition o f the PMLA, otherwise known as the Vaticide Review" Painter Clyffor d Stil l instructed hi s exhibitor , Bett y Parsons, not t o sho w his wor k t o jus t anyone , explicitl y statin g tha t critic s John T Sob y an d

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Greenberg an d Museu m o f Modern Ar t curato r Alfre d H . Bar r wer e no t to see the paintings . Members o f the avan t gard e repudiate d an y connec tion with the canonizers o f modernism. 28 What issue s specifically alienate d th e postwa r vanguar d from th e Ne w York intellectual circle ? Cultura l radical s linked th e latter to the academi c culture o f postwa r America . Perkof f describe d literatur e publishe d i n journals suc h a s th e Kenyon Review and th e Partisan Review as th e "arch rigid, ove r conscious , s o carefull y constructe d vers e o f th e Englis h ma jors." Suc h writin g wa s o f th e past , Perkof f wrote , i t wa s no t "livin g poetry" o f th e presen t o r th e future . Member s o f th e avan t gard e recog nized, withou t usin g thes e terms , tha t th e projec t o f th e Ne w Yor k intellectual an d new critical group s was to canonize th e modernism o f th e teens and twenties. George Leite, a pioneering editor of the San Francisco Renaissance, wrot e i n 194 8 tha t "th e Re d Beas t article s i n Partisan ar e almost word fo r wor d lik e those tha t appeare d i n Hound and Horn durin g the perio d whe n Phillip s an d Rah v were whining a t th e doo r o f the John Reed Clu b an d barkin g a t the intellectua l reactionaries. " Leite, like othe r vanguard editors , believed the decad e of the 1940 s was a "new world" an d that ar t had t o develo p in new directions. 29 To call the modernist canonizer s academi c was, for th e members o f th e avant garde , anothe r wa y o f sayin g tha t th e canonizer s wer e a n integra l part o f th e techno-bureaucrati c conformis t cultur e tha t avan t gardist s opposed. Vanguardist s believe d tha t modernis t intellectual s possesse d a false value system . In 1954 , editor an d writer Lesli e Woolf Hedle y voiced these concern s i n a review o f a book b y Russell Hop e Robbin s calle d The T. S. Eliot Myth. Hedle y maintaine d tha t th e volum e deserve d attentio n because Robbin s expose d th e dangerous , reactionar y influenc e o f Elio t and th e "intellectua l . . . clerico-fascism " h e represented , especiall y o n "our younger , conscripte d generation. " Th e popularit y o f Eliot , an d th e modernist canonizer s who promote d him , signale d t o Hedley "th e break down o f bot h mora l an d philosophica l value s amon g writer s today. " Th e outcome o f thi s collaps e o f value s wa s clearl y state d b y Robbins : "th e suppression o f al l creativ e activities,.. . an d th e abandonmen t o f th e mainstream traditio n o f culture an d enlightenment. " Her e Hedle y voiced almost al l th e theme s tha t define d th e alienatio n o f America n avan t gardists i n th e year s afte r Worl d Wa r II : th e belie f tha t th e socia l an d political syste m tende d towar d totalitarianism ; tha t avant-gard e innova tion wa s becomin g ossifie d i n th e academy ; an d tha t many , i f no t most , intellectuals acquiesce d i n thi s process . Declare d th e edito r o f Neurotica,

36 • T O W A R D TH E LAS T AMERICA N V A N G U A R D , 1 9 3 0 - 1 9 5 5

"As w e see it , th e littl e literar y magazin e i s dead . Th e 'littl e mag s tha t died t o mak e vers e free ' hav e bee n replace d b y subsidize d vehicle s fo r clique poetry, critica l back-scratching, an d professional piddle." 30 The idea s abou t aesthetic s an d th e relatio n betwee n ar t an d societ y that defined th e avant-garde canonizer s and the true cultural radicals were so different tha t the two movements coul d hardly communicate with eac h other. Literar y historian Gran t Webste r use s the concep t o f paradigms a s formulated b y historia n o f scienc e Thoma s Kuh n t o explai n th e conflic t between riva l vanguards. A paradigm i s a framework o f values an d inter pretation. Whe n paradigm s com e int o conflict , adherent s o f on e para digm wil l b e unabl e t o communicat e wit h adherent s o f another . Avan t gardists believe d tha t thei r opponent s di d no t understoo d wha t th e inno vators wer e doing . Th e academi c "creeps, " Alle n Ginsber g wrote , "wouldn't kno w poetr y i f i t cam e u p an d buggere d the m i n broa d day light." The estrangemen t between the two groups is sharply demonstrate d by Norma n Podhoretz' s denunciatio n o f th e Beat s a s "Know-Nothin g Bohemians," publishe d i n th e Partisan Review in 1959 . "Th e plai n trut h is," Podhoret z declared , "tha t th e primitivis m o f th e Bea t Generatio n serves . . . a s a cove r fo r a n anti-intellecrualis m s o bitte r tha t i t make s the ordinar y American' s hatre d o f egghead s see m positivel y benign. " Furthermore, h e continued , "Thi s i s th e revol t o f th e spirituall y under privileged an d th e cripple d o f soul. " Afte r readin g Podhoretz' s essay , Ginsberg wrot e t o hi s frien d Pete r Orlovsky , "Sa w Partisa n revie w [sic ] attack o n us , goofed up , long as enemies bullshi t like that we're awright. " Even whe n critic s sympathize d wit h ne w work , the y di d no t see m t o understand wha t th e vanguar d artist s wer e doing . Poe t Rober t Dunca n described a conversatio n wit h Greenber g i n whic h Greenber g wa s "en thusiastic" abou t a Dunca n essa y publishe d i n Macdonald' s Politics, but Duncan conclude d tha t "wha t I actuall y wrote was nothing tha t h e read. " This inabilit y to communicat e ma y explain why, as Rexroth observed , th e New Yor k intellectual s coul d tal k abou t th e en d o f th e avan t gard e an d then "visit . . . the Gotha m Boo k Mart an d pic k up a copy o f the Hudson or Kenyon Reviews and literall y no t see al l abou t the m th e dozen s o f littl e magazines . . . full o f free verse and anarchism , bu t s o it was." 31 Conclusion

The member s o f th e avan t gard e desire d t o enlive n th e art s wit h a vital aesthetic , an d b y s o doin g t o enlive n society . Fro m th e avant-gard e

THE C O M M U N I S T PARTY , MODERNISM , AN D TH E A V A N T GARD E • 3 7

perspective, the moral sense of the American peopl e was dead an d neede d quickening t o preven t a physica l deat h i n nuclea r war . Th e difference s between th e olde r generatio n an d th e ne w vanguar d ar e apparen t i n a n exchange o f letters betwee n Macdonal d an d Ginsber g i n 1964 . The con text of these letters was a discussion o f the merits o f the avant-gard e films of Jonas Meka s an d Jack Smith , especiall y th e latter' s Flaming Creatures, which wa s involve d i n a n obscenit y case . Ginsber g wrot e t o Macdonal d that "there' s no political revolution possibl e in USA[.] There is possibility of a n artisti c revolutio n an d consequen t revolutio n o f menta l conscious ness an d bodil y feelings[ , an d therefore, ] politica l change. " Thi s remar k prompted Macdonal d t o note a distinction betwee n thei r tw o views: You [Ginsber g an d Mekas ] ar e moralists , reformers , rathe r tha n artists . What you'r e afte r i s a better wa y of life , an d s o you accep t a movie like [Flaming Creatures] . . . because it exemplifies your morality of free personal expression. But you can have f.p.e. without art. .. . Living free is one thing, creating a work o f ar t i s another . . .. Ar t ha s t o b e controlled , ordered , arranged in patterns, rhythms, all very artificial an d unfree. Ginsberg responded , " I hav e writte n som e poetr y o f 'controle d [sic ] arranged order ' s o unique it was unrecognizable fo r several years as poetry by th e guardian s o f orde r o f a n ancie n regime. " Reiteratin g th e by-no w standard avant-gard e critiqu e o f academi c culture , Ginsber g describe d this "ancie n regime " a s "imitativ e o f earlie r poetry " an d attache d t o methods o f versificatio n "alread y decaye d whe n Ezr a Poun d wen t t o London." Ginsber g reaffirmed hi s commitment t o a n aesthetic o f sponta neity an d individualit y ("intuitio n an d character" ) an d concluded , "A s fo r your ide a o f m e a s a moralist,. . . it['] s charming , bu t don' t ge t carrie d away. I jus t don' t wan t t o se e th e plane t g o u p i n a clou d o f sexles s hydrogen." 32 Committed t o th e integratio n o f ar t an d life , avan t gardist s lik e Gins berg sough t a vita l an d expressiv e aestheti c an d a ne w relatio n betwee n art an d society . Thes e goal s di d no t appea r t o th e member s o f th e las t American vanguar d t o b e th e goal s o f th e Ne w Yor k intellectuals . Th e latter grou p appeared , t o cultura l radicals , t o b e th e aestheti c expressio n of th e value s o f a societ y from whic h th e advanc e guar d wa s highl y alienated. Alienatio n wa s th e negativ e groun d from whic h th e vanguar d sprang, bu t thes e radica l artist s als o develope d a positiv e definitio n fo r themselves. Thes e positiv e value s the y expresse d i n thei r ideolog y o f innovation an d thei r vision o f the future .

C ' H ' A ' P ' T - E ' R3

Alienation

I

n a 1956 poem entitle d "Th e Suicide, " Stuart Z. Perkoff note d that in the aftermat h o f such a tragedy, the questio n asked ou t loud wa s alway s "Wh y di d h e d o it? " Bu t Perkof f argue d that th e mos t importan t questio n remaine d unasked , festerin g insid e an d "rotting th e soul. " Tha t questio n was : "How ? Coul d I? " Suicid e i s on e expression o f an individual's alienatio n from sel f and from society . Perkof f suggested tha t everyon e in contemporary societ y repressed a great dea l of alienation fro m th e moder n world . Perkof f wa s no t alon e i n thi s belief : other members of the postwar avant garde were deepl y alienated from th e society in which the y lived. 1 Renato Poggioli described avant-garde alienation as a "sociopsychological condition" relate d t o th e artist' s economi c an d socia l statu s a s well a s the intellectual' s attitud e towar d he r o r hi s culture . Member s o f th e postwar American van were awar e o f their alienatio n an d o f the historica l meaning o f their condition . Kennet h Rexroth , fo r example , discusse d th e 41

4 2 • TH E AMERICA N A V A N T GARDE , 1 9 4 5 - 1 9 6 0

estrangement o f th e artis t a s a produc t o f industria l capitalis t society : "[From] Baudelaire , Blake , Holderlein, dow n t o T. S . Eliot, Voznesensky , or Alle n Ginsberg , ever y importan t poe t sinc e th e ris e o f acquisitive , competitive moder n societ y ha s bee n alienate d t o a greate r o r lesse r degree." Alienatio n wa s not , however , Rexrot h contended , th e typica l experience o f American poet s throughout mos t of the nineteenth century . Only whe n th e natio n wa s heavil y industrialized , Rexrot h said , coul d there emerg e a strong community o f alienated avan t gardists. 2 Indeed, i n 1948 , criti c Clemen t Greenber g declare d tha t "th e alien ation o f Bohemia wa s onl y a n anticipatio n i n nineteent h centur y Paris ; i t is in New York that it has been completel y fulfilled." I n 1959 , painter Jack Tworkov, a member o f the avant-gard e Eight h Stree t Clu b i n Greenwic h Village, wrote i n It Is that Paul Cezann e was "the very image" of contem porary artists . I n particular , Tworko v wrote , th e Frenc h painte r wa s a n "alienated intellectual " wh o wa s profoundly intereste d i n th e questio n o f meaning and was uncomfortable i n the presence o f those who "go t along " easily i n life , an d i n particula r o f thos e peopl e whos e "religion " wa s t o "get o n i n th e world. " I n contras t t o thi s worldl y attitude , th e alienate d artist wa s on e "wh o i n hi s innermos t cente r ha s a fierce prid e an d sur e conviction abou t th e values of the artis t in the world." 3 Members o f th e avan t gard e believe d tha t thi s "worldly " attitud e o f which Tworko v wrote wa s a n indicatio n o f how divorce d moder n Ameri cans were fro m th e rea l world. Cultura l radical s believe d tha t i n contem porary American societ y people were separated fro m th e worlds of nature, human community , an d th e spiritua l self . Rexrot h wrot e tha t "a s huma n beings gro w mor e remot e fro m on e another , the y becom e mor e lik e things than persons to each other. As this happens, the individual become s remote from , loses, himself. Firs t alienatio n fro m comradeshi p i n th e struggle wit h nature , the n alienatio n fro m eac h other . Finall y sel f alien ation." Vanguardists believe d tha t value s i n Wester n cultur e ha d becom e so attenuated tha t societie s faced "materia l an d spiritual disintegration." 4 American cultura l innovator s experience d thi s alienatio n i n variou s ways, bu t th e bom b serve s a s a ke y them e aroun d whic h the y expresse d their alienation . Th e bomb , a product , accordin g t o member s o f th e advance guard , o f bureaucrati c technolog y i n th e servic e o f a bankrup t political ideology, seemed to be the ultimate folly of rationalistic, industri alized capitalis t society . The bom b threatene d no t onl y th e cultural , aes thetic, an d ethica l idea s o f th e avan t garde , bu t als o th e existenc e o f humanity itself.

ALIENATION • 4 3

The vanguar d als o criticized th e Unite d State s a s a conformist society . Cultural radicals describe d a "spirit of the age " that molded individual s t o a materialist success ethic and a narrow Col d War political ideology. Suc h concerns reflecte d a histori c avant-gard e interes t i n individualism . Fo r these reasons , then , member s o f th e vanguar d fel t deepl y alienate d from American society . Bu t estrangemen t produce d a constructiv e resul t fo r cultural radicals : th e stat e o f alienatio n strengthene d thei r resolv e t o create a new cultura l landscap e i n whic h ar t an d lif e woul d b e integrate d and from whic h no on e would b e estranged . The Bomb , Technology, an d Progres s Writing i n th e mid-1950s , William Carlo s Williams pondere d th e mean ing o f the atomi c bomb . In hi s lon g lov e poem , "Asphodel , That Green y Flower," he wrote, I am reminded that the bomb also is a flower dedicated howbeit to our destruction

Williams note d th e fascination , almos t religiou s awe , tha t th e explodin g bomb ha d fo r people , an d h e transforme d th e bom b int o a symbo l fo r humanity's destructiv e act s from th e Sale m witchcraf t trial s t o boo k burnings t o environmenta l desecration . Fo r Williams, th e bom b broode d over th e world , exercisin g a malignan t influenc e i n history . William s presented a choice between th e creative influence o f love and th e destruc tive influenc e o f th e bomb . "Ther e i s n o power " h e wrote , "s o grea t a s love / whic h i s a sea , / whic h i s a garden. " Unfortunately , h e concluded , few peopl e reall y believe d this : "the y believ e rathe r / i n th e bom b / an d they shall die by the bomb." 5 Williams was, of course, one o f the leadin g figures i n th e first-generation America n avan t garde , bu t h e wa s als o a n importan t influenc e o n many post-Worl d Wa r I I vanguardists . Th e bomb , too , wa s a pervasiv e influence o n thes e cultura l radicals . Write r Dougla s Wool f chos e a n ap t title fo r hi s littl e magazin e revie w of Donald Allen' s 196 0 anthology, The New American Poetry: "Radioactive Generation. " I n particular , th e bom b heightened th e sens e o f socia l alienatio n fel t b y member s o f th e avan t

44 • TH E AMERICA N A V A N T GARDE , 1 9 4 5 - 1 9 6 0

garde. In hi s participant-observe r histor y o f twentieth-centur y America n poetry, Rexrot h note d tha t th e bom b ha d "permanentl y shattere d th e crust o f custom" an d "mad e al l but th e mos t insensitiv e alienate d a t leas t a little." Williams's poe m present s theme s tha t weighe d o n th e mind s o f most advance-guar d intellectual s i n th e years afte r Hiroshim a an d Naga saki. Member s o f th e avan t gard e cam e t o doub t th e ide a o f progress , especially technica l an d scientifi c progress , an d the y feare d fo r th e ver y future o f humanity. Radica l intellectual s als o expresse d a sense o f power lessness before th e new technology and its attendant bureaucracy. 6 The member s o f the postwar van were not th e first cultura l radical s o r intellectuals t o questio n th e ide a o f progress. As historian Spence r Wear t notes, nuclea r weapon s di d no t creat e a n entirel y new , post-Hiroshim a culture. Rather, peopl e responded t o the bomb within intellectual catego ries formed i n the past. Thus, intellectuals responde d t o the bom b withi n a framewor k o f anxiet y an d despai r tha t date d from th e beginnin g o f th e century. Thes e feeling s resulte d from man y causes : th e impersona l uni verse describe d b y Newton , Darwin , Marx , an d Freud ; th e collaps e o f religious belie f i n respons e t o thes e thinkers ; th e failur e o f th e value s o f humanism t o preven t Worl d Wa r I . W . H . Aude n ha d othe r reason s besides th e bom b t o cal l th e year s a t mid-centur y th e "Ag e o f Anxiety. " The bom b was , however , th e perfec t symbo l fo r thi s anxiet y an d mos t discussion o f the topic in the years after 194 5 made some reference t o th e bomb, however brie f or stereotypical. 7 Rexroth describe d hi s own increasin g feelin g o f hopelessness from th e 1920s forward . Fo r Rexroth , th e light s o f progres s an d hop e tha t ha d burned s o brightl y i n th e first quarte r o f th e centur y bega n t o di m wit h the execution s o f Sacc o an d Vanzett i i n 1927 . Th e Mosco w Trials , th e Spanish Civi l War , th e Hitler-Stali n Pact , th e wa r an d concentratio n camps—all thes e dimme d furthe r th e light of hope. "Now th e darknes s is absolute," h e concluded . "I n th e blackness, " Rexrot h wrote , "well-fed , cultured, carefull y shave n gentlemen si t before microphone s a t mahogan y tables an d pus h th e plane t inc h b y inc h toward s extinction. " I t wa s thi s link between a n educated an d cultivate d elit e and atomic annihilation tha t more tha n anythin g explain s the dept h o f alienation fel t b y postwar avan t gardists from thei r society , whethe r from it s institutions , suc h a s th e academy, o r fro m it s values an d mores . To cultura l radical s o f th e 1950s , a vanguardist underground wa s vitally necessary. 8 Some commentator s trie d t o use th e ne w physics t o construc t positiv e metaphors fo r innovativ e art , no t unlik e th e promoter s o f th e peacefu l

ALIENATION • 4 5

atom i n th e U . S . governmen t an d nuclea r powe r industry . I n 1951 , fo r example, criti c Pete r Blanc , writin g i n th e mainstrea m Magazine of Art, drew o n idea s from moder n physic s t o explai n recen t avant-gard e art . Blanc related th e painting s o f surrealists Arshile Gork y an d Joan Mir o t o Heisenberg's uncertaint y principle , an d defende d th e wor k o f abstrac t expressionists Jackso n Polloc k an d Wille m d e Koonin g b y describin g their paintings , not a s expressions o f (a s critics charged ) "spiritua l confu sion" o r "lac k o f humanity, " bu t a s picture s o f movemen t tha t recogniz e that "energ y and void" are the only reality. "It is the paradox of art today, " Blanc concluded , "tha t wha t i s still known a s realism is actually a n escap e from reality." 9 Most member s o f th e avan t gard e wer e no t dispose d t o suc h argu ments. Fro m th e avant-gard e perspective , th e influenc e o f scienc e an d technology wa s a s likely t o destro y lif e an d curtai l individua l freedom a s it was to improv e lif e an d expan d freedom. Soo n afte r th e firs t us e o f th e bomb, critic Dwight Macdonald wrot e in his journal Politics, " 'The great est achievemen t o f organize d scienc e i n history, ' sai d Presiden t Truma n after th e Hiroshim a catastrophe—whic h i t probabl y was , an d s o muc h the wors e fo r organize d science. " Th e resul t o f technologica l progres s was a weapon whos e powe r threatene d th e ver y existenc e o f civilization . "The bomb, " Macdonald declared , "i s the natura l produc t o f th e kin d o f society we have created. " Macdonald argue d tha t i n a society tha t associ ated th e goo d lif e with mass-produce d consume r good s and technologica l conveniences, the citizenry willingly abrogated grea t power to the organi zations tha t produce d thes e good s without questionin g th e consequence s for mora l decisio n makin g in a democratic society. 10 Members o f the avan t gard e rejecte d th e notion s o f progress tha t the y perceived t o b e prevalen t i n postwa r society . I n 1960 , Bea t poe t A . Pan kovits wrot e i n a poem calle d "Progress" : " I a m no t onl y goin g t o stan d in th e way of progress. / I a m goin g t o stic k ou t m y foot a s it runs past. " Painter Morris Grave s declare d tha t his work was not fo r thos e who wer e comfortable i n th e ne w atomi c world: "Thos e wh o seein g an d tastin g th e fruits an d ne w buds o f self-destructive progres s [and ] stil l calling it good , to the m th e idea s in th e painting s ar e stil l preposterous, henc e no t wort h consideration." The realit y of the bomb meant that belief in technologica l progress was not just fatuous, i t was positively dangerous. 11 In 195 9 poet s an d critic s Rober t Bl y an d Willia m Duff y argue d that , in bot h th e Sovie t Unio n an d th e Unite d States , th e scientifi c outlook , "with it s passion fo r experiment[, ] . . . it s confusio n o n mora l issues , [an d

4 6 • TH E AMERICA N A V A N T GARDE , 1 9 4 5 - 1 9 6 0

indifference] . . . t o huma n suffering, " wa s becoming muc h to o powerful . "Unless," the y concluded , "thes e me n ar e fought , i n thei r inquisitio n millions will die. " Painte r Clyffor d Stil l wrot e tha t h e di d no t wan t t o express th e spiri t o f hi s ag e i n hi s painting s becaus e "ou r age—i t i s o f science—mechanism—of powe r an d death . I se e n o poin t i n addin g t o its mammoth arroganc e th e compliment o f homage." Novelist William S . Burroughs, wh o ha d bee n a studen t a t th e Lo s Alamo s Ranc h Schoo l a few year s befor e th e governmen t acquire d th e institutio n an d turne d i t into a bomb laboratory, felt a special connection with the bomb. He note d how th e "idylli c Ranc h School , a n outpos t o f th e pastora l dream " (an d where Burroughs had been miserably unhappy) had been "commandeere d by a governmen t agenc y fo r a tea m o f foreign-bor n scientist s wh o gav e away thei r secret s o f mas s destructio n t o th e general s an d politicians. " Burroughs forthrightl y declare d himsel f "anti-scientist, " maintainin g tha t "if anybody ought t o g o to th e exterminatio n chamber s . . . [i t should be ] scientists."12 The mushroo m clou d als o cas t a grea t shado w ove r th e futur e o f humanity. Many avant-garde intellectuals, like others at the time, believed that nuclear war would b e the likely end of Western culture . Journal title s from th e 1940 s an d 1950 s suc h a s Death: A Literary Quarterly and Hearse illustrate thi s fear . Th e editor s mad e thei r concern s explicit . I n 1948 , a writer i n Neurotica declared tha t "th e ne w loo k i s th e anxiou s look. " I n 1950, Leslie Woolf Hedley , th e edito r o f Inferno, also expecte d a n apoca lypse: "Unfortunately , we'r e al l waitin g fo r th e explosion . I f yo u find a tinge o f tha t terro r an d deat h o n thes e pages , it' s a sig n o f th e times. " "Hearse i s no t a hobb y no r a n intellectua l game, " wrot e th e edito r o f the magazine , E . V. Griffith, i n 1954 . "It i s a serious attemp t o n th e par t of seriously-minde d editor s t o ge t a s muc h goo d wor k int o prin t a s possible, a s w e awai t Th e Bomb. " Poe t Kennet h Patche n characterize d himself a s a poet "fo r a generation bor n i n on e war an d doome d t o di e in another." 13 At times members o f the avan t garde, like other Americans, feared tha t nuclear wa r wa s imminent . I n 1958 , poe t Alle n Ginsber g wrot e t o hi s lover, Pete r Orlovsky , "I t looks like war, maybe in th e next week or i f not the nex t months . I t ma y b e atomi c wa r s o b e wis e t o ge t ou t o f larg e cities." I n 196 1 an d 1962 , Sa n Francisc o artis t Bruc e Conno r lef t th e United State s because he feared th e comin g nuclear war. 14 Rexroth argue d i n hi s histor y o f moder n America n poetr y tha t a n "eschatological world-view " wa s typica l o f th e first-generation avan t

ALIENATION •

4 7

garde. Poets from Arthu r Rimbau d t o T. S . Eliot, Rexrot h noted, believe d in th e imminen t en d o f Wester n civilization . Bu t th e en d o f civilizatio n did no t mea n th e en d o f th e world , and , a s Rexrot h pointe d out , suc h anxieties ha d a certai n "neuroti c character. " The y raise d th e question , Was a declin e reall y happening ? Th e bomb , argue d Rexroth , change d everything: "eschatolog y ha s cease d t o b e a world-view, i t ha s becom e a simple fact with which ever y living person mus t reckon." In 1945 , painter Barnett Newma n wrote , "Afte r mor e tha n tw o thousan d year s w e hav e finally arrived a t th e tragi c positio n o f the Greek s . . . becaus e w e have a t last ourselve s invente d a ne w sens e o f all-pervadin g Fate. " Comin g t o terms wit h th e bom b an d th e societ y tha t create d thi s threa t redefine d avant-garde alienation. 15 The Bom b an d the Avant-Gard e Mora l Visio n Members o f th e avan t gard e hav e generall y bee n deepl y intereste d i n questions o f moral values. Typically, avan t gardists rejecte d th e prevailin g moral standards , leadin g critic s t o accus e the m o f immorality . Bu t fa r from bein g immoral , member s o f th e vanguar d strov e t o shap e a life affirming an d life-sustainin g moralit y t o replac e wha t the y perceive d t o be a restrictive an d stultifyin g system . The atomi c bomb thre w into shar p relief a numbe r o f importan t mora l questions . Th e us e o f th e bom b b y the U . S . governmen t cause d man y vanguar d intellectual s t o doub t th e morality o f th e whol e Allie d caus e i n th e Worl d Wa r II . Macdonal d compared th e us e o f th e bom b o n th e Japanese t o th e Naz i deat h camp s and conclude d tha t neithe r sid e i n th e conflic t coul d no w clai m mora l superiority.16 Members o f th e avan t gard e believe d tha t individual s shoul d hav e th e power an d freedom t o mak e mora l decisions . Th e developmen t an d us e of th e atomi c bom b suggeste d t o the m tha t individual s playe d onl y a limited rol e i n modern , bureaucratic , technologica l society . Macdonald , again, articulate d thi s concern . H e note d tha t th e bom b wa s th e produc t of grou p effort , tha t man y involve d wer e highl y educate d scientists , an d that al l wer e dedicate d t o th e caus e o f defendin g democracy . But , Mac donald pointe d out , mos t o f the m kne w ver y littl e abou t th e complet e project o r ho w thei r contributio n woul d fit int o th e whole . Further , th e American public , Macdonal d argued , kne w nothin g o f th e ne w weapo n that wa s develope d an d subsequentl y use d i n thei r name . Wher e then , Macdonald asked , di d moral responsibilit y lie? He concluded :

4 8 • TH E AMERICA N A V A N T GARDE , 1 9 4 5 - 1 9 6 0

The bom b becomes the most dramatic illustration t o date of the fallacy of "The Responsibilit y o f Peoples. " . . . Th e socia l orde r i s a n impersona l mechanism, th e war is an impersonal process , and the y grind alon g automatically; if some of the huma n part s rebel at their function , the y will be replaced b y more amenabl e ones ; and thei r rebellio n wil l mean tha t the y are simply thrust aside, without changing anything. In a technologica l society , th e individua l seeme d t o b e impoten t befor e giant organizations with thei r ow n imperatives. 17 The realit y o f th e bomb , cultura l radical s argued , change d th e entir e moral contex t o f moder n life . Th e basi c dilemma , from th e avant-gard e perspective, was well expressed b y the editor s o f Death in 1946 : "It seem s to b e muc h easie r toda y fo r ma n t o decid e ho w h e i s goin g t o destro y himself tha n ho w h e i s goin g t o live. " Americans seemed , i n th e opinio n of vanguardists, to have been "struc k blind, dea f and dumb " by the bomb , and thu s the y turned t o ol d answers—i n particular , militar y answers—t o solve ne w problems . A s th e Col d Wa r developed , member s o f th e avan t garde believed tha t morality was becoming militarized. In 1958 , Ginsber g wrote in a poem fragment: The army is trying to Blast fire at gods face How many cannons are pointed up into the sky at night.

Avant gardists such as Ginsberg attempted t o communicate a more peaceful vision. 18 Advanced artist s an d intellectual s believe d tha t the y could hel p Americans plo t a ne w mora l course , bu t the y als o believe d tha t fe w peopl e wanted t o hea r thei r voice : "America , yo u know , pathologicall y hate s poets," wrot e Hedle y i n Inferno i n 1950 . H e concluded : "Americ a loves generals an d whore s lik e that. " Rexroth , writin g t o Macdonald , a fe w months afte r th e firs t atomi c bomb s wer e dropped , wa s discouraged : "Man's universe o f pseudo-values i s finally, literally, about to destro y him . Only thos e wh o rebuil d from th e personal , responsibl e cor e out , o f materials that the bursting of all the atoms in the universe canno t destroy , will be , a s th e ol d wor d ha s it , saved . I thin k i t highl y unlikel y tha t the y will . . . have an y influence o n history." 19 Member s o f the advanc e guar d believed tha t th e peopl e o f th e Unite d States , an d o f th e world , neede d the vanguard messag e before i t was too late.

ALIENATION • 4 9

Atomic Ar t Avant-garde writer s an d artist s trie d t o respon d creativel y t o th e bom b but, lik e othe r intellectual s a t th e time , ofte n coul d g o n o furthe r tha n a superficial symbolism . Som e cultura l radical s trie d t o appropriat e th e bomb a s a symbol fo r thei r socia l criticism . Fo r example , i n lat e 1947 , in painter Rober t Motherwell' s an d criti c Harol d Rosenberg' s littl e maga zine, Possibilities, Pau l Goodma n publishe d a surrealis t allegor y calle d "The Empero r o f China " abou t th e dehumanizin g natur e o f moder n society. On e characte r wa s a "hellis h wizard " describe d a s havin g "mad e his excremen t int o missiles " an d a s "destroyin g thos e wh o lov e h i m . . . . They ar e drowned i n the searing piss, beaten b y his penis, and jumped o n up an d down. " Goodma n grafte d nuclea r fear s uneasil y t o a Dantesqu e vision.20 Other artist s trie d t o express thei r mora l outrag e a t th e bomb . I n 1946, a show a t th e Museu m o f Modern Ar t o f "1 4 Americans" feature d a painting by Boris Deutsch, "Wha t Atomic War Will Do to You." Parker Tyler, reviewin g th e sho w i n View, note d tha t th e paintin g ha d wo n a competitio n sponsore d b y a col a manufacture r an d commente d sar donically tha t "evidently , no t onl y Pepsi-Col a 'hit s th e spot.' " Tyle r went o n t o describ e th e stylisti c similaritie s betwee n Deutsc h an d Pablo Picass o an d t o ask , "I s i t no t th e sibyllin e implicatio n o f th e painting tha t th e horri d violenc e o f th e ato m bom b ma y succee d i n converting us all, quite literally , into 'Picassos ' and such? " As these exam ples suggest , th e immediat e artisti c response s o f avan t gardist s t o th e bomb wer e force d an d superficial . Th e bom b wa s a difficult symbo l bot h because i t was beyon d th e real m o f artists ' direc t experienc e an d becaus e its destructiv e powe r seeme d t o poin t onl y t o th e end , no t t o th e fu ture. 21 Some writers tried to put the new weapon in perspective by contrastin g the innocenc e o f children wit h th e destructiv e powe r o f the bomb . Littl e magazine edito r Judso n Crews' s 195 5 stor y "Atomi c Bom b Cathedral " presents a dreamlik e descriptio n o f th e narrato r enterin g a deserted city . Deep insid e th e cryp t o f a n abandone d cathedra l h e finds a playgroun d full o f maimed childre n goin g about their game s in rags. Realizing he ca n do nothin g fo r them , an d sensin g tha t th e plac e wil l soo n blo w up , h e flees a s th e cit y disappear s i n "dul l gra y mushroo m smoke " an d th e sk y fills with radioactive embers . The stor y concludes :

50 • TH E AMERICA N A V A N T GARDE , 1 9 4 5 - 1 9 6 0

The Atom bomb cathedral. A. B. C. I a m conscious as I awake that these are the initials of my infant daughte r screaming terror in the night." James Boye r May' s 195 0 poe m "Retur n t o Pelagianism " refer s t o th e destructive powe r o f the bom b an d o f science an d technolog y i n general . But Ma y conclude s wit h som e hope , referrin g t o a chil d "snug " i n bed , "prepared t o counte r nuclea r physics, " offerin g th e possibilit y tha t th e next generatio n migh t b e abl e t o envision , an d perhap s create , a ne w world.22 Beat poe t Gregor y Cors o wa s on e o f th e earl y experimenter s i n th e satirical approac h t o nuclear fea r i n his 195 8 poem "Bomb. " In hi s poem , printed i n th e shap e o f a mushroom cloud , Cors o describe d th e bom b a s the "Budge r o f histor y Brak e o f tim e Yo u bom b / To y o f universe. " "O Bom b I love you," Cors o declared , an d continued , " I sin g thee Bom b Death's extravaganc e Death' s jubilee. " Suc h line s a s "BOO M y e skie s and BOO M y e sun s / . . . y e day s ye BOO M / BOO M BOOM, " an d hi s final vision o f the "magisteria l bomb s wrapped i n ermin e . . . / fierc e wit h moustaches o f gold " prove d to o muc h fo r som e audiences . After readin g the poe m a t Ne w College , Oxford , Cors o wa s pelte d b y shoe s fro m th e feet o f member s o f th e Campaig n fo r Nuclea r Disarmament , wh o als o called Cors o a fascist . Thoug h Cors o regarde d th e poe m a s hi s bes t t o date and "timely, " the Oxford experienc e caused him to doubt the wisdom of his humorous approach. 23 The profoun d anxiet y abou t th e futur e fel t b y member s o f th e avan t garde i n respons e t o th e bom b increase d thei r alienatio n from postwa r American society . But thi s sens e o f anxiety and alienatio n als o resulted i n innovative wor k tha t proclaime d th e hop e o f cultura l radical s i n th e possibility of the future . Conformist o r Individualist ?

The characterizatio n o f th e 1950 s as a time o f conformit y i s a stereotyp e dating from th e decad e itself. As early as 1950 , sociologist Davi d Riesma n described th e los s o f individualis m befor e institutiona l pressure s i n hi s influential boo k The Lonely Crowd. I n 1954 , criti c Irvin g How e declare d the postwa r year s a n "Ag e o f Conformity. " Historian s hav e sinc e note d that, while conformit y ma y have bee n a part o f the cultur e o f the decade , it was far from th e onl y characteristic. The burgeonin g civi l rights move -

ALIENATION • 5 1

ment an d th e existenc e o f th e avan t gard e bot h indicat e tha t th e cultur e of the 1950 s was more comple x tha n th e stereotyp e suggests . Indeed, th e avant garde was one source fo r th e stereotype. 24 Members o f th e cultura l vanguar d experience d th e year s immediatel y following Worl d Wa r I I a s stifling t o th e individualis t spirit . Thi s them e was explored humorousl y i n a n essa y by S . E. Laurill a o n men' s clothin g of th e 1950s . Writin g i n th e littl e magazin e Miscellaneous Man i n 1956 , Laurilla describe d "th e averag e ma n [as ] dar k brow n an d g r a y . . . ; with out adventure ; lifeless," indeed downrigh t "dull." Laurilla wen t int o grea t detail describin g an d ridiculin g men' s clothin g styles , especiall y i n com parison wit h th e freer an d mor e colorfu l clothin g wor n b y women . Ac cording to Laurilla, th e drear y clothes that men believe d the y had t o wear restricted bot h movemen t an d spirit. He conclude d b y looking to a futur e when peopl e coul d "breath e freely i n th e knowledg e tha t me n reall y ar e men withou t th e necessit y o f provin g it , an d concentrat e o n makin g ou r whole live s a wor k o f ar t i n othe r way s too , beside s clothing. " Laurill a thus linked anxietie s about gender and status to a group behavior (fashion ) that h e viewe d a s inimica l t o individua l expressio n an d freedom. Th e concluding cal l to integrate ar t an d lif e is , of course, a n historic them e o f the avan t garde. 25 Other member s o f th e vanguar d expresse d thei r alienatio n from a conformist culture . I n 1954 , James Boye r May , edito r an d champio n o f little magazines, declared tha t thes e publications represente d "life-versus death" an d "creativ e individualis m versu s patterne d grou p dogmas. " I n 1953, editor E . E . Walters sai d that th e purpos e o f his magazine, Embryo, was "t o serv e a s a medium o f conveyanc e fo r th e expressio n o f thos e fe w who refuse t o b e thwarted b y demands fo r complacenc e an d conformity. " In 1961 , writer Davi d Meltze r contende d tha t peopl e feare d "self-free dom" an d thu s coul d "onl y mov e a s directe d b y paranoi d monkeyhous e kings." Fro m fea r cam e conformit y an d a citizenr y destine d t o b e "foo d in power' s pigpen. " I n th e opinio n o f thes e an d othe r member s o f th e avant garde, the people aroun d the m conforme d thei r behavio r t o a set of prescribed norm s tha t include d consensu s politics , militarism , traditiona l bourgeois sexua l ideas , an d economi c materialism . Fro m th e vanguar d perspective, thi s conformit y stifle d th e spiri t o f individuality tha t wa s th e source of creativity and originality—the ver y spirit, indeed, o f life. 26 In orde r fo r a societ y t o b e conformist , ther e mus t b e somethin g t o which peopl e conform . "T o what doe s on e conform? " How e aske d i n hi s essay, an d h e answered : institutions , th e need s o f dail y survival , and ,

52 • TH E AMERICA N A V A N T GARDE , 1 9 4 5 - 1 9 6 0

especially, "the Zeitgeist, tha t vast insidious sum of pressures and fashions. " Norman O . Brow n declare d i n 196 1 that "th e Western consciousnes s ha s always aske d fo r freedom : th e huma n min d wa s bor n . . . t o b e free, bu t everywhere i t i s i n chains... . I t wil l tak e a miracl e t o free th e huma n mind: becaus e th e chain s ar e magica l i n th e first place. " Th e conflic t between th e independent individua l an d th e conformis t pressure s o f society was the startin g point fo r avant-gard e critique s o f American material ism, technocracy, Col d War politics , and academi c culture. 27 Avant-gardists criticize d what they regarded a s their conformist societ y in par t a s a response t o nuclea r weapons . The mora l outrag e an d down right fea r tha t th e bom b inspire d i n radica l intellectual s wa s i n shar p contrast t o th e genera l agreemen t amon g American s tha t th e us e o f th e bomb was justified an d th e acceptanc e b y Americans o f the postwa r arm s race. I n th e fac e o f wha t man y radica l critic s believe d t o b e th e mora l challenge o f th e century , mos t American s appeare d conten t t o accep t things a s they were. Suc h complacenc y was repugnant t o members o f th e avant garde . Rather tha n thinking , Americans appeare d t o b e conformin g to whatever opinion s those in authorit y presented them . Other development s i n postwa r America n cultur e gav e suppor t t o th e vanguardist descriptio n o f a conformis t society . Th e stiflin g o f politica l dissent a s a resul t o f th e secon d Re d Scar e wa s a concret e example , t o cultural radicals, of the practice of politics when citizen s behaved a s pliant conformists. Avan t gardist s als o argue d tha t th e economi c expansio n o f the postwar years (not unrelated t o the Col d War militarization o f American society ) encourage d conformity . A s fa r a s thes e critic s coul d see , th e only ambition s share d b y Americans i n th e 1940 s an d 1950 s were t o find a goo d jo b i n som e corporat e bureaucrac y an d bu y a hous e i n a ticky tacky suburb . Suc h goals , o f undeniabl e importanc e an d mora l valu e t o many Americans , wer e unworth y o f huma n ambitio n i n th e opinio n o f the radica l vanguard . Furthermore, thes e cultura l critic s sa w conformit y i n th e technica l bureaucracies o f bi g scienc e an d th e growin g universities . A s scientist s organized t o buil d mor e bombs , universit y humanist s institutionalize d modernism a s a ne w scholasticism . Accordin g t o cultura l radicals , onc e the initia l anxietie s tha t attende d th e launchin g o f th e Col d Wa r ha d passed, th e America n publi c allowe d themselve s t o b e soothe d b y Presi dent Eisenhowe r an d member s o f th e Atomi c Energ y Commission , an d they turne d t o th e pursui t o f privat e agenda s o f caree r an d suburba n home ownership . Th e avan t garde' s attack s o n materialism , technolog y

ALIENATION • 5 3

and bureaucracy , th e politic s o f th e Col d War , an d academi c culture , were, amon g othe r things , specifi c aspect s o f a mor e genera l attac k o n conformity. A s poet Amir i Barak a recalls , th e postwa r avan t gard e "cam e out o f th e whol e dea d Eisenhowe r period , th e whol e perio d o f th e Mc Carthy Era , th e Eisenhowe r blandness , th e whol e reactionar y perio d o f the fifties." 28 For members o f the advanc e guard, th e conflic t betwee n th e individua l and th e demand s o f societ y fo r conformit y wa s o f vital importance . On e could onl y discove r one' s tru e self , the y argued , throug h creativ e non conformity. Thi s explains , for example , th e interes t o f the Bea t writers i n the variou s underground s o f jazz , madness , an d homosexuality . Tha t Ginsberg's poe m Howl, whic h deal t wit h thes e subjects , shoul d b e de clared obscen e b y authoritie s i n Sa n Francisc o i n 195 7 onl y serve d t o demonstrate hi s point that American societ y was repressed an d tyrannical . The judge' s rulin g tha t th e boo k wa s no t obscen e wa s a victor y fo r Ginsberg an d hi s publisher , Lawrenc e Ferlinghert i (wh o wa s th e on e actually o n trial) , whic h migh t indicat e tha t America n societ y wa s les s oppressive tha n vanguardist s thought . An d ye t th e acquitta l wa s no t en tirely a surpris e t o avan t gardists . Bea t poe t Corso , fo r one , ha d grea t confidence tha t the future wa s theirs, and he wrote to encourage Ferlingh etti, saying , "Wha t yo u ar e goin g throug h i s marvelous , young , true , great—the philistine s can' t win out—you wil l w i n . . .. Thus , fight on ! go forward, fo r forwar d i s the Light!" 29 Alienation fro m Traditio n The sam e desir e t o escap e th e limitation s impose d b y th e pas t tha t moved th e first avan t gardist s motivate d member s o f th e postwa r va n t o innovation. Th e pas t mos t ha d i n min d wa s th e Victoria n world . Fo r example, in 1947 , painter Jean Frankli n wrot e tha t th e Victorians trie d t o protect themselve s from th e "unhapp y realitie s o f th e Industria l Revolu tion b y establishing a n ideal of behavior completel y unrelated t o life" an d created i n th e proces s a "foolis h muddle " o f value s an d idea s tha t im peded, amon g othe r things , "th e growt h o f a ne w an d vigorou s artisti c expression." Frankli n thanke d th e intellectual s o f th e interwa r year s fo r their "iconoclastic attitude toward the existing social structure," as a result of which , Frankli n said , "th e dam p Victoria n fo g ha s lifted. " I n 1946 , poet Oscar Collie r described th e nineteenth-century Germa n avant-gard e philosopher Friedric h Nietzsch e a s a model fo r cultura l radical s becaus e

54 • TH E AMERICA N A V A N T GARDE , 1 9 4 5 - 1 9 6 0

"socially conscious, he had the good sens e to examine, and when he foun d stupidity, t o destroy . Is that a terrible thin g to do ? I think it is good t o b e terrible then , an d lon g may terrorism live." 30 The iconoclas m o f avan t gardist s extende d t o an y traditio n tha t the y believed place d limit s o n thei r creativity . Thus , man y radica l painter s rebelled agains t the Renaissanc e heritage. Mark Rothko spok e of "breath ing an d stretchin g one' s arm s again " afte r h e "escaped " th e "oppression s of th e Renaissanc e heritage. " Choreographe r Merc e Cunningha m linke d the linea r stagin g o f classica l balle t t o Renaissanc e perspectiv e an d cele brated th e origin s o f moder n America n danc e i n Germa n expressionis m and th e persona l experienc e o f America n vanguar d dancer s i n th e firs t half o f th e twentiet h century . Eac h cultura l radical , however , define d "tradition" fo r hi m o r herself. In eac h cas e there was a past t o reject, an d avant gardist s intende d thei r innovation s t o knoc k dow n tha t past , swee p the rubbl e away , and begi n a new building process. Sculpto r Davi d Smit h spoke fo r mos t avant gardists of the postwar generation , an d indeed o f all avant-garde generations , whe n h e declared , "Thi s i s th e greates t tim e t o make art. I enjoy watching the world crumbl e an d the ol d values go down. Why shouldn' t I enjo y it ? Thi s i s m y time! " The member s o f th e avan t garde sa w th e futur e o f humanit y i n individua l self-realizatio n throug h creativity. Thi s hop e wa s th e positiv e impuls e behin d thei r critique s o f postwar American society. 31 Alienation a s a Positiv e Forc e Alienation describe s th e relationshi p betwee n th e avant-gard e intellectua l and hi s o r he r society . Bu t i t describe s mor e tha n simpl y a negativ e o r destructive attitude . A s Poggiol i notes , th e characterizatio n o f th e avan t garde a s a "cultur e o f negation " i s accurat e i n th e genera l sens e tha t members o f the vanguard ar e estrange d fro m th e values an d tradition s o f bourgeois culture . The advanc e guar d mus t not , however , b e interprete d as bein g oppose d t o cultur e i n general . Rather , h e argues , tw o "paralle l cultures" ar e i n conflict , an d "a s a minorit y culture , th e avant-gard e cannot ge t b y withou t combatin g an d denyin g th e majorit y cultur e i t opposes." The goa l o f th e vanguar d i s a new culture , "hence , [th e avan t gardist's] dream s o f reactio n an d revolution , hi s retrospectiv e an d pro phetic Utopias , hi s equall y impossibl e desir e t o inaugurat e ne w order s o r to restor e ancien t ones. " Observer s from amon g th e avan t gard e agreed . Painter Willia m Baziote s declare d i n 195 7 tha t alienatio n wa s " a positiv e

ALIENATION • 5 5

force" i n avant-gard e creativity . I n 1958 , James Boye r Ma y contende d that "tru e poets " need "opposition/s, " arguin g tha t "th e creativ e 'motor ' of ever y psyche i s powered b y resistances , th e charge d statement s whic h carry th e curren t endlessl y negatin g conformis t death. " Als o i n 1958 , Philip Whalen mad e the point i n verse: / can h live in this world And I refuse to kill myself Or let you kill me I shall he myself— Free, a genius, an embarrassment Like the Indian, the buffalo Like Yellowstone National Park.

Alienation functioned , therefore , a s a kin d o f negativ e groun d ou t o f which radical innovations grew. 32 Alienation als o free d cultura l radical s from conformit y t o critica l ex pectations an d th e weigh t o f ar t an d literar y history . The y were , a s Poggioli said , "curse d i n [their ] alienation " bu t als o "blesse d i n [their ] liberty." I n 1949 , Clyffor d Stil l tol d hi s exhibitor , Bett y Parsons , tha t his painting s wer e distinguishe d b y thei r discontinuitie s wit h accepte d standards o f painting. This, Stil l believed , alienate d th e picture s from ar t history an d prevente d thei r appropriatio n a s "Culture. " Member s o f th e advance guar d di d no t desir e t o b e a par t o f a traditio n o r t o produc e conventionally uplifting work . Free from th e past (as expressed i n presen t expectations), member s o f th e avan t gard e were , i n Rosenberg' s phrase , "aesthetic Legionnaires. " I n 1947 , h e characterize d painter s suc h a s Motherwell, Baziotes , an d Adolp h Gottlie b a s comin g "fro m th e fou r corners o f thi s vas t land " t o "plung e themselve s int o th e anonymit y o f New York " an d carr y o n thei r ow n "privat e revol t agains t th e materialis t tradition tha t . . . surround[ed ] them. " Alienatio n separate d th e cultura l vanguard fro m thei r communit y an d fro m th e value s an d tradition s tha t defined tha t community . I n thi s way, members o f the avan t gard e create d something new. 33 The resul t o f th e extrem e isolatio n an d lonelines s (th e "curse " o f alienation) tha t Rosenber g describe d wa s no t negative , however , bu t rather " a kin d o f optimism , a n impuls e t o believ e i n thei r abilit y t o dissociate som e persona l essenc e o f thei r experienc e an d rescu e i t a s di e beginning of a new world." Avant gardists turned inwar d an d transforme d

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their privat e struggle s int o publi c expression s o f universal experienc e an d truth. I n 1947 , Rothk o wrot e tha t "th e unfriendlines s o f societ y t o hi s [the painter's ] activit y i s difficul t fo r th e artis t t o accept . Ye t thi s ver y hostility ca n ac t a s a lever fo r tru e liberation . Free d fro m a false sens e o f security . .. transcendenta l experience s become possible." In 1958 , painter John Ferre n recalle d th e freedo m man y o f th e innovativ e painter s o f th e Eighth Stree t Clu b fel t a s a result o f thei r isolation . "Well , we don' t sel l anyway," they said, "so why not?" Ferren explained : In short, by accepting our isolation we acquired its rewards. We were alone with ourselves ; we painte d b y ourselves , an d i n som e degre e w e becam e better acquainted with ourselves. Our complete divorce from the official ar t world, from magazines an d th e museums—in a word, ou r hopelessness— gave us the possibility of unknown gestures . The "crazy, " the "gone, " had no terro r fo r us . We wer e i n limbo . It wa s in thi s situatio n tha t Polloc k kicked over his first can of paint . .. picke d it up .. . saw the drip, and saw that it had an expressive power he could use. Alienation free d vanguardist s fo r innovation. 34 Ferren's Eight h Stree t colleague , Baziote s describe d publi c acceptanc e as a cause fo r despair . The "miracle " o f bein g "loved by a whole country , or embrace d b y hi s enemies " probabl y indicated , Baziote s said , tha t a n artist ha d los t passio n o r becom e complacent . Estrangement , h e argued , made th e artis t "mor e awar e of himself an d th e world. It i s as natural an d necessary fo r hi s advancemen t a s th e us e o f hi s ey e an d brain. " Fo r members o f th e avan t garde , th e stat e o f alienatio n di d no t mak e fo r a n easy life , bu t artist s channele d thi s negativ e energ y t o creativ e purposes . Vanguardists believed that creative self-expression wa s essential to authen tic human existence. 35 Conclusion

For a previous generatio n o f American avan t gardists, to be new meant t o reject America fo r Europe . In accordanc e with a long tradition o f expatriation, cultura l radical s lik e Ezr a Poun d an d Gertrud e Stei n linke d thei r rebellion wit h th e Europea n avan t garde . The expatriat e mode l appeale d to subsequen t generation s o f America n rebels . I n 1944 , Motherwel l ad vised jus t suc h a course t o hi s frien d Baziotes . Arguing tha t ther e wa s n o future i n the United State s for th e innovative artist , Motherwell describe d only tw o choices : t o permanentl y relocat e t o Franc e o r t o remai n i n th e

ALIENATION • 5 7

United State s and underg o psychotherapy . Significantl y fo r th e histor y of the American avan t garde, Motherwell an d othe r cultura l radicals di d no t expatriate themselves . Instead, the y remained i n the country of their birt h and, buildin g o n th e innovation s o f Europea n colleagues , create d a n authentically American vanguard culture. 36

C « H « A « P « T - E « R4

Innovation

C

ultural radical s ar e define d b y mor e tha n thei r stat e of alienatio n from thei r culture ; creativ e innovatio n i s equally important. Poe t an d edito r Ci d Corma n sai d i n 1952 tha t "th e subjec t an d objec t o f al l avant-gard e actio n . . . i s th e creative." B y "creative, " Corma n an d othe r member s o f th e vanguar d meant muc h mor e tha n technica l innovation s i n thei r artisti c mediu m o r change fo r mer e shoc k value . A s Corma n noted , "Avant-gard e doesn' t reach definitio n i n th e wor d 'eccentricity. ' " Compose r Joh n Cag e de clared i n 1956 , tha t " I hav e neve r gratuitousl y don e anythin g fo r shoc k . . . My work is almost characterize d b y being insufficiently exciting." * American cultura l radical s in th e postwa r years, like thei r predecessor s in Europ e an d America , believe d i n th e regenerativ e powe r o f creativity . They chos e th e creativ e pat h o f radica l innovatio n ove r mor e conven tional direction s becaus e the y wante d t o express thei r ow n independen t spirit, t o enlarg e th e creativ e freedom o f artist s s o tha t other s coul d 59

6 0 • TH E AMERICA N A V A N T GARDE , 1 9 4 5 - 1 9 6 0

express themselve s fully , and , mos t important , t o transfor m thei r worl d through th e integration o f art and life. Poet John Clello n Holmes brough t these theme s togethe r i n a journa l entr y i n Augus t 1948 : "Th e knel l i s sounding o f th e ol d wa y an d no w w e mus t d o things , no t onl y becaus e they can help, because something will come out o f them, bu t becaus e it is necessary for u s to d o them t o exist." 2 Interpretations suc h a s tha t o f Clemen t Greenberg—wh o describe d vanguard paintin g a s a process o f purifying th e mediu m o f external influ ences b y focusin g o n two-dimensionality—ar e narro w an d d o no t ade quately explai n th e goal s an d idea s o f member s o f th e avan t garde . Cul tural radical s ha d idea s the y wishe d t o communicat e t o other s throug h their wor k and , i n man y cases , thei r lives . The meanin g o f avant-gard e innovation emerge s bes t from explorin g th e passionat e concer n o f avan t gardists for th e relationships amon g art, ideas, and society. 3 The primar y motivatio n fo r avant-gard e innovatio n wa s th e notio n o f cultural regeneration. The integratio n o f art and life was typically the way vanguardists describe d thei r goa l o f a radical transformatio n o f personal ity, politics , an d economics . Avant gardist s trie d t o accomplis h thi s inte gration throug h variou s means . A central expressio n o f th e idea l o f inte gration, an d th e primar y aestheti c innovation o f the postwa r avan t garde , was th e definitio n o f ar t a s process . Thi s notio n produce d a n aestheti c based o n usin g material s from everyda y life . Th e integratio n o f ar t an d life wa s als o importan t t o fou r othe r interest s o f th e postwa r van : jazz , sex, drugs , an d th e spiritua l quest . Th e unifyin g though t behin d al l o f these theme s wa s th e regeneratio n o f th e sel f an d societ y throug h th e liberation o f creativ e energies . Her e I trea t eac h o f thi s theme s i n turn . To separat e the m i n thi s manne r i s somewhat artificial , thoug h necessar y to understan d avant-gard e thought . On e shoul d kee p i n mind , however , that ar t an d lif e forme d a n integrate d whol e i n th e though t o f member s of the avan t garde. Cultural Renewal , No t Politic s a s Usual Members o f th e advanc e guar d strov e t o d o mor e tha n innovat e artisti c practice: innovation ha d a social, political , an d broadl y cultura l intent , a s well a s a n aestheti c one . Fro m th e 1950 s t o th e present , however , th e prevailing accoun t o f th e politic s o f th e postwa r vanguar d ha s bee n tha t its members were apolitical . Leftist critic s in the lat e 1950 s castigated th e literary vanguard fo r lacking a coherent (ofte n Marxist ) critique o f Ameri-

INNOVATION • 6 1

can society . Irvin g Howe , fo r example , writin g i n th e Partisan Review, argued tha t the apolitica l protest o f the Bea t writers made them function ally the same as the middle-class suburbanite s the y criticized. 4 The politic s o f th e abstrac t expressionist s i s anothe r case i n point . Scholars such as Serge Guilbau t hav e argued tha t the abstrac t expression ists, i n thei r revulsio n towar d politica l extremism , compromise d an d re vised thei r ideal s unti l the y becam e willin g agent s i n th e cultura l Col d War. A s we shal l see , th e abstrac t expressionist s (an d th e avan t gard e i n general) wer e coopte d i n th e Col d War , an d weaknesse s i n th e vanguar d made thi s possible . Bu t thi s resul t wa s ironic an d no t a t al l what cultura l radicals intended. Othe r scholar s reject interpretation s suc h a s Guilbaut' s but, as in the cas e of Stephen Polcari , go too far th e other way in denyin g any political intent o n the part o f the abstrac t expressionis t vanguard . The mistak e mad e b y critics is to assum e tha t becaus e th e members o f the avan t gard e rejecte d establishe d categorie s o f politica l though t an d action, especially Marxist ones, they therefore abrogate d socia l and politi cal responsibility. In fact , vanguardists looked fo r th e path to th e future i n very different place s from thos e inhabited b y political activists . Although th e concerns of avant gardists did not quite fit the boundarie s defined b y Marxis t politica l analysis , the y ca n b e broadl y place d i n th e tradition o f pacifis t anarchism . Anarchist s ten d t o b e antiprogrammati c and dismissiv e o f standar d politica l processe s an d procedures . Renat o Poggioli describe s anarchis m a s "th e leas t politica l o r th e mos t anti political o f a l l . .. politica l ideologies]. " This explains , in part, th e appea l of thes e idea s fo r avan t gardists . The lac k o f a program ma y als o explai n why Marxis t an d othe r critic s hav e ha d troubl e recognizin g th e ne w generation a s having a political ideology. Historian Donal d Egber t argue s that anarchism attracte d cultura l radicals in Europe an d America from th e late nineteent h centur y forwar d becaus e th e philosoph y wa s antistatis t and emphasize d th e rol e o f th e individual . Furthermore , Egber t note s anarchist ideology emphasized irrationa l an d subjectiv e forces , in contras t to th e Enlightenmen t traditio n o f rationalit y an d natura l la w t o whic h Marxism an d liberalis m wer e heirs . Th e anarchis t focuse d o n th e free individual creativel y making his or her ow n life an d allowin g others t o d o the same. 5 The alienatio n o f members o f th e America n vanguar d from wha t the y perceived t o b e th e bureaucrati c centralizatio n an d conformis m o f post war Americ a mad e a retur n t o anarchis t idea s a logica l move . Man y American vanguardists, moreover, learne d from an d appealed t o an Amer-

6 2 • TH E AMERICA N A V A N T GARDE , 1 9 4 5 - 1 9 6 0

ican traditio n o f anarchis m i n th e though t o f Henr y Davi d Thoreau , Ralph Wald o Emerson , an d Wal t Whitman . Evidenc e o f thi s chang e i n political though t appeare d i n th e poem s an d essay s published i n th e littl e magazines that emerge d from th e mid-1940s forward. Writer s denounce d private property , war , an d censorshi p an d advocate d a decentralized soci ety with greate r freedom fo r th e individual , usuall y discusse d i n term s o f the righ t t o us e drug s an d hav e mor e ope n sexua l relations , al l o f whic h they believe d woul d creat e a more human e society . The chang e wa s als o apparent i n th e action s o f som e vanguardists : Venice , California , poe t Stuart Z . Perkof f describe d himsel f a s th e firs t postwa r draf t resiste r because h e turne d himsel f i n o n th e da y th e grac e perio d expire d fo r registering fo r th e Korean Wa r draft. 6 Members o f th e avan t gard e looke d beyon d change s i n economi c an d power relation s t o brin g abou t th e en d o f alienation i n American culture . They believe d tha t politica l solution s wer e n o solutions ; renewa l neede d to com e fro m deepe r an d broade r sources . Th e Englis h criti c Herber t Read, a thinker rea d b y many abstract expressionist s an d othe r vanguard ists, describe d th e mean s t o cultura l reconstructio n a s the "politic s o f th e unpolitical." Writin g i n 1943 , Rea d trie d t o loo k t o th e futur e i n th e midst o f th e ravage s o f war . H e coul d hop e fo r th e futur e becaus e h e believed i n th e mora l sens e o f humanity. And becaus e Rea d believe d tha t the aesthetic sense was a guide to seeking and recognizing basic needs an d values, h e als o believe d tha t artist s woul d pla y a n importan t rol e i n th e renewal o f postwar society. 7 Read's boo k represente d a n earl y formulatio n o f th e stanc e towar d society tha t member s o f th e America n vanguar d woul d take— a stanc e I describe a s a politic s o f cultura l renewal . Th e wor d "culture " shoul d b e read no t a s "hig h culture, " bu t i n th e broade r anthropologica l sense , which i s ho w mos t avan t gardists , knowledgeabl e a s the y wer e o f th e works o f Franz Boas , Ruth Benedict , an d Margaret Mead, use d th e word . Radical innovator s believe d tha t al l aspect s o f society—fro m more s gov erning sexua l an d famil y relation s t o th e organizatio n o f th e politica l economy—needed t o b e change d an d renewed . This wa s also true o f th e standards definin g wha t wa s and wa s not art . Ultimately , cultura l radical s believed tha t creativit y was central t o a meaningful life . They base d thei r cultural politic s o n th e ide a tha t th e unleashin g o f creativ e force s woul d change th e wa y individual s though t abou t themselve s an d thei r environ ment an d thu s produce a transformation i n society. For avant gardists, th e creative ac t was the means to a liberated futur e fo r humanity .

INNOVATION • 6 3

To achiev e th e goa l o f cultura l renewal , avan t gardist s worke d t o change th e relation s betwee n artists , thei r works , an d thei r audience s b y integrating th e three . Art woul d n o longe r consis t o f distinc t object s fo r aesthetic contemplation , bu t woul d b e expressiv e o f communit y value s and therefor e provid e model s fo r ne w relation s betwee n individual s an d their world . An earl y explicatio n o f thi s viewpoin t come s fro m painte r Rober t Motherwell an d criti c Harol d Rosenberg' s "occasiona l review, " Possibilities, whic h the y edited i n the late 1940s . In a short statement o f principle s introducing th e magazine , Motherwell an d Rosenber g noted th e pressur e for actio n exerte d b y "th e deadl y politica l situation. " Implici t wa s th e tension o f th e developin g Col d War . Th e shado w o f th e bom b la y across the page . Recognizin g thi s politica l reality , Rosenber g an d Motherwel l argued tha t ar t an d politica l actio n wer e mutuall y exclusive . The y stat e flatly tha t "politica l commitmen t i n ou r time s mean s logically—n o art , no literature. " Intellectual s face d a choic e betwee n "'mor e serious'.. . organized socia l thinking" and art : "whoever genuinel y believes he know s how t o sav e humanit y from catastroph e ha s a jo b befor e hi m whic h i s certainly no t a part-tim e one. " Whil e sympatheti c t o th e reason s on e might choos e thi s cours e o f action , the y sa w it a s a "politica l trap. " Th e editors expresse d skepticis m abou t an y program o f activis m because , lik e other member s o f th e vanguar d o f th e time , the y doubte d th e relevanc e of an y establishe d mode s o f though t t o th e crisi s o f thei r times . Instea d they affirmed th e possibilit y of renewal in creative activit y somewhere "i n the spac e betwee n ar t an d politica l action. " Neithe r Motherwel l no r Rosenberg offere d a progra m o r direction , onl y "th e extremis t fait h i n sheer possibility. " Creativ e actio n woul d produc e th e necessar y ne w in sight t o prevent catastrophe . They mad e clear , however, tha t thi s was no t an escap e from politic s o r th e worl d situation . Rather , the y said , th e political pressures o f the time s demanded suc h action. 8 Throughout th e 1940 s an d 1950s , cultural radical s affirme d thei r fait h that th e answe r t o th e cultura l an d socia l crise s was not politica l organiz ing but the reorganization o f consciousness through th e release of creativity. For example, in the earl y 1940s , poet Charle s Olso n resigne d fro m hi s government positio n an d ende d wha t man y regarde d a s a promisin g career i n politic s t o dedicat e hi s lif e t o ar t an d education , becaus e h e believed tha t th e solutio n t o socia l problem s la y in cultural , no t political , action. I n th e 1950s , Olso n wa s fo r a fe w year s chancello r o f Blac k Mountain Colleg e i n Nort h Carolin a an d a n importan t figure i n avant -

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garde literar y circles . Poe t Michae l McClur e declared , "Th e prim e pur pose of my writing is liberation. (Self-liberation firs t an d hopefully tha t of the reader). " Willia m H . Ryan , edito r o f th e littl e magazin e Contact, described hi s faith i n art in an early issue of the periodical : Through the means of Art, by which we mean the utterances of the creative imagination, we believe that Insight and Truth ar e attainable, and if Truth or a truth can be merely sighted, it lights the way toward the understanding of human needs which is the only kind of understanding that can deal with this Age of Adolescence.. .. Th e essenc e of Contact is, I hope, unpredictability and spontaneity in its search for truth. Composer Morto n Feldman , a frien d o f Joh n Cage , remembere d tha t when he started composin g in the 1950s , his purpose was to "free sounds. " "I wanted sound s t o be a metaphor, tha t the y could b e as free as a human being migh t b e free." Feldma n believe d tha t soun d i s "som e kin d o f lif e force tha t t o some degre e really changes your life . .. i f you're int o it." 9 In 1955 , the editor s o f th e littl e magazin e Miscellaneous Man declare d their purpos e t o b e "seekin g an d testin g creativ e approache s t o th e prob lems tha t fac e individua l me n an d women , tha t limi t thei r humanit y an d chain the m i n a cag e o f mer e existence. " Merel y t o live , alienate d from themselves, from others , fro m anythin g tha t gav e huma n lif e a large r purpose, wa s not enough , vanguardist s maintained . I n th e postwa r years , they argued , technocrati c bureaucracie s ha d destroye d huma n being s a s surely a s th e atomi c bomb s produce d b y thos e bureaucracies . Rejectin g the rationalis m the y believed cause d thi s situation , member s o f the avan t garde argue d tha t peopl e mus t tur n t o th e subjective , spontaneous , cre ative force s withi n themselve s t o find liberation . I n 1958 , LeRo i Jone s and Hetti e Cohen , editor s o f Yugen, describe d thei r goa l o f cultura l regeneration i n th e subtitl e o f thei r littl e magazine , " A New Conscious ness i n Art s an d Letters. " Poe t Kennet h Rexrot h expresse d hi s ide a o f cultural renewa l i n hi s tribut e t o jaz z musicia n Charli e Parke r an d poe t Dylan Thomas. These me n were, he said, "heroes of the post-war genera tion" because "both o f them di d communicat e on e centra l theme: Against the ruin o f the world, there is only one defense—the creativ e act." 10 Cultural radical s believe d tha t ol d ways of thinking an d acting , includ ing politics , ha d create d th e crisi s face d no t onl y in America, bu t aroun d the world. Vanguardists believed tha t people needed new ways of thinkin g and actin g an d tha t th e aestheti c politic s o f creativ e innovatio n wa s th e way t o rebirth . A s individual s liberate d thei r mind s an d spirits , the y

INNOVATION • 6 5

would, s o avant gardists hoped, tur n outwar d t o thei r fellow s an d creat e a new society . Many cultura l radical s intende d thei r wor k t o mode l th e futur e the y hoped t o create . Fo r example , th e individua l wa s th e startin g poin t fo r much avant-gard e socia l analysis . Th e editor s o f The Needle declared i n 1956 tha t "individua l libert y i s a prerequisit e fo r an y rationa l syste m o f relationships betwee n men. " Cag e trie d t o fulfil l suc h a commitmen t i n his compositions . H e argue d agains t th e us e o f conductor s i n th e perfor mance o f music , sayin g tha t "fro m th e poin t o f vie w fro m whic h eac h thing an d eac h bein g i s see n a s movin g ou t from it s ow n center , thi s situation o f th e sub-servienc e o f severa l t o th e directive s o f on e wh o i s himself controlled, not by another bu t by the work of another, i s intolerable." Instead, Cag e wrote musi c that was indeterminate i n bot h composi tion and performance. I n this way, Cage's music modeled th e ideal societ y of free individuals . Th e cultura l politic s advocate d b y vanguardist s dis solved th e boundarie s betwee n ar t an d politics . Thi s blurrin g o f tradi tional categorie s i s a definin g characteristi c o f avant-gard e movements : the advance-guar d goa l to integrate ar t and life. 11 Continuities

Although alienate d from th e "modernis t canon " tha t critic s develope d i n the 1940s , members o f the avan t gard e di d no t separat e themselve s com pletely from th e ar t o f the past . Radica l artist s acknowledge d continuitie s between thei r wor k an d th e wor k o f earlie r advance-guar d artists . Th e poetry o f Frenc h vanguardist s Charle s Baudelaire , Arthu r Rimbaud , an d Guillaume Apollinair e serve d a s example s fo r America n avant-gard e painters suc h a s Rober t Motherwel l an d Willia m Baziote s an d writer s such a s Allen Ginsber g an d Jack Kerouac . The mor e recen t vanguardist s wh o influence d th e ne w generatio n tended t o b e artist s withou t canonica l status . Thus, advance-guar d poet s looked t o Willia m Carlo s William s a s a n exempla r o f poeti c practice . Given tha t Williams's respons e t o The Waste Land was that "i t had se t m e back twenty years," he woul d see m a natural mentor . Whil e T S . Eliot' s work becam e th e subjec t o f essay s i n critica l quarterlie s an d par t o f college curriculums, Williams worked in relative obscurity. But Williams's emphasis o n speec h rhythm s an d everyda y America n subjec t matte r ap pealed t o youn g vanguardists . Poe t Joe l Oppenheime r declared , " i see william carlos williams [sic ] as my poetic grandfather." Th e analog y is apt.

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Williams corresponde d wit h Ginsber g an d wrot e th e introductio n t o Ginsberg's Howl and Other Poems. Ginsberg spok e o f th e olde r poe t a s being the link between th e younger generatio n an d the avan t garde o f the 1920s, an d throug h tha t movemen t t o Herma n Melvill e an d Thoreau . Ezra Pound , especiall y hi s language-collag e techniqu e o f verba l associa tion in the Cantos, influence d man y avant gardists. Ginsberg, fo r example , told Poun d tha t th e Cantos wer e "lik e stepping-stones " tha t mad e a "ground fo r me t o . . . wal k o n . . . . [T]h e practica l effec t ha s bee n t o clarify m y perceptions." 12 The standar d descriptio n o f abstrac t expressionis t ar t a s a synthesis o f cubism an d surrealis m als o indicate s continuitie s betwee n th e avan t gardes. Jackson Polloc k admire d Pabl o Picass o an d Joa n Miro . Polloc k and th e othe r artist s associate d wit h abstrac t expressionis m share d a n interest i n surrealis t notion s abou t th e subconscious . A s painte r Joh n Ferren said , "Th e idea of the subconscious , th e technique s o f chance, an d a concer n fo r th e depth s o f th e inne r life : thes e too k hol d o f u s a s a powerful influence." 13 Cultural concern s linke d th e abstrac t expressionis t vanguar d wit h movements no t usuall y thought o f a s avant garde . For example , th e idea s of th e regionalis t painter s o f th e 1930s , especiall y Thomas Har t Benton , with who m Polloc k studied , shape d avant-gard e understanding s o f th e links betwee n ar t an d culture . Bento n believe d tha t "ar t i s no t onl y ar t but a regenerativ e forc e an d becaus e o f that , permanentl y valuabl e t o men." Abstrac t expressionist s rejecte d th e ruralis m o f Bento n an d othe r regionalist artists , a s wel l a s th e "utopi a o f materia l technology " tha t predominated i n th e Work s Project s Administratio n (WPA ) mural s in spired b y th e regiona l school . Bu t member s o f th e vanguar d share d Benton's belie f in cultural renewa l throug h art. 14 The aestheti c rebellio n o f avant-gard e composer s marke d perhap s th e most fundamenta l brea k wit h th e past . I n th e postwa r years , advance d composers define d themselves , accordin g t o Catherin e M . Cameron , b y their "disavowal] o f history and tradition" and their "complete . . . antipa thy t o th e ide a tha t ther e ar e an y connection s betwee n pas t an d presen t music." Thus, for example , Harry Partch advise d student s t o question th e corpu s o f knowledge , traditions , an d usage s tha t giv e u s a piano, for example—the very fact of a piano; they must question the tones of its keys, question the music on its rack, and above all, they must question constantly and eternally, what might be called the philosophies behind th e device, the philosophies that are really responsible for these things.

INNOVATION •

6 7

Cage like d t o quot e painte r Wille m d e Kooning' s remar k tha t "th e pas t does not influence me ; I influence it. " The innovation s o f the new genera tion o f composers , suc h a s Partch , Cage , Feldman , an d Christia n Wolff , produced a body of work that most commentators agre e is highly original, a qualit y illustrate d b y the nee d o f these composer s t o develo p thei r ow n systems o f notation i n orde r t o writ e ou t thei r musica l scores . The wor k of thes e younge r musician s marke d a radica l brea k wit h wha t ha d com e before i n Wester n Europea n music , includin g th e olde r vanguar d o f Arnold Schonber g an d Igo r Stravinsky. 15 If th e younge r composer s claime d an y genealogy , the y claime d th e avant-garde figures o f th e pas t wh o wer e no t securel y a par t o f th e modernist canon , such as Erik Satie, and especiall y the American compos ers Edgard Vares e and Henr y Cowell . Cage commente d tha t Cowel l was not attache d (a s Varese als o was not attached ) t o wha t seeme d t o s o many t o b e th e importan t question : Whethe r t o follo w Schoenber g o r Stravinsky. His early works for piano , . .. b y their ton e clusters and use of the piano strings, pointed towards noise and a continuum of timbre. Other works of his are indeterminate in ways analogous to those currently [1959] in use by [Pierre] Boulez and [Karlheinz] Stockhausen. 16 The claim s t o complet e originalit y tha t peppe r avant-gard e rhetori c should b e regarded wit h suspicion . The wor k of these American compos ers marked a break with the past of European music , but not with the pas t of music o r aesthetic s i n general . Rather , thes e composer s looke d i n par t to othe r traditions—fo r example , Cage' s interes t i n Ze n Buddhism , o r Partch's attempt s t o reviv e tradition s o f musi c an d theate r derive d fro m ancient Greec e an d non-Europea n cultures . Thi s interes t o f postwa r avant-garde composer s i n non-Wester n source s linke d the m t o othe r radical innovator s wit h simila r interest s i n non-Wester n culture s suc h a s Picasso an d Eliot . Perhaps th e mos t importan t continuit y linkin g th e musica l vanguar d with movement s i n paintin g an d literatur e wa s th e idea s o f Dad a an d especially Marcel Duchamp . D e Koonin g describe d Ducham p a s a "one man movement" and a s "a truly modern movemen t because it implies tha t each artis t ca n d o wha t h e think s h e ough t to— a movemen t fo r eac h person an d ope n fo r everybody. " Ginsber g me t Ducham p an d Trista n Tzara i n Pari s i n 195 8 an d tol d Pete r Orlovsk y h e wa s readin g Tzara' s Dada manifesto' s "carefully." 17 Cage an d Motherwel l eac h contribute d t o puttin g th e idea s o f Dad a

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and Ducham p befor e th e contemporar y vanguard. Motherwell edite d th e anthology Dada Painters and Poets, published i n 1951 , through whic h a whole ne w generatio n o f painter s an d poet s learne d abou t thi s centra l avant-garde movement . A t th e Ne w Schoo l fo r Socia l Researc h i n Ne w York an d Blac k Mountai n Colleg e i n Nort h Carolina , Cag e taugh t a synthesis o f Duchampia n Dad a an d Ze n Buddhis m t o th e generatio n o f artists wh o followe d th e abstrac t expressionists . Lik e Duchamp , Cag e rejected th e surrealis t ide a o f automatism , accordin g t o whic h artist s used chanc e operation s t o express thei r subconscious . Cag e use d chanc e procedures t o ge t awa y from psychologica l meaning s altogether , s o tha t sounds an d object s coul d b e appreciate d fo r wha t the y were . Cag e com bined Duchamp' s us e o f "Readymades, " everyda y mass-produce d object s used b y the artis t without change , with Ze n idea s to produce a n aestheti c that emphasize d th e integratio n o f ar t an d life . Th e breadt h o f Cage' s influence i s illustrated b y his collaboration s wit h artis t Rober t Rauschen berg an d dance r Merc e Cunningham . A s Cag e explained , "W e ar e not , in thes e dance s an d music , sayin g something... . W e ar e rathe r doin g something.... I may add ther e ar e no storie s an d n o psychologica l prob lems. There i s simply an activit y of movement, sound , an d l i g h t . . . . Th e activity of movement, sound , an d light, we believe, is expressive, but wha t it expresses is determined b y each one of you." By calling artists' attentio n to Dad a an d Duchamp , Motherwel l an d Cag e no t onl y establishe d a n important lin k betwee n th e earlie r vanguard an d avant-gard e movement s in America, they also threw another se t of ideas into the eclecti c mix from which America n cultura l radical s a s divers e a s Rauschenberg , Cunning ham, Jasper Johns, an d Alla n Kapro w coul d dra w t o creat e a new, highl y innovative art. 18 Making Art Relevant : Innovatio n an d Integratio n Though continuitie s existe d betwee n th e avant-gard e innovation s o f th e past an d th e ne w work o f the postwa r avan t garde , mos t cultura l innova tors emphasize d th e qualit y o f newness . Man y member s o f th e postwa r avant garde , lik e previou s va n movements , believe d tha t th e presen t wa s "their time " an d tha t thei r ar t shoul d relat e t o th e ne w development s i n science, technology , politics , an d economic s tha t the y believe d define d their era . To "mak e i t new " was, in thei r eyes , to mak e a n ar t tha t woul d speak to the world i n which the artist found hi m o r herself. Partch argue d

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6 9

that he di d not hav e to justify hi s search for a new musical idiom. Rather , he maintained, th e opponent s o f change neede d t o defen d thei r choic e o f program. Justification o f th e statu s quo , Partc h wrote , "belong s t o thos e who accep t th e form s o f a past da y without scrutinizin g the m i n th e ligh t of new and ever-changin g technologica l an d sociologica l situations , in th e light of the interests that stand t o profit b y the status quo, and in the ligh t of thei r ow n individualities , thi s tim e an d thi s place. " I n 1950 , Polloc k declared, i n a statemen t tha t recalle d th e technologica l interest s o f th e turn-of-the-century Italia n Futurists , tha t "moder n ar t t o m e i s nothin g more tha n the expressio n o f contemporary aim s of the age we're living in. . . . I t seem s t o m e tha t th e moder n painte r canno t express thi s age , th e airplane, th e ato m bomb , th e radi o [,] in th e ol d form s o f the Renaissanc e or an y other pas t culture." 19 The member s o f the new advance guard were determined tha t their ar t would b e mor e tha n aestheticall y pleasin g object s sheltere d i n museum s or books apart from th e world. They wanted thei r creativ e works to spea k to thei r tim e an d contribut e t o curren t socia l an d cultura l developments . "We liv e i n a period o f transition, " declare d Mir o i n th e America n littl e magazine Possibilities i n 1947 . "I t i s necessar y t o mak e a transitio n o f everything that has been done." 20 As noted, th e integratio n o f ar t an d lif e wa s th e primar y goa l o f avan t gardists. This concep t ha s man y meaning s an d ramifications . Firs t i s th e notion tha t th e ac t o f creatio n i s no t restricte d t o specia l peopl e calle d artists. Rather , creativit y i s availabl e t o all . Consider , fo r example , th e following dialogu e from Cage' s 195 5 essay , "Experimenta l Music : Doc trine:" QUESTION: But , seriously , i f this i s what musi c is, I coul d writ e i t a s well as you. ANSWER: Hav e I sai d anythin g tha t woul d lea d yo u t o thin k I thought you were stupid ?

As Cage also wrote, "It is better t o make a piece of music than t o perfor m one, bette r t o perfor m on e tha n t o liste n t o one , bette r t o liste n t o on e than t o misus e i t a s a means o f distraction , entertainment , o r acquisitio n of'culture.'" 21 Cage als o make s a secon d point : member s o f th e advanc e guar d re jected th e notio n tha t ar t consist s o f object s t o b e collecte d i n museums , concert halls , an d librarie s an d consume d fo r cultura l uplif t o r entertain -

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ment. The y believe d ar t is a vital par t o f life t o b e experience d directly . Sculptor an d assemblage make r Clae s Oldenberg declared : I am for an art that is political-erotical-mystical, that does something other than sit on its ass in a museum. . .. I am for an art that imitates the human, that is comic, if necessary, or violent or whatever is necessary. I am for an art tha t take s its form from the lines of life itself , tha t twist s and extends and accumulates and spits and drips and is heavy and coarse and blunt and sweet and stupid as life itself. 22 The specifi c applicatio n o f thi s ide a t o artisti c practic e i s th e us e o f everyday materials in the making of paintings, music, or poetry. The goa l o f integrating ar t and life extende d t o mor e tha n matter s o f artistic materials , however . Th e cultura l politic s o f th e advanc e guar d called fo r al l o f lif e t o b e a creativ e self-expression . Historia n Harr y Russell Huebel characterize s thi s concer n a s a quest for "enlightenment. " He note s tha t man y vanguardists pursue d thi s goa l throug h liberate d sex, bebop jazz, and illicit drugs. Critic s a t the time dismisse d thes e action s as mere hedonism . Whil e certainl y cultura l radical s enjoye d thes e activities , they di d s o i n par t becaus e the y place d sex , jazz, an d drug s i n a large r context o f liberating the body and spirit an d becoming more awar e of the creative potential of everyday life. Ultimately, the quest for enlightenmen t was a spiritua l one . Avan t gardist s studie d myth , ritual , an d Easter n religion i n orde r t o shap e a new system o f values tha t coul d giv e riche r meaning to life in modern America. 23 Art a s Process The member s o f th e avan t gard e rejecte d th e definitio n o f ar t a s a n artifact t o be institutionalized i n a museum o r an academic mannerism. In order t o safeguar d ar t fro m suc h degradatio n an d integrat e ar t an d lif e into a renewe d culture , avan t gardist s define d ar t no t i n term s o f th e object, whethe r poe m o r assemblage, but as a process of creation. A work of art , accordin g t o cultura l radicals , i s not a n objec t tha t fulfill s certai n conditions tha t defin e on e thin g a s art , anothe r a s not . Rather , i t i s a process o f imagination an d struggle applie d t o ordinar y objects , whethe r words, paint, o r noise, that challenge s the person confronte d b y the artist to feel, o r see, or hear differently . In 1950 , for example, Motherwell contraste d Europea n wit h America n painting: "young French painters . . . have a real 'finish' i n that the picture

INNOVATION • 7 1

is a rea l object , a beautifull y mad e object . W e ar e involve d i n 'process ' and wha t i s a 'finished ' objec t i s no t s o certain. " Poe t Rober t Dunca n related th e creativ e proces s t o th e learnin g process : "Huma n learnin g i s not a fulfillmen t bu t a process , no t a developmen t bu t a n activity... . Every moment o f life i s an attemp t t o com e t o life. Poetry is a 'participa tion,' a oneness " with tha t process . Compose r Ear l Brow n describe d hi s compositions fo r pian o MM87 an d MM13S, whic h wer e inspire d b y Pollock's dri p paintings , a s "compose d ver y rapidl y an d spontaneousl y and . . . i n tha t sens e performance s rathe r tha n compositions. " Kerouac' s "spontaneous prose " aestheti c wa s a n attempt , simila r t o Brown's , t o record th e creativ e proces s directl y o n th e page , without an y subsequen t revisions. I n thi s way , th e reade r coul d hav e a n almos t direc t experienc e of the creativ e process. 24 The emphasi s member s o f th e literar y avan t gard e place d o n poetr y readings als o reflect s thi s conceptio n o f ar t a s process . Th e "poetic s o f performance," a s literar y historia n Michae l Davidso n call s it , conceive d the poe m a s a living work o f language. Sa n Francisc o poe t an d publishe r Lawrence Ferlinghett i describe d ora l poetr y a s a mean s o f "gettin g th e poet ou t o f th e inne r estheti c sanctu m wher e h e ha s to o lon g bee n contemplating hi s complicate d navel . I t amount s t o gettin g poetr y bac k into th e stree t where i t onc e was, out o f the classroom , ou t o f the speec h department, and—i n fact—of f th e printed page. " To remain o n th e pag e was t o b e objectifie d fo r academi c study . To b e poetry , th e word s ha d t o live i n th e ear s o f hearers , an d t o penetrat e thei r subconsciouses . Poetr y so conceived wa s social in th e sens e tha t th e writer intende d th e work to , as Davidson says , "engage the reader i n a more interactive role." 25 Such a n understandin g o f socia l poetr y i s ver y different , obviously , from th e socia l realis t aestheti c o f th e Depressio n era , i n whic h subjec t matter an d adherenc e t o working-clas s taste s tende d t o defin e socia l art . Vanguardists define d th e artis t no t a s a teache r o f sociologica l facts , bu t as a teache r o f religiou s truth s an d a performer o f religiou s rituals . Th e poet was, as Gary Snyde r declared , a type o f "shaman" who presented , a s he read, "a kind o f Communion" an d "articulate d th e semi-known fo r th e tribe." By defining ar t a s a process an d no t a finished object , member s o f the avant garde hoped bot h t o redefine th e nature o f poetry, painting, an d music and t o achieve their goa l of integrating ar t and life. 26

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The Aesthetic s o f the Everyda y Members o f the postwar avan t garde als o expressed thei r goa l o f integra ting ar t an d lif e b y usin g material s from dail y experienc e i n thei r work . Literary historian s hav e characterize d th e aestheti c o f the postwa r avant garde poet s variously a s a "poetics o f presence, " o f "immanence, " an d o f "immediacy." The ide a behin d thes e interpretation s i s that th e poetr y o f the postwa r vanguar d is , a s James Bresli n expresse s it , grounde d "i n a sharply observed physical present, its dense materiality implicitly mockin g the transcendent, totalizin g imagination o f symbolism a s well as the mor e covertly transcenden t imaginatio n o f th e ne w criticis m an d th e youn g formalists." These poets sought to communicate directl y to their audienc e by includin g ordinar y experienc e an d emotions , producing , a s on e van guardist said , a "collage o f the real. " This aestheti c concer n wit h "imme diacy," a s Breslin call s it, characterize s no t jus t th e avan t gard e writers o f the period bu t all aspects of radical creativity. 27 Radical artist s expresse d th e immediac y o f th e everyda y b y makin g emotion a primary focu s o f their work. In 194 8 painter Barnet t Newma n described hi s goa l a s "reasserting man' s natura l desir e fo r th e exalted , fo r a concer n wit h ou r relationshi p t o th e absolut e emotions. " Afte r wit nessing the dehumanizing experienc e of war and facing the fear o f nuclear destruction, man y cultural radical s expressed a need t o fee l an d to express emotions. In 1946 , poet Osca r Collie r praise d Judson Crews' s poetr y fo r "transcending th e mass , of going beyond persona l neurosis , of portrayin g your struggl e i n a way that has universal significance." 28 For avan t gardists , works o f art ar e not object s but , a s Newman pu t it , "specific embodiment s o f feeling." As Ferren wrote in 1958 , "There i s no longer a belief in a n objectiv e realit y ou t there and a pure arrangemen t o f lines an d color s righ t here" I n plac e o f thi s fals e distinctio n betwee n th e painting an d th e observer , Ferre n declared , "th e avant-gard e artis t ha s substituted 'immediacy. ' H e permit s n o barrie r betwee n hi s inspiratio n and hi s execution , n o intellectua l editing , n o cleanin g u p t o confor m t o some preconceived idea." 29 The immediac y of expression in the work of the abstract expressionist s inspired othe r avan t gardists , including poe t Michael McClur e an d com poser Earl e Brown , who both trie d t o captur e th e spontaneit y an d energ y of thes e painter s i n thei r works . Pollock' s paintings , fo r example , move d Brown, wh o sa w in the m "life , energy , an d immediacy " an d decide d tha t "these qualitie s should als o be in my music." 30

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Avant gardist s als o use d everyda y material s i n thei r works , whethe r mass-produced objects , commo n speech , o r th e sound s o f life , t o expres s the immediac y o f live d experience . Visual artist s produce d suc h work s a s Oldenberg's Store (1961) , whic h feature d plaste r replica s o f commo n objects, o r Rauschenberg' s combine s mad e up o f commonplace item s th e artist foun d a t han d i n hi s studi o o r i n rubbis h bin s o n walk s throug h his neighborhood . Fo r example , th e combin e Bed (1955 ) consiste d o f Rauschenberg's quil t an d pillo w splashe d wit h paint . Thes e work s con fronted viewer s wit h th e worl d o f th e quotidian , no t a n aestheti c real m where painting s wer e world s unt o themselves . A s Rauschenber g com mented, " A pair o f sock s i s no les s suitabl e t o mak e a painting wit h tha n wood, nails, turpentine, oi l and fabric. " Poe t an d ar t critic Frank O'Hara , writing i n th e avant-gard e magazin e Kulchur, praised Oldenberg' s Store because o f Oldenberg's abilit y to transform "th e very objects an d symbol s themselves, wit h th e hel p o f papier-mache , cloth , wood , glue , paint , an d whatever othe r mysteriou s material s ar e inside and o n them , into art." 31 As a poet , O'Har a als o transforme d everyda y object s an d event s int o art. I n 1960 , he wrot e abou t hi s technique , i n whic h th e ordinar y event s and thought s o f lunch-hou r walk s becam e th e stuf f o f poetry : " I a m mainly preoccupie d wit h th e worl d a s I experienc e i t . . . . I t ma y b e tha t poetry make s life's nebulou s event s tangibl e t o m e an d restore s thei r detail; o r conversely , tha t poetr y bring s fort h th e intangibl e qualit y o f incidents which ar e all too concrete an d circumstantial. " LeRoi Jones als o constructed poetr y ou t o f th e everyday : "My poetry is whatever I thin k I a m . . . . I mak e a poetry with what I fee l i s useful an d ca n b e saved ou t o f all the garbag e o f our live s [:] . . . wives , gardens, jobs, cement yards where cats pee, all my interminable artifact s . . . all are a poetry." 32 Other vanguardist s transforme d ordinar y language int o art . To expres s the immediate experienc e of life, these writers used the rhythms of American speec h a s the prope r languag e fo r America n poetry . I n thi s practice , they followe d th e idea s o f Willia m Carlo s William s an d Charle s Olson . In hi s influentia l essa y "Projectiv e Verse, " originall y publishe d i n 1950 , Olson expande d upo n Williams' s notion s abou t America n meter . Olso n urged tha t th e poe m shoul d expres s bot h th e poet' s "ear " fo r America n language an d hi s or her "breath." 33 Avant-garde composer s expresse d th e ide a o f immediac y b y usin g th e sounds of ordinary life as musical material and by using chance technique s in composition . Th e resul t wa s a radicall y differen t kin d o f musi c tha t Cage calle d "organizatio n o f sound" an d Wolf f describe d a s "sound com e

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into it s own. " Cage' s interes t i n th e us e o f ordinar y sounds—wha t mos t people woul d conside r noise—date d t o th e 1930s . In 1937 , Cag e wrote : "Wherever w e are , wha t w e hea r i s mostl y noise . When w e ignor e it , i t disturbs us . When w e liste n t o it , w e find i t fascinating . Th e soun d o f a truck a t fifty mile s pe r hour . Stati c betwee n th e stations . Rain . W e wan t to captur e an d contro l thes e sounds , to use them no t a s sound effect s bu t as musical instruments." In the early 1950s , Cage discovered th e possibilities of silence, as in hi s famous silen t "composition, " 4* 33" (1952) . Wha t he discovered , o f course , wa s tha t "silence " wa s no t s o quiet : th e musi c was th e ambien t sound s o f win d an d rain , and , a s Cag e observed , "th e people themselve s mad e al l kind s o f interestin g sound s a s the y talke d o r walked out." 34 In th e earl y 1950s , Cag e an d other s bega n usin g chanc e technique s i n composition an d performance , whic h als o contribute d t o th e proces s o f "sound comin g int o it s own. " Chanc e technique s remov e intentionalit y from th e composition. The composer' s purpose an d the feelings h e or sh e is o r i s no t expressin g becom e irrelevan t considerations . Th e onl y im portant fac t i s the soun d o f th e piece . As Wolff wrote , "Th e 'music ' i s a resultant existin g simpl y i n th e sound s w e hear , give n n o impuls e b y expressions of self or personality. It is indifferent i n motive, originating i n no psycholog y no r i n dramati c intentions... . Bu t thi s doe s no t mak e their wor k 'abstract, ' fo r nothing , i n th e end , i s denied." Cag e advocate d the us e o f chanc e procedure s t o preven t sound s fro m "bein g exploite d t o express sentiments o r ideas of order." Cag e desire d tha t sound s be sound s and lef t i t u p t o th e audienc e t o mak e o f the m wha t the y would . Thes e composers hope d tha t thei r auditor s woul d begi n t o hea r differentl y an d discover musi c in the sound s of everyday life. 35 Jazz an d Lif e Jazz music inspired man y members o f the advance guard, who interprete d the musi c an d th e communit y o f jazz musician s a s models o f th e cultur e vanguardists desired . Cultura l radical s believe d tha t jaz z musician s ha d succeeded i n integratin g ar t an d life . I n th e bo p jaz z create d i n th e 1940s b y Dizz y Gillespie , Charli e Parker , Leste r Young , an d others , avant gardists heard emotiona l self-confessions . I n the dedicatio n o f these musicians t o thei r music , ofte n a t th e expens e o f everythin g els e i n thei r lives, vanguardists sa w a n exampl e o f th e artis t givin g al l t o creativity . I n these ways, the beboppers represente d fo r cultura l radical s rebellion from

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the perceive d pressure s o f conformit y an d represse d individuality . Ker ouac declare d tha t th e jaz z artist s "kep t talkin g abou t th e sam e thing s I liked, lon g outline s o f personal experienc e an d vision , night-lon g confes sions fall o f hope tha t had becom e illici t and repressed b y war." 36 That avan t gardist s shoul d b e intereste d i n jaz z wa s entirel y appro priate becaus e bot h emerge d i n oppositio n t o Victoria n culture . Th e proponents o f th e gentee l traditio n codifie d Cultur e a s refined , tradi tional, harmonious, and exclusive . For these Victorians, Cultur e was to b e experienced in a passive, reverent manner. Jazz was the complete opposite : raucous, new , discordant , an d accessible . Jazz wa s playe d fo r noisy , danc ing, clapping , stompin g audiences . Gentee l Cultur e wa s "highbrow, " while jazz was "lowbrow." Jazz was also a black art form, wherea s Cultur e was white. Recognizing its countercultural aspects , most white American s throughout th e first hal f o f th e twentiet h centur y viewe d jaz z a s morall y suspect and denounced th e music. Jazz did, however, find a growing white audience, especiall y among young peopl e mor e intereste d i n rhythm tha n Culture. The bi g swing bands of the 1930 s and 1940 s presented a sanitized kin d of jaz z tha t di d no t interes t avan t gardists . Th e ne w bebo p jaz z tha t emerged i n the 1940s , however, di d attract their attention . As jazz becam e popular wit h whit e audiences , especiall y i n th e for m o f swing , blac k musicians becam e acutel y awar e o f th e racia l hypocris y o f thei r whit e contemporaries. Whil e white s gav e jazz music increasin g attention , blac k musicians experience d discriminatio n i n pay and accommodations , a s well as othe r indignities . Th e bo p rebellio n allowe d blac k musician s t o tak e back thei r music , devisin g a new jaz z for m tha t di d no t hav e th e suspec t popularity of swing. As it turned out , however, the bop rebellion appeale d to alienate d whit e avan t gardist s also , an d the y contribute d t o th e accep tance o f the new music into the jazz mainstream . Kerouac an d othe r avan t gardist s identifie d wit h th e alienatio n fro m mainstream societ y fel t b y thes e blac k musician s an d interprete d th e music as a creative forc e fo r cultura l renewal. Holmes, fo r example , wrot e that h e an d hi s friend s fel t "lik e black s caugh t i n a squar e worl d tha t wasn't enoug h fo r us. " The notio n tha t black , urba n cultur e provide d a model fo r rebellio n agains t contemporar y whit e societ y an d cultur e wa s the them e o f on e cultura l observer , novelis t Norma n Mailer , i n hi s 195 7 essay, "Th e Whit e Negro. " Fo r Mailer , jaz z playe d a crucia l rol e i n thi s rebellion: "Th e Negr o . . . i n hi s musi c . . . gav e voic e t o th e characte r and qualit y o f hi s existence , t o hi s rag e an d th e infinit e variatio n o f joy ,

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lust, languor , growl , cramp , pinch, screa m an d despair o f his orgasm. For jazz is orgasm, i t is the music o f orgasm, goo d orgas m an d bad, and so it spoke across a nation." 37 Kenneth Rexrot h declare d tha t "durin g th e years o f darkness"—tha t is, th e period o f the Col d Wa r and the dominance o f academic poetry — the artist s wh o spoke fo r th e young wer e jaz z musician s suc h a s Parker , Young, Monk, an d others. Moreover, h e argued tha t "moder n jaz z is not just music—it i s also a social system , a way of life." Like Mailer, Rexrot h linked jazz to sexual liberation, but Rexroth als o spoke of the regenerativ e force o f "the creative act. " Kerouac develope d thi s them e i n novels suc h as Doctor Sax and Visions of Cody, i n which h e presented jaz z a s a procreative force i n both a physical and spiritual sense. 38 The musi c and culture of bebop jazz was more than rebellion, however . It serve d member s o f th e advanc e guar d a s a mode l fo r a new , mor e creative society . Pete r Willmot t declare d i n a 194 7 essay i n Jazz Forum that "the most important artisti c medium is life itself,... [and ] the aim of each o f us should b e to achieve in our living grace, harmony an d integration wit h al l othe r life. " Willmot t argue d tha t "wholl y improvise d ho t music" presented a perfect balanc e between th e freedom o f improvisation and responsibilit y t o the group, addin g tha t "i n social term s thes e condi tions seem to me to constitute th e basis of a coherent socia l philosophy, a philosophy which holds that onl y through freedo m an d responsibility can men pla y a livin g an d creativ e par t i n society , an d tha t onl y throug h a devolution o f power ca n men act responsibly in small social units." 39 The jazz combo was thus an example for society . For man y avan t gardists , the vitality they heard i n jazz represented th e powerful creativ e energ y insid e people , th e releas e o f which could , the y believed, transfor m society . A n editorialis t wrot e i n Climax tha t jaz z "affirmed th e ideal o f creative vitality. " Jazz represented , Eithn e Wilkin s wrote i n Jazz Forum, "the form tha t ar t must tak e if it is to work ou t the nightmare an d wha t lie s behind , [and ] so graduall y liberat e th e patient , who i s both th e person-in-society an d society itself." This understandin g of innovativ e jaz z a s a revolutionar y forc e fo r socia l chang e inspire d Ginsberg to rhapsodize, in his poem "Footnot e t o Howl," about the "bop apocalypse." A ne w worl d wa s coming , member s o f th e avan t gard e believed: a worl d i n whic h ar t an d lif e cam e togethe r a s i n a bebo p combo. 40 Bebop als o serve d a s a mode l fo r th e technica l innovation s o f man y vanguardists. The musical line of bop jazz fit in with the interest of avant-

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garde writer s i n commo n America n speech . Ginsber g believe d tha t th e U. S . vanguard differe d from th e Britis h Angry Young Men, a movemen t to which th e Beat s were ofte n compared , becaus e o f the American "tradi tion o f speec h an d prosod y experimen t an d ne w jazz. " While Kerouac' s ideas o f "spontaneou s prose " reflecte d Europea n influence s (especiall y surrealism an d James Joyce), th e languag e Keroua c use d t o describ e hi s aesthetic clearl y derive d fro m listenin g t o musician s lik e Parker , Young , and Gillespie . Th e write r should , Keroua c said , "ta p fro m yoursel f th e song of yourself—blow!" Poet s suc h a s Ginsberg, Patchen , an d McClur e explored th e use of jazz rhythms an d imagery in much o f their writing. 41 Patchen an d Rexrot h regularl y combine d poetr y reading s wit h jaz z music (indeed , Rexrot h ha d participate d i n suc h performance s a s early as the 1920s) . Thes e musica l reading s fulfille d th e avant-gardis t goa l o f bringing together ar t an d lif e b y combining th e ora l experienc e o f poetr y with a popula r musica l form . A s Rexrot h argued , "I t return s poetr y t o music an d t o publi c entertainmen t a s it was in th e day s o f Homer o r th e troubadours." Poetry an d jazz recalled fo r member s o f the avan t gard e a n earlier (idealized ) tim e whe n artist s wer e a n integra l par t o f th e commu nity. Jaz z inspire d technica l an d performanc e innovation s tha t radica l artists hoped would creat e such a community anew. 42 Sex an d the Regeneratio n o f Art an d Lif e Sexual liberatio n wa s a n importan t concer n o f member s o f th e firstgeneration avan t garde , an d th e them e continue d t o b e important fo r th e postwar vanguard . Se x mean t man y thing s fo r cultura l radical s i n th e 1940s an d 1950s . As i t di d fo r th e first America n vanguard , uninhibite d sexual relations served social , psychological, an d spiritual purpose s fo r th e last American vanguard. Se x served a social function a s a rebellion agains t middle-class morality . Psychologically , avan t gardist s viewe d sexua l ex pression a s important t o emotiona l health , reflectin g a vulgarized versio n of Freud an d especially the radical Freudian Wilhelm Reich . More gener ally, sexualit y represente d fo r member s o f th e vanguar d a creativ e forc e for spiritua l an d broadl y cultura l regeneration , a conceptio n tha t als o reflected th e influence o f Carl Jung. For many avant gardists sexual liberation became the rebellion. In 1961, poet Tul i Kupferber g wrot e tha t "th e prototyp e o f Th e Undergroun d i s the sexual underground" Novelis t Ronal d Sukenic k argue d tha t Reichia n psychology appealed t o him and others in the 1950 s because Reich' s ideas

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provided a n alternativ e radica l valu e syste m t o Marxis t politics . "Fo r me , and I thin k fo r man y others, " Sukenic k wrote , "se x [became ] a weapo n and dissipatio n a form o f dissent, instead o f merely a way of having fan i n defiance o f the work ethic. " Se x as rebellion wa s the centra l them e o f E d Sanders's littl e magazin e Fuck You: A Magazine of the Arts, publishe d i n the earl y 1960s . The mott o "Grop e fo r Peace " suggests th e combinatio n of sexual (and typically profane) conten t with anarcho-pacifist politic s tha t characterized th e magazine. 43 Other avan t gardist s followe d th e traditio n o f thei r predecessor s an d argued tha t individua l an d socia l healt h depende d o n fre e sexua l expres sion. I n a 195 6 articl e i n Miscellaneous Man, Lawrenc e Bart h rejecte d Freud's contentio n tha t civilizatio n mandate d th e sublimatio n o f eroti c instincts. Bart h argue d tha t "th e natura l functionin g o f huma n bodie s is culture . . . [, and] tru e cultur e i s possible onl y through allowin g th e basi c natural function s o f the bod y t o operat e a s they must." Fa r from creatin g civilized culture , Barth argued , sublimatio n create d "destructiv e impulses , dirty-mindedness, rap e an d othe r criminality. " Declarin g sexua l drive s t o be "moral , natural, " Bart h maintaine d tha t "th e negatio n o f th e body' s genital an d othe r instinct s i s th e thin g whic h i s immoral." Finally , Bart h answered th e charg e o f anti-intellectualis m b y declarin g tha t "nothin g more surel y conserve s intellec t tha n eliminatin g preventabl e neurosis. " Critic Pau l Goodma n linke d th e Col d War , th e arm s race , an d th e burning o f Reich's book s b y the Foo d an d Dru g Administration t o sexua l repression, lamentin g tha t "i t i s int o thi s insan e asylu m tha t I hav e t o bring u p m y children. " Th e theme s discusse d b y cultura l radical s paral leled thos e o f contemporar y post-Marxis t Freudian s suc h a s Herber t Marcuse an d Norman O . Brown. 44 While mos t o f th e avant-gard e writin g o n se x an d societ y i n th e postwar year s wa s littl e differen t fro m simila r argument s mad e i n th e 1910s an d 1920 s by cultural radical s suc h a s Emma Goldman n an d Floy d Dell, a significan t differenc e wa s tha t th e late r avan t gardist s replace d Freud wit h Reic h an d Jun g a s thei r authoritie s i n thes e matters . Reic h gave avant gardists a sexual critique of postwar society. A one-time studen t of Freud's , Reic h wen t eve n furthe r tha n hi s mento r i n emphasizin g th e importance o f se x t o huma n psycholog y an d society . Reic h argue d tha t sexual expressio n wa s vita l t o huma n health , bot h menta l an d physical . On thi s premise he created a n argument agains t oppressive an d repressiv e social an d economi c structure s tha t appeale d t o cultura l radicals . Reic h also claime d t o hav e discovere d a sexua l energ y tha t permeate d th e uni -

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verse, which h e calle d orgon e energy . This energy , Reic h believed , coul d be tapped b y sitting in telephone-booth-size d boxe s called orgon e energ y accumulators. Goodma n wa s on e o f man y avan t gardist s enthusiasti c about Reich . In 1945 , Goodman wrote , "I t is just becaus e Reic h wants t o set fre e th e force s nativ e t o eac h individual , which , i n adult s a t least , ar e beyond th e influence o f advertising slogans and political propaganda, tha t his thought ha s such enormous libertaria n dynamism." 45 In th e 1950s , man y intellectual s discusse d Reich' s ideas , an d som e acted o n the m b y seekin g Reichia n therap y o r sittin g i n orgon e boxes . Sukenick remembered tha t during the decade "practicall y every hip apart ment o r lof t yo u walke d int o ha d . . . a n orgon e box. " Intellectual s a s diverse a s little magazin e edito r Jay Landesma n an d writer s Sau l Bellow , Isaac Rosenfeld , Jac k Kerouac , an d Alle n Ginsber g use d orgon e boxe s with som e regularity . A Reichia n psychologis t a t th e avant-gard e Blac k Mountain Colleg e introduce d student s ther e t o orgon e energy . Willia m Carlos William s an d Kennet h Burk e discusse d Reic h i n correspondenc e in th e 1940s . William S . Burroughs introduce d th e Bea t writers t o Reich , Burroughs bein g especially influenced b y Reich's social criticism. 46 Reich's ideas did not impres s al l Americans, particularly official s a t th e Food an d Dru g Administration , wh o i n th e mid-1950 s accuse d Reic h o f deceiving th e publi c with fraudulent healt h claims . When Reic h ignore d an injunctio n t o desis t from sellin g hi s accumulator s an d literature , h e found himsel f sentence d t o priso n fo r contemp t an d hi s book s an d ma chines destroyed . Reich' s subsequen t deat h i n a federal penitentiar y onl y served t o confir m fo r man y member s o f th e avan t gard e tha t th e sexua l repression i n American societ y produced a n oppressive state . The censorshi p o f sexua l conten t i n literatur e wa s anothe r exampl e used b y avan t gardist s t o prov e th e oppressivenes s o f America n society . Among littl e magazin e editor s wh o foun d themselve s i n troubl e becaus e of obscenit y law s wer e Wallac e Berman , edito r o f Semina, Willia m V . Ward, edito r o f th e Provincetown Review, and Irvin g Rosenthal , edito r o f the Chicago Review an d Big Table. Th e successfu l defens e o f Ginsberg' s Howl agains t obscenit y charge s contribute d t o th e liberalizatio n o f ob scenity laws. 47 Many cultura l radical s describe d sexualit y a s a forc e fo r spiritua l an d cultural regeneration , reflectin g th e influenc e o f Jung . T o mak e thei r point, member s o f th e avan t gard e trie d t o recontextualiz e se x i n term s other tha n Victoria n an d producer-cultur e values . Poe t Manfre d Wise , for example , examine d a rather obviou s source , th e Son g o f Songs . Wis e

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commented tha t "fe w peopl e realiz e th e confirmatio n o f body-love foun d in ancient scripts." He wen t o n to declar e that "n o one ca n fully entertai n the God-concep t wh o ha s no t ha d Go d personalize d i n th e Body-and Life o f som e beautifu l human. " Poe t Lenor e Kande l wa s mor e earthy : "my God the worshi p tha t i t i s t o fuck, " sh e wrot e i n Fuck You. Partch explained wha t h e considere d t o b e th e stagnatio n o f musica l innovatio n in th e mid-twentiet h centur y b y going back to D . H . Lawrence' s notion s of mind-bod y separation . Quotin g Lawrence , Partc h wrote , "W e ar e afraid o f th e 'procreativ e body ' an d it s 'war m flow o f intuitiona l aware ness,' and fear it is 'poison to the human psyche.'" Only by acknowledgin g and drawin g o n ou r ow n energ y o f physica l generatio n coul d creativ e advance continue, Partch argued. 48 For member s o f th e abstrac t expressionis t vanguard , sexua l imager y was an especially potent symbol for th e regeneration o f society and values. In hi s abstrac t painting s o f th e 1930s , Clyffor d Stil l use d phalli c image s (precursors o f the flame imagery of his postwar work). In painting s o f th e 1940s, Barnet t Newma n use d biomorphi c image s resemblin g eg g an d sperm. Thi s imager y reflecte d Jung' s symboli c interpretation s o f th e phallus a s "universa l creativ e power " an d th e eg g a s th e "cosmi c egg " from whic h al l thing s grow . Sexua l liberation , fo r member s o f th e avan t garde, represente d no t onl y a rebellio n agains t Victorianism , bu t a n affirmation o f their hop e fo r cultura l renewal. 49 Drugs an d the Liberatio n o f Consciousnes s Just a s the practic e o f free lov e was a way for cultura l radical s t o demon strate thei r estrangemen t from bourgeoi s society , s o th e us e o f illici t drugs, especially marijuana, serve d as an expression of rebellion. But avant gardists als o ha d mor e positiv e goals . Many o f the m believe d tha t drug s could be used as tools to expand one' s consciousness and deepe n the one' s creative insights . No t al l member s o f th e va n advocate d dru g use , bu t those wh o di d believe d tha t mind-alterin g substance s coul d hel p thei r cause of integrating ar t and life . In thi s way , th e us e o f illici t drugs , especiall y marijuana , becam e par t of th e stereotyp e o f th e "beatnik " i n th e lat e 1950s . Fo r example , Pau l O'Neil, writin g in Life in 1959 , said of Ginsberg: "Lik e most Beat s he is a marijuana smoker. " Mor e bohemian s use d (an d wer e ofte n addicte d to ) alcohol, a legal drug, than eve r became deepl y involved with illegal drugs, but fo r thos e vanguardist s wh o use d illici t substances , marijuan a wa s th e

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drug o f choice. Cannabi s was a substance well known i n th e jazz commu nity, from wher e cultura l radical s picke d i t up. Som e cultura l radical s als o tried peyot e an d heroin , and , i n th e 1960s , som e experimente d wit h LSD, mos t notabl y Ginsberg . Ginsber g alway s claime d a serious purpos e behind hi s us e o f drugs : marijuan a wa s fo r "stud y purposes, " no t "part y purposes," h e insisted . Perkof f concurred , notin g i n hi s journa l i n 195 6 that h e an d other s i n th e Venice , California , bohemia n communit y use d drugs becaus e "w e are impatient fo r tha t openin g o f mind (an d soul ) tha t follows o n th e loosening o f the fingers o f tension." 50 Ginsberg and othe r vanguardists used drug s to heighten thei r aestheti c awareness. The y woul d us e a dru g an d the n g o t o a museu m t o loo k a t paintings o r rea d poetry , hopin g thereb y t o gai n increase d understandin g of the work s observe d an d t o stimulat e thei r ow n creativity . Vanguardist s would ofte n writ e o r pain t whil e "high. " I n 1964 , Ginsber g explaine d t o Marcel Ducham p tha t th e purpos e o f LSD-induce d creativit y wa s t o "express mysel f on the spot when th e momen t come s tha t lif e bring s m e to a stat e o f maximum-feeling-awareness-consciousness , i.e. , epiphanou s moments, mystica l coherences , whateve r labe l i s useful. " Th e stor y o f how Keroua c wrot e On the Road i n thre e week s sustaine d mostl y b y Benzedrine an d coffe e i s perhaps th e mos t famous exampl e o f how mem bers o f the avan t garde used drug s t o encourag e creativity. 51 Drug us e als o serve d a s a wa y fo r cultura l radical s t o expres s thei r rebellion agains t American societ y an d government . I n 1961 , writer Pau l Bowles wrot e tha t th e "grown-ups " i n "alcoholi c countries " lik e th e United State s oppos e th e us e o f marijuan a becaus e "th e use r o f cannabi s is all too likel y to se e the trut h wher e i t is and t o fai l t o see it where i t i s not. Obviousl y fe w thing s ar e potentiall y mor e dangerou s t o thos e inter ested i n prolongin g th e statu s qu o o f organize d society. " Notin g th e "huge sadistic police bureaucracy" in each state that "persecut e th e illuminati" (i.e. , dru g users) , Ginsber g declare d i n 195 9 tha t "t o b e a junky i n America i s lik e havin g bee n a Jew i n Naz i Germany. " Usin g drug s an d protesting agains t th e illegalit y o f drug s became , especiall y i n th e 1960s , another wa y tha t avan t gardist s coul d rai l agains t th e conformis m an d oppression that they saw in postwar America. Drug states, cultural radical s maintained, enable d peopl e t o transcen d rationalit y an d unleas h creativ e forces i n th e subconsciou s tha t coul d b e harnesse d t o th e purpos e o f bringing ar t an d lif e together . T o oppos e drug s was t o oppos e th e libera tion o f human creativit y and th e innovations tha t coul d result. 52 Not al l vanguardist s believe d drug s wer e useful . Cage , fo r example ,

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opposed dru g us e o n th e sam e ground s tha t h e oppose d "Art" : "bot h promise transcendenc e from mundan e life. " H e argue d instea d tha t on e should loo k an d liste n carefull y t o one' s ow n experienc e an d find beaut y there. Gar y Snyde r argue d tha t drugs , whil e ofte n "eye-openers, " wer e not suite d fo r dee p "visio n an d illumination-seeking. " Th e constan t us e of drug s "lead s nowhere, " h e wrote , "becaus e i t lack s intellect , wil l an d compassion; an d a persona l dru g kic k i s o f n o us e t o anyon e els e i n th e world." Th e Dala i Lam a gav e Ginsber g simila r advic e whe n th e poe t offered t o ge t som e LS D fo r th e Tibeta n spiritua l leade r durin g a n audience i n 1962 . Their word s see m t o b e confirme d i n Perkoff' s plain tive though t tha t h e an d hi s friends woul d no t nee d t o us e drug s "i f w e were t o achiev e th e stat e o f initiate, " but , unfortunately , h e continued , "we are not initiates , any of us." 53 Although member s o f the advanc e guar d believed that th e use of drug s could inspir e creativ e insigh t an d contribut e t o th e integratio n o f art an d life, th e result s o f thei r progra m wer e ambiguou s a t best . O n th e on e hand, Ginsber g woul d us e drug s throughou t th e 1960 s t o inspir e hi s poetry—for example , hi s 196 7 poe m "Wale s Visitation. " O n th e othe r hand, Perkoff , Burroughs , an d Orlovsk y ar e amon g th e man y cultura l radicals who di d become addicte d t o drugs . In par t following th e exampl e of thei r avant-gard e predecessors , member s o f th e 1960 s countercultur e used marijuan a an d othe r drugs . Again , th e result s wer e no t alway s be nign, thoug h Snyder , despit e hi s caution s abou t dru g use, conclude d tha t "the H.A . [Haight-Ashbury ] scene , an d LS D ar e al l t o th e good— a revolutionary tool , ste p forward—t o brin g peopl e . . . aroun d t o forma l discipline where needed." 54 Sukenick sa w a self-destructiv e componen t i n th e dru g us e o f Green wich Villager s o f th e lat e 1950 s an d earl y 1960s . Rathe r tha n searchin g for enlightenmen t an d liberation , Sukenic k argue d tha t man y seeme d t o seek self-immolatio n becaus e i t wa s precede d b y "incandescence. " H e recalled on e o f Bil l Manville' s "Saloo n Society " column s i n th e Village Voice i n whic h a bohemia n commente d o n a recent casualt y from a dru g overdose: "Imagine , Bill , how stron g tha t jun k mus t hav e been. Imagine , not only to die— but to turn BLUE and to die!" Kerouac, o f course, di d no t need illici t o r exoti c drug s t o destro y himself—h e chos e th e traditiona l drug o f th e workin g an d bourgeoi s classe s an d dran k himsel f t o deat h i n 1969.55

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The Spiritua l Ques t Members o f th e avan t gard e fel t alienate d fro m rational , technical , bu reaucratic modernity in large part because, like generations o f their predecessors, the y believe d tha t th e valu e system s o f contemporar y societ y denied deepe r spiritua l realities . For many avant gardists, the problems o f the moder n worl d stemme d fro m jus t thi s alienatio n o f huma n being s from thei r spiritua l roots . Avan t gardist s generall y di d no t find spiritua l nourishment i n th e America n mainstrea m religiou s tradition s o f Chris tianity and Judaism. Members o f the cultura l van instead followe d several , often interrelated , path s t o find a spiritual integratio n o f ar t an d life . Fo r most, aestheti c creatio n wa s a participation i n th e creative , spiritua l pro cess o f life . Som e looke d t o mytholog y fro m Wester n an d aboriginal , including Nativ e American , source s t o find universa l spiritua l meanings . Others turne d t o Easter n religiou s traditions , especiall y various form s o f Buddhism. None o f these approaches was exclusive; many cultural radical s combined differen t spiritua l traditions. 56 Many avan t gardist s fel t somethin g missin g from thei r lives . Th e options they believed society offered them—scientifi c rationalis m o r mid dle-class materialism—di d no t provid e the m wit h a satisfactor y sens e o f purpose o r meaning . Littl e magazin e edito r John Fles , writing i n Kulchur in 1960 , expresse d th e restlessnes s i n modernit y experience d b y man y avant gardists : "Th e obviou s question : I s th e secula r lif e enough , ar e w e missing anything, anything renewing, vital? I don't k n o w . . .. I don't thin k [Charles] Olson' s 'Huma n Universe ' i s enough, a t least fo r me , thoug h i t may be what is, the facts . I know I want something else , that, even , I have experienced somethin g else : ther e ar e som e thing s unaccounte d for. " Writing abou t th e "Moder n Painter' s World " i n 1944 , Motherwel l als o addressed th e spiritual crisis of modernity. He observe d tha t the twentiet h century ha d bee n shape d b y the "spiritua l breakdow n whic h followe d th e collapse o f religion. " Int o thi s vacuu m o f meaning , Motherwel l argued , no "synthesize d vie w o f reality" a s universally compellin g a s religion ha d emerged. Motherwel l liste d som e contenders , however , a s h e dismisse d science a s " a method " an d no t " a view, " an d rejecte d th e "property loving . . . values o f the bourgeoi s world. " Motherwell hel d u p artist s a s a "spiritual underground " whos e purpos e wa s to "guar d th e spiritua l i n th e modern world." 57 For mos t member s o f th e cultura l vanguard , innovatio n create d a culture counte r t o th e socia l an d aestheti c norm s o f postwa r America .

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Through th e proces s o f innovativ e creativit y the y bot h expresse d thei r dissatisfaction wit h wha t wa s an d expose d th e proces s o f thei r searc h fo r something else . I n bot h cases , thei r action s an d expression s serve d a s invitations t o other s t o joi n wit h them . Thus , th e spiritua l ques t wa s another aspec t o f avant-garde cultura l politics. Many cultura l radical s experience d th e proces s o f creatio n itsel f a s a manifestation o f the spiritua l lif e forc e tha t animate s al l things. Choreog rapher an d dance r Marth a Graha m instructe d he r dancer s t o thin k o f themselves a s vehicles fo r " a vitality, a life-force, a n energy , a quickenin g that i s translate d throug h yo u int o action. " Cag e explaine d hi s under standing o f th e connectio n betwee n th e spiritua l lif e an d ar t wit h thi s story about Sr i Ramakrishna : [Ramakrishna's] living and talking had impressed a musician who began to think that he should give up music and become a disciple of Ramakrishna. But whe n h e propose d this , Ramakrishn a said , b y n o means . Remai n a musician: musi c is a means o f rapi d transportation . Rapi d transportation , that is to life "everlasting," that is, to say, life, period. Poets suc h a s Snyder , Ginsberg , an d Phili p Whale n expresse d i n thei r work th e ide a tha t ther e wa s a spiritual realit y presen t i n th e worl d bot h in creativ e vision s an d i n th e mor e ordinar y experience s o f wor k an d sex.58 Painter Clyffor d Stil l described th e experience o f regeneration tha t th e creative process made possibl e fo r him : I see m t o achiev e . . . ecstas y i n bringin g fort h th e flaming life throug h these large responsive areas of canvas. And as the blues or reds or blacks . . . rise in austere thrusts to carry their power infinitely beyon d the bounds of their limitin g field, I mov e wit h the m an d find resurrectio n from th e moribund oppression that held me only hours ago. Painter Richar d Pousette-Dar t declared , "M y definitio n o f religio n amounts t o ar t an d m y definitio n o f art amount s t o religion. " Describin g the purpose o f his art, he wrote, "I strive to express the spiritua l nature o f the universe . Paintin g i s for m e a dynamic balanc e an d wholenes s o f life ; it is mysterious an d transcending , yet solid an d real." 59 The interes t o f cultura l radical s i n mytholog y an d th e primitiv e wa s not original ; i t reflecte d source s a s diverse a s the Englis h romanticis m o f Wordsworth; th e America n romanti c transcendentalis m o f Thorea u an d Emerson, and the depth psychology of Jung. But these ideas were in shar p contrast t o th e mor e rationa l approache s o f regionalist an d realis t art , o f

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the ne w criticism , an d o f th e Partisan Review. While artist s an d critic s i n the previou s movement s an d tradition s sough t t o impos e orde r o n th e chaos o f history , th e ne w artist s looke d t o tha t chao s a s a sourc e o f creative visio n an d spiritua l growth . Th e avan t gardis t belie f i n vitalis m both justifie d innovatio n an d define d innovatio n a s regenerative . Wha t was importan t fo r artist s i n th e va n wa s t o expres s thei r ow n spiritua l struggles in the process of creating their work. In doing this, they believed they wer e expressin g th e struggle s o f thei r generation , eve n i f thei r contemporaries i n flannel suit s di d no t recogniz e thei r ow n angst . A s Kerouac aske d i n 1960 , "Whe n th e hel l wil l peopl e realiz e tha t al l livin g beings [,] whethe r human s o r animals , whethe r earthl y o r from othe r planets, are representatives o f God?" 6 0 The Mythica l Journey Painter Mar k Rothko , i n writin g tha t "withou t monster s an d gods , ar t cannot enac t ou r drama, " effectivel y summe d u p th e interes t o f man y postwar avan t gardist s i n primitiv e art , mythology , an d spirituality . Mos t cultural radical s wer e wel l rea d i n th e literatur e o f cultura l anthropolog y and th e interpretatio n o f myth . Fo r example , Pollock' s librar y include d J. G . Frazer' s The Golden Bough, Ruth Benedict' s Patterns of Culture, an d Joseph Campbell' s Jungian interpretatio n o f myth, The Hero with a Thousand Faces. Lawrenc e Lipto n note d tha t th e librarie s o f th e vanguardist s he studie d i n Californi a containe d work s b y Freud , Jung , Fran z Boas , Margaret Mead , Susa n K . Langer , an d Erns t Cassirer . Th e readin g o f American cultura l radical s o f thi s generatio n als o reflecte d thei r stron g interest i n Native America n culture . Polloc k owne d a collection o f book s on Nativ e American s publishe d b y th e America n Burea u o f Ethnology , and he , lik e othe r avan t gardists , studie d Nativ e America n artifact s a t New York's Museum o f Natural History. 61 Innovative artist s believe d tha t scientifi c rationalis m an d industria l modernity ha d create d knowledg e an d materia l goods , respectively , bu t had no t produce d a symbolic languag e ric h enoug h t o explai n th e dept h of human experience . The cultura l radical s of the 1940 s were not th e firs t to make this argument, o f course. Romantics alway s had don e so. By th e twentiet h century , anthropologica l interpretation s define d "myth," usually also with reference t o ritual, as a method o f social organi zation, judgin g i t neithe r a s primitive no r (i n it s ow n terms ) irrationa l i n comparison wit h moder n Wester n ideas . Psychologica l interpretations ,

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especially thos e o f Jung , describe d myth s a s symboli c expression s o f psychological struggles , often specifi c t o the life experienc e o f individuals, but als o expressive o f conflicts basi c to al l persons. Thus, fo r Jung, myth s and ritual s shape a collective unconscious o f symbols common t o all. The counter-definitio n o f myths as irrational expression s of "unreality " persisted, o f course , throughou t th e nineteent h an d twentiet h centuries . This fac t contribute d t o th e alienatio n o f member s o f th e avan t gard e from thei r cultur e an d t o thei r interes t i n "primitive " mytholog y a s a n answer t o th e moder n worl d view . T S . Eliot' s us e o f mythologica l material i n The Waste Land i s a n obviou s example . B y studyin g thes e mythologies, Eliot and other member s of the avant garde (including many abstract expressionis t painter s wh o wer e influence d b y Eliot' s idea s o n this point ) believe d the y coul d construc t a new mytholog y tha t woul d b e a forc e fo r regeneratio n fo r moder n humanity . Member s o f th e avan t garde argue d tha t th e economi c crisi s o f th e depression , th e horro r o f World Wa r II , an d th e terro r o f th e bom b had , i n a sense , returne d human being s to a primitive stat e of uncertainty an d powerlessness befor e unknown forces , o f crisis , an d o f tragedy . Vanguardist s turne d t o th e modern scienc e o f anthropolog y t o lear n abou t th e primitiv e pas t an d applied th e insight s gaine d t o thei r creativ e wor k s o a s to retur n myster y and wonder t o contemporary , rationa l society. 62 Alienated fro m thei r society , th e member s o f th e vanguar d believe d that rationalism an d materialism ha d produce d socia l evils, culminating i n the atomi c bomb . "Ho w live , acceptin g death? " aske d poe t an d essayis t James Boye r Ma y i n th e Grundtuig Review in 1952 , "Ho w create , antici pating extinction? " In th e atomi c age , May argued , huma n being s neede d to develo p new myths tha t would provid e people with a sense of meanin g and purpos e fo r thei r existenc e tha t scientifi c rationalis m coul d not : "Atomic fission ca n render huma n being s neither noble r no r meaner, " h e asserted. Marjori e Farber , writin g i n th e Sa n Francisc o littl e magazin e City Lights in 1955 , echoed May' s remarks , arguin g tha t wha t wa s usefu l for physica l scienc e wa s dangerou s fo r huma n beings . "Fo r twentiet h century ma n wh o ha s the insight s o f modern dept h psychology, " Edwar d E Edinge r declare d i n The Realist in 1958 , "th e rationalisti c negatio n o f myth must be seen as an opposite extreme alienating man from hi s origin s both i n th e individua l an d th e histori c sense. " Western civilization , thes e cultural radical s argued , ha d reache d a n impasse ; th e onl y wa y forwar d was, in a sense, backward. By looking at so-called primitiv e peoples , avan t gardists maintained, American s coul d find th e root s o f their presen t crisi s

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and discove r resource s t o hel p the m find thei r wa y ou t o f th e crisis o f modernity t o a livable future. 63 One wa y member s o f th e avan t gard e propose d t o brin g abou t thi s changed consciousnes s was to reviv e olde r idea s abou t th e powe r o f word and image . Newman , fo r example , writin g i n 194 7 abou t th e ar t o f th e Indians o f America's Northwes t coast , note d tha t fo r th e nativ e artist , " a shape wa s a livin g thing , a vehicl e fo r a n abstrac t thought-complex , a carrier o f th e awesom e feeling s h e fel t befor e th e terro r o f th e unknow able." To the Native American artist, the abstract shape was "real," neither a formalist constructio n no r a "purist illusion." The artist , his society, an d the artifac t wer e integrate d b y a comple x o f meanings . Ther e wa s n o alienation. Perkof f applie d thi s sam e ide a t o words . I n th e Autum n o f 1956, Perkof f wrot e i n hi s journal , "I n th e day s when ma n believe d tha t the wor d itsel f brough t an d mad e thing s happen , wa s th e actua l caus e o f the god' s existence , [they ] ha d suc h words , suc h poems , t o mak e cor n grow, an d rai n fall , an d protec t [them]... . I n ou r time , ma n doesn' t believe this, and ther e is no community." 64 The missio n o f the avant-gard e artist , therefore , wa s to en d alienatio n by, a s Rothk o wrot e abou t th e wor k o f Still , "creatin g ne w counterpart s to replac e th e ol d mythologica l hybrid s wh o hav e lost thei r pertinenc e i n the intervening centuries." Newman describe d th e goal of cultural radical s as the creatio n o f an "idea-comple x tha t make s contac t with mystery—o f life, of men, of nature, of the hard, blac k chaos that is death, or the grayer , softer chao s tha t i s tragedy. " B y returnin g t o thei r origin s an d thei r psychological roots , member s o f th e avan t gard e argued , moder n peopl e could com e i n contac t with thei r tru e selves , selves from whic h industria l consumer capitalis m separate d them . Th e resul t o f thi s reintegratio n o f the self would b e the regeneratio n o f society. 65 The Spiri t o f the Orien t The spiritua l ques t o f American avan t gardist s a t mid-century too k man y of them t o th e East . Alienated a s many members o f the avan t gard e wer e from America n an d Western values, the turn t o the Orien t seeme d logica l to them . Still , literar y historia n Car l Jackson i s correct t o poin t ou t that , given America' s histor y a s a cultura l outpos t o f Europea n tradition , a tradition t o which American intellectuals have long looked for inspiration , the shif t marke d a significan t cultura l change . Th e tur n t o th e Eas t wa s not origina l wit h th e postwa r vanguard , however . Whil e Henr y James' s

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expatriation t o Englan d ma y hav e bee n prototypical , Lafcadi o Hearne' s expatriation t o Japan modele d a differen t approach . A t th e tur n o f th e century, th e America n Orientalis t Ernes t Fenollos a looke d t o a futur e fusion betwee n Easter n an d Wester n cultures , muc h a s painte r Mar k Tobey an d poe t Gar y Snyde r woul d i n th e las t hal f o f th e twentiet h century. Japanese haik u intereste d Pound , wh o learne d muc h abou t th e arts o f th e Orien t fro m Fenollos a himself . Jackson notes , however , tha t the lat e nineteenth centur y Orientalists an d th e 1950 s avant garde looke d to differen t Orients . A s representative s o f gentee l cultur e i n th e roug h and tumbl e worl d o f the secon d industria l revolution , upper-middle-clas s intellectuals suc h a s Henr y Adam s an d Perciva l Lowel l sa w Chin a an d Japan a s examples of "order an d harmony" to which American civilizatio n might aspire . Th e Beats , almos t equall y critica l o f industria l capitalism , looked t o the Orien t fo r "ecstas y and liberation." 66 Asians themselve s wer e perhap s les s intereste d i n spreadin g thei r cul ture t o th e West i n genera l an d th e Unite d State s in particular , bu t ther e were notabl e exceptions . In 1893 , Zen Buddhis t maste r Soye n Shaku , fo r example, disregarde d th e advic e o f fello w priest s an d too k Ze n t o th e "land o f the white barbarians " a t th e Worl d Congres s o f Religions a t th e Chicago World's Fair . Shaku was reputedly the firs t Ze n pries t to visit th e United States . H e woul d no t b e th e last . Throug h th e writing s o f D . T Suzuki an d th e Englishma n Ala n Watts , Ze n Buddhis m becam e wel l known a s the Easter n spiritua l traditio n o f choice amon g American avan t gardists, especially those associate d wit h th e Bea t movement . For cultura l radical s suc h a s Rexroth, Ginsberg , Kerouac , Snyder , an d Cage, Eastern though t provided a n answer to the alienation they felt fro m modern American culture . From the materialism, rationalism, conformity , and fea r the y fel t i n Col d Wa r America , thes e vanguardists turne d t o th e East t o find a ne w paradig m fo r society . T o Kerouac , fo r example , th e appeal o f Buddhis m la y in th e first o f th e Fou r Nobl e Truths : "Al l lif e i s suffering." Thi s insigh t resonate d wit h Kerouac' s alienatio n from societ y and himself , an d fo r a few years he trie d t o follo w th e spiritua l disciplin e that Buddhist teachin g presented a s the answe r to tha t suffering . Keroua c popularized Ze n idea s i n book s suc h a s Dharma Bums an d Desolation Angels, predictin g a back-to-natur e "rucksac k revolution " a s million s o f "Dharma bums " rejected th e values of industrial society. Kerouac's enthu siasm for Buddhis m waned b y the late 1950s , however, an d he returned t o more traditiona l sources—Roma n Catholicis m an d alcohol—t o reliev e his angst .

INNOVATION •

8 9

While Keroua c wa s th e chie f publicis t fo r Zen , Snyde r an d Ginsber g offer example s o f a deepe r commitmen t an d understandin g o f Easter n thought o n th e par t o f postwar avan t gardists . Kerouac presente d Snyde r as th e chie f Dharm a bu m i n th e perso n o f Japh y Ryder . Thi s wa s i n recognition o f th e hel p Snyde r gav e t o Keroua c a s th e latte r bega n hi s studies. Snyder' s interes t i n Easter n though t date d fro m hi s youth , an d after man y years o f study in th e Unite d State s Snyde r spen t severa l year s in a Japanese Ze n monaster y fo r furthe r training . Snyder' s interes t i n Eastern spiritualit y gre w fro m hi s alienatio n from Christianit y an d hi s concern ove r th e environmenta l destructio n brough t abou t b y industrial ism. Snyde r interprete d Christia n doctrine s abou t huma n dominatio n over natur e a s part o f the environmenta l problem , an d h e turne d East , a t least in part, to explore "th e possibilities o f a civilized societ y operating i n harmony with nature." Ginsberg becam e interested i n the Orien t afte r h e stumbled o n a boo k o f Chines e print s i n th e Ne w Yor k Publi c Library . His spiritua l journe y too k hi m from Ze n t o Hinduis m t o Tibeta n Bud dhism, where h e found a spiritual home. 67 These variou s religiou s perspective s shape d no t onl y th e worl d view s held b y postwa r vanguardists , bu t als o thei r aesthetics . Davidso n argue s that th e Bea t Buddhists ca n be divided int o tw o group s based o n differen t tenets o f Buddhis t practic e t o whic h the y adhered . On e grou p comprise s writers suc h a s Ginsberg , Kerouac , an d McClure , wh o followe d th e wa y of Buddhis t compassio n (karuna). I n thei r poetry , thi s compassio n i s embodied i n a receptiv e stanc e towar d th e worl d an d experience . Thes e poets attempte d t o b e completel y ope n t o th e spiritua l realit y presen t i n everyday lif e an d t o presen t i n thei r poetr y spiritua l insight s jus t a s the y came upo n them . An exampl e woul d b e Ginsberg' s us e o f mantri c form s in hi s poetry , a s wel l a s hi s attempt s t o dea l poeticall y wit h hi s spiritua l experiences b y rejectin g th e us e o f th e poeti c person a an d directl y tran scribing th e spiritua l voice. 68 Th e secon d group , whic h include s poet s such a s Snyde r an d Whalen , followe d th e pat h o f Buddhis t wisdo m (prajna). Th e poetr y writte n from thi s perspectiv e tend s t o b e base d o n the discriminatin g us e o f detai l derive d from clos e observatio n o f th e physical worl d an d everyda y experience . Whil e thes e aesthetic s reflec t different approache s t o Buddhis t enlightenment , bot h ca n b e place d i n a larger contex t o f America n poetry . Th e aesthetic s o f th e firs t grou p showed, onc e again , continuit y wit h Emerso n an d Whitman , th e lon g line, improvisation , an d jazz , a s wel l a s th e India n Vedi c traditio n tha t influenced nineteenth-centur y America n romantics . The aesthetic s o f th e

9 0 • TH E AMERICA N A V A N T GARDE , 1 9 4 5 - 1 9 6 0

second grou p relate d the m t o Thoreau, t o th e shorte r lin e o f imagism a s used b y Pound an d th e earl y Williams, an d th e Chines e lyri c tradition o f poetry that influenced earl y modernist lyricism . The idea s of Zen als o influenced th e aesthetics of John Cage . Margaret Leng Ta n point s ou t tha t tw o Ze n idea s i n particula r wer e importan t t o Cage's development : th e concept s o f unimpedednes s an d interpenetra tion. Unimpededness i s th e ide a tha t eac h perso n i s th e cente r o f th e universe an d is, as D. T Suzuk i said, "the most honored o f all." Interpenetration expresse s th e ide a tha t eac h perso n shoul d b e abl e t o lear n from and connec t wit h other s and , indeed , wit h al l aroun d them . A s we hav e seen, Cag e develope d a ne w aestheti c from a fusio n o f thes e tw o Ze n ideas wit h Dad a concepts . Cag e concluded , first , tha t al l sound s ar e equally valid , tha t ther e i s "n o nee d t o cautiousl y procee d i n dualisti c terms o f success and failur e o r th e beautiful an d th e ugly or goo d an d evi l but rathe r simpl y t o wal k on. " Second , h e conclude d tha t h e shoul d no t try t o forc e hi s ow n idea s an d feeling s o n other s wit h hi s music . B y turning to chance operations, he could remove his ego from th e composi tion proces s an d fre e th e sound s t o b e sound s ope n t o appreciatio n b y individual listener s o n thei r ow n terms . Thi s lef t th e listeners , othe r "centers o f the universe" in Ze n thought , "fre e t o b e the centers. " Cage' s students adapte d man y o f thei r teacher' s insight s t o thei r wor k eve n i f they did not practic e Buddhis t meditation, a s Cage did. 69 Conclusion In his denunciation o f the postwar vanguard, "Th e Know-Nothin g Bohe mians," Norma n Podhoret z contraste d th e primitive , irrationa l incoher ence h e sa w i n th e contemporar y rebellio n wit h th e advanc e guar d o f the 1920s . "Th e Bohemianis m o f th e 1920s, " Podhoret z wrote , "wa s a movement create d i n the name o f civilization: its ideals were intelligence , cultivation, spiritua l refinement. " Regardles s o f whether Ernes t Heming way o r Ezr a Poun d woul d hav e recognize d thi s description , member s o f the new van did not read the past in Podhoretz's terms . Holmes describe d the 1920 s rebellion a s a "hollow" (thoug h "magnificent" ) "debauch. " Th e new movemen t o f whic h Holme s wa s a par t differe d because , h e wrote , "Our searc h is, I firmly believe , a spiritual one. " Williams wrote tha t "th e Beat Generatio n i s basicall y a religiou s movement , essentiall y a mora l movement." 70 The commitmen t o f many members o f the avan t garde t o ofte n rigor -

INNOVATION • 9 1

ous spiritua l disciplin e an d th e desir e o f other s t o rediscove r th e mystica l power o f wor d an d imag e testif y t o th e aptnes s o f th e assessment s b y Holmes an d Williams. Besides Eastern meditation , vanguard writer s wer e interested i n othe r spiritualities , suc h a s animis m (McClure) , theosoph y (Duncan), an d cabalis m (Davi d Meltze r an d Dian e DiPrima) . Podhoret z was correc t i n describin g avan t gardist s a s primitiv e an d irrational . Whether thi s constitute d a negative o r a positive descriptio n was , clearly, a matter o f point o f view. For member s o f th e avan t garde , alienate d fro m th e contemporar y American worl d view, concepts o f primitive mytholog y an d Easter n spiri tuality seeme d mor e "rational " an d les s "primitive " tha n th e atomi c bombs an d Col d Wa r ideolog y tha t Podhoret z an d America n societ y seemed t o offer . Snyde r argue d tha t i f a perso n followe d th e path s o f contemplation, morality , an d wisdom , sh e o r h e woul d probabl y "ge t pretty fa r out, " an d that , h e concluded , wa s "bette r tha n mopin g aroun d classrooms o r writing books o n Buddhis m an d Happines s fo r th e masses , as th e square s (wh o wil l shortl y hav e succeede d i n puttin g u s al l down ) do." 71 The ultimat e goa l o f th e spiritua l quest , a s o f al l avant-gard e innova tion, wa s t o integrat e ar t an d life . Cultura l radical s fel t alienate d fro m postwar America , a feelin g the y expresse d i n clear , ofte n graphic , terms . But member s o f th e avan t gard e believe d tha t alienatio n wa s a "fallen " state. Th e tru e destin y o f humanity , the y believed , wa s t o b e full y con nected wit h one' s emotions , sexuality , an d creativity . Postwa r avan t gard ists rejecte d th e politica l solution s proffere d b y th e previou s vanguard . But b y building o n th e idea s o f th e first generatio n o f radical innovators , members o f th e las t America n advanc e guar d mad e th e cas e i n thei r life an d i n thei r ar t fo r a cultura l politic s o f renewa l an d regeneration . Vanguardists looked beyon d th e present stat e of alienation t o the future .

C ' H ' A ' P ' T - E ' R5

The Futur e

embers o f th e las t America n vanguard , lik e previou s avant gardists , understoo d themselve s t o b e explorer s on th e frontier s o f th e future . The y di d no t believ e that their work represented th e future suddenl y droppe d int o the present , but the y di d believ e tha t thei r activitie s constitute d th e vita l transitio n t o the future . Cultura l radical s maintaine d tha t th e creativ e intellectua l wa s the perso n i n societ y abl e t o envisio n mos t clearl y th e broa d contour s o f what th e futur e coul d be . Fo r example , i n 1956 , th e editor s o f th e Lo s Angeles-based littl e magazin e Coastline declare d thei r purpose : "W e kee p our eye s open t o th e coastline s o f the future , th e unexplored continen t o f time which man is able to sense only in the instinct o f profound creation. " Members o f th e advanc e guar d believe d i n th e powe r o f creativit y t o regenerate human cultur e so as to create a new future. Th e ke y to cultura l renewal, the y believed , wa s th e abilit y o f peopl e t o perceiv e thei r worl d and experience s i n new ways. 1 93

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As believer s i n a bette r tomorrow , avan t gardist s share d th e belie f i n progress typica l o f Western intellectual s sinc e the eighteent h century . Fo r many Americans , tha t belie f wa s shake n b y th e Grea t Depressio n an d World Wa r II . Bu t th e retur n t o prosperit y an d peac e i n th e 1950 s restored fait h i n progres s an d th e futur e amon g mos t Americans , a t leas t until th e 1970s . Intellectuals, however , fel t mor e deepl y the challenge s t o the idea of progress an d th e future tha t occurre d i n the twentieth century . Writing i n th e Nation i n 1955 , Roderick Seidenber g note d tha t fro m th e interwar year s forward , Utopia n fiction becam e increasingl y "mor e grim , more subtl y brutal , mor e fatefu l an d pessimistic. " Cultura l radical s als o felt increase d pessimis m abou t th e future . Whil e mos t continued , i n th e postwar years, to articulat e a hope i n th e future , thei r attitude s reveale d a steady change in avant-gard e idea s about tha t future. 2 These avant-gard e perception s o f th e futur e ironicall y contribute d t o the domesticatio n an d en d o f th e movemen t b y th e 1960s . I n particular , during th e 1950 s an d 1960 s man y avan t gardist s bega n t o emphasiz e individual, subjectiv e renewa l ove r cultura l renewal . Further, mos t radica l innovators a t mid-centur y place d les s hop e tha n thei r predecessor s i n technology a s a positive contributo r t o th e future , agai n choosin g instea d to emphasiz e subjectiv e psychologica l factors . Likewise , America n van guardists becam e mor e skeptica l o f th e ide a o f inevitabl e progress . In stead, the y talke d abou t cycle s o f progress , o r the y disparage d th e whol e idea o f th e futur e an d argue d tha t transformatio n woul d com e i n th e present, i f a t all . B y th e 1960s , mos t intellectua l innovator s di d no t believe that one could meaningfully tal k about culture o r the future. The y focused o n thei r ow n creativ e an d persona l development , expectin g tha t the futur e woul d no t b e much different , an d certainl y not better , tha n th e present. Withou t th e ide a o f th e future , however , th e concep t o f avan t garde lost coherence an d meaning . Art an d th e Regeneratio n o f th e Sel f Members o f th e avan t gard e believe d tha t i f the y taugh t individual s ho w to loo k a t th e worl d aroun d the m i n ne w ways , then thos e peopl e woul d begin t o challenge th e values of their culture . Furthermore, avan t gardist s argued tha t enlightene d individual s woul d begi n t o practic e thei r ne w values i n th e wa y the y live d an d i n thi s manne r redee m culture . Th e future describe d b y cultural radical s was one in which human being s were no longe r alienate d from themselves , thei r community , an d th e world .

THE FUTUR E • 9 5

Thus, fo r member s o f the postwa r van , th e them e o f new vision replace d the socia l an d politica l interest s tha t concerne d thei r Depression-er a predecessors an d hav e typicall y bee n a par t o f vanguar d movement s i n general. Th e ful l impac t o f thi s chang e i n vie w wil l b e see n i n Par t III , which explore s ho w thes e idea s mad e possibl e th e appropriatio n o f th e avant gard e int o America n society , a consequenc e tha t th e member s o f the radical van did not intend . The futur e advocate d b y member s o f th e avan t gard e woul d come , they believed , throug h th e liberatio n o f huma n creativity . Th e artist , cultural radical s believed , provide d th e mode l fo r thi s liberation . Painte r Mark Rothk o insisted i n 194 3 that "th e world i s what the artis t makes it. " The creativ e innovation s o f th e artist , radica l innovator s argued , forme d the basi s fo r renewa l i n society . Poe t Loui s Dudec k said , "Th e wa y t o freedom i n th e futur e wil l li e throug h ar t an d poetry . Onl y imagination , discovery o f man' s sel f an d hi s relatio n t o th e worl d an d t o othe r men , can sav e hi m fro m complet e enslavemen t t o th e state , t o machinery , th e base dehumanize d lif e whic h i s spreadin g aroun d us. " If other s followe d the exampl e o f th e radica l artist , painte r Miche l Seupho r declare d i n 1957, "everyon e [could ] caus e a ne w sprin g t o gus h out , th e flavor o f which i s not lik e an y other. " I n thes e term s di d member s o f th e advanc e guard describe social renewal through th e process of individual discovery. 3 The centralit y o f the individua l fo r avan t gardist s i n th e postwa r year s does no t mea n tha t communit y wa s n o longe r importan t t o them . Fo r most, the cosmopolita n idea l still had meaning . In 1950 , Harry Holtzma n and Marti n Jame s announce d i n th e openin g manifest o o f thei r littl e magazine Trans/Formation that "The measure of man—what distinguishe s man a s man—emerge s i n hi s abilit y t o communicate, co-operate, construct. . . . [Today ] w e ar e i n a position t o overcom e cultura l isolationis m whic h would pi t people s an d specialtie s agains t on e another. " Vanguardist s als o tried to achieve the cosmopolitan communit y in their own social relations. The Ne w York-base d abstrac t expressionist s forme d a recognizable com munity organize d formall y i n th e Eight h Stree t Clu b an d informall y a t the Ceda r Stree t Taver n aroun d th e corner . Similarly , i n th e cas e o f th e Beat poets , persona l an d aestheti c concern s linke d th e artists . Advance guard intellectual s receive d a grea t dea l o f encouragemen t fro m thei r relations with thei r fellows. 4 The cosmopolita n idea l began t o transfor m i n the postwa r years, how ever. Increasingly, vanguardists valued th e belove d communit y becaus e o f the suppor t i t provide d fo r the m t o b e themselve s a s individuals . Thus ,

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cultural radical s i n th e postwa r year s base d thei r belie f i n th e futur e o n the regeneratio n o f peopl e a s solitar y individuals , no t a s member s o f a new community . New Art , Ne w Vision , New Bein g How did avant gardists believe individual renewal would take place? The y believed tha t th e ne w music , literature , painting , an d sculptur e require d people t o se e an d hea r differently . Th e result , cultura l radical s argued , would b e a ne w understandin g o f creativ e possibilities , a liberatio n o f individual creativity , a n expande d awarenes s o f th e purpos e o f life , an d the developmen t o f ne w way s o f living . Fo r example , i n 1957 , Joh n Cage wrote , "Ne w music : ne w listening . No t a n attemp t t o understan d something tha t is being said, for, i f something were bein g said the sound s would b e give n th e shape s o f words . Just a n attentio n t o th e activit y o f sounds." Anne Waldma n describe d th e functio n o f th e poe t a s "th e firs t person t o begi n th e shapin g an d visionin g o f th e ne w form s an d th e ne w consciousness whe n n o on e els e ha s begu n t o sens e i t . . . . Poun d onc e said, 'Artist s ar e th e antenna e o f th e race. ' Whethe r o r no t w e hav e a n audience, thi s stron g visioning an d shapin g o f a master poe m inform s th e conscience o f generation s t o come. " I n 1951 , writer Jacqueline Johnson , wife o f painter Gordo n Onslow-Ford , describe d th e work o f her husban d and othe r avant-gard e artist s a s the "transformatio n o f reality b y a transformation o f our ow n awareness." 5 Cultural radical s communicate d th e ide a o f a transforme d visio n an d new worl d t o younge r artists . Painte r Elme r Bischoff , fo r example , re membered th e atmospher e a t th e Californi a Schoo l o f Fin e Art s i n th e late 1940s . Douglas McAgy, the director, champione d th e abstrac t expres sionists an d hire d painter s Clyffor d Stil l and Mark Rothk o t o teach a t th e school. Bischof f recalle d that , thoug h n o on e talke d abou t th e "service " art migh t perfor m fo r people , th e student s tende d t o believ e tha t "thei r work migh t pla y a rol e i n th e formin g o f a bette r world—tha t i t migh t assist towar d deepe r understandin g betwee n people... . Tha t gesture s i n paint on canvas or gesture s in welded metal and wood . . . an d stone coul d become . . . liberatin g to al l who had eyes." 6 Cultural radical s believed tha t if they presented thei r works to as many people a s possible, especiall y the younger generation , the y would redee m the future . Alle n Ginsber g wrote t o hi s lover, Pete r Orlovsky , "Bil l [Bur roughs] think s ne w America n generatio n will b e hi p an d wil l slowl y

THE FUTUR E • 9 7

change things—laws and attitudes, he has hope there—for som e redemp tion o f America, finding it s soul." Ginsber g was perhaps no t as confiden t as Burroughs, notin g th e "competition an d deception" h e saw in moder n America, bu t Ginsberg believe d redemptio n possibl e if everyone "lov[ed ] all life. . . . Mor e an d mor e I se e i t [love ] isn' t jus t betwee n us , it' s a feeling tha t can be extended t o everything." 7 A historical patter n emerge s fro m thi s evidenc e tha t differ s from pas t interpretations o f the postwar years. Many historians have noted a rhythm in America n intellectua l an d cultural histor y i n th e twentieth century , as thinkers move d bac k an d fort h betwee n focusin g o n sel f an d focusin g on society . I n th e 1920s , cultura l radical s emphasize d th e intellectual' s individual ques t fo r th e tru e self . I n th e 1930 s an d 1940 s th e socia l responsibilities o f th e intellectua l too k precedence . I n th e lat e 1940 s and th e 1950s , accordin g t o th e standar d interpretation , individua l self expression onc e mor e becam e importan t fo r intellectuals . I n th e 1960s , the responsibilitie s o f the sel f to society would energiz e intellectual s onc e again. Suc h a reading o f the postwar perio d i s superficial, however . Th e evidence presente d her e suggest s tha t th e postwa r avan t gardist s con ceived of the self as arbiter o f social values. They define d th e good societ y as tha t i n whic h al l individual s experience d emotiona l fulfillment. Thi s attitude underlay the avant-garde protest of the 1950 s and the counterculture movements in the 1960s. The hippies represented a "mainstreaming" of avant-garde attitudes , and this "quest for the ideal self," as Peter Cleca k calls it , continue d t o be a major them e i n American societ y throug h th e 1970s an d into th e 1980s . The new vanguard contribute d a n ideology t o American cultur e tha t coul d undergird bot h socia l protest and individualism by subsuming society and culture under th e quest for self-expression. 8 Technology an d t he Future : Birt h o r Death ?

After 1945 , and i n tande m wit h th e increase d focu s o n th e self , man y American vanguardist s change d thei r understandin g o f th e relationshi p between technolog y an d th e future . Th e member s o f the histori c avan t garde generall y believe d tha t technologica l an d scientifi c creativit y con tributed t o human liberatio n i n much th e same way that artisti c creativit y did. Technologica l optimis m wa s especially typica l o f American cultura l radicals. Many American an d European avan t gardist s use d technologica l motifs i n thei r works ; th e machin e imager y o f America n precisionist s Charles Demut h an d Charle s Sheele r i s an obviou s example . Th e Hun-

9 8 • TH E AMERICA N AVAIM T GARDE , 1 9 4 5 - 1 9 6 0

garian vanguardis t Laszl o Moholy-Nagy, a onetime membe r o f th e Bau haus faculty wh o immigrated t o th e Unite d State s to escap e Nazi oppres sion, epitomizes the attitudes of many first- and second-generation radica l innovators towar d technology : "Th e realit y o f our centur y i s technology : the invention , construction , an d maintenanc e o f machines . T o b e a use r of machine s i s t o b e o f th e spiri t o f thi s century . I t ha s replace d th e transcendental spiritualis m o f pas t eras. " Th e optimis m fel t b y earl y vanguardists abou t th e possibilitie s o f technolog y i n lif e an d ar t wa s par t of the standar d accoun t mad e i n th e postwa r years abou t cultura l radical ism. Fo r example , i n a 195 4 issu e o f th e Partisan Review, critic Clemen t Greenberg describe d th e turn-of-the-centur y avan t gard e a s "th e first t o accept th e modern , industrializin g worl d wit h an y enthusiasm . Eve n po ets—thus Apollinaire—saw , a t leas t fo r a moment, aestheti c possibilitie s in a streamline d future , a vaultin g modernity ; an d a moo d o f secula r optimism replace d th e secula r pessimism o f the Symbolis t generation." 9 The las t American va n woul d no t respon d s o favorabl y t o technology , however. A s note d i n chapte r 3 , th e bom b produce d almos t universall y negative reaction s from cultura l radicals . Man y innovator s i n th e 1950 s and 1960 s woul d remai n alienate d from technology , science , an d th e rationalist mod e o f thought associate d wit h both. As critic Meyer Shapir o noted i n 1957 , recent event s ha d rendere d "th e values o f technology les s interesting an d eve n distasteful " t o contemporar y intellectual s because , from thei r poin t o f view , technica l rationalis m denie d th e expressiv e power o f th e self . Som e cultura l radicals , however , continue d t o affir m that art , science , an d technolog y coul d togethe r contribut e t o a positiv e future. Fo r thes e intellectuals , th e proble m facin g societ y wa s les s th e excessive reliance o n scientifi c rationalis m tha n a lack of balance betwee n the subjectivity o f art and th e objectivit y o f technology an d science. 10 Many member s o f th e las t American vanguar d wer e skeptica l o f thei r predecessors' fait h i n th e technologica l future . Th e skeptic s believe d no t only that technology such as the bomb threatened th e future, bu t also that it came with a world view that placed the machine values of rationality and efficiency abov e th e creativ e huma n value s tha t member s o f th e advanc e guard prized . American vanguardists viewed thei r societ y as, in th e word s of on e critic , writin g i n 1949 , a "sic k o r dyin g culture , stranglin g from over-civilization, over-mechanizatio n an d de-humanization , worl d wars , mass butchery, killin g and degradation. " Cultura l radical s rejected a technocratic value system tha t describe d huma n being s as "assemblages o f . . . biological, sociological , an d othe r functions " an d seeme d t o reduc e hu -

THE FUTUR E • 9 9

man lif e t o " a numbe r i n th e coroner' s table. " Thi s technocrati c worl d was an avant gardist's nightmare . Indeed , Gar y Snyde r describe d a drea m of " a ne w industria l dark-ages : filth y narro w street s an d dirt y building s . . . unwashed illiterat e bruta l cop s . . . ti n can s and garbag e an d droopin g electric wires everywhere. " Snyder' s drea m wa s not unlik e a scene fro m a William S . Burrough s novel . I n work s suc h a s Nova Express, The Ticket That Exploded, an d The Soft Machine, Burrough s describe d a dystopi a i n which technolog y ra n amuck , o r wa s use d a n instrumen t o f tyrann y an d terror b y the Secre t Police, or both. 11 While som e sa w a postwa r worl d o f socia l an d economi c advance , others sa w a worl d o f socia l an d aestheti c squalor . Painte r Mar k Tobe y observed tha t contemporar y builder s replace d structure s embodyin g "hu man dimensions " wit h "unifor m boxlik e building s whic h see m poo r or phans o f th e onc e promisin g Bauhau s tradition, " building s tha t "neve r appear to have been touched b y human hands." For Tobey, these building s were a visible sign o f an encroachin g "impersonalism " tha t h e believe d t o be " a chil d o f ou r ove r industrialis m an d ou r belie f i n th e materia l man." Edito r James Boye r Ma y echoe d Tobey' s concerns , declarin g tha t intellectuals ha d "oversol d materia l 'progress.' " H e argue d tha t th e tech nological an d scientifi c model s tha t supporte d "Progress " ha d impede d aesthetic development : Emphasis o n scientifi c method , from a notio n tha t knowledg e ma y b e enlarged only through processes modelled on laboratory experimentations, has raise d havo c with contemporar y writing . Th e fanatica l imagist s hav e ignored tha t empirica l device s appl y onl y t o materiall y an d temporall y limited research , an d tha t over-concentratio n o n the m block s speculativ e imagination. (I n truth , i n science s themselves , th e greates t advance s have followed quit e "unscientific" and essentially poetic theories.) In a similar vein , psychiatris t James Russel l Gran t wrot e i n Trace in 195 7 that "i t i s th e poe t wh o give s word s thei r meaning , an d . . . extend s th e realm o f consciousness, " whil e th e scientis t narrow s it . Write r Frederic k Kiesler declare d i n a catalo g fo r a sho w o f th e surrealis t painte r Han s Richter a t Peggy Guggenheim' s galler y Art o f This Century , "Th e visio n of art precedes tha t o f science." For many members o f the advanc e guard , the creativ e imagination wa s the sures t guid e t o th e future. 12 According t o cultura l radicals , much technolog y alienate d peopl e fro m their creativ e selves . Write r Rober t Anto n Wilson , fo r example , con demned televisio n in a 1960 essay in the Realist. Callin g television a "One-

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Eyed Monster," Wilson declare d tha t "w e have lost contact with ou r ow n bodies, wit h th e biologica l core-energie s o f lif e wit h thei r millio n yea r hungers, an d ar e masturbating i n front o f TV set s instead o f jazzing tim e to mak e i t pregnan t wit h a mor e awar e future. " T . J . Jackso n Lear s has argue d tha t member s o f th e lat e nineteenth-centur y bourgeoisi e fel t "weightless" a s th e processe s o f urbanizatio n an d technologica l develop ment seeme d t o separat e the m from fundamenta l experience ; similarly , Wilson an d othe r twentieth-centur y avan t gardist s believe d tha t thei r society left the m alienate d from th e basics of living. According to cultura l radicals, radio, television , an d othe r medi a increase d th e variety o f possible ersat z experience s i n th e postwa r years , bu t real , qualit y experienc e remained elusiv e fo r mos t people . Technolog y wa s no t th e answer , van guardists declared ; a fuller lif e wit h a deeper sens e o f meanin g ha d t o b e searched fo r i n othe r places. 13 The interes t o f radica l intellectual s i n myt h an d so-calle d "primitive " cultures is another expression of their desire to find a model for th e futur e other tha n th e scientific , rationalist , technologicall y progressiv e Euro American one . Pointing t o th e exampl e o f the Native Americans, Barnet t Newman observe d i n 194 6 tha t "th e man y primitiv e ar t tradition s stan d apart as authentic aesthetic accomplishments that flourished withou t benefit of European history." Harry Partch was fully aware that the instrument s he invente d o n whic h t o pla y hi s music—variou s stringe d instruments , modified ree d organs , an d numerou s percussio n instruments—wer e a n "anomaly" fo r th e mid-twentiet h century , "primitiv e mean s t o a n ex panding musical idea—and thi s in a n age of universal admiratio n fo r me chanical miracles and universal acceptance of scientific authority." For Jack Kerouac, th e values an d wa y of life o f the poo r peasant s o f the earth , th e "fellaheen" a s he called them (afte r Oswal d Spengler' s Decline of the West), defined th e onl y world tha t would last . O n th e roa d i n norther n Mexico , Sal Paradise, Kerouac's narrative voice, observed that the fellahee n had come down from th e bac k mountains an d higher places to hold fort h their hand s fo r somethin g the y though t civilizatio n coul d offer , an d the y never dreamed the sadness and the poor broken delusion of it. They didn't know that a bomb had come that could crack all our bridges and roads and reduce the m t o jumbles , an d w e would b e a s poor a s the y someday , an d stretching out our hands in the same, same way. Avant gardists , therefore , urge d American s t o loo k t o non-industrialize d cultures a s well as to look deep within themselves. 14

THE FUTUR E • 10 1

A secon d grou p o f vanguardists continue d t o argu e tha t bot h moder n science an d innovativ e ar t coul d contribut e t o a liberate d huma n future . For example, painter Wolfgang Paale n wrote in 194 5 that "art and scienc e are indispensable complementaries;.. . onl y their cooperation will be able to creat e a new ethics. " Composer Edgar d Varese , a member o f the firstgeneration vanguard, serve d a s a link between th e generations. Before th e technology o f tap e recorder s an d synthesizer s ha d bee n invented , Vares e championed th e developmen t o f suc h ne w musica l technologies . I n th e years afte r Worl d Wa r II , h e mad e us e o f emergin g possibilitie s i n elec tronic soun d i n composition s suc h a s Deserts (1949-1954 ) an d Poeme electronique (1957-1958) . Writin g i n th e abstrac t expressionist-associate d little magazin e Possibilities i n 1947 , Vares e declare d tha t whil e huma n understanding o f space, time, an d matte r "i s no longe r wha t i t was for u s in th e past, " th e art s hav e no t ye t completel y expresse d thes e changes . "Music," he maintained , "shoul d b e th e first t o reflec t thi s revolution , a s it coul d b e th e ar t t o benefi t th e most. " I n lecture s an d essay s i n th e 1950s, Varese describe d electronic s a s "our ne w liberatin g medium, " an d he declare d tha t technolog y "ha s free d musi c fro m th e tempere d system , which ha s prevente d musi c fro m keepin g pac e wit h th e othe r art s an d with science. " Vares e expresse d specia l pleasur e tha t "composer s an d physicists ar e a t las t workin g togethe r an d musi c i s agai n linke d wit h science a s it wa s in th e Middl e Ages. " The result , h e believed , woul d b e continued advance s in music-making technology. 15 John Cage , too , believe d tha t technologica l developmen t woul d con tribute t o the liberated futur e abou t which avan t gardists dreamed. Cage' s thought reflecte d th e influenc e o f media theoris t Marshall McLuha n an d technological Utopia n R . Buckminste r Fuller . Cag e argued , followin g Fuller, tha t b y the en d o f the twentiet h century , technolog y would enabl e all basic human materia l needs t o b e met. Furthermore , Cag e contended , following McLuhan , individua l attempt s t o "mak e lif e endurable " b y transforming one' s consciousness , suc h a s Zen meditatio n o r artisti c cre ativity, now too k place o n a corporate leve l because moder n communica tions technolog y create d a n "exteriorized " nervou s syste m tha t linke d human mind s an d emotions . Th e intelligen t applicatio n o f new technol ogy, Cag e maintained , coul d transfor m th e collectiv e huma n conscious ness. An d indeed , h e said , th e proces s wa s happenin g "inevitably " a s technology create d a ne w "globa l mind. " Becaus e o f technology , there fore, Cag e declare d tha t "w e ca n becom e peopl e devote d t o lif e rathe r than t o competitivenes s an d th e killin g o f one another. " Th e technologi -

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cal evolution o f human societ y enabled peopl e t o concentrat e o n integra ting art an d life, accordin g to Cage. 16 Cultural radicals expressed their technological optimis m by incorporat ing technology into thei r work. In 1952 , for example , Cage produced on e of th e earlies t composition s fo r tape . I n th e mid-1960s , Cage , Rober t Rauschenberg, severa l member s o f the Judson Danc e Theater , an d othe r artists collaborate d wit h engineer s fro m Bel l Telephon e Laboratorie s t o produce 9 Evenings: Theatre and Engineering (1966), a projec t define d b y the goa l "technolog y fo r art' s sake. " Rauschenber g als o communicate d the positiv e possibilitie s o f technolog y i n hi s works . I n piece s suc h a s Barge (1962-1963), Rauschenber g presente d silkscree n image s o f techno logies use d fo r communication , transportation , an d spac e exploration . I n this work, th e artis t depicte d technolog y a s an agen t tha t brough t peopl e together an d widene d huma n knowledg e an d experience . Rauschenber g also included image s of military vehicles to suggest the negative possibili ties o f technology , bu t th e overal l impressio n wa s on e o f guarde d opti mism.17 Although th e musica l instrument s h e invente d wer e no t electronic , Patch also called for the development of new technology. He urged recor d companies an d musica l instrumen t manufacturer s t o follo w th e lea d o f chemical an d electroni c companie s an d establis h researc h an d develop ment department s s o tha t "musi c a s a n ar t migh t becom e imbue d wit h the spiri t o f curiosity an d investigatio n whic h characterize s ou r sciences. " But Partch als o argued tha t "forward lookin g composers" should b e a part of these developments . Otherwise, the new electronic music would be just a technologicall y sophisticate d versio n o f th e musi c o f hi s da y an d "s o much musica l Ai m flam in a vacuum, s o far a s real values ar e concerned. " Thus, man y cultura l radical s continue d t o believ e tha t technolog y coul d farther huma n creativity. 18

T h e N e w Future : Contingent , N o t Progressiv e

While member s o f the avan t gard e continue d t o loo k to th e futur e i n th e postwar years , thei r conceptio n o f th e futur e change d i n th e 1940 s an d 1950s. The confiden t fait h o f 1930 s vanguardists i n progres s a s a process of regula r developmen t di d no t surviv e th e vicissitude s o f Communis t Party politic s o r th e brutalit y o f Worl d Wa r II . Th e ne w generatio n o f

THE FUTUR E • 10 3

cultural radical s define d th e futur e i n evolutionar y an d cyclica l terms . They believed life was a constant struggle and each triumph ove r adversit y a temporar y victor y tha t coul d b e overturne d i n th e nex t conflict . New man's 194 5 paintin g The Slaying of Osiris illustrate s thi s patter n o f thought. Osiris , o f course , wa s th e mythica l Egyptia n kin g wh o wa s murdered, cu t into pieces , and scattere d acros s the country . His wife, Isis, pulled hi s piece s togethe r an d resurrecte d him . Th e stor y o f Osiri s thu s symbolized th e cycle s o f deat h an d rebirt h see n i n th e season s an d th e circle o f generations . Radica l innovator s lik e Newma n looke d t o thes e mythological models to formulate thei r conceptions of human history and their hope fo r th e future. 19 In 1953 , painte r Jac k Tworko v discusse d th e contingen t qualit y o f human experienc e in an essay in the avant-garde ar t journal It Is. Tworkov argued tha t "ther e i s no foreseeabl e future . Ma n act s o n hi s environmen t but hi s deed s d o no t necessaril y accomplis h hi s heart' s desire. " Tworko v used th e exampl e o f th e Russia n Revolutio n t o illustrat e hi s thought . N o Marxist i n 1917 , he said , coul d hav e foreseen th e realit y o f Stalinism, no r accepted totalitarianis m a s th e fulfillmen t o f he r revolutionar y dreams . But Tworko v als o turne d t o th e exampl e o f th e Pilgrim s i n America . H e argued tha t moder n Americ a wa s not wha t th e Pilgrim s ha d i n mind; bu t for al l it s faults , h e preferre d tha t worl d t o th e on e th e Pilgrim s woul d have desired . Accordin g t o avan t gardist s lik e Tworkov , th e futur e wa s a gamble. On e coul d neve r b e sur e ho w thing s woul d tur n out . Bu t i f th e evolution o f human cultur e was not alway s to th e good , i t was not alway s destined t o b e ba d either . Tworko v believe d i n th e possibilit y o f huma n action t o accomplis h th e "heart' s desire, " especiall y th e actio n o f th e advance guard : "Destiny' s tool s ar e th e avant-garde . A man canno t mak e his life , bu t whateve r h e makes , that' s hi s life . An d sinc e w e neve r mak e and canno t mak e th e same things, everythin g keeps on changing." 20 In 1956 , writer an d littl e magazin e edito r Bardin g Dah l similarl y de clared hi s satisfactio n tha t "th e grea t damag e wrough t b y th e concep t o f endless progres s toward s perfectio n i s o n th e mend. " Dah l maintaine d that peopl e wer e learnin g fro m psycholog y t o "adjust " t o th e presen t situation an d the possibilities inherent in it. As a result, he concluded, "w e will agai n hav e grea t enterprise s o f th e han d an d min d whic h wil l b e untroubled b y th e knowledg e tha t th e failur e o f th e enterpris e ma y o r may no t se t bac k th e charte r dat e o f Utopia . Playin g th e gam e i s wha t counts." Avant gardist s di d no t kno w fo r sur e wha t th e futur e woul d be ,

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but the y kne w i t woul d b e differen t becaus e th e risin g an d fallin g o f human evolutio n wa s inevitable . An d huma n action , the y believed , wa s part o f that future. 21 In th e perso n o f th e hero , member s o f th e advanc e guar d connecte d their interes t i n myth s an d ritual s o f th e pas t wit h thei r interes t i n th e future an d th e self . Vanguardist s dre w thei r idea s abou t th e her o fro m books suc h a s Friedric h Nietzsche' s The Birth of Tragedy and Josep h Campbell's The Hero with a Thousand Faces, an d fro m thei r studie s i n anthropology an d ethnography, including Native American traditions. For cultural innovators , th e her o represente d th e powe r o f huma n actio n t o shape huma n destiny , o r a t leas t t o argu e wit h th e force s tha t mov e through history . Whethe r the y describe d th e poe t a s a "shaman " o r th e painter a s a n "image-maker, " member s o f th e vanguar d communicate d their self-understandin g t o b e creator s o f ne w pattern s o f though t tha t could restor e meanin g t o lif e an d thu s creat e a purposefu l an d livabl e future. I n 1949 , painte r Adolp h Gottlie b declare d th e "time s ar e ou t o f joint" a s "ou r aspiration s hav e bee n reduce d t o a desperat e attemp t t o escape fro m evil. " Choreographe r Marth a Graha m wrot e tha t peopl e sought "som e patter n i n whic h the y ca n engag e thei r destinies. " Sh e concluded tha t th e artis t shoul d b e a n "angel " leadin g huma n being s t o new destinies : "No t ange l i n th e stric t Christia n sens e o f th e word , bu t angel in the new sense created by the contemporary artist—a sens e which is transforming th e outdate d her o o f physical actio n int o th e ne w hero o f spiritual action. " Again , th e futur e woul d no t b e create d b y reorderin g the politica l an d economi c realms , bu t b y individual s transformin g th e spiritual o r psychologica l realm . Ne w "seeing " coul d produc e a ne w culture, though no t a n immutable one. 22 The Ar t o f No w While som e cultura l radical s redefine d th e futur e i n term s o f ancien t myths an d th e cycle s o f nature , othe r member s o f th e innovativ e va n abandoned th e futur e an d focuse d o n th e presen t a s th e onl y reality . Adherents t o th e "ar t of now" tended t o be slightly younger vanguardists , those bor n i n th e 1920 s an d later , wh o cam e o f ag e intellectuall y afte r the war . To o youn g t o hav e bee n directl y influence d b y th e historica l determinism o f Depression-er a Marxism , the y wer e awar e o f th e disillu sionment fel t b y older innovators whose hope was betrayed b y the Stalin ists. More importantly, they were deeply alienated from postwa r American

THE FUTUR E • 10 5

society an d keenl y awar e o f th e menac e o f th e bomb . Th e sens e o f alienation tha t inspired avant-gard e creativit y reached suc h an intensity in many postwar vanguardists tha t th e ide a o f the futur e los t meaning . In thi s context , th e philosoph y o f existentialis m foun d a receptiv e audience i n American intellectuals . Existentialism appeale d a t several lev els. Th e theme s o f absurdit y an d meaninglessnes s resonate d wit h man y vanguardists living in the shadow of the bomb. More hopefully, th e notio n that i n th e absenc e o f absolute s onl y individua l self-creatio n remaine d appealed t o America n intellectual s searchin g fo r a worl d vie w tha t gav e meaning to action instead o f passive despair. Many cultural radicals in th e decade afte r Worl d Wa r I I were awar e o f the ne w philosophy. Willem d e Kooning remembered tha t "existentialis m . .. wa s in the air , and we felt i t without knowin g to o muc h abou t it. " Mar k Rothk o incorporate d som e existentialist ideas into his writings. 23 Rosenberg, i n hi s descriptio n o f abstrac t expressionis m a s "actio n painting," presente d a n existentialis t interpretatio n o f th e movement . Rosenberg di d no t presen t a n accurat e depictio n o f th e ideal s o f th e abstract expressionis t vanguard , bu t hi s interpretatio n o f th e artis t ex pressing hi s o r he r ques t fo r individua l identit y influence d a younge r generation o f artist s wh o di d no t hav e th e sam e cultura l an d intellectua l concerns a s the olde r vanguardists. The writing s o f Henry Miller, banne d in th e Unite d State s a t thi s tim e bu t availabl e i n edition s smuggle d from abroad an d i n th e lor e o f undergroun d communities , exerte d a simila r influence. Miller , lik e the existentialists , was not intereste d i n culture . H e demonstrated i n hi s work n o desir e t o belon g t o a community o r partici pate i n cultura l renewal . H e merel y depicte d hi s experiences , affirmin g through th e creativ e ac t onl y that h e existed . Influence d b y these ideas , a younger generatio n o f avan t gardist s redefine d innovatio n a s the creativ e expression o f their searc h fo r themselves . They claime d n o responsibilit y for th e futur e o f th e culture . Thus , existentialis m contribute d t o th e en d of the advanc e guard. 24 The tur n b y avan t gardist s fro m cultur e an d th e futur e t o th e ar t o f now wa s influence d b y Cag e eve n mor e tha n b y existentialism . Cag e presented a concep t o f nothingnes s eve n olde r an d profounde r tha n existentialism, on e roote d i n Easter n philosoph y Cag e combine d Ze n ideas, a s popularize d b y Ala n Watt s an d others , wit h histori c vanguar d notions abou t th e unio n o f ar t an d lif e t o develo p hi s aestheti c o f th e present. Ze n master s taugh t tha t bot h th e futur e an d th e pas t wer e illusions; thes e time s existe d onl y i n one' s imagination . I n truth , the y

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taught, th e onl y tim e tha t reall y existe d wa s th e present . Watt s summa rized thi s line o f thought b y saying, "Ze n i s a liberation from time. " Ze n thinkers als o rejecte d Wester n idea s o f caus e an d effect . A s Cag e ex plained, "Wha t i s meant is that there ar e an incalculable infinity o f causes and effects , tha t i n fac t eac h an d ever y thin g i n al l o f tim e an d spac e i s related t o eac h an d ever y othe r thin g i n al l o f tim e an d space. " Sinc e everything i n th e univers e wa s related , n o singl e lin e o f caus e an d effec t could b e single d out . Thus , whateve r on e di d reflecte d th e influenc e o f the past and shaped th e future eve n as one could not hope t o untangle th e precise relationships . Cultura l radical s wh o adhere d t o thi s poin t o f view could consistentl y profes s som e responsibility fo r th e futur e an d advocat e a radical presentis m a t th e sam e time . Thus, Cag e define d contemporar y music not a s the "musi c o f the future " bu t a s the "musi c presen t wit h us: this moment, now." 25

The Ar t o f Epiphan y Combining th e Ze n notio n tha t one' s attentio n shoul d b e o n th e presen t moment wit h th e vanguard goa l o f integratin g ar t an d life , cultura l radi cals redefined thei r relationshi p t o their art , their society , and thei r futur e in thre e differen t ways . First, an d mos t importantly , thes e radica l innova tors emphasize d eve n mor e emphaticall y tha n othe r avan t gardist s th e priority o f the momen t o f epiphany ove r a n abstrac t future . Second , the y argued tha t th e creativ e proces s an d th e work—or , mor e often , th e experience tha t resulted—wer e self-containe d an d neede d n o outsid e reference o r goa l t o b e complete . Third , present-focuse d vanguardist s tended t o creat e fo r a smal l communit y o f th e enlightene d wh o coul d understand work s that were often strikingl y innovative technically even in comparison with th e ar t of other radica l innovators . The ne w generatio n o f avan t gardist s aske d thei r reader s o r viewer s not t o loo k t o th e future , bu t t o b e participant s an d t o lear n ho w t o pa y attention t o thei r ow n sense s an d t o thei r observation s o f th e worl d around them . Thes e cultura l radical s emphasize d th e possibilitie s fo r epiphany i n th e creativ e ac t an d th e presen t moment . I n 1958 , compose r Christian Wolf f describe d hi s music as follows: It goes in no particular direction . There is no necessary concern with time as a measure of distance from a point in the past to a point in the future , with linea r continuit y alone . I t i s no t a matte r o f gettin g anywhere , o f

THE FUTUR E • 10 7

making progress, or of having come from anywhere in particular. There is neither nostalgia nor anticipation. 26 Stuart Z . Perkof f proclaime d hi s belie f i n th e creativ e proces s an d hi s commitment t o a lif e fo r ar t o n th e nigh t h e spen t o n th e beac h a t Venice, California, writin g poems dedicate d t o the muse o f poetry that h e promptly burne d i n a driftwood fire . The ide a o f synthesizing ar t an d lif e became les s a definitio n o f wha t huma n lif e shoul d b e an d increasingl y only a moment o f epiphany. A larger audienc e learned o f these ideas fro m Kerouac, whose peripatetic characters in On the Road found liberatio n an d meaning i n specia l moments , whethe r o n lengthy , usuall y spur-of-the moment, aut o trips ; i n long , intimat e conversation ; o r i n th e ecstati c climaxes of jazz music. 27 Avant gardist s wh o create d fo r th e presen t believe d tha t ar t di d no t require an y extraneou s reference s o r large r purposes . The y rejecte d th e mythological concern s o f the abstrac t expressionis t painters , fo r example . In 1958 , painter an d "happening " creato r Alla n Kapro w remarke d o n th e influence o f Jackson Polloc k that hi s "concern wit h th e unconscious, wit h primitive myt h an d ceremony , wit h th e crisi s o f self-realization , i n short , with th e romanti c urgenc y o f creativity , ar e surel y no t factor s i n today' s art." 28 Nor di d thi s new group o f avant gardist s look to thei r work a s a means to th e futur e an d a ne w society . Rauschenber g recalle d tha t a s a youn g painter i n th e mid-1950 s tryin g t o mak e hi s wa y i n th e wak e o f th e abstract expressionists , "th e kin d o f tal k you hear d the n i n th e ar t worl d was so hard t o take . It was all about sufferin g an d self-expressio n an d th e State of Things. I just wasn't interested i n that, an d I certainly didn't hav e any interes t i n tryin g t o improv e th e worl d throug h painting. " Cag e maintained tha t ar t shoul d b e a simpl e "affirmatio n o f life. " Ar t shoul d not, h e wrote , "attemp t t o brin g orde r ou t o f chao s no r . . . sugges t improvements i n creation, but simply . . . wake us up to the very life we'r e living, whic h i s s o excellen t onc e on e get s one' s min d an d one' s desire s out o f th e wa y an d let s i t ac t o f it s ow n accord. " Compose r L a Mont e Young describe d hi s piece s a s "theatrical, . . . inclusive, an d intentionall y purposeless."29 The aestheti c o f th e presen t als o heightene d bot h th e sens e o f alien ation an d th e sens e o f communit y amon g cultura l radicals . Fo r man y avant gardists, the ar t o f now provided a n ideology counte r t o the future oriented careeris m o f postwar America. Fo r example , the member s o f th e

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Venice, California, vanguar d communit y dedicate d thei r lives to art. The y created fo r thei r ow n communit y an d worke d a t od d job s onl y lon g enough t o ear n th e minimu m neede d t o suppor t themselves . Fo r th e most par t the y di d no t see k notoriet y beyon d thei r community . The y understood th e lif e o f voluntar y povert y an d artisti c obscurit y the y pur sued a s a way o f rebellin g agains t th e bourgeoi s ambitio n an d careeris m that thei r parent s (an d society ) ha d trie d t o instil l i n them . Th e Venic e bohemians appeare d t o hav e bee n awar e o f th e iron y tha t the y wer e pursuing thei r antimaterialis t drea m i n a place (Souther n California ) tha t to mos t American s represente d th e idea l o f materia l abundanc e an d th e cutting edge of the future. 30 The mode l of artist as shaman was especially appropriate to these avant gardists. The shama n worke d hi s magi c fo r a community . Hi s wor k wa s not preserve d a s a collector' s commodit y o r a museu m exhibit . Thus , Cage suggeste d tha t painter s an d poet s tur n awa y from permanen t pig ments and bindings and look to performance model s such as dance, music, or Indian san d painting, activitie s that coul d no t b e historicized a s part o f the evolutio n o f a n ar t form . Cage' s ow n wor k tend s towar d piece s that encourage s sensor y awarenes s o r meditation , rathe r tha n aestheti c pleasures—work, tha t is , mor e i n th e traditio n o f ritua l an d spirituality . These artist s believe d tha t anyon e coul d assum e th e rol e o f shama n b y liberating the creativ e energ y within hi m o r herself. Instead o f looking t o a futur e Utopia , the y calle d o n individual s t o integrat e ar t an d lif e no w and be exemplars for others. 31 Happenings The theme s of present epiphan y over the future, self-containe d work , an d performance fo r a coteri e ar e al l illustrate d b y th e ne w avant-gard e ar t forms tha t emerge d i n th e lat e 1950s : the "environments " an d "happen ings" develope d b y artist s Cage , Kaprow , Ji m Dine , Clae s Oldenberg , Robert Whitman , an d others . Environments ar e ordinar y space s (usuall y in a gallery ) transforme d b y th e artific e o f th e artis t int o a ne w sur rounding that engulfs th e viewer in the art. Happenings combin e environ ments with "movemen t an d activity " (as Kaprow pu t it ) of a quasitheatri cal nature . I n bot h ar t forms , th e experienc e o f participatio n i s mor e important tha n th e object s assembled . A s temporar y installation s tha t exist in improvisatory performance , ther e is nothing to go into a museum along with othe r object s fo r contemplation. 32

THE FUTUR E • 10 9

The happenin g wa s develope d independentl y b y bot h Cag e an d Ka prow. Th e first happenin g i s generall y considere d t o b e a n even t stage d by Cag e an d other s a t Blac k Mountai n Colleg e i n 1952 . I n a colleg e dining roo m i n whic h painting s b y Rauschenber g an d Fran z Klin e wer e displayed, Cag e stoo d readin g o n on e ladder , poe t Charle s Olso n rea d another tex t from anothe r ladder , Rauschenber g playe d scratche d phono graph records , Davi d Tudo r playe d th e pian o an d th e radio , an d Merc e Cunningham dance d amon g them all. 33 According t o Kaprow , th e ide a fo r environment s an d happening s de rived from hi s experience o f viewing a 195 0 show of paintings by Pollock. Kaprow recalle d ho w th e painting s covere d al l th e windowles s wall s o f the Bett y Parson s Gallery , creatin g "a n overwhelmin g environment, . . . drenching an d assaultin g th e visito r i n wave s o f attackin g an d retreatin g pulsations." Thus , fo r Kapro w a t least , Polloc k wa s les s successfu l i n communicating psychologica l an d mythica l theme s o f th e heroi c ques t and th e struggl e t o creat e meanin g tha n h e wa s a t creatin g a completel y self-referential environment . Indeed , Kapro w describe d happening s b y saying, "The y appea r t o g o nowher e an d d o no t mak e an y particula r literary point." 34 A couple o f examples o f happenings illustrat e Kaprow' s point . Georg e Brecht designe d a happenin g calle d "Moto r Vehicl e Sundow n (Event) " (dedicated t o Cage ) that involved an y number o f motor vehicles arrange d in a field i n whic h performer s would , a t sundown , follo w instruction s t o honk th e horn , tur n o n th e lights , o r operat e specia l equipmen t o n thei r vehicle such a s sirens or ladders. La Monte Young' s "Composition 196 0 # 3" require d th e performe r t o as k everyon e presen t t o d o whateve r h e o r she wishe d fo r th e perio d o f th e composition . I n al l thes e works , th e present momen t o f participation/performanc e wa s wha t mattered . Tha t moment migh t transfor m one' s wa y o f perceiving , bu t th e artis t di d no t provide a larger frame o f reference i n which t o place that transformation , nor a very clear goal for th e transformation. 35 To Kaprow , th e transitor y improvisation s o f th e happening s create d the ultimat e defens e agains t historicism . H e note d tha t "nearl y ever y artist, workin g i n an y mediu m from word s t o paint , wh o ha s mad e hi s mark as an innovator, a s a radical in the bes t sense of that word, has , once he had bee n recognize d an d pai d handsomely , capitulate d t o th e interest s of good taste , o r ha s bee n wounded b y them." Bu t happenings preserve d the artist from th e pitfalls o f success. The event s could not be reproduced , and th e materials used t o creat e th e environmen t wer e "perishable " item s

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such a s "newspapers , junk , rags , ol d woode n crate s knocke d together , cardboard cartons,.. . food , borrowe d machines , etc. " Happenings coul d not "b e sold an d taken home; they can only be supported." Thus, Kapro w concluded, th e artis t "embodie s th e myt h o f Non-Success , an d remain s isolated an d proud." 36 Conclusion

In th e postwa r years , member s o f th e advanc e guar d becam e spli t ove r their view s o f th e future . Th e divisio n wa s base d o n a tur n from societ y to subjectivity , bu t i t wa s als o generational . Havin g rejecte d th e Marxis t social critique, cultural radicals turned t o emotional and spiritual interpre tations o f th e huma n predicament . Th e concer n fo r societ y fel t b y man y avant gardist s becam e obscure d b y thei r focu s o n individua l subjectiv e states. Thus , whil e on e segmen t o f th e las t America n vanguar d trie d t o describe a redeemed futur e i n term s o f myth, another , generall y younge r group, focused o n the here-and-now appreciatio n o f the sublime moment . The tw o stances toward th e futur e ofte n produce d onl y subtle difference s in emphasis , typicall y a heightene d awarenes s o f histori c avant-gard e themes abou t th e union o f ar t an d life . Bu t subtl e o r not , th e chang e ha d a profoun d effec t o n th e relation s betwee n cultura l radical s an d thei r society. By th e lat e 1960s , probabl y a majorit y o f innovativ e intellectual s believed tha t th e presen t wa s mor e importan t tha n th e future . Painte r Frank Stell a declared , "M y paintin g i s base d o n th e fac t tha t onl y wha t can b e see n ther e i s there . I t reall y is a n object. . . . All I wan t anyon e t o get out o f my paintings, and al l I ever get out o f them, i s the fac t tha t you can se e th e whol e ide a withou t an y confusion . . . . What yo u se e i s wha t you see." The titl e of one of writer Marvin Cohen' s short pieces expresse d the doub t o f man y intellectual s from th e 1960 s forwar d tha t question s about th e future , culture , an d meanin g wer e eve n possible : "Wha t I s th e Real, Really? Wha t Doe s I t Mean? O r D o We Onl y Think It ? Is There a Real? Bu t Wha t I s 'Is' ? An d Wha t Doe s I t Mean? " I n 1963 , po p artis t Robert Indian a expresse d hi s belie f tha t ar t coul d d o littl e t o transfor m the world : "Po p doe s ten d t o conve y th e artist' s super b intuitio n tha t modern man , wit h hi s los s o f identity , submersio n i n mas s culture , bese t by mas s destruction , i s man' s greates t problem , an d tha t Art , Po p o r otherwise, hardl y provide s th e solution—som e optimistic , glowin g har monious, humanitarian , plasticall y perfec t Los t Chor d o f Life." 37 Th e

THE FUTUR E • I I I

moment o f epiphan y wa s bot h self-referentia l an d fleeting. Fo r Indiana , as for others , the creativ e ac t had n o influence o n th e futur e o f culture. Not onl y di d innovativ e intellectual s abando n th e histori c avant-gard e concern fo r th e future , the y als o rejecte d th e goa l o f integratin g ar t an d life. In 1963 , Dine declare d tha t he di d not believ e in the concept . Dine' s use o f commo n object s i n hi s wor k di d no t mean , h e said , tha t h e wa s making a statemen t abou t ar t an d life . "There' s ar t an d there' s life, " h e maintained, " I think life come s to art but if the object is used, then peopl e say the object i s used t o bridge tha t gap [betwee n ar t and life]—it's crazy . The objec t is used to make art, just like paint is used t o make art." 38 By th e 1960s , member s o f wha t ha d bee n th e advanc e guar d wer e repudiating muc h o f th e histori c avant-gard e ideology . Thi s chang e i n thought made possible the disappearance o f the vanguard throug h institu tional enthrallmen t an d commodificatio n i n capitalis t consume r culture . One o f th e first stage s o f thi s enthrallmen t wa s th e appropriatio n o f th e avant garde by American Col d Warriors .

C ' H ' A ' P ' T ' E - R6

The Col d W a r , Cultura l Radicalism , and the Defens e o f Capitalis m

P

olitical leader s o f th e Col d Wa r betwee n th e Unite d States and th e Sovie t Union define d th e struggl e a s a war between cultures . Th e conflic t betwee n th e "America n wa y I bet w of life " an d Sovie t societ y wa s see n clearl y i n th e so-calle d "kitche n debate" between Vice President Richard Nixon and Sovie t Premier Nikit a Khrushchev. I n th e kitche n o f a mode l hous e a t th e 195 9 Unite d State s National Exhibitio n i n Moscow , th e tw o leader s debate d th e merit s o f washing machines versus tanks. Of course, in the United State s companie s like Westinghouse produce d bot h consume r good s and military hardwar e and th e president s o f Procte r an d Gambl e an d Genera l Motor s bot h served a s secretaries o f war durin g th e Col d War . Th e consume r cultur e and th e militarized societ y were closel y linked. In on e o f the man y ironic development s tha t contribute d t o th e en d o f the avan t garde , cultura l Col d Warrior s appropriate d th e vanguar d a s a weapon i n th e wa r o f idea s betwee n th e Unite d State s an d th e Sovie t 115

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Union. T o thes e Col d Warriors , avant-gard e innovation s demonstrate d the freedo m an d superiorit y o f Wester n democrati c culture . A s othe r Americans began to interpret the vanguard in this way also, the movemen t became domesticate d a s a demonstration o f how basically good America n society was . Thi s outcom e wa s ironic , becaus e th e politic s o f th e Col d War alienate d member s o f th e avan t garde . The cultura l vanguard inter preted th e conflic t betwee n th e Unite d State s an d th e Sovie t Unio n a s both a threa t t o vanguar d value s an d a betrayal o f American ideals . But , to compoun d th e irony , avan t gardist s als o contribute d t o thei r ow n appropriation becaus e thei r self-understandin g parallele d man y o f th e cultural theme s advocate d b y Cold Warriors, in particular, th e concep t o f cultural freedom . The Avan t Gard e an d th e Politic s o f th e Col d W a r T o radica l critics , th e Col d Wa r mean t militaris m an d a n attac k o n dissent. Littl e magazin e edito r Horac e Schwart z describe d th e politica l situation as a "nightmare" in which Americans engaged in an irresponsibl e "orgiastic carniva l o f denyin g realit y an d embracin g falsehood. " If Thomas Jefferso n wer e alive , Schwart z continued , h e woul d "cu t hi s throat fo r shame. " T o write r Lesli e Wool f Hedley , "Th e ai r [was ] charged wit h th e stif f an d steril e militar y mindlessness. " Fro m th e per spective o f the cultura l vanguard, th e politica l an d socia l consequence s o f the Col d Wa r wer e jus t on e mor e exampl e o f a conformis t societ y tha t lived a li e a t th e expens e o f authenti c huma n existence . Thes e radica l critics, therefore , repudiate d bot h th e anti-Communis m o f Senato r Mc Carthy an d his allies and th e liberalism o f the architect s of the Col d War . Vanguardists believe d tha t the y sa w a n America n fascis m evolving , bu t they also rejected th e Marxist solution tha t had energize d cultura l radical s in the 1930s. 1 In th e opinio n o f radica l intellectuals , th e conflic t betwee n th e Sovie t Union an d th e Unite d State s wa s no t abou t ideolog y bu t abou t power , specifically, politica l an d economi c power . Militaris m an d materialism , they argued , wer e par t o f th e sam e formul a t o diver t people' s attentio n from wha t the y reall y neede d an d from wha t wa s reall y goin g on . Gar y Snyder believe d h e describe d bot h Eas t an d Wes t whe n h e said , "Th e national politic s o f th e moder n worl d exis t b y nothin g bu t deliberatel y fostered cravin g and fear—th e root s . . . o f human suffering. " Bul l Lee, a

THE COL D WAR , CULTURA L RADICALIS M • 11 7

character i n Jack Kerouac' s On the Road patterned afte r Willia m S . Bur roughs, comments "The y ca n mak e clothe s tha t las t forever. The y prefe r making chea p good s so' s everybody'l l hav e t o g o o n workin g an d punch ing timeclock s an d organizin g themselve s i n sulle n union s an d floundering around while the big grab goes on in Washington an d Moscow." 2 In th e 1950s , cultura l vanguardist s feare d tha t i n it s fight agains t Communism th e Unite d State s woul d becom e totalitarian . Criti c Law rence Barth , writing in Trace, pointed t o a rash o f book censorship i n th e early 1950 s an d commented , "Jus t lik e tha t d o w e g o dow n th e roa d o f Soviet Russi a an d Naz i Germany. " Whil e h e acknowledge d tha t th e United State s had a long way yet to go on the "sliding scale of repression," Barth state d confidentl y tha t "Americ a i s rapidl y becoming fascist." H e compared th e Unite d State s wit h th e Sovie t Unio n an d sa w ominou s similarities: Today the Soviet government's snooping, denouncing and jailing, its horrible automaton-manufacturin g schoo l syste m an d vast emphasis o n milita rism and building weapons are in essence matched by the psychotic building of murder machinery here, by our congressional thought-contro l commit tees, our intense atmosphere of prying and name-wrecking. People in omnibuses an d park s n o longe r spea k alou d abou t anythin g tha t coul d b e construed as "controversial," in what our ancestors once proudly called "the land of the free."3 The editor s o f Inferno expressed simila r fear s i n advertisement s fo r thei r little magazine : "Inferno publishes th e work s o f th e las t free poet s o f th e American dar k age." Burroughs use s black humor t o addres s thes e anxie ties abou t th e futur e o f freedom i n hi s nove l Naked Lunch, a wor k de scribed b y avant-garde poe t John Clello n Holme s a s a retelling of Georg e Orwell's 1984 b y W . C . Fields . I n 1956 , Snyde r suggeste d sarcasticall y that Allen Ginsber g conclude his poem "America " with a question : America, what are you going to do to me for writing about you like this? are you going to snoop after me and let the air out of my tires[?]

The followin g year , Ginsberg' s boo k Howl and Other Poems, which in cluded "America, " was censore d a s obscene. Members o f th e avan t gard e experienced American society in the postwar years as stiflingly conformist . The internationa l tension s o f th e Col d Wa r serve d onl y t o heighte n

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the concern s o f avan t gardist s fo r individua l expressio n an d freedo m o f thought. 4 Most member s o f th e avan t gard e wer e s o alienate d b y wha t the y considered t o b e th e extreme s o f th e Col d Wa r an d th e conformit y present i n th e societ y aroun d the m tha t the y rejecte d th e mainstrea m political option s befor e them . Vanguardist s als o generall y rejecte d th e radical alternativ e chose n b y thei r predecessors : Marxism . Poe t Osca r Collier, i n a lette r t o write r an d edito r Judson C . Crews , expresse d th e opinion o f man y avan t gardists : " I a m no t i n sympathy , bu t a m activel y against an y contemporar y politica l movements . I a m especiall y agains t Communism, Marxism , an d scientifi c socialis t movement s o f an y kind. " Some kin d o f anarchis m wa s th e politica l an d socia l vie w adhere d t o b y most members o f the cultura l vanguard. 5 As we hav e seen , member s o f th e vanguar d fel t deepl y alienate d from the "Eisenhowe r blandness. " Bu t th e politica l alienatio n o f cultura l radi cals went deepe r tha n a rejection o f the Republica n Party . The liberalis m of the decad e seeme d t o mos t avan t gardist s t o b e a t best a tepid solutio n to th e seriou s problem s i n American society . Bart h wrot e i n Miscellaneous Man tha t "generalize d libera l exhortatio n solve s very littl e s o long a s th e human anima l remain s sexuall y sic k a t hi s core , irresponsible , inert. " Barth argue d tha t th e politica l proces s wa s no t th e pat h t o a mor e authentic existence ; rather , peopl e neede d t o loo k a t huma n being s i n a more basic , biologica l state . B y replacin g culturall y define d need s an d roles wit h need s tha t reflec t huma n biology , especiall y need s fo r sexua l expression, human being s could begin to shape a culture suited fo r huma n development. At its worst, liberalis m wa s part o f the problem . Burrough s thought liberalis m wa s oppressiv e an d advocate d a radical libertarianism . As Burroughs wrote t o Kerouac : You notic e tha t an y oppressive , meddlin g piec e o f legislatio n (anti-gun , anti-sex . . . ) is always loudly supported b y the "Liberal" press? The word Liberal ha s com e t o stan d fo r th e mos t damnabl e tyranny , a sniveling , mealy mouthe d tyrann y o f bureaucrats , socia l workers , psychiatrist s an d union officials. The world of 1984 is not 30 years away. T o Burroughs , Kerouac , an d othe r avan t gardists , liberalis m wa s jus t another sid e o f th e Eisenhowe r conformity , or , a s Kerouac' s younge r readers would lear n t o say, liberalism was part o f the problem, not part o f the solution. 6

THE COL D WAR , CULTURA L RADICALIS M • 11 9

The Col d W ar an d the Cooptin g o f the Vanguar d Cultural Col d Warrior s commandeere d th e avan t gard e int o mainstrea m society by linking lifestyle choice s and personal freedom. Criti c and socia l commentator Josep h Woo d Krutc h explicitl y linke d lifestyle, consump tion, and freedom i n an essay published in House Beautiful in 1951 . Krutch characterized th e Cold War a s a contest between organi c and mechanisti c world views . Totalitarians , sai d Krutch , describ e peopl e a s machines — manipulable an d devoi d o f feeling . Thos e wh o believ e i n freedom , how ever, loo k fo r thei r model s i n th e natura l worl d where , Krutc h main tained, "ever y individua l lead s it s ow n individual , unique , an d rebelliou s life." Thi s wa r o f idea s wa s bein g fough t militaril y an d politically , bu t Krutch contende d tha t ther e were som e "simple , direct" actions by which people coul d choos e u p side s an d contribut e t o th e struggl e "agains t th e forces whic h ar e conspirin g t o ro b u s o f ou r humanity. " H e argue d tha t people's choice s i n tast e an d fashio n wer e weapon s i n th e war : "Th e houses w e liv e i n , . . . th e ver y decoratio n o f ou r walls , proclai m wher e our ow n sympathie s li e and subtl y influence ou r ow n convictions. " In th e choice o f fabric s fo r clothin g an d upholstery , i n landscaping , i n hous e design, i n th e choic e o f object s o n th e mantelpiece , Krutc h declared , people coul d expres s thei r individualit y an d freedom . H e denounce d th e dictates o f officia l fashio n fo r "subtly , i f no t consciously , attemptin g t o deny tha t we ar e organism s rathe r tha n machines " an d advocate d th e us e of natural material s an d a return t o th e humanisti c an d naturalisti c heri tage o f the Renaissance . While Krutc h wa s implicitl y anti-avan t gard e i n his tastes, his description o f the individual owes less to the world o f nature than t o Romanti c notion s from whic h avan t gardis m developed . Col d Warriors promote d avant-gard e ar t precisel y becaus e the y sa w i n th e work the expressio n o f the "uniqu e an d rebelliou s life " tha t distinguishe d the "fre e world " from th e Communis t world. 7 Advocates of cultural diplomacy argued tha t the arts, especially innovative arts , coul d enhanc e th e America n (an d Western ) caus e i n th e Col d War b y demonstratin g th e freedom o f th e Wes t t o Communist s behin d the Iro n Curtai n an d aroun d th e world , an d b y demonstratin g th e matu rity of American cultur e to suspicious Western Europea n allies . Columbia University philosophe r Irwi n Edwards , i n a speec h t o ar t educator s i n 1951, declare d tha t "th e greates t triumphs o f freedom, thos e o f the spirit , which occu r i n art , ar e victorie s o f discipline d knowledge , hallelujah s o f ordered spontaneity. " Ren e d'Harnoncour t o f th e Museu m o f Moder n

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Art (MOMA ) celebrate d th e intellectua l force s o f th e eighteent h an d nineteenth centurie s tha t had "free d [huma n beings ] fro m th e restriction s of dogma " an d resulte d in , amon g othe r things , modern art . "Th e totali tarian stat e negate s th e ver y achievement s tha t hav e mad e moder n civili zation possible, " d'Harnoncour t declared . Totalitarianis m i s no t th e di rection fo r huma n socia l evolution, h e said. Rather, huma n being s nee d an order which reconciles the freedom o f the individual with the welfare of society and replaces yesterday's image of one unified civilizatio n . . . [with] a patter n i n whic h man y element s . . . joi n t o for m a ne w entity . . .. I believe a good name for such a society is democracy, and I also believe that modern ar t i n it s infinite variet y an d ceaseles s exploratio n i s its foremos t symbol. Art criti c Aline B . Louchheim argue d tha t "on e o f th e way s i n whic h w e might graduall y tur n reluctan t an d uneas y militar y allie s int o friend s would b e t o ear n thei r respec t fo r ou r contemporar y culture. " To d o so , she maintained , require d American s t o n o longe r b e "antagonistic " t o "our ow n mos t advanced , imaginativ e an d bes t achievement s i n moder n art an d modern architecture." 8 In contrast , man y American s i n th e postwa r year s believe d tha t th e avant gard e wa s un-America n and , thus , hardl y a useful too l i n th e fight against Communism . Michiga n congressma n Georg e A . Dondero , fo r example, believe d tha t th e Russia n Communis t Part y ha d invente d th e avant gard e t o hel p i t overthro w th e Czar . H e als o believe d tha t i n th e 1950s th e leader s o f th e Sovie t Unio n use d cultura l radicalis m t o under mine th e West . Durin g th e 1950s , suc h attack s move d forme r MOM A director Alfre d H . Bar r t o defen d vanguar d paintin g an d sculptur e an d critic Gilber t Highe t t o defen d innovativ e literatur e agains t charge s o f being Communist-inspired. 9 The U . S . government , throug h a variety o f agencies , supporte d cul tural activities intended t o demonstrate th e freedom o f Western countrie s in genera l an d America n societ y i n particular . Thus , i n th e 1950 s an d 1960s th e Centra l Intelligenc e Agenc y covertl y funde d th e Congres s fo r Cultural Freedo m an d th e publicatio n o f Horizon to highligh t th e bes t i n Western though t an d culture , includin g man y first - an d second-genera tion vanguardists. Durin g th e 1960s , the Voice o f America broadcas t jaz z to foste r goo d feeling s abou t America abroad . Fro m th e lat e 1940 s to th e mid-1950s, th e Stat e Departmen t an d th e Unite d State s Informatio n Agency (USIA ) sponsore d severa l internationa l exhibition s o f America n

THE COL D WAR , CULTURA L RADICALIS M • 12 1

painting tha t feature d a rang e o f styles , includin g representative s o f th e various vanguard movement s fro m th e teen s to the 1950s . In 1956 , th e governmen t discontinue d internationa l exhibition s o f post-1917 America n painting . Th e suspensio n resulte d from protest s raised i n Dallas , Texas , abou t Communist-inspire d art . I n Dalla s a t tha t time, a coalitio n o f anti-Communis t an d academi c ar t organization s al leged tha t Communis t artist s painte d severa l works i n a USIA-sponsore d exhibition calle d "Spor t i n Art." (Th e exhibi t was shown i n Dalla s a s part of a nationa l tou r befor e goin g t o th e Summe r Olympic s i n Australia. ) The U . S . governmen t wa s no t th e onl y institutio n fighting th e cultura l Cold War , however , an d othe r institution s filled th e void . Th e For d Foundation, fo r example , funde d a journa l o f internationa l modernis m edited b y James Laughli n o f Ne w Direction s Press , ar t exhibitions , an d the Congres s fo r Cultura l Freedom . Bu t most important i n the stagin g of exhibitions o f contemporar y wor k a s weapon s i n th e cultura l struggl e were the curator s a t MOMA. 10 Under th e leadershi p o f MOMA Boar d o f Trustee s presiden t Nelso n Rockefeller, th e internationa l exhibition s organize d b y the MOMA espe cially highlighted th e wor k o f th e abstrac t expressionists . Thes e painter s became weapon s i n th e Col d Wa r o f ideas . Thei r theme s o f alienatio n and cultura l renewa l wer e deemphasize d b y MOM A curators , wh o pre sented th e works as representative o f the freedom o f the non-Communis t world. The cultura l Col d War carrie d o n by the MOMA was an unofficia l continuation o f previou s governmen t programs . Th e ke y figures a t MOMA learned cultura l diplomac y at the Department o f State. Rockefel ler's interes t i n cultura l diplomacy , fo r instance , date d from hi s Stat e Department servic e i n th e 1940s . On e o f hi s dutie s i n th e governmen t had bee n t o organiz e cultura l programs , includin g severa l internationa l exhibitions sponsore d b y MOMA. A t th e Stat e Department , Rockefelle r met two men who would also play key roles in the development of cultural programs a t the museum . On e wa s d'Harnoncourt, wh o cam e t o MOM A in 194 4 to organiz e foreig n activitie s an d becam e directo r o f the museu m in 1949 . Th e othe r wa s Porte r A . McCray , wh o directe d internationa l programming a t the museum i n th e 1950s . The cultura l Col d Warrior s a t MOM A di d no t interpre t th e uncon ventional values of the avant garde a s dangerous t o the convention s o f th e American socia l an d politica l system . Thus , the y coul d safel y sen d the m abroad as examples of the sophistication o f American high culture. Among the shows organized b y MOMA in their cultural Cold War were "Moder n

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Art in the US" (1956), which feature d a dozen abstrac t expressionists, an d "The Ne w America n Painting " (1958) , devote d exclusivel y t o abstrac t expressionism. Th e curator s a t MOM A presente d thes e America n avan t gardists a s example s o f th e freedo m o f expressio n an d dissen t allowe d i n America, a s Bar r mad e clea r i n hi s catalo g introductio n fo r th e exhibit , "New American Painting" : "The y defiantl y rejec t th e conventiona l value s of th e societ y whic h surround s them , bu t the y ar e no t politica l engages even thoug h thei r painting s hav e bee n praise d an d condemne d a s sym bolic demonstration s o f freedom i n a world i n which freedo m connote s a political attitude." 11 Given tha t member s o f the las t American vanguard fel t alienate d from the technocratic consume r cultur e and the politics of the Cold War, thes e artists wer e no t th e bes t champion s o f th e America n cause . Ironically , reactionary critic s lik e Donder o see m t o hav e understoo d mor e fully , i f not ver y clearly , th e fundamenta l challeng e pose d b y cultura l radical s t o American culture . Tw o factor s enable d th e abstrac t expressionist s t o b e so used, however. First, the critics who mediated the abstract expressionis t vanguard t o th e curator s a t MOM A misrepresente d th e artists ' idea s through selective interpretations. Harold Rosenber g presented a n existentialist interpretatio n o f "actio n painting " tha t emphasize d th e ide a o f creative freedom an d obscure d th e cultural , historical , psychological , an d spiritual theme s o f th e artists . Clemen t Greenber g presente d a formalis t interpretation o f abstrac t expressionis m tha t emphasize d th e plac e o f th e painters i n ar t history , recentere d th e internationa l ar t worl d from Pari s to Ne w York , an d highlighte d surfac e innovation s only , ignorin g th e cultural politics of the avan t garde. 12 Second, th e member s o f th e avan t gard e contribute d t o thei r ow n appropriation. Many vanguardists spoke of creative freedom i n ways similar to thos e o f the cultura l Col d Warriors . Radica l innovator s recognize d the benefit s o f a free societ y without intendin g t o b e used a s propagand a in a wa r o f word s an d images . Thei r experienc e o f bein g politicall y exploited i n th e 1930 s cause d the m t o rejec t overtl y politica l use s fo r ar t and culture . I n 1948 , Lesli e Fiedle r declare d tha t "th e absolut e clai m t o freedom i n th e creativ e act , i n going on writing a s w e understan d it , challenges man y politica l system s an d i s challenge d b y them , mos t spec tacularly thes e day s b y th e Sovie t communis t world-view... . Thi s i s our sufficien t tas k a s writers. " A littl e magazin e edito r justifie d artisti c innovation i n Trace in 195 3 b y saying , "If ar t i n al l o f it s form s i s t o remain free . . . i t must b e left t o chang e an d sho w all possible facets . W e

THE COL D WAR , CULTURA L RADICALIS M • 12 3

have see n wha t ca n happe n whe n conformit y i s exacte d i n Communis t Russia, and what then happen s t o the artist . Totalitarianism i n art is quite as objectionable a s political totalitarianism. " Cultura l radical s emphasize d the nee d t o oppos e restriction s o n artisti c freedo m whereve r the y foun d them. The y wer e willin g t o criticiz e bot h th e Sovie t Unio n an d th e United States . Thei r inten t wa s neve r t o hol d u p th e "America n wa y o f life" as idyllic.13 Conclusion

Cold Warrior s an d avan t gardist s alik e believe d tha t cultur e wa s a t th e heart of the division s of the postwar world. Joseph Wood Krutch , Nelso n Rockefeller, an d Lesli e Fiedle r al l believe d tha t beneat h an d beyon d th e political an d economi c division s betwee n th e Sovie t Unio n an d th e United State s la y basi c question s abou t ho w th e individua l an d societ y relate, abou t freedo m an d creativity , abou t wha t bein g huma n meant . But whil e Krutch , Rockefeller , an d other s lik e the m believe d tha t thes e questions ha d bee n largel y answered b y the extan t socia l arrangement s o f postwar American society, avant gardists like Fielder felt differently . Radi cal innovators believed tha t while American cultur e may have raised man y of the right questions , they were fa r fro m bein g satisfactorily answered . Though alienate d fro m th e cultur e o f th e Col d War , th e cultura l politics o f avan t gardist s intersecte d a t ke y points wit h th e ideal s o f Col d War liberals , especiall y th e idea l o f creativ e freedom . Thi s intersectio n allowed representative s o f culturall y powerfu l institution s t o appropriat e the advanc e guar d fo r purpose s othe r tha n thos e intende d b y cultura l radicals. Th e resul t wa s t o coop t th e avan t gard e a s on e o f man y styl e options in a free, pluralisti c American society .

C ' H ' A « P « T « E - R7

Institutional Enthra l I ment

7

1

' he assimilatio n o f th e advanc e guar d tha t accompanie d the the Col d Wa r gaine d th e movemen t a plac e i n cultura l institutions from whic h i t ha d historicall y bee n alienated . ins Museum curator s an d galler y operator s place d th e avan t gard e i n a pro gressive interpretation o f art history. B y thus historicizing th e movement , the ar t world gav e the avan t gard e a pedigree, a s it were, an d legitimate d innovative ar t fo r wealth y collectors an d institutions . Educational institu tions enthralle d th e movemen t a s well . Universit y administrators , espe cially a t larg e stat e schools , expande d th e fin e ar t program s a t thei r institutions, creatin g numerou s ne w teachin g positions . Th e prospec t o f being paid fo r thei r innovation s le d man y cultura l radical s t o join colleg e staffs. As a result o f these transformations, th e statu s of radical innovator s changed from alienate d outsider s t o cultura l insiders . Thes e change s could b e see n a s th e fulfillmen t o f th e advance-guar d goa l o f a trans formed cultur e an d a ne w future . Bu t whe n tha t futur e arrived , cultura l 125

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institutions wer e no t fundamentall y change d an d th e vanguar d a s suc h had disappeared. 1 The Alienatio n o f the Avan t Gard e fro m Institutions o f Cultur e Members o f th e avan t gard e ha d lon g fel t alienate d fro m th e cultura l institutions o f a societ y that , fro m thei r poin t o f view , di d no t valu e intellectual an d aestheti c innovation . Vanguardist s use d word s suc h a s "provincial," "conservative, " an d "academic " t o describ e postwa r Ameri can culture . Thes e commentator s expresse d standar d avant-gard e cri tiques o f th e salons , academies , an d journal s o f th e gentee l tradition , al l of whic h fo r generation s promote d a n establishe d aestheti c an d resiste d change. Th e Salon des Refuses, th e Armor y Sho w an d othe r act s o f resis tance t o th e institution s o f cultur e carrie d ou t b y avant-gard e artist s ar e part o f the movement' s "mythology. " I n the first decade s o f the twentiet h century, th e wor d "provincial " resonate d fo r America n avan t gardist s a s an expressio n o f the American artist' s frustratio n a t his or he r geographi cal remova l fro m th e center s o f Europea n resistanc e t o gentee l culture . American advocate s o f th e gentee l traditio n forme d a "conservative " op position t o vanguar d innovation . I n th e year s afte r Worl d Wa r II , th e emphasis shifted . Th e "academy " too k o n mor e importanc e a s American universities becam e increasingl y centra l t o th e intellectual , artistic , an d economic life o f the nation an d a n important outle t for intellectuals . Throughout th e 1950s , advance d artist s an d writer s continue d t o rai l against th e provincialis m o f postwar America n culture . Kennet h Rexrot h believed tha t cultur e i n th e Unite d State s ha d becom e pedestria n an d provincial. H e argue d tha t America n poet s ha d "abandone d th e interna tional idio m o f twentiet h centur y verse. " I n America , h e contended , th e Revolution o f the Wor d ha d bee n los t a s artists eithe r "sol d out " o r san k into obscurity . "Why, " h e asked , "di d America n poetry , a par t o f worl d literature i n 1920 , becom e a pale provincia l imitatio n o f Britis h vers e i n 1957? W e ar e bac k tw o generation s behin d Australia. " Galler y owne r Samuel M . Koot z als o condemne d th e provincia l nationalis m tha t h e thought characterize d th e criticis m writte n abou t hi s clien t artists . I n defense o f abstrac t expressionis t painte r Willia m Baziotes , fo r example , Kootz attacked critic s who believed "tha t nationalism is more comfortabl e than internationalism , an d tha t 'subjec t matter ' i s mor e importan t tha n plastic values. " H e accuse d th e critic s o f havin g "mad e n o attemp t t o

I N S T I T U T I O N A L ENTHRALLMEN T • 12 7

understand" Baziotes' s works . Wh y di d thi s situatio n obtain ? Because , Kootz declared , "th e artis t herald s hi s ow n tim e whil e th e criti c remain s in the statu s quo." 2 Harry Partch believe d that the conservative musical culture in America reflected a pervasive "sciolis t an d academi c Europeanisme " tha t discour aged innovation . Partc h rejecte d a musical system based , a s he argued , o n the "inherite d forms an d instrument s o f Europe's eighteent h century. " A "healthy culture " encourage d divers e musica l theories , Partc h believed . Unfortunately, i n the mid-twentieth century , anyone who even toys with the idea of going beyond . .. [the ] legacies [of the past ] fo r material s an d insigh t i s generall y considere d foolhard y i f not actuall y a publicity-seeking mountebank . The doo r t o further musica l investigation and insight has been slammed shut by the inelastic and doctrinaire quality of our one system and its esthetic forms. Cultural radical s believe d tha t th e constrictin g conformis m an d narro w nationalism tha t fo r the m characterize d postwa r America n societ y als o pervaded th e arts . Valuing individuality an d creativ e freedom a s they did , members of the avant garde necessarily felt alienated from th e mainstrea m cultural life o f their society. 3 The Enthrallmen t o f the Avan t Gard e b y Museum s and Gallerie s It i s ironic, then , tha t th e avan t gard e becam e assimilate d int o th e main stream of American culture during the postwar decades. The enthrallmen t of the advanc e guar d occurre d i n th e contex t o f an "ar t boom " fuele d b y the postwar prosperity. As prices for ol d masters, impressionists, and earl y modernist works rose rapidly, less wealthy collectors, both individual s an d institutions, turne d t o th e wor k o f contemporar y artists . Because o f thei r low prices, these new artists als o appealed t o middle-class Americans wh o wanted t o collec t origina l ar t o n a budget . Becaus e contemporar y van guard wor k was so new an d lacke d th e histor y o f interpretation an d sale s that define d th e ol d maste r market , collector s looke d t o a smal l numbe r of museums , galleries , an d critic s fo r guidanc e abou t whic h artist s wer e worth purchasing . Th e ar t boom , therefore , greatl y increase d th e powe r of cultural gatekeepers . The Museu m o f Modern Ar t (MOMA ) was the most importan t avant garde gatekeepe r from th e 1930 s t o th e 1960s . The museu m staff , espe -

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daily directo r Alfre d H . Barr , ha d bee n s o successfu l i n definin g a styl e they calle d "modernism " tha t th e museu m bega n t o b e price d ou t o f th e market for th e work of established artist s such as Pablo Picasso and Henr i Matisse. Th e painter s o f th e abstrac t expressionis t vanguar d presente d a way out o f this difficulty. 4 In th e 1930s , man y i n th e America n ar t worl d ha d criticize d MOM A for no t exhibitin g enoug h America n artists . Bar r answere d thes e charge s by sayin g tha t contemporar y America n ar t wa s no t a s interestin g o r innovative a s Europea n art . Th e situatio n change d i n th e postwa r years . In th e earl y 1950s , Bar r an d othe r curator s haile d abstrac t expressionis m as th e ne w vanguar d art . Th e 195 2 MOM A sho w "Fiftee n Americans " featured work s b y Jackson Pollock , Mar k Rothko , an d Clyffor d Still , an d the museu m bega n t o purchas e painting s b y thes e artists . B y admittin g these American innovator s into the stream of artistic development define d by historic avan t gardist s suc h a s Pablo Picasso , George s Braque , Marce l Duchamp, Henr i Matisse , an d Joan Miro , MOMA define d a place i n ar t history fo r th e America n vanguard . Bar r eve n describe d Wassil y Kandin sky as "the first abstrac t expressionist. " An exhibitio n checklis t from 196 9 put th e matte r mor e explicitly : "Sinc e 194 5 Americ a ha s bee n th e scen e of a succession o f artist s o f world importanc e an d prominence . Th e rol e of rescuin g America n ar t from it s heretofor e provincia l situatio n an d placing i t a t th e cente r o f th e moder n traditio n fel l t o th e generatio n o f artists show n i n thi s exhibition. " Collector s looke d t o th e museu m fo r guidance, bot h forma l an d informal , abou t wha t work s t o purchase . B y legitimating abstrac t expressionis m a s par t o f th e evolutio n o f Wester n art, Bar r an d othe r curator s a t MOMA create d a deman d fo r contempo rary American art. 5 Galleries als o functione d t o historiciz e th e America n avan t garde . Kootz, fo r example , opene d hi s galler y i n 1945 , followin g a successfu l career i n advertising . H e financed show s b y contemporar y American s such a s Rober t Motherwel l an d Willia m Baziote s b y sellin g work s b y established painters , chiefl y Picasso . Koot z legitimate d hi s vanguar d art ists for collector s b y choosing hi s artists carefull y an d presentin g the m a s the heirs of the historic avant garde. 6 Critics, an d i n particula r Clemen t Greenberg , als o assimilate d th e American vanguar d int o a n academi c ar t history . I n hi s influentia l criti cism publishe d i n th e Partisan Review an d th e Nation i n th e 1940 s an d 1950s, Greenber g formulate d a formalist, Hegelia n understandin g o f ar t history based on the evolution of art toward increasingly purer form. Afte r

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Pollock's death , Greenberg , a n earl y champion o f Pollock, promote d tw o Washington, D.C. , artists , Kennet h Nolan d an d Morri s Louis , a s Pol lock's successors . Greenber g organize d exhibition s o f Louis' s an d No land's wor k an d wrot e article s abou t them . A s a result, thei r wor k bega n to sel l t o museum s an d privat e collector s fo r increasin g prices . The 196 4 exhibit "Post-Painterl y Abstraction " whic h Greenber g organize d fo r th e Los Angele s Count y Museu m o f Art , define d a whole perio d o f ar t an d advanced th e career s o f Noland , Louis , an d artist s suc h a s Ellswort h Kelley an d Hele n Frankenthaler . Th e patter n exemplifie d b y Koot z an d Greenberg woul d continu e i n th e 1960 s an d 1970 s a s anothe r grou p o f gallery owner s an d critic s create d an d promote d th e minimalis t move ment. 7 As a result o f the increased deman d fo r contemporar y innovativ e work , the institutiona l an d economi c situatio n fo r artist s changed . A t th e mos t basic level , price s wen t up . I n 1950 , Jackson Polloc k sol d painting s fo r about $1,200 . I n 1955 , a yea r befor e hi s death , h e coul d sel l work s fo r $3,000. Te n year s later , th e artist' s painting s sol d fo r $35,00 0 an d th e prices continue d t o rise . B y comparison, Jasper Johns, a n artis t from th e generation afte r Pollock , sol d piece s from hi s first sho w i n 195 8 fo r $1,200. I n 1963 , Johns sol d work s fo r $15,00 0 an d b y th e en d o f th e decade fo r amount s twic e tha t figure. Simila r example s coul d b e adduce d for th e wor k o f othe r avan t gardists . Successfu l innovator s n o longe r needed t o be economically alienated from thei r society. 8 The risin g price s o f avant-gard e ar t i n th e 1950 s transforme d th e institutional settin g i n whic h member s o f th e vanguar d worked . I n Ne w York Cit y i n th e 1940s , fewe r tha n twent y gallerie s showe d avant-gard e art, mostly Europea n an d mostl y a s one o f many styles. Fewer tha n hal f a dozen gallerie s exhibite d America n vanguar d work . B y the 1970s , almos t three hundred Ne w York galleries promoted contemporar y innovative art . And promot e the y did . I n th e pluralisti c ar t worl d o f th e lat e 1960 s an d following, galler y operator s foun d tha t "discovering " a ne w movemen t was th e bes t wa y t o distinguis h thei r galler y fro m th e competition . "Dealer-generated" movement s proliferated , furthe r contributin g t o th e commercialization, lac k o f direction , an d domesticatio n o f th e avan t garde. Thes e change s appalle d man y vanguardists . Motherwel l recalle d how i n th e lat e 1950 s h e becam e "increasingl y annoye d a t ho w ar t [was ] becoming mor e an d mor e lik e th e couturie r business . I mea n instan t fashion, instan t exploitation , instan t everything. " Whe n Pegg y Guggen heim, wh o ha d ru n a n importan t surrealis t galler y i n Ne w Yor k Cit y i n

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the mid-1940s, returned t o the city in 195 8 after a dozen years in Europe , she wa s dismaye d t o fin d tha t "th e entir e ar t marke t ha d becom e a n enormous busines s venture. Onl y a few person s reall y car e fo r paintings . The res t buy them from snobbishnes s o r t o avoi d taxation." 9 By the 1960s , the avan t garde was "in," whatever feeling s o f alienatio n individual members may have experienced. The caree r of collector Rober t Scull illustrates th e ne w situation. A cab driver from th e Lowe r Eas t Sid e of Manhattan i n th e 1940s , by th e en d o f th e 1950s , he owne d a fleet o f taxis and was a millionaire. Having educated himself about the avant garde through evening s spen t a t MOMA , h e bega n collectin g post-abstrac t expressionist vanguar d art . Critic s credi t hi m wit h bein g on e o f th e collectors wh o mad e po p ar t int o a movement . Afte r purchasin g Jaspe r Johns's al e cans sculpture Painted Bronze, Scull began receiving invitation s to societ y parties . Long-tim e member s o f MOMA , Scul l an d hi s wif e discovered tha t the y coul d no t brea k int o th e inne r circle , whic h wa s dominated b y ol d mone y an d wa s les s receptiv e t o self-mad e me n lik e Scull. H e transferre d hi s allegianc e t o th e mor e "egalitarian " Whitne y Museum o f America n Art . Wha t wa s a n avan t gardis t t o d o i n suc h a situation, aske d Fran k O'Hara , a vanguard poe t an d MOM A curator , i n 1961. "Yout h want s t o bur n th e museums . W e ar e i n them—no w what ? Better destro y th e odor s o f th e zoo. " I f on e coul d n o longe r epater le bourgeois, O'Har a sa w onl y on e option : "Embrac e th e Bourgeoisie... . How [else ] ar e w e goin g t o fill th e larg e empt y canva s a t th e en d o f th e large empt y loft? Yo u do have a loft, don' t you man?" 10 The Avan t Gard e an d the Academ y In th e introductio n t o Partch' s Genesis of a Music, th e compose r com plained tha t "th e doo r t o [musica l innovation ] ha s bee n slamme d shut. " And yet , othe r part s o f th e boo k demonstrate d tha t wha t Partc h wrot e was no t entirel y true . Partch' s innovatio n receive d sponsorshi p an d en couragement from som e ver y importan t cultura l institutions : America n universities. Partc h complete d th e boo k whil e a researc h fello w a t th e University of Wisconsin, an d th e work was subsequently published b y the university's press . (I n late r years , Partc h als o receive d researc h appoint ments from th e universitie s o f Illinoi s an d California. ) Ott o Luening , director o f th e Columbia-Princeto n Cente r fo r Electroni c Music , wrot e the forewor d t o th e book , an d Partc h acknowledge d th e "mora l backing " he ha d receive d "fro m seat s of some authorit y i n ou r musica l educationa l

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institutions" i n th e person s o f suc h composer s an d educator s a s Howar d Hanson o f th e Eastma n Schoo l o f Music, Quinc y Porte r o f Yale Univer sity, Gunnar Johansen, artis t in residenc e a t the Universit y o f Wisconsin , and Dougla s Moore o f Barnard College , Columbi a University . The com poser als o received suppor t fro m th e Carnegi e Corporatio n an d th e John Simon Guggenhei m Memoria l Foundation . Thus , despit e hi s rhetoric , Partch's caus e was not completel y hopeless. His message had a t least been acknowledged b y some o f the mos t importan t institution s an d individual s of his day. 11 Partch's experienc e prove d typica l o f th e relation s betwee n America n colleges and universities an d th e avan t garde in the postwar years. Institutions o f higher educatio n playe d a key part i n th e absorptio n o f vanguard ideas and ideal s into American culture . "Academic" Cultur e

In the postwar years, members o f the advanced guar d increasingl y used the ter m "academic " t o describ e America n culture . Thi s descriptio n wa s not just the repetition o f an avant-garde shibboleth , nor was it meant onl y as a metapho r fo r "conservative , provincia l culture, " thoug h th e ter m could sometime s mea n an y o f these . Rather , th e wor d "academic " re flected th e rea l importanc e o f th e universit y i n America n intellectua l lif e in the middle o f the twentiet h century . In the late nineteenth century , education reformers create d th e moder n American universit y t o validat e th e ne w bourgeoi s professions , particu larly engineering and management. The curriculu m change d from a traditional libera l art s educatio n t o on e emphasizin g scienc e an d scientifi c modes o f thought. Durin g the twentiet h century , the American universit y emerged a s one o f the centra l institutions i n intellectual life . Statistic s tel l part o f the story : from 190 0 t o 1940 , the numbe r o f college professor s i n the Unite d State s increase d eleven-fold . B y 1950 , thi s numbe r almos t doubled again . B y th e middl e o f th e twentiet h century , college s an d universities ha d becom e th e mos t significan t employer s o f intellectuals . The independen t "ma n o f letters," who ha d bee n th e mainsta y o f American intellectua l lif e sinc e colonia l times , becam e obsolete . Man y critic s feared tha t intellectual s los t thei r capacit y fo r independen t critica l com ment o n societ y onc e the y becam e ensconce d i n academia . Irvin g How e described th e graduat e schoo l a s an agen t o f conformit y tha t "grind s an d batters personalit y int o a mol d o f cautiou s routine. " Writin g i n 1948 , critic R. P. Blackmur was resigned: "Th e writers will be in the universities.

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The economic , political, an d cultura l drift s o f our societ y are towards th e institutionalization o f all the professions." 12 Cultural radical s share d thes e concerns , bu t the y denounce d th e uni versities in much stronge r term s than an y other critics . From th e perspective o f member s o f th e advanc e guard , th e academ y represente d al l tha t was bad in postwar American society: conformity, fals e values, and technocratic bureaucracy . Throug h th e proces s o f tenure , th e rule s fo r publica tion i n academi c journals , an d th e mean s o f advancemen t i n scholarl y associations, critic s maintained , th e institutio n transforme d generalis t in tellectuals int o pedanti c specialists . Instea d o f talkin g t o thei r societ y about th e grea t issue s befor e them , intellectual s talke d t o othe r scholar s in a language understoo d b y only a few. Criti c Michael Fraenke l wrote i n Death tha t "th e moder n suicid e hasn' t th e gut s t o shoo t himself , s o h e kills himself inside and carries on otherwise . . . [findin g solution s writing ] criticism, instead o f poems." Poet Robert Creeley remembered tha t in th e late 1940 s "the colleges and universities were dominant i n their insistenc e upon a n idea of f o r m . . . . [It ] wa s thi s assumptio n o f a mold, of a mean s that coul d b e gaine d beyon d th e litera l fac t o f th e writin g here and now that had authority." 13 In 1956 , writer Lesli e Wool f Hedle y compose d a satiric academi c jo b interview i n whic h th e candidat e describe d hi s publications , an d i n s o doing lampooned th e modernis t cano n an d th e journals i n which mos t o f the canonizer s published : I wrot e a review praisin g th e poetr y o f T. S . Eliot fo r Sewanee Review, a review praising the Sewanee Review for Kenyon Review, a review praising the very sound Americanism of Ezra Pound for Hudson Review, a review against independent poetr y for Poetry Chicago, a review praising the poets of New York for th e New Yorker . . . [ , and] I wrote a n article statin g that Wystan Auden, T. S . Eliot, Stephe n Spender , John Cro w Ransom an d Allen Tate aren't published often enough . Other writers also attacked th e cultural conservatism an d anti-avan t gard ism tha t the y sa w emanatin g from th e academy . Th e editor s o f Yugen presented a fictitious awar d t o academi c poe t W . D . Snodgras s fo r "out standing achievemen t i n nineteenth-centur y Englis h verse, " an d Rober t Bly conferred "Th e Orde r o f the Blu e Toad" on historia n Jacques Barzu n "for hi s middle-clas s hatre d o f ar t an d poetr y disguise d a s a defenc e o f intellect." 14 Vanguardists also charged tha t universities standardized creativity . Aca-

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demia brough t th e bureaucrati c specializatio n o f industria l societ y int o the creativ e real m wit h result s tha t mos t cultura l radical s considere d deleterious not only to intellectual life but to life in general. Avant gardists believed tha t th e academ y wa s n o plac e fo r a genuinel y creativ e artis t o f any kind. Lawrenc e Ferlinghett i attende d a reading a t th e Sa n Francisc o Poetry Cente r a t Sa n Francisc o Stat e Universit y i n 195 6 an d conclude d that "writin g workshops , i f attende d assiduously , ca n onl y lea d t o th e death o f th e poet. " Jac k Keroua c dismisse d colleges , i n hi s 195 8 nove l Dharma Bums, a s "groomin g school s fo r th e middl e clas s non-identit y which usually finds its perfect expressio n . . . i n rows of well-to-do house s with lawn s an d televisio n set s . . . wit h everybod y lookin g a t th e sam e thing an d thinkin g th e sam e thin g a t th e sam e time. " Kennet h Rexrot h minced n o words an d condemne d college s an d universities a s "fog factor ies": "Behin d thei r scree n th e universitie s fulfil l thei r socia l purposes . They tur n ou t bureaucrats , perpetuat e th e juridica l lie , embroide r th e costumes o f th e delusio n o f participation , an d o f late , i n department s never penetrate d b y th e humanitie s staff , tur n ou t atom , hydrogen , an d cobalt bombers—genocidists i s the word." The academy , from th e avant garde perspective , directe d huma n creativit y awa y from innovativ e an d transformative goal s to conventional, constrained , an d destructiv e ones. 15 The Avan t Gard e Enter s th e Academ y

The academ y assimilate d member s o f th e avan t gard e almos t i n spit e of themselves. The initia l step s in thi s process came from th e educationa l institutions. I n th e 1950 s an d 1960s , man y educator s believe d tha t col leges ha d carrie d scientifi c rationalis m to o fa r an d that , t o compensate , communities of higher education needed a n infusion o f humanistic values. Harold Taylor , president o f Sara h Lawrenc e College , argued i n 196 6 in a symposium o n "Th e Universit y a s Cultura l Leader, " publishe d i n Arts in Society, tha t th e artis t "shoul d b e give n a majo r plac e i n th e colleg e an d university" and , indeed , "shoul d hav e bee n ther e al l along. " On e wa y colleges an d universitie s demonstrate d thei r renewe d commitmen t t o th e arts was in th e constructio n o f multimillion-dolla r art s centers , includin g performance spaces , galleries , classrooms , an d studios . Fo r example , i n the mid-1960s , a $3. 3 millio n performin g art s cente r wa s buil t a t th e University of Wisconsin a t Madison an d a $1.4 million cente r was built a t the Universit y o f Illinois . B y openin g u p universitie s t o th e humanitie s and th e arts , administrators create d opportunitie s tha t ha d no t previousl y existed fo r avan t gardists. 16

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The Musi c Schoo l o f th e Universit y o f Illinois wa s typica l o f th e ne w university art s programs . Th e schoo l bega n t o expan d i n th e lat e 1940s , along wit h th e res t o f th e university . Academi c art s di d no t mea n exclu sively avan t gardism , an d th e Universit y o f Illinoi s wa s n o exception . Music histor y an d musicolog y wer e earl y strength s o f th e department . But ambitiou s younger facult y an d musi c student s discovere d tha t avant garde music , because i t was new to th e university, was an are a where the y could distinguis h themselves . B y th e earl y 1960s , th e Musi c Schoo l a t Illinois gaine d nationa l prominenc e a s a cente r fo r th e compositio n an d performance o f ne w music , especiall y electroni c an d compute r music . John Cag e wa s compose r i n residenc e a t th e schoo l fro m 196 7 t o 1969 , during which time he produced hi s multimedia happenin g HPSCHD. 1 7 The Universit y o f Illinois Schoo l o f Music i s just on e exampl e o f ho w cultural radicalis m becam e incorporate d int o college s an d universities . Colleges als o bega n t o exhibi t avant-gard e ar t i n thei r galleries . In 1948 , the Universit y o f Illinoi s bega n a biennia l exhibitio n o f "Contemporar y American Paintin g an d Sculpture " tha t evolve d int o jus t on e par t o f a general festiva l o f contemporar y art . Jackso n Polloc k exhibite d severa l times a t Bennington Colleg e betwee n 195 2 an d 1958 . In 1965 , the Insti tute o f Contemporary Art at the University of Pennsylvania sponsore d a n exhibition o f works b y Andy Warhol. Durin g thes e sam e years, vanguar d artists exhibite d a t the Universit y o f Minnesota; Smit h College ; Pennsyl vania Stat e University; the University of California, Irvine ; the Universit y of California , Berkeley ; Brandei s University ; Ne w Yor k University ; an d other institutions . College s als o began hirin g innovative artists , both o n a temporary basis in composer , writer , an d artis t in residency programs an d as permanent member s o f burgeoning academi c faculties. 18 Presented wit h thes e opportunities , man y avan t gardist s bega n t o re consider thei r oppositio n t o th e academ y an d t o se e th e universit y a s a positive environment . The y di d s o fo r a variety o f reasons, includin g th e money an d th e community . I n 1960 , novelist an d Universit y o f Washington Englis h instructo r Rober t O . Bowe n wrot e i n th e littl e magazin e Inland tha t "th e universit y i s th e onl y plac e th e literar y artis t belong s today. Aside from hi s salary and the bookish company, he belongs becaus e no othe r recognize d plac e exist s for a learned ma n i n America.... Ther e are n o low-ren t Lef t Bank s today ; ther e ar e n o cafe s wher e ol d master s hand dow n th e lor e t o th e beginner. " Universitie s als o gav e som e struc ture t o th e intellectua l lif e o f a far-flun g continent . Richar d Kostelanet z described th e "networ k o f universities " a s th e "closes t semblanc e o f a n

I N S T I T U T I O N A L ENTHRALLMEN T • 13 5

'intellectual center ' Americ a has. " Furthermore, college s an d universitie s provided suppor t fo r innovativ e art . Rexroth , fo r example , despit e hi s fulminations agains t th e "fo g factories, " admitte d tha t th e Poetr y Cente r at Sa n Francisco Stat e Colleg e di d a great dea l in th e 1950 s an d 1960 s t o promote innovative poetry through sponsore d reading s of new poems an d through classe s an d workshop s o n avant-gard e poetics . (Rexrot h di d no t find th e effect s o f larg e grant s from th e Rockefelle r Foundatio n t o b e deleterious t o the Poetry Cente r either.) 19 Some cultura l innovator s argue d tha t th e universit y metho d o f techni cal specialization provide d a better mode l fo r artisti c exploratio n tha n th e avant-garde mode l o f epater les bourgeois. Compose r Milto n Babbit t wa s one suc h radica l innovator . Babbit t worked i n seria l an d electroni c forms , taught a t Princeton , an d co-directe d th e Columbia-Princeto n Cente r fo r Electronic Music. In his 195 8 essay "Who Care s If You Listen," published in High Fidelity, Babbit t argue d tha t experimenta l contemporar y musi c was a musi c "for , of , an d b y specialists. " H e compare d th e tremendou s changes that had take n place in music since the earl y twentieth centur y t o the nineteenth - an d twentieth-centur y "revolutions " i n mathematic s an d physics. Babbitt furthe r note d tha t neithe r o f these discipline s was particularly intelligibl e t o laypeople , ye t nobod y denounce d thi s conditio n a s elitist o r ba d fo r th e culture . Wh y not , Babbit t asked , carr y th e analog y further an d trea t experimenta l musi c as a specialized, technica l activity ? And so, I dare to suggest that the composer would do himself and his music an immediate . .. servic e by total, resolute, and voluntary withdrawal from this public world to one of private performance an d electronic media, with its ver y rea l possibilit y o f complet e eliminatio n o f th e publi c an d socia l aspects o f musica l composition . B y so doin g . . . th e compose r woul d b e free to pursu e a private lif e o f professiona l achievement , a s opposed t o a public life of unprofessional compromis e and exhibitionism. Babbitt di d no t car e i f there wa s a public fo r ne w music , an d neithe r di d Richard Maxfield , wh o wrote in 1963 , Rather than popularizing such concerts, warn the audience away. Then only those who are receptive to the extraordinary will come And the atmosphere will be alert and open.

For thes e composers , innovatio n produce d ne w esoterica , no t ne w cul ture. 20

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The increasingl y theoretica l orientatio n o f innovativ e ar t i n th e post war year s als o mad e teachin g mor e respectabl e t o cultura l innovators . Oliver Andrews , a sculpto r an d long-tim e membe r o f th e ar t facult y a t the Universit y o f California , Lo s Angeles , acknowledge d tha t whe n h e began teachin g i n th e mid-1950 s som e artist s viewe d teachin g a s a questionable occupatio n becaus e the y believe d ar t was about creatin g objects , not discussin g them. With th e innovation s associate d wit h conceptua l ar t in th e 1960s , however , knowledg e becam e increasingl y importan t fo r artists. The theoretica l perspectiv e o f the teache r bega n t o be valued, an d this developmen t mad e teachin g acceptabl e fo r innovativ e artists . I n th e 1960s, ar t bega n t o follo w th e cours e o f musi c i n th e developmen t o f complex theory . Th e sam e occurre d i n literatur e a s well , a s avant-gard e novelists suc h a s Thoma s Pynchon , Joh n Barth , an d Willia m H . Gas s wrote highl y reflexiv e novel s abou t th e makin g o f novels . As al l th e art s became increasingl y base d i n philosophy , th e universit y becam e th e logi cal place for innovativ e activity. 21 From th e 1950 s t o th e 1970s , th e universitie s employe d increasin g numbers o f vanguardists . I n th e 1920s , colleg e teacher s constitute d 9 percent o f th e contributor s t o America n littl e magazines . I n th e 1950s , the figur e fo r avan t gardists a t universities appeare d t o be about th e same . Thus, onl y four ou t o f forty-four contributor s t o Donal d M . Allen's New American Poets in 196 0 had hel d full - o r part-time academi c employment , one o f whom wa s Charle s Olson , wh o ha d bee n recto r o f th e innovativ e Black Mountai n Colleg e fo r severa l years . Bu t whe n Alle n reissue d hi s anthology twenty-years late r a s The Postmoderns, th e statu s o f the contrib utors ha d changed . Mor e tha n hal f o f th e writers , includin g Alle n Gins berg, John Ashberry , Rober t Creeley , an d William Everson , hel d post s a s university faculty. B y the 1960s , more tha n 4 0 percent o f the contributor s to little magazine s hel d academi c positions, and b y the 1970 s the numbe r rose to 6 0 percent an d more . Clearly not al l innovative artist s found thei r way t o universities , bu t academi a ha d becom e significan t a s never befor e for th e cours e o f American avan t gardism. 22 Many cultura l innovator s di d no t thin k twic e abou t becomin g colleg e teachers. Oliver Andrews is an example. Andrews graduate d wit h a bachelor's degre e fro m Stanfor d Universit y in 1948 . He spen t a year i n Europ e and the n worke d a s a draftsma n i n Sant a Barbara . Andrew s decided , however, tha t h e wanted t o mak e his living as an artist , an d h e develope d a strategy to achieve that goal . He decide d tha t he would mak e sculpture s in his off hours, have some shows, get recognition, an d use this resume t o

I N S T I T U T I O N A L ENTHRALLMEN T • 13 7

get himself a teaching job. His program prove d successful . Andrews bega n making sculptures o f wood, wire, and concret e a t night. He ha d a show at the Sant a Barbar a museum , go t a deale r i n Lo s Angeles , wo n a priz e a t the Los Angeles Count y Museum o f Art annual i n 1957 , and was feature d in Art in America a s a rising "ne w talent. " Th e sculpto r the n applie d fo r jobs in New York and Californi a an d was offered both . H e accepte d a job at the Universit y of California, Lo s Angeles, because he sense d a growing dynamism i n th e Californi a ar t world tha t seeme d t o indicate th e comin g of a West Coast rival to the traditional cultura l hegemony of the East . For Andrews, bein g a colleg e teache r an d bein g a par t o f a vita l cultura l movement were not antithetical. 23 Over time , eve n critic s o f "academic " artist s accepte d position s i n colleges an d universities . Fo r example , i n th e 1960 s Morto n Feldma n criticized Babbit t a s th e leade r o f th e "academi c avant-garde. " I n 1972 , Feldman accepte d th e Edgar d Vares e Chai r o f Music a t the Stat e Univer sity o f New York , Buffalo . I n th e earl y 1960s , Irving How e bega n teach ing, firs t a t Stanford , the n a t th e Cit y Universit y o f Ne w York . Eve n Rexroth succumbe d t o the lur e o f the academ y an d taugh t a t the Univer sity of California, Sant a Barbara , from 196 8 to 1974. 24 Conclusion

The enthrallmen t o f th e American vanguar d b y what ha s bee n calle d th e "knowledge-industrial complex " ha d paradoxica l effect s o n th e move ment. O n th e on e hand , th e establishmen t o f a sizabl e portio n o f th e avant gard e o n universit y campuse s signale d succes s fo r cultura l radicals . A new culture was, after all, the goa l of radical innovators. To be accepte d into such traditionally conservative institutions indicated a transformatio n in th e culture . I n addition , member s o f th e advanc e guar d coul d furthe r the goa l of cultural renewa l throug h thei r teaching. 25 On th e othe r hand , th e academizatio n o f the avan t garde suggeste d t o many tha t th e movemen t ha d cease d t o b e trai l blazin g an d ha d becom e routinized. I n 1955 , a poe t characterize d th e jo b o f th e contemporar y writer t o be consolidation becaus e "ther e is no place else to g o since ther e is a limit t o ho w muc h pla y with punctuatio n o r typographica l composi tion i s stil l interestin g t o us. " Abstract expressionis t painte r John Ferre n noted i n a lecture give n a t th e Universit y o f Florid a i n 195 8 tha t "whe n the participating artist is asked to speak about the avant-garde, the crucial, generative phas e ha s obviousl y passed. . . . The perio d calle d 'consolida -

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tion' has arrived." By the late 1950s , abstract expressionis m was becomin g a manneris m an d artist s turne d t o othe r styles . A s artist s cam e t o th e California universitie s in the 1960s , they took a West Coast vanguard styl e of assemblag e an d happening s calle d "funk, " develope d b y nonacademi c innovators suc h a s Bruc e Conno r an d Wall y Berman , an d create d a n academic styl e calle d "Funk, " characterize d b y critic Thomas Albrigh t a s "scholasticism's for m o f comic relief." 26 More importantly , acceptanc e int o th e academ y did no t pu t vanguard ists a t th e intellectua l cente r o f th e university . American multiversitie s o f the postwa r year s ha d n o center . Cultura l radicalis m becam e jus t on e more optio n i n a pluralist system whose disparat e parts had onl y the mos t tenuous o f relations. If any goal linked th e various parts o f the university , it was the responsibilit y t o provide student s with professiona l trainin g fo r their desire d careers . Just a s th e reforme d universitie s o f th e lat e nine teenth an d earl y twentiet h centurie s validate d th e ne w middle-clas s pro fessions, vanguar d educator s foun d themselve s trainin g student s fo r th e now respectabl e middle-clas s career s o f creativ e writin g instructo r o r academic composer o f electronic music . As constant innovatio n becam e th e accepte d definitio n o f artistic prac tice, the ability to "make it new" lost cultural meaning and became merel y a necessary career skill. In the competitive worlds of academia, publishing , and th e Eas t an d Wes t Coas t ar t worlds , a vision o f a redeeme d cultur e became les s importan t tha n th e student' s abilit y at , a s on e ar t instructo r put it , "hustling , conning , an d whoring. " These , o f course , wer e th e same skill s a s th e advertise r an d salesperso n i n a competitiv e cultur e o f consumption. Th e mai n thrus t o f America n highe r educatio n i n th e postwar worl d wa s t o trai n th e manager s o f th e consume r culture . Ar t galleries sol d styl e t o thes e affluen t consumers . Avant-gard e innovation s became commoditie s i n a culture o f consumption. 27

C - H ' A - P ' T - E ' R8

Consumer Cultur e Commodificatio n

B

y 1965 , the relationshi p betwee n avan t gardist s an d thei r culture ha d change d greatly . Increasingly , innovativ e in tellectuals wer e n o longe r alienate d outsider s bu t trend setters i n th e realm s o f fashio n an d ideas . Thei r ar t wa s feature d i n corporate collection s an d advertising , thei r poetr y an d pros e rea d an d dissected o n campuse s an d i n coffe e houses , an d thei r behavior s imitate d by rebellious youn g peopl e from th e suburbs . I n on e sense , th e assimila tion o f th e advanc e guar d int o America n societ y coul d b e describe d a s a victory a s th e predominan t cultur e reflecte d th e influenc e o f cultura l radicalism in matters o f style and tast e and , to some extent , in values. But th e appropriatio n o f th e vanguar d als o indicate d a defeat. Rathe r than radicall y transformin g America n institutions , thes e institution s adapted vanguardis m t o th e prevailin g corporat e consume r culture . Busi nesspeople appropriate d th e avan t gard e int o thei r institution s fo r pres tige, publi c relations , an d personne l management . Th e member s o f th e 139

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various institution s o f th e mas s medi a transforme d th e avan t gard e b y reducing cultura l radicalis m t o lifestyle, status , celebrity , an d fashion . Tamed a s a consume r novelt y o r a lifestyl e choice , th e ide a o f th e avant gard e los t coherence . B y th e mid-1960s , th e movemen t ha d be come s o attenuate d a s to hav e los t almos t al l historic meaning . N o avan t garde existe d an y longe r tha t coul d constitut e a radica l forc e fo r a ne w future. The Cultur e o f Consumptio n Historians hav e described ho w members o f the Europea n aristocrac y an d emerging middl e classe s bega n t o defin e themselve s a s communitie s o f consumption a s earl y a s th e commercia l revolutio n o f th e seventeent h century. A culture in which consumption shape d th e mentality of the mass of peopl e acros s socia l classes , however , di d no t begi n t o emerg e full y until th e industria l revolutio n o f th e nineteent h century . I n th e Unite d States, th e transportatio n an d communicatio n revolution s create d th e framework fo r a nationa l marke t befor e th e Civi l War . Brande d good s developed a s the mass-market version of fashion, an d advertising commu nicated th e value of one brand ove r another t o middle- and working-clas s consumers. B y the first thir d o f th e twentiet h century , th e basi c compo nents of consumer cultur e were in place in the United States . What define s consume r cultur e i s not th e purchas e an d us e o f goods , however, bu t th e constellatio n o f value s tha t delineat e th e meanin g o f consumption. Consume r cultur e contrasts with the older producer cultur e in the conceptio n o f the econom y and th e individual. Scarcit y defined th e economy o f producer culture ; hard work , thrift , self-denial , an d deferre d gratification define d th e interna l qualitie s o f th e individual . I n consume r culture, however, abundance characterize d th e economy. Adherents o f th e new value system emphasized leisure , spending, and self-fulfillment. I n a n economy o f abundance, peopl e believe d tha t gratificatio n n o longe r nee d be deferred : on e coul d hav e everythin g immediately . Fo r th e other-di rected denizen s o f consume r culture , individua l qualitie s suc h a s bein g liked o r strivin g t o develo p a n attractiv e personalit y replace d th e inner directed, produce r cultur e emphasi s o n having a strong, moral character . Consumer cultur e wa s no t jus t a creatio n o f twentieth-centur y mer chants an d advertisers , however ; intellectual s contribute d t o th e creatio n of th e ne w culture . Fro m Europea n romanticis m emerge d no t onl y th e concept o f avan t gardism , bu t als o th e ideolog y o f consumption . I n

CONSUMER CULTUR E C O M M O D I F l C A T I O N • 14 1

particular, th e romantic s define d a ne w for m o f hedonism , wha t Coli n Campbell ha s calle d "moder n self-illusor y hedonism. " Traditiona l hedo nism focuse d o n th e maximu m enjoymen t o f pleasurabl e object s an d activities, such as food, drink , music, games, or sex. Romantics also argued that th e searc h fo r pleasur e was intrinsically goo d an d tha t th e emotiona l experience o f artisti c enjoymen t brough t abou t mora l renewal . Th e ne w component adde d b y th e romantic s wa s a belie f i n th e powe r o f th e imagination t o creat e an d fulfil l desires . A line from Joh n Keats' s poetr y illustrates th e importanc e o f th e daydrea m fo r romantics : "Hear d melo dies ar e sweet , bu t thos e unhear d ar e sweeter. " Th e daydrea m woul d become the foundation fo r modern hedonistic consumption, a s advertisers focused people' s imaginativ e association s o n good s an d th e ide a o f con sumption.1 Prosperity, Consumption , and the Crisi s of the Individua l American consume r cultur e reached maturit y in the prosperous years tha t followed Worl d Wa r II . Th e postwa r economi c boo m resulte d from several causes . American s ha d accumulate d persona l saving s fro m high paying wa r work . Technologica l developmen t create d ne w industrie s i n plastics and electronics . Governmen t policy , such as support fo r suburba n housing throug h low-interes t loan s an d suppor t fo r aerospac e an d othe r industries neede d t o fight th e Col d War , als o contribute d t o economi c growth. I n th e 1950s , many American s worke d les s an d earne d more , a s working hours went down and wages and salaries went up in most occupa tions. Th e type s o f job s a t whic h peopl e labore d als o changed , a s fewe r Americans worke d i n factorie s an d th e majorit y foun d employmen t i n clerical, sales , managerial , an d othe r "whit e collar " occupations . B y th e end o f the 1950s , the majority o f Americans were middle class , as define d by income level , compare d t o onl y a thir d i n th e year s befor e th e Grea t Depression. For many Americans, consumption symbolize d havin g "mad e it" t o th e middl e class . Millions o f American s move d from th e citie s t o new housin g development s o n th e urba n periphery . The y filled thes e houses wit h consume r items , from kitche n appliance s t o televisio n sets . Historian Joh n Patric k Diggin s characterize d th e postwa r year s a s th e "proud decades " afte r American s witnesse d th e triump h o f th e natio n over th e crise s o f depressio n an d wa r an d th e seemin g fulfillmen t o f the materia l promis e o f America n life . Commentato r Walte r Lippman n

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observed, "W e tal k abou t ourselve s thes e day s a s if we were a complete d society, one which ha s no further grea t business to transact." 2 Not al l observer s share d th e complacenc y describe d b y Lippmann . Members o f th e advanc e guard , o f course , fel t deepl y alienate d from American society , bu t the y wer e no t th e onl y individual s t o criticiz e th e social implication s o f th e postwa r politica l economy . Socia l critic s no t associated wit h th e avan t garde , suc h a s William Whyt e an d Davi d Ries man, als o expresse d concer n abou t th e ne w "manageria l personality. " These critic s argue d tha t th e ide a o f the individua l adhere d t o b y Americans from th e eighteent h centur y forward n o longer reflecte d socia l realities. Th e traditiona l America n conceptio n o f individualis m emphasize d being i n charg e o f one' s economic , social , an d politica l destiny . Th e farmer, th e entrepreneur , an d th e professiona l al l depended o n thei r ow n resourcefulness an d hard work for success . In the postwar years, Riesman , Whyte, and others described the new, bureaucratic context in which man y Americans foun d employmen t a s on e i n whic h th e individua l wa s n o longer th e complet e maste r o f hi s destiny . As salarie d employees , white collar worker s depende d o n other s fo r thei r livelihood , muc h a s factor y workers ha d sinc e th e industria l revolution . Individua l qualitie s o f per sonal characte r seeme d les s importan t i n th e contex t o f carryin g ou t o f bureaucratic functions ; on e wa s encourage d t o follo w th e rule s an d ge t along wit h other s i n th e organization . Th e postwa r prosperit y mean t increased opportunit y fo r man y Americans , bu t als o challenge s a s th e meaning o f individual existenc e became less clear. 3 Consumerism offere d a solutio n t o thes e "problem s o f prosperity " i n the constructio n o f a distinc t imag e throug h consumption . Consume r culture value s emphasize d individua l self-expressio n an d th e freedom t o define one' s ow n lif e "style. " Fo r example , i n 1952 , th e editor s o f House Beautiful announced a new era o f "free taste. " Joseph A. Barry described a "Second America n Revolution"—no t a political one , bu t on e o f "style. " The peopl e o f America, Barr y declared, "ar e writing anothe r Declaratio n of Independence—this tim e from th e would b e dictators of the America n home." Rathe r tha n bo w t o th e prescription s o f th e editor s o f fashio n and decoratin g magazines o r distan t Parisian designers , Barry contended , Americans increasingl y exercise d "th e courag e o f thei r tastes " by "takin g over th e directio n o f thei r ow n home s an d thei r lives. " Citing Riesman' s The Lonely Crowd, Barr y argue d tha t th e chie f proble m facin g American s in the earl y 1950 s was "how to be an individual in a society dependent o n mass production. " Hi s answer : "Lik e lif e i n nature , yo u mus t giv e you r

CONSUMER CULTUR E C O M M O D I F I C A T I ON • 14 3

personal expression , you r taste , free play—o r yo u will emerg e lik e a n end-product o n a n assembl y lin e o f canne d culture. " One' s hom e shoul d not, h e said , b e a "rubbe r stamp " o f officia l taste , o r mirro r th e "imper sonalism" o f th e offic e environment . B y choosin g "fre e taste, " Barr y contended, American s were "reclaimin g thei r manhood " from conformis t society. "They are, " he declared , "today' s happy warriors. They believ e i n one thing : free tast e exercise d b y free men. " H e concluded , echoin g th e Communist Manifesto, "The trul y free ma n canno t b e beaten.... He—n o you, you have a world t o discover an d possess, especially yourself." 4 The article s an d illustration s i n House Beautiful describ e th e develop ment o f a personal style as an individual exercis e in freedom. Thi s ide a o f personal lifestyl e derive s from romanticis m an d avant-gard e idea s abou t individual self-expression . Th e political , sociological , an d psychologica l context o f thes e essay s transforme d th e hom e int o a decisiv e cente r o f action i n Col d Wa r America . Bu t behin d th e rhetori c o f freedom ther e remains th e coercio n o f consumption . Th e edito r o f House Beautiful, Elizabeth Gordon , encourage d th e developmen t o f th e "other-directed personality" (diagnose d b y Riesman ) b y her advic e t o reader s t o loo k fo r the sign s o f change d style no t jus t "i n you r ow n purchases, " bu t "i n th e new possession s o f your friends" an d "i n th e 5 3 pages [o f House Beautiful] that follow." These pages included a n essay by critic Joseph Wood Krutc h advising reader s o n "Ho w t o Develo p Discrimination. " Th e editor s als o provided wha t the y describe d a s a "forecas t o f America n taste— your taste," wit h seemin g obliviousnes s t o th e self - fulfillin g natur e o f suc h a forecast.5 The Alienatio n o f the Avan t Gard e fro m Consumer Cultur e Members o f th e postwa r avan t gard e fel t alienate d from America n con sumer culture . Most vanguardist s believe d tha t materialis m wa s th e basi c value o f th e America n peopl e an d a centra l proble m tha t neede d t o b e solved i f America n cultur e wer e t o b e renewed . I n 1951 , avant-gard e editor Horac e Schwart z note d i n hi s magazine , Goad, that th e cultura l tradition o f th e Unite d State s seeme d ofte n t o "consis t i n th e pitifu l phrases 'free enterprise, ' an d 'America n Wa y o f Life.' " Thi s critiqu e o f commercialism wa s no t ne w fo r th e America n avan t garde , o r fo r th e avant gard e i n general . Lik e thei r predecessors , postwa r vanguardis t crit ics argue d tha t fo r American s progres s seeme d t o b e define d onl y i n

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material, economi c terms . Furthermore , the y argued , American s base d aesthetic and other moral (fo r aestheti c questions were moral questions t o advanced intellectuals ) evaluation s on quantitativ e measures , such a s price or the possibilities for profit o r social advancement. So intent were Americans o n economi c success , wrot e surrealis t Parke r Tyle r i n 1945 , tha t their imagination s wer e "inflame d . .. wit h th e sens e o f material luxury. " In 1961 , poet Gar y Snyde r declared , "Moder n Americ a ha s becom e eco nomically dependen t o n a fantastic syste m o f stimulatio n o f gree d whic h cannot b e fulfilled , sexua l desir e whic h canno t b e satiated , an d hatre d which ha s no outle t excep t agains t onesel f o r th e person s on e i s suppose d to love." 6 As inhospitable a s this contex t seeme d t o cultura l radicals , little maga zine editor James Boye r May argued tha t suc h an environment wa s fertil e ground fo r th e avan t garde . Ma y note d tha t th e larges t numbe r o f littl e magazines cam e from countrie s tha t were "host s to confirmative negativ isms," whil e a t th e sam e tim e no t outrigh t dictatorships . "Thus, " Ma y continued, "thei r largest numbers hav e budded i n the U.S.A., 'free ' worl d leader wit h a science-guide d industria l econom y emphasizin g materia l welfare." May's point supports Renato Poggioli's contention tha t the onl y authentic bourgeoi s ar t i s anti-bourgeois . Th e conformis m an d materia l striving o f America i n th e 1950 s seeme d t o b e th e perfec t settin g fo r th e avant garde. 7 Many cultura l radicals , however , di d no t conside r th e prevalen t valu e system t o b e conducive t o grea t art . Clyffor d Stil l describe d hi s painting s as anachronisms becaus e the y expressed values in opposition t o the scien tific and business-oriented values he saw as dominant in the United States . In the late 1940s , rather tha n have his paintings coopte d a s decoration fo r corporate office s o r penthous e apartments— a complet e denia l o f thei r content—Still aske d galler y owner Bett y Parsons t o withdraw them from public vie w an d sale . Harr y Partc h di d no t hav e muc h hop e fo r th e "significant evolutio n o f America n music " give n th e "America n geniu s for pervertin g a spar k o f individua l imaginatio n int o a commodit y fo r nationwide distribution. " An d indeed , ho w coul d on e expec t otherwise , when, accordin g t o Bea t poe t Gregor y Corso , writin g i n 1961 , the mos t powerful spokespeopl e fo r America n value s wer e no t Benjami n Frankli n or Thoma s Jefferso n bu t "strang e red-necke d me n o f industry. " I n th e decades afte r Worl d Wa r II , radical intellectual s fel t completel y alienate d from a cultur e define d b y th e ques t fo r profit , economi c success , an d social status. 8

CONSUMER CULTUR E C O M M O D I F l C A T I O N • 14 5

Furthermore, member s o f th e advanc e guar d believe d tha t th e pursui t of materia l succes s wa s no t onl y a wrong-headed goal , bu t als o on e tha t stifled th e huma n spirit . Becaus e human s are , i n th e vanguar d view , creative, spiritua l beings , to o muc h attentio n t o materia l concern s cause s the spiri t to atrophy . Incapable o f creative expressio n o r appreciation , th e true sel f i s destroyed . I n 1945 , poe t Wendel l Anderso n describe d th e younger generatio n a s "alread y slav e materia l fo r th e assembl y line , th e yoke o f a unio n an d a job , goo d voter s an d enjoyer s o f thei r necessitie s . . . th e gadget s . . . th e luxurie s o f our moder n worl d . . . whic h i s aroun d their ankle s an d neck s lik e a bal l an d chain. " Thi s enslavemen t t o th e material bode d il l fo r th e futur e o f th e Unite d States . Citin g hi s favorit e authority, Allen Ginsber g wrote t o his father, Loui s Ginsberg , "Whitma n long ag o complaine d tha t unles s th e materia l powe r o f Americ a wer e leavened b y some kind o f spiritual infusio n w e would win d u p amon g th e 'fabled damned.'" 9 Members o f th e avan t gard e di d no t distinguis h betwee n militaris m and materialism . I n th e 1950s , mos t cultura l radical s agree d wit h littl e magazine edito r Davi d Kove n tha t bot h wer e linked : "Th e dynamic s o f the societ y lea d onl y t o wa r an d destruction, " Kove n wrot e i n 1956 . "Remember, withou t a war , o r th e threa t o f war , thi s whol e econom y would collapse. " Thus , thes e critic s contende d tha t th e unhealth y valu e system o f th e America n people , combine d wit h th e grea t militar y powe r of th e government , place d a t ris k no t jus t th e futur e o f th e country , bu t the worl d a s well . I n 1949 , edito r Ja y Wait e o f Gale declared tha t th e United State s was like "a child with tw o shotguns, four knives , a bottle o f acid and nothing to d o with hi s time"—in short , a menace t o himself an d to others. 10 Avant-garde alienatio n from post-wa r prosperit y also resulted from th e vanguardist's ow n uncertai n economi c rol e an d socia l status . Withou t official patronage , creativ e intellectual s sinc e th e nineteent h centur y hav e lived i n a difficul t an d ambiguou s position , force d t o b e producer s i n a free-lance ar t market , bu t regarde d b y man y peopl e a s parasite s wh o consume withou t producin g anythin g o f "real " value . Member s o f th e avant gard e preferred , o f course , t o thin k o f themselve s a s producin g work tha t wa s importan t t o thei r society , an d the y rejecte d th e ide a of economi c succes s i f i t mean t compromisin g thei r principles . Snyde r remembers tha t i n th e 1950 s h e an d hi s colleague s ha d " a choic e o f remaining laborer s fo r th e res t o f ou r live s t o b e abl e t o b e poets. " Bu t even i f artists preserve d thei r integrity , coul d the y b e heard? "Th e poet, "

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declared Wait e i n 1949 , "is forced t o labo r unde r condition s tha t demea n his perso n an d atroph y hi s art . H e can' t b e foun d fo r th e jumbl e o f stuf f and things ; h e can' t b e hear d abov e th e roa r o f production. " Unde r these circumstances , th e temptatio n wa s grea t t o say , a s Contour edito r Christopher Maclain e suggeste d i n 1947 , "To hell with Art," an d joi n th e Chamber o f Commerce. The alternativ e was to labor t o change society. 11 The Absorptio n o f the Avan t Gard e int o Corporate Cultur e Given th e hostilit y betwee n th e avan t gard e an d consume r culture , ho w did th e absorptio n o f th e on e int o th e othe r occur ? On e agen t o f th e domestication o f th e avan t gard e wa s businesspeopl e wh o integrate d th e avant gard e int o corporat e culture . The othe r agen t was the mas s media . This sectio n wil l focu s o n ho w America n businesspeopl e contribute d t o the commodificatio n o f the avan t gard e throug h th e us e o f innovative ar t in advertisement s an d desig n an d i n corporat e collection s an d sponsore d exhibitions. In addition , we will see how members o f the ar t world helpe d assimilate th e avan t gard e int o corporat e cultur e b y applyin g th e lates t commercial marketin g techniques t o the sal e of art . The proces s o f commercia l canonizatio n bega n i n th e 1910s , whe n American advertiser s an d designer s bega n t o us e avant-gard e image s an d motifs. Member s o f th e advertisin g elit e o f th e 1920 s understoo d them selves t o b e "modernizers. " They believe d tha t par t o f thei r role , beyon d selling th e client' s product , wa s t o educat e peopl e abou t th e change s taking plac e in societ y an d cultur e i n th e industria l world . Many o f the m turned t o avant-gard e artist s fo r image s th e advertiser s considere d t o b e appropriate fo r a technologically advanced , urban , industria l world . The y also believe d tha t associatio n wit h hig h ar t brough t prestig e t o thei r products. Modern art , ad man Earnest Calkin s said, "offered th e opportu nity o f expressin g th e inexpressible , o f suggestin g no t s o muc h a moto r car a s speed , no t s o muc h a gow n a s style. " Thus , advertisement s i n magazines suc h a s the Saturday Evening Post and th e Ladies Home Journal introduced American s wh o ha d n o exposur e t o museum s an d gallerie s t o innovative ar t by , or i n th e style of , suc h artist s a s Pablo Picasso , Charle s Sheeler, an d Charle s Demuth. 12 During th e 1930s , mos t advertiser s returne d t o mor e traditiona l de signs a s competition i n a depressed econom y turne d thei r attentio n fro m aesthetically appealin g ad s t o basi c hard-sel l styles . An exceptio n t o thi s

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14 7

trend wa s the promotio n o f moder n desig n b y industrialist Walte r Paep cke, whose firm manufactured packaging . In 1935 , Paepcke established a n art departmen t i n th e firm t o develo p ne w design s fo r everythin g from stationery t o advertisements . Paepck e hope d tha t th e associatio n o f th e company wit h moder n desig n an d ar t woul d creat e th e imag e o f a com pany dedicated t o innovation an d als o contribute t o cultural uplift . Paepcke's explanatio n fo r th e a d campaig n applie d t o al l o f hi s desig n interests. "Simplicity , conciseness , [and ] unit y o f desig n an d though t an d line," h e said , woul d characteriz e th e advertisements . Tex t woul d b e limited an d the illustration emphasize d i n order t o give the viewer "some thing interestin g t o loo k a t whic h h e coul d associat e wit h us " an d thu s associate th e compan y wit h "originality , imagination , an d taste. " I n thi s way, h e concluded , "th e technique s o f moder n artist s woul d identif y u s with curren t development s i n applie d graphi c art which were—and are — so importan t t o packaging. " Ove r th e years , th e compan y use d i n thei r advertising work by artists such as Willem d e Kooning, Man Ray , Fernand Leger, Henr y Moore , Jean Helion , an d Herber t Bayer . A writer i n Harper's described Paepcke' s compan y a s the "mos t daring " corporat e adver tiser becaus e i t "use d abstrac t painting s i n ful l colo r fo r thei r decorativ e and shoc k effect i n magazines." Other American businesse s soon followe d the exampl e o f th e containe r firm i n th e us e o f contemporar y ar t i n advertising.13 Direct industria l patronag e o f th e art s als o becam e a n increasingl y important sourc e o f fund s fo r th e ar t worl d beginnin g i n th e lat e 1930s , and becam e eve n mor e significan t i n th e postwa r decades . Corporat e patronage include d th e sponsorin g o f contests , performances , tours , an d exhibitions. For example , in 194 5 a major col a manufacture r bega n spon soring a n annua l paintin g competition , offerin g thousand s o f dollar s i n prizes, a nationa l tour , an d th e printin g o f twelv e o f th e painting s i n a widely distribute d calendar . Th e firm sponsore d thi s show , a s other firms did, a s a mixtur e o f publi c relation s an d advertising . Mos t companie s supported ver y conventiona l works , bu t man y corporation s alway s in cluded som e vanguard work . Merce Cunningha m an d hi s avant-gard e danc e company , fo r example , benefited from corporat e sponsorship . A chanc e meetin g a t a cocktai l party between th e developmen t directo r o f the Cunningha m troup e an d a director fo r a multinational oi l compan y resulte d i n fundin g fo r par t o f a South America n tou r b y Cunningha m an d hi s dancers . Concern s abou t public relation s an d politic s motivate d th e manager s o f th e Venezuela n

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subsidiary o f th e oi l compan y t o fun d Cunningham . Th e businesspeopl e wanted t o pacif y criticis m o f th e firm b y studen t activists . Knowin g th e appeal o f avant-gard e cultur e t o students , th e compan y financed a wee k of danc e concert s b y Cunningham' s grou p i n Caraca s an d distribute d thousands o f free ticket s t o students . Joh n Cag e sai d tha t th e wee k i n Venezuela wa s "th e bes t thin g o n th e whol e tour. " Th e oi l compan y reaped publi c relations benefits tha t brought the m increase d stability. 14 Corporations als o serve d a s patron s b y purchasin g ar t fo r thei r ow n private collections . I n th e earl y 1960s , th e manager s o f a larg e publi c relations fir m establishe d a divisio n devote d t o helpin g corporat e client s buy painting s an d sponso r exhibitions . Unde r th e leadershi p o f Davi d Rockefeller, a large Ne w Yor k bank develope d a n extensiv e collectio n o f avant-garde painting s an d sculptures . Corporate manager s collecte d ar t as an investmen t an d a s a for m o f personne l management . Lik e Paepck e before them , businesspeopl e i n th e postwa r years believed tha t innovativ e art in their offices woul d inspire their workers to innovation. For example, in 1962 , the managers o f a major cigarett e manufacturin g fir m decide d t o redecorate thei r corporat e office s i n a moder n manner , includin g ne w designs i n furnitur e an d avant-gard e art . A compan y spokesperso n ex plained th e criteri a use d by company officials t o choos e ar t for th e corpo rate collection (an d also for corporate-sponsore d avant-gard e exhibitions) : "Art tha t would shatte r th e routin e vie w of things, that would forc e al l of us t o se e thing s from ne w perspectives , tha t woul d coa x us int o thinkin g of thing s i n nove l ways. " Thes e word s als o describ e th e goals tha t van guardists had for thei r work. In this particular corporate context , however , "new perspectives " mean t ne w way s t o marke t a product . Here , a s else where i n th e busines s world, th e advanc e guar d suffere d th e ironic fat e o f becoming a tool fo r corporat e imag e making. 15 At the sam e tim e tha t Paepck e wa s bringing ar t into business , a public relations exper t an d artist' s agen t name d Reeve s Lewentha l decide d t o bring busines s method s t o art . Lewenthal' s experience s i n th e ar t worl d and th e busines s worl d convince d hi m tha t member s o f th e forme r use d ineffective an d outdate d marketin g techniques . "Th e galler y system, " Lewenthal contended , "i s doomed . Th e ric h collecto r clas s i s dyin g out . There i s n o us e i n th e galleries ' sittin g aroun d an d complainin g an d waiting fo r th e fe w ol d collector s wh o ar e lef t t o com e i n an d bu y a n occasional picture . America n ar t ough t t o b e handle d lik e an y othe r American business. " Accordingly, i n 193 4 Lewenthal founde d th e Associ-

CONSUMER CULTUR E C O M M O D I F I C A T I ON • 14 9

ated America n Artist s t o marke t print s b y America n artist s t o middle class purchasers . Lewentha l first attempte d t o sel l five-dollar print s i n department stores , bu t wen t o n t o hav e hi s greates t succes s sellin g print s through mail-order . I n th e 1930 s an d 1940 s th e Associate d America n Artists feature d th e accessibl e modernis m o f regionalist painter s Thoma s Hart Benton , Stuar t Curry , an d Gran t Wood . Lewentha l als o promote d his artist s t o advertisers , a s i n a cigarett e campaig n tha t feature d th e paintings o f Benton . I n thi s way , h e an d other s contribute d t o bringin g avant-garde ar t into advertising. 16 In th e postwar years, Lewenthal, eve r sensitive t o shift s i n taste , bega n to sel l abstract print s an d sculpture s a t store s in Ne w York , Chicago , an d Beverly Hills . H e update d hi s mail-orde r busines s t o includ e popula r consumer item s such a s fabrics, ceramics , greeting cards, calendars, lampshades, an d plac e mats , man y o f whic h feature d abstrac t styles . Thus , Lewenthal continue d t o contribut e t o th e domesticatio n o f modernism . By th e 1950s , however, Associate d America n Artist s face d stif f competi tion fro m interio r desig n firms, furnitur e makers , an d othe r househol d accessory manufacturer s wh o als o produce d item s featurin g avant-gard e styles. In 1962 , painter A d Reinhard t declared , "N o ar t a s a commodity o r a jobbery. Art i s not th e spiritua l sid e o f business. " The commercializatio n of th e advanc e guar d concerne d Reinhard t an d othe r cultura l radicals . I f the avan t gard e di d no t quit e becom e th e spiritua l sid e o f business , th e movement certainl y becam e a n importan t par t o f th e busines s sid e o f business. I n a n econom y o f abundanc e i n whic h consumptio n wa s th e goal, th e avan t gard e fulfille d a need . Innovatio n assimilate d t o desig n and advertisin g aide d i n th e constructio n o f produc t images . Innovatio n incorporated int o publi c an d personne l relation s helpe d t o shap e corpo rate images . Suc h wa s no t th e goa l o f member s o f th e avan t garde . Th e realities o f th e marke t economy , however , require d avan t gardist s t o accept mone y from almos t anyon e wh o wa s buying . Bu t bot h cultura l radicals and businesspeople o f the twentieth centur y challenged th e values of producer culture . The member s o f the advance guard advocate d libera tion throug h creativ e self-expression . Th e corporat e leader s advocate d liberation throug h consumption . I n th e end , th e merchant s o f con sumption defeate d bot h produce r an d avant-gard e cultures . B y th e 1960s, creativ e self-expressio n an d consumptio n wer e al l bu t indistin guishable.17

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The Medi a an d the Mediatio n o f Cultur e The mas s medi a als o functioned a s a promoter, connectin g th e vanguar d with consume r cultur e durin g th e postwa r years . Alon g wit h nationa l advertising, th e mass media becam e a key institution i n the disseminatio n of consumer-cultur e values . Bot h advertisin g an d th e medi a develope d their moder n for m a t th e sam e time, an d bot h tende d t o communicat e prepackaged an d fragmentary informatio n wit h the intent that their prod ucts b e consume d rathe r tha n understood . Advertiser s an d th e editor s o f mass-market magazine s denude d th e America n avan t gard e o f cultura l concerns an d reduce d th e movemen t t o celebrity , lifestyle , status , an d fashion. Throughout th e twentiet h century , th e editor s an d writers o f the mas s media functione d a s gatekeeper s wh o controlle d th e informatio n tha t reached th e public . Whil e th e rhetori c o f th e medi a proclaime d thei r objectivity, certai n institutional factor s operate d t o distort the informatio n presented, thu s projectin g th e avan t gard e t o th e postwa r publi c throug h a defective lens . Three characteristic s o f th e mas s medi a accoun t fo r thes e distortions . The first wa s th e fragmentatio n o f information . Th e mas s medi a pre sented informatio n a s a plethor a o f fact s abou t th e worl d wit h littl e context o f meaning o r interpretation. Th e medi a create d wha t Neil Post man ha s calle d a "peek-a-boo world " i n whic h on e even t o r perso n pop s into view, disappears, and i s followed b y another. 18 Th e secon d distortin g characteristic wa s th e us e o f sensationalism . Editor s favore d storie s tha t appealed t o th e emotion s o f thei r readers , especiall y feeling s o f wonder , excitement, o r fear . Suc h a n editoria l strateg y favore d th e presentatio n o f "odd" behavior s o r image s ove r th e presentatio n o f serious ideas , such a s those o f member s o f th e avan t garde . Th e thir d characteristi c wa s th e creation o f pseudo-events . Pseudo-events , accordin g t o Danie l J. Boors tin, are manufactured occurrence s presente d i n th e medi a fo r self-servin g motives. The phenomeno n o f celebrity is the pseudo-event mos t relevan t to th e avan t garde . Celebritie s ar e individual s wel l know n fo r bein g wel l known, whateve r meritoriou s contribution s the y ma y have mad e t o soci ety. Typicall y the y ar e entertainer s wh o ar e no t intrinsicall y important . The concep t o f celebrit y unite s fragmentatio n wit h sensationalis m an d focuses publi c attention o n personality rather tha n ideas or other substan tive content . Together , thes e thre e characteristi c distortion s o f th e mas s

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media ha d a particularl y deleteriou s influenc e o n moder n avant-gard e movements. 19 Celebrity an d the Avan t Gard e The mode l o f artist a s revolutionary leade r heroically showin g people th e way to th e futur e ha s bee n a standard on e sinc e th e romanti c perio d an d was especiall y prominen t i n th e ag e o f th e avan t garde . I n th e twentiet h century, th e her o ha s been transforme d int o th e celebrity . Personalit y ha s become th e focu s o f presentatio n rathe r tha n idea s o r accomplishments , which are often lackin g for celebritie s in any case. Often suc h presentatio n serves commercial purposes, as in the cas e of conductor Arturo Toscanini , who, throughout th e middle decade s of the century , personified th e nexu s of celebrity , culture , an d commerc e i n hi s jo b a s conducto r o f th e NB C Symphony Orchestra . Neither th e vanguardists ' socia l critiqu e no r thei r desir e t o integrat e art an d lif e i n a radicall y ne w worl d appeare d i n popula r media . I n th e postwar years , painte r Jackson Polloc k emerge d a s a n avant-gard e celeb rity an d establishe d a patter n followe d b y othe r artist s wit h increasin g frequency a s th e year s wen t by . O f al l th e abstrac t expressionis t painter s who coul d hav e bee n highlighted , th e choic e o f Polloc k wa s fortuitou s from a media standpoin t becaus e h e wa s a sh y ma n an d tende d t o direc t attention t o his works rather tha n theoriz e abou t them. That i s not t o say that Polloc k lacke d idea s o r intentions , onl y tha t h e was less communica tive abou t the m tha n wer e othe r abstrac t expressionis t painter s suc h a s Robert Motherwell , Barnet t Newman , o r Clyffor d Still . Newma n an d Motherwell especiall y wrot e extensivel y abou t thei r aim s an d ideals . Bu t Pollock's limite d "pape r trail " an d reluctanc e t o express theoretica l con cerns provide d a n unusua l opportunit y fo r th e medi a t o transfor m hi m from radica l innovator t o celebrit y artist . The editor s o f Life magazin e decide d t o publis h a featur e stor y o n Pollock afte r th e painte r wa s mentione d i n th e "Life Roun d Tabl e o n Modern Art " in Octobe r 1948 . The articl e appeare d i n August 1949 , and the write r focuse d almos t exclusivel y o n personalit y an d wor k methods , saying nothin g abou t th e artist' s motivation s o r th e intellectua l milie u from whic h hi s wor k came . Th e write r note d "inexplicable " qualitie s o f Pollock's painting s an d decide d t o mak e thes e qualitie s th e cente r poin t of Pollock' s personality , describin g hi m a s "broodin g an d puzzled-look -

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ing." Th e accompanyin g photograp h show s th e painte r wit h farrowe d brow, crosse d arms , a cigarette danglin g from hi s mouth, standin g befor e one o f his large canvases . The ton e o f the piece is patronizing, th e autho r getting muc h fu n ou t o f Pollock's us e o f a trowel an d th e as h an d insect s that accidentl y ende d u p i n th e paintings . Bu t Pollock wa s also describe d as a n independen t ma n whos e wor k wa s a n expressio n o f hi s personality , and a s the onl y on e wh o kne w when a painting was completed. Pollock' s quirky painting s wer e presente d a s a result o f hi s quirk y personality , bu t it wa s his personality . I n a bureaucrati c society , h e wa s a rebe l wh o followed hi s own intuition, a man a s self-made a s his art. 20 The mood y rebelliousness o f the public Pollock found a counterpart i n the popula r metho d actor s o f th e 1950s : Montgomer y Clift , Marlo n Brando, an d Jame s Dean . Th e editor s o f Time mad e th e compariso n explicit i n a 195 6 articl e abou t Polloc k an d othe r abstrac t expressionist s entitled "Th e Wil d Ones, " after th e 195 3 Brando film The Wild One. The image o f Pollock as a Brando characte r becam e establishe d i n the popula r media an d influence d th e wa y othe r artist s though t abou t him . Painte r George Sega l recalle d storie s abou t Polloc k from Segal' s studen t day s a t New Yor k University : "The y tol d m e h e wa s violent , deep , inarticulate , he dran k too much , was passionate, revolutionary, bu t HIMSEL F onl y in his paintings. " Sega l remembere d tha t thi s descriptio n alway s pu t i n hi s mind "Marlo n Brando' s brooding , poutin g profile " a s Stanle y Kowalsk i in A Streetcar Named Desire. 21 Pollock the celebrit y was not solel y the creatio n o f mass media public ity; Pollock himself contribute d t o the image. In th e earl y 1950s , photographer Han s Namut h bega n takin g a series o f famous photograph s o f th e artist. Polloc k becam e obsesse d wit h th e ide a o f th e artis t a s acto r an d discussed wit h friend s th e appropriat e "persona " fo r th e moder n artis t i n order t o b e read y fo r th e nex t sessio n wit h Namuth . H e too k t o wearin g cowboy boots , somethin g h e ha d no t don e sinc e his youth, t o emphasiz e his Western origin s an d th e individualism , freedom, an d primitivis m tha t the Wes t connote d (anothe r medi a stereotype) . I n 195 6 th e imag e wa s completed when Pollock died in a car crash in the manner o f James Dean . The linkag e o f Polloc k an d th e avan t gard e wit h Rebel Without a Cause indicated th e banalit y o f celebrit y journalism . Ironically , cultura l radical s were explicitl y rebels with causes. For the famous , celebrit y promised financial reward . Artists discovere d that throug h th e notoriet y o f bein g a celebrit y the y coul d distinguis h themselves from other s an d translat e tha t distinctio n int o increase d com -

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mercial success , i f no t lastin g fame . Thus , ambitiou s artist s transforme d the ide a o f avant-gard e innovatio n fro m a serious purpos e int o a market ing technique . Thei r ultimat e purpos e becam e t o turn , a s Phili p Fishe r put it, "a style into a brand." 22 Following Pollock's example, other members of the avant garde manipulated th e medi a mor e successfull y t o creat e a celebrit y imag e fo r them selves, what Dic k Hebdig e describe s a s the "artis t a s star. " Painte r Larr y Rivers followe d Pollock' s cours e a s artis t celebrity . I n th e lat e 1950s , Rivers appeare d o n gam e show s an d i n Life magazine ; hi s marita l prob lems an d dru g takin g wer e wel l publicized . Likewise , Norma n Maile r established th e patter n o f postwa r celebrit y writer . Th e title o f Mailer' s 1959 work , Advertisements for Myself proclaime d that , a s criti c Lillia n Feder noted , "th e sel f ha s becom e a n image. " Th e celebrit y presente d images o f excitement an d self-fulfillmen t t o a n audienc e searchin g for , a s Norman Podhoret z remarke d wit h referenc e t o Mailer , "no t s o muc h a more equitabl e worl d a s a more excitin g one. " In 1958 , the manager s o f the Ne w Yor k jaz z clu b th e Fiv e Spo t Caf e advertise d i t i n th e littl e magazine Yugen a s th e "Hom e o f Theloniu s Monk , jazz-poetry , [and ] America's leadin g painters , sculptors , composers , actors , poets , people. " Seemingly, there was no bette r plac e t o look for artist-celebrities. 23 Andy Warhol epitomize d th e innovativ e artis t a s celebrity. He deliber ately courte d fame , a s if bein g famou s a s an artis t wa s th e sam e a s bein g significant. I n a culture o f consumption, h e was probably right . Fro m hi s youth, image ha d concerne d Warhol . In th e 1950s , he began combin g hi s hair i n th e styl e wor n b y Truma n Capot e i n th e jacke t photograp h o f Capote's first novel , Other Voices, Other Rooms, a photograp h tha t itsel f was highly stylized. Throughout hi s life, h e carefully constructe d a public image. I n th e earl y 1960s , Warho l adde d t o hi s Capot e imag e a leathe r jacket an d sunglasse s (i n th e bike r styl e o f Brand o fro m th e movi e The Wild One, also a theme fo r on e o f Warhol's paintings) . The ide a o f artis t a s celebrit y carrie d ove r int o Warhol' s work . Hi s paintings an d films ha d th e qualitie s o f "pseudo-events " i n tha t thei r significance rarel y went any deeper than thei r surfaces. Warhol character ized hi s wor k a s "empty " o f feelin g an d meaning , commentin g t o a n interviewer, "I f you want t o know al l about Andy Warhol, just look at th e surface o f m y painting s an d films an d me , an d ther e I am . Ther e i s nothing behin d it. " Hi s interes t extende d onl y t o wha t h e saw . Warhol' s use of images from th e mass media, o f publicity-style photographs , an d o f the mechanical technique o f silk screening, often usin g repetitive imagery ,

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focused attentio n o n surfaces . I n hi s films, th e us e o f th e lon g tak e produced a simila r repetitiv e quality . Warhol' s work s were , a s Patric k Smith argued , "homage s t o . . . ," tha t is , to whatever objec t happene d t o be the subject. 24 Warhol believe d tha t peopl e woul d loo k a t thes e object s becaus e h e was famou s an d h e wa s lookin g a t them , an d perhap s peopl e woul d se e common object s a s specia l becaus e o f thei r associatio n wit h a celebrity . Critic Kynasto n McShin e describe d thi s belie f a s "the alchem y o f fame" : the ordinar y transforme d int o th e extraordinar y b y the celebrity' s artisti c gaze.25 This alchem y ha d som e parallel s wit h histori c vanguar d belief s abou t the integratio n o f ar t an d life . Bu t i n Warhol' s wor k th e goa l seeme d t o be th e integratio n o f celebrit y an d life . Th e ne w visio n h e offere d wa s that peopl e woul d se e sou p can s a s celebritie s o f th e ar t world , no t tha t they would lear n t o perceive everyda y life a s an aesthetic experience . Warhol, o f course , wa s no t th e first artis t t o us e ordinary , mass produced object s a s art . Indeed , fo r th e 198 9 Museu m o f Moder n Ar t Warhol retrospective, Robert Rosenblum's catalo g essay, in the best tradition o f th e museum , provide d a distinguishe d pedigre e fo r Warhol , in cluding cubis m an d Dada . Bu t thes e earlie r avan t gardist s relie d o n th e authority o f thei r vision , no t thei r fame , muc h les s thei r popularity , t o transform th e perceptio n o f thei r audience . Furthermore , thes e earlie r cultural innovator s tende d t o oppos e th e institution s o f th e ar t worl d because the y believe d tha t thes e institution s create d th e distinctio n be tween ar t and life. Warhol, however, based his strategy for achievin g fam e on th e powe r o f ar t worl d institution s suc h a s galleries , museums , an d magazines t o creat e a n artist' s reputation . H e relie d o n thes e institution s to validate his vision an d mak e him a credible artist. 26 With celebrit y statu s cam e th e opportunit y t o mak e money . Th e art ist's nam e o n a work made th e paintin g valuable. Throughout th e 1970s , portraits commissione d b y collector s an d celebritie s provide d Warho l with a large par t o f his income. Warhol's nam e associate d wit h a produc t made the merchandise valuable. Warhol advertise d hi s services as product endorser i n th e Village Voice i n 1966 : "I'l l endors e wit h m y nam e an y o f the following: clothing, AC-DC, cigarettes, small tapes, sound equipment , Rock 'N' Rol l records, anything, film, and film equipment, Food , Helium , WHIPS, Money ; lov e an d kisse s And y Warhol. " Ove r th e nex t tw o decades he endorse d tw o airlin e companies , a liquor interest, a n electron -

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ics manufacturer, a news magazine , a shampoo, an d a n investmen t bank ing firm. 27 Warhol indee d create d a "brand " fo r himself , producin g ar t an d films in quantit y in a studio h e knowingl y calle d "Th e Factory. " Warhol trans formed th e advance-guar d movemen t int o a medi a event . Th e bia s o f modern mas s communication s towar d sensatio n an d celebrity , a s well a s the romanti c traditio n o f describin g th e artis t a s a bohemian rebel , com bined t o creat e "celebrit y vanguardism. " Becaus e th e member s o f th e avant gard e tende d t o describ e thei r alienatio n i n persona l an d individua l terms rathe r tha n socia l ones , the cultura l concern s o f the advanc e guar d could b e ignored an d th e eccentricitie s o f personality brought t o the fore . Perhaps becaus e o f hi s experience s i n advertisin g an d commercia l art , Warhol grasped , almos t intuitively, how the media worked . He combine d his medi a knowledg e wit h th e rhetori c o f th e avan t gard e t o re-creat e himself a s a celebrity, thu s helping furthe r t o subsum e th e advanc e guar d into th e cultur e o f consumption . The Avan t Gard e a s Lifestyl e The mas s medi a commodifie d th e avan t gard e b y focusin g o n superficia l aspects o f th e artist : hi s o r he r tast e i n clothing , music , an d hairstyle ; cleanliness; vocabulary ; an d employmen t (o r lac k thereof) . Th e medi a thus dre w attentio n t o tha t constellatio n o f qualitie s tha t woul d com e t o be calle d "lifestyle. " Thi s focu s o n lifestyl e woul d b e particularl y tru e fo r the Bea t vanguard. Th e Bea t movemen t attracte d attentio n i n 195 6 wit h the Howl obscenit y trial . The publicatio n o f Jack Kerouac' s On the Road the nex t yea r create d eve n mor e publicity , beginnin g a Bea t fa d amon g many younge r Americans . Initia l discussio n o f th e Beat s i n th e mas s media tende d t o b e a t least grudgingl y favorabl e an d t o demonstrat e tha t the writers had a t least some understanding o f what these cultural radical s were about . Fo r example , literary criti c Gen e Bar a wrote i n th e New York Herald Tribune that th e Beat s wer e "mystics , an d thei r mystiqu e i s th e self." Othe r reviewer s describe d Keroua c a s th e F . Scot t Fitzgeral d o r Ernest Hemingwa y o f th e pos t Worl d Wa r I I generation . I n som e cases , writers fel t positiv e expectatio n abou t ho w th e movemen t migh t develop . Leslie Cros s wrote i n the Milwaukee Journal i n 195 7 that "th e winds from the wes t ar e free an d ma y (le t u s hope ) whis k awa y a t leas t som e o f th e stuffiness tha t has settled ove r so much American writing in the 1950s." 28

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The situatio n change d rapidly , a s journalists turne d from attempt s a t serious explanatio n o f th e writing s o f th e las t America n vanguar d t o caricature an d ridicule . Norma n Podhoretz' s condemnator y piec e i n th e 1958 Partisan Review, "Th e Know-Nothin g Bohemians, " seeme d t o se t the ton e fo r subsequen t commentary . Podhoret z denounce d Alle n Gins berg, Kerouac , an d th e other s a s irrational, immature , an d incompetent . Journalists linke d th e Bea t vanguar d t o th e allege d yout h rebellion , an other medi a stereotyp e o f th e decade , an d t o movi e sta r Jame s Dean . Journalists assume d tha t th e Bea t writer was inarticulate, withdrawn fro m the world , an d a literar y poseur . Followin g th e Sputni k launchings , Sa n Francisco newspape r columnis t Her b Cae n coine d th e derisiv e nicknam e "beatnik," which helpe d t o furthe r th e medi a them e tha t th e Beat s repre sented a n adolescen t phas e rathe r tha n a seriou s vanguar d movement . A Time writer describe d the m a s a "pack o f od d ball s who celebrat e booze , dope, sex and despair. " The leve l of discourse is illustrated b y the fact tha t writers i n bot h Time an d Life mentione d tha t Bea t poe t Gregor y Cors o boasted tha t h e neve r combe d hi s hair, "Although, " Cors o wa s quote d a s saying, "I guess I'd ge t the bug s out o f it if I did." 29 In thi s way , th e attentio n o f th e mas s medi a turne d increasingl y from the literatur e an d idea s o f th e Beat s t o description s o f thei r "lifestyle. " The lead-i n photograp h illustratin g Pau l O'Neal' s Life magazin e stor y on th e Beat s summe d u p th e superficia l presentation . Th e photograph , allegedly depictin g a Bea t "pad, " ha d been , accordin g t o th e caption , "recreated i n [a ] studi o sho t usin g pai d models. " Th e pictur e included , however, everythin g a prospectiv e Bea t neede d fo r "uncomfortabl e liv ing": a mattres s o n th e floor , bongos , marijuana , empt y bee r cans , a typewriter wit h a n unfinishe d poem , Charli e Parke r an d Mile s Davi s records o n th e phonograph , a "bea t chic k dresse d i n black, " an d a "bearded bea t wearin g sandals , chino s an d turtlenecke d sweater. " Th e stereotype becam e s o pervasiv e tha t whe n a Sa n Francisc o televisio n station sen t a camer a cre w t o Nort h Beac h t o film a poet' s "pad, " th e journalists di d no t believ e tha t th e nea t apartment , filled wit h books , paintings, an d attractiv e furnitur e o f a contemporar y design , presente d the appropriat e appearance . Th e produce r covere d th e coffe e tabl e wit h cigarette butt s an d liquo r bottle s an d the n bega n filming. Th e almos t complete identificatio n o f Bea t wit h a particula r lifestyl e rathe r tha n intellectual conten t could be seen in this description o f Japanese so-calle d "Zen beatniks " publishe d i n Look in 1963 : "Alon g wit h blu e jeans , dar k glasses, coffe e millin g an d a n anti-haircu t movement , Japan' s beatnik s

CONSUMER CULTUR E C O M M O D I F I C A T I ON • 15 7

have adopted freethinking an d free-acting wit h amazing alacrity." Writing from Japan , Gar y Snyde r note d t o Lawrenc e Ferlinghett i i n 196 0 tha t "b.g. [bea t generation ] i s becomin g widel y publicize d i n Japa n . . . — emphasis o n L.A . type crow d an d coffe e shop s an d fann y clothes... . Bu t I thin k th e b.g . will become anothe r half-understoo d fa d her e amon g th e teen-agers." 30 The avan t gard e becam e a commercial property . A San Dieg o depart ment stor e bega n t o advertis e a lin e o f "beachnik " swimsuits . A Bea t character was added t o th e popula r televisio n progra m Dobie Gillis as well as to th e radi o soa p oper a Helen Trent and th e comi c stri p Popeye. MG M produced a movie , The Beat Generation, and a publishe r o f pul p fiction issued Beatnik Party, whose characters , accordin g t o th e cove r copy , wer e "crazed wit h strang e desires " an d "sinfu l passions. " A grou p o f cleve r avant-garde poet s an d photographer s i n Ne w Yor k Cit y establishe d a "Rent-a-Beatnik" servic e i n th e lat e 1950 s an d wer e very successfu l unti l the IR S close d the m dow n fo r nonpaymen t o f taxes . Jaz z musician s popularized b y th e Beat s (Keroua c appeare d o n albu m covers ) becam e successful, an d youn g peopl e copie d th e jaz z musician' s "style" : Gerr y Mulligan's haircut , Dizz y Gillespie' s beret . Jaz z performer s als o mad e advertisements fo r cigarettes , clothes , hai r products , and , o f course , re cords. In 1966 , poet John Ashberry complained tha t "Grove Press subwa y posters invit e th e lumpenproletaria t t o 'joi n th e Undergroun d Genera tion' a s though thi s were a s simple a matter a s joining th e Peps i Genera tion whic h i t probably is." 31 Besides journalists , cultura l radical s themselve s contribute d t o th e re duction o f th e avan t gard e t o lifestyl e accoutrement s t o b e picke d u p b y rebellious youn g people . Lawrenc e Lipto n wrot e The Holy Barbarians (1959) a s an explanatio n an d defens e o f cultura l radicalism . Th e effec t o f the book , however , wit h it s glossar y o f Bea t terms , stereotypica l photo graphs, an d superficia l discussion s o f Ze n Buddhism , dru g taking , an d other bohemia n behaviors , was to furthe r th e trivializatio n o f the advanc e guard.32 Lipton ha d pretension s o f bein g a seriou s avant-gard e artist , bu t h e made hi s livin g a s a hac k write r o f shor t stories , radi o scripts , and , wit h his wife, a series o f very successful detectiv e pot-boilers . As Lipton wrot e to Kennet h Rexroth , " I wa s capabl e o f doin g th e ver y thin g I ha d th e most contemp t for—an d doin g i t well. " The iron y wa s compounde d b y Lipton's failure s a t serious fiction an d poetr y in the 1940 s and 1950s. 33 Divorced, Lipto n move d t o Venice , California , i n th e mid-1950s , at -

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tracted b y th e lo w rents . Ther e h e me t th e bohemia n communit y mad e up o f Stuar t Z . Perkoff, Wallac e Berman , an d others . In th e Venice avan t garde, Lipto n believe d h e ha d foun d th e embodimen t o f hi s ide a o f th e poet a s "Ne w Barbarian, " a concep t h e describe d i n a lon g poem . Th e new barbarian would, Lipto n declared , restore The sense of wonder; men made brothers Not in name alone, but deeper, in the ritual ring. Fresh sacraments, New meanings valid for our time, A world reborn, a new hierogamy.

Lipton decide d tha t hi s futur e a s an avan t gardis t la y in popularizin g th e Venice vanguard. 34 Lipton's thought , suc h a s i t was , presente d a mas s o f contradictions . He di d no t believ e i n commercialism , bu t h e di d believ e i n commercia l success. He though t tha t i f a book o r a poem wer e good , the n million s o f people woul d wan t t o rea d it , an d tha t i f an ide a were true , the n million s of peopl e woul d chang e from thei r ol d way s o f thinkin g an d accep t th e new. Lipton believe d tha t th e avan t gard e neede d onl y a skilled publicis t to succeed . All he ha d t o d o was present t o "th e public " the ideal s o f th e advance guard : thei r voluntar y poverty ; thei r dedicatio n t o creativity ; th e liberation the y foun d i n drugs , jazz , an d free love . Published a t th e tim e of th e Bea t fad , The Holy Barbarians received muc h medi a attentio n an d became a best seller . Although th e Venice vanguard communit y ha d littl e direct relationshi p t o th e Beats , th e tw o elide d togethe r i n th e publi c mind, a union tha t Lipton implie d i n his book and di d nothing t o dispel . Combined wit h th e presentatio n o f the avan t garde in th e mass media , Lipton's wor k contribute d t o th e commodificatio n o f th e avan t gard e a s lifestyle. Consider , fo r example , th e contras t tha t Lipto n dre w betwee n the 1920 s and th e 1950 s vanguards: In th e 1920s , Chuc k Benniso n [pseudony m fo r a Venice bohemian ] . .. would have quit his advertising agency job, as Sherwood Anderson did, but he would not in the twenties have shed his necktie, put on Levis and gone to live in poverty in a slum, seeking "new ways of knowing" through po t and tranc e an d far-ou t jaz z as he di d i n th e fifties . Sherwoo d Anderson' s was not a total rejection o f American lifeways and values. Nor woul d th e youn g peopl e an d tourist s wh o bega n t o floc k t o th e Village an d Nort h Beac h trul y rejec t America n values . They woul d ten d

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to focus o n th e mos t easil y applie d avant-gard e "ideas" : Levis , jazz, and , in th e middl e an d lat e 1960s , marijuana . Cultura l slummin g becam e common a s many youn g American s concluded , a s novelist Ronal d Suke nick put it, "Al l right, i f art is life, the n wh o needs art?" 35 A frien d o f John Cage' s tol d hi m tha t he r teenage d so n cam e hom e from wor k on e da y an d announce d tha t h e woul d no t b e hom e fo r a couple o f days . "What' s up? " Cage' s frien d asked . Th e so n explained , "Tomorrow nigh t afte r work , I' m drivin g t o Alban y wit h Dann y Sher wood [ a friend] fo r a cup of coffee, an d I'll b e back for work the followin g day." Whe n th e boy' s mothe r pointe d ou t tha t h e coul d hav e a cu p o f coffee i n th e kitche n withou t drivin g al l night , h e answered , "Don' t b e square. Rea d Kerouac. " Th e stor y wa s no t atypical . Joyc e Glassman , Kerouac's lover at the time, wrote fro m Ne w York City to Allen Ginsber g and Peter Orlovsk y in 195 7 that "HOW L i s being sold in drugstore s no w and th e Wes t En d i s ful l o f young, would-b e hipster s wh o laug h an d sa y 'Well, I'm o n th e road,' o r 'Thin k I'l l g o to Frisco today.'" 36 Writing bac k t o th e Oklahoma-base d White Dove Review, Greenwic h Village correspondent Wes Whittlesey reported tha t while the Village was the place for the avant garde and many there really believed in freedom an d creativity, many more used the idea of "freedom o f conscience" as a "license for sexua l promiscuity. " Perkof f distinguishe d betwee n "workin g artists " and "beatnikians, " whom h e characterize d a s "non-doers who have all th e personality of a used condom [and ] . . . really are a drag." 37 The absorptio n o f the Bea t "lifestyle " int o postwa r societ y was fraugh t with additiona l ironies . The writer s fo r Time, Life, an d othe r medi a pre sented the Beat vanguardists as silly and deplored their lack of moral values. At the sam e time, however, the y popularized th e superficia l aspect s o f th e vanguard rebellio n among young people who felt alienated from th e bour geois conformity o f the decade. In this way, the media controlled the rebellion. By discrediting the substance of the vanguard critiqu e of America, the mass-media popularizers enabled a "safe" rebellion that did not undermin e the consumer culture, but rather created a new consumption community. 38 T h e Avan t Gard e an d Statu s

The mas s medi a furthe r merchandise d cultura l radicalis m t o America n society b y associatin g th e advanc e guar d wit h status . Journalist s wh o associated th e vanguard with wealth, fashion, an d success made for a more favorable receptio n o f cultura l radicalism . Bu t th e presentatio n o f th e

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advance guar d a s a lifestyl e symbo l o f statu s trivialize d th e importan t cultural concern s o f th e movement . Radica l innovator s di d no t envisio n that alienatio n would en d in social climbing . In th e sprin g o f 1951 , for example , Vogue magazine feature d th e lates t in evenin g wea r fro m Sak s Fift h Avenu e an d Lor d an d Taylo r bein g modeled i n front o f painting s from Pollock' s sho w a t th e Bett y Parson s Gallery (Alexande r Liberman , creativ e directo r a t Vogue, wa s a friend o f Betty Parsons) . Th e painting s show n include d canvase s tha t woul d be come tw o o f th e artist' s mos t famous works : Lavender Mist an d Autumn Rhythm. Th e autho r o f th e brie f accompanyin g tex t note d tha t som e observers describe d th e painting s a s "idiotic," while other s though t the m the wor k o f a "genius. " "Amon g th e latter, " th e write r commented , "ar e some o f th e mos t astut e privat e collector s an d museu m director s i n th e country." Pollock's understanding o f myth an d symbol, which gav e meaning t o hi s work , wa s no t mentione d i n th e tex t an d implicitl y denie d b y the functiona l us e o f th e painting s a s backdrops . Pollock' s messag e wa s reduced t o style , eve n fashio n an d sophistication , withou t conten t o r intentionality.39 In 1955 , th e editor s o f Fortune presented th e avan t gard e a s a smar t investment. "I s it possibl e t o dra w useful parallel s betwee n investmen t i n the art market an d investment i n the stock market?" asked two writers fo r that magazin e i n 1955 . "Roughly, i t is, " they answered . Th e commenta tors compare d ol d maste r painting s t o "gilt-edg e securities" ; painting s associated wit h modernis t movements , suc h a s impressionis m an d th e School of Paris, to "blue chip" investments; and the works of the contem porary avan t gard e t o "speculativ e o r 'growth ' issues. " Among th e radica l innovators mentione d a s goo d speculativ e investment s wer e Mar k Rothko, Rober t Motherwell , Clyffor d Still , Jackson Pollock , Wille m d e Kooning, Larr y Rivers , Willia m Baziotes , an d Fran z Kline . B y 1958 , a writer fo r Life coul d describ e " a worldwid e boo m i n th e advance d style s of U.S . paintin g whic h ar e stil l controversia l a t home. " Th e writer' s tone suggeste d tha t American s migh t lear n somethin g from th e "recor d crowds" turning ou t i n Japan an d Europ e t o se e th e ne w American wor k and maybe pay more favorabl e attentio n t o contemporar y artists. 40 In 1968 , the Saturday Evening Post ran a cover stor y o n choreographe r and dance r Merc e Cunningham . Th e cove r photograp h feature d Cun ningham i n luri d makeu p designe d b y Robert Rauschenberg . Bu t lest th e Post's reader s ge t th e wron g idea , write r Dona l Henaha n note d tha t Cunningham ha d bee n praise d i n th e page s o f th e New York Times, had

CONSUMER CULTUR E C O M MO DIFI CAT ION • 16 1

received numerou s grant s from prestigiou s foundations , an d oversa w a n organization wit h a budge t i n exces s o f $200,000 . Henaha n describe d Cunningham a s th e "so n o f a countr y lawyer " wh o ha d becom e "th e leader o f th e danc e avant-garde. " Cunningham' s wor k migh t b e a trifl e strange, but he represented th e American traditio n o f hard work rewarde d by success—th e avan t gardis t a s Horati o Alge r hero . (Thi s issu e als o included a n intervie w wit h Vic e Presiden t Huber t Humphre y abou t hi s candidacy fo r presiden t an d a gues t editoria l b y Genera l Curti s LeMa y advocating nuclear proliferation.) 41 In 1958 , a n articl e i n Life carrie d th e heading , "Fro m Shoc k t o Re spect." The referenc e wa s to public response s t o innovativ e ar t work, bu t it aptl y describe d ho w writer s an d editor s fo r mas s medi a publication s changed thei r attitud e towar d th e advanc e guard—fro m dismissa l i n th e 1940s, t o a mixtur e o f condescensio n an d respec t i n th e earl y 1950s , t o acceptance b y th e lat e 1950s . Th e chang e occurre d a s member s o f th e avant gard e gaine d respec t an d acceptanc e from cultura l an d commercia l institutions. Fo r example , Cage' s 194 3 Ne w Yor k debu t conductin g a percussion ensembl e receive d a condescendin g notic e i n Life magazine . The write r describe d th e performer s a s "earnest , dressed-u p musicians " and note d tha t "th e audience , which wa s very highbrow, listene d intentl y without seemin g t o b e disturbe d a t th e nois y results. " A n articl e i n Newsweek in 194 6 referred t o paintings o f Robert Motherwell an d Adolp h Gottlieb under th e heading " A Way to Kill Space." 42 Beginning i n th e lat e 1940s , the ton e i n th e popula r medi a became , i f not sympathetic , a t leas t mor e ope n t o modernis t an d radica l work . I n Promenade in 1949 , criti c Alfred o Valent e discusse d th e psychologica l themes o f th e wor k o f Gottlie b i n a fai r manner , concludin g tha t "fo r those clinicall y interested, thi s sho w is outstanding fo r wha t i s happenin g in th e neon-lighte d ateliers. " In 1956 , a writer fo r Time magazin e joine d praise and disdai n for th e abstract expressionists: "Advance guard paintin g in Americ a i s hell-ben t fo r oute r space . I t ha s rockete d righ t ou t o f th e realms o f commo n sens e an d commo n experience . Tha t doe s no t neces sarily mak e i t bad. " B y th e en d o f th e 1950s , Time an d Life writer s celebrated th e "comin g o f age " o f America n ar t a s represente d b y avan t gardists suc h a s d e Kooning . B y th e 1960s , Cag e receive d sympatheti c notice i n th e Saturday Evening Post. A s avant gardis m becam e establishe d in th e ar t world, th e styl e watchers o f th e mas s media , no t wantin g t o b e left behind , revise d thei r tone. 43 Avant gardist s suc h a s Warhol wer e no t unawar e tha t wha t the y wer e

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doing ha d statu s appeal . Whippl e McCoy , wh o edite d a littl e magazin e for editor s o f little magazines i n th e 1940s , believed tha t increase d adver tising coul d ear n editor s th e mone y the y neede d t o continu e publishin g their magazines . He recommende d littl e magazines to advertiser s becaus e "the influential , intellectua l an d prominen t peopl e wh o read , write , and / or edi t littl e magazine s ar e no t onl y mor e educate d an d informe d tha n the average , the y als o represen t a fa r greate r buyin g power. " Man y cul tural radical s too k a more sardoni c approac h t o th e statu s appea l o f thei r work. I n 1960 , Walter D e Mari a designe d a happening tha t h e calle d th e "Art Yard." The Ar t Yard was a hole i n th e ground , an d diggin g th e hol e was a ke y par t o f th e event . D e Mari a envisione d "artlover s an d specta tors" wh o "woul d com e t o th e makin g o f th e yar d dresse d i n Tuxedoe s and clothes which would make them awar e of the significance o f the even t they would see." 44 The audienc e receptiv e t o avan t gardism , includin g ar t lover s an d speculators, expande d i n Americ a i n th e postwa r year s becaus e mor e Americans ha d th e money , leisure , an d educatio n necessar y t o appreciat e cultural activities . Som e peopl e i n thi s audienc e ha d sympath y fo r th e aims o f th e avan t garde ; other s viewe d innovativ e cultur e a s a mean s o f status differentiation . Th e medi a playe d a n important rol e in the creatio n of what critic Thomas Hes s calle d "black-ti e Dada. " By incorporating th e avant gard e int o th e statu s anxietie s o f th e middl e an d uppe r classes , th e media onc e again helped transfor m cultura l radicalis m into a style option . The domesticatio n o f a whole centur y of vanguard activis m i s captured i n an advertisement fo r Show magazine i n 1964 : From th e backyar d cookou t t o th e busines s conference , conversationa l reference point s have shifted i n the last few years. Eliot is more T. S. than Ness, Danny Thomas' view of Toledo ha s lost ground t o E l Greco's , and the Ive s who hav e i t ar e bot h Bur l an d Charles . I n th e mids t o f today' s cultural renaissance, you've got to know who's who and what's what in the very lively arts. One's sur e guide , of course, was Show* 5 Pluralism an d th e Commodificatio n o f th e Avan t Garde a s Novelt y an d Fashio n

A fluidity o f movement s marke d th e avan t gard e fro m th e beginning . These movement s share d a more o r les s consisten t worl d vie w an d sens e

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of purpose . I n postwa r America , thes e continuitie s dissolve d a s th e con cept o f th e avan t gard e cam e t o b e reduce d t o stylisti c innovatio n alone . Several interrelate d factor s cause d thi s development . On e caus e wa s th e consumer-culture commodificatio n o f th e avan t gard e throug h celebrity , status, an d lifestyl e promotio n i n th e media . Anothe r caus e wa s th e institutionalization o f th e avan t gard e i n gallerie s an d museums . A thir d way i n whic h th e avan t gard e becam e enthralle d i n th e cultur e o f con sumption wa s as a fashionable novelt y in a pluralistic society . In th e 1950s , American sociologist s popularize d th e concep t o f plural ism t o describ e th e eclecti c mixtur e o f ethni c an d interes t group s i n American society . I n time , th e wor d becam e a medi a shibbolet h fo r the variou s worl d views , lifestyles , an d othe r sociologica l varietie s that , commentators argued , characterize d America n society . Pluralis t theorist s glossed ove r rea l difference s o f rac e an d clas s tha t divide d America n society. The y di d s o i n par t becaus e th e postwa r prosperit y raise d th e standard o f livin g o f s o man y Americans . Furthermore , th e value s o f consumer culture permeated al l levels of American society, creating something of a new consensus. This wa s on e o f th e context s fo r th e breakdow n o f th e avan t gard e from a cultura l movemen t t o a mer e ques t fo r novelty . Cultura l radical s provided styl e obsolescenc e i n th e art s jus t a s manufacturer s di d fo r consumer goods . Modern consume r cultur e is predicated o n th e belief that consumptio n can satisf y psychologica l needs . Throug h th e fashio n system , consumer s are constantl y presente d wit h superficiall y "new " choice s t o mee t thos e needs. Style obsolescence, the most develope d for m o f fashion, originate d in th e developmen t o f brande d good s i n th e lat e nineteent h century . Manufacturers transforme d packin g into packaging in order to distinguis h their produc t from anothe r maker's . I n th e 1920s , automobil e manufac turers too k thi s ide a on e ste p farthe r wit h th e annua l model . No w no t only wer e th e car s o f on e compan y distinc t from anothe r i n design , bu t the design changed regularly. The sam e company could offer a new choice to consumer s ever y year . Throug h advertising , manufacturer s educate d consumers abou t th e lates t design s an d helpe d consumer s t o se e tha t th e styles o f las t year wer e "ou t o f date. " Producer s applie d th e ide a o f styl e obsolescence t o a whole rang e o f consume r goods , suc h a s furniture an d appliances, an d stimulate d regula r deman d fo r good s onl y superficiall y obsolescent. Consumption an d th e avan t gard e intersecte d i n th e are a o f design .

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The integratio n o f ar t an d lif e throug h goo d desig n o f utilitarian object s was th e goa l o f th e Germa n Bauhaus . Designe r Lazl o Moholy-Nag y characterized thi s goa l a s "desig n fo r life. " Moholy-Nag y wa s on e o f many forme r Bauhau s facult y member s wh o foun d thei r wa y t o th e United State s afte r th e Nazi s close d th e school ; other s include d Ludwi g Mies va n de r Rohe , Joseph Albers , Walte r Gropius , an d Herber t Bayer . Many o f the m becam e teacher s a t importan t America n universities . Mo holy-Nagy, wit h th e hel p o f Chicag o industrialis t Walte r Paepcke , founded th e Schoo l o f Desig n t o carr y o n th e Bauhau s program . Rober t Jay Wolfe , onetim e dea n o f th e school , late r chaire d th e desig n depart ment a t Brookly n College . As a result o f th e Bauhau s an d th e interes t o f many advertiser s i n modernis t design , th e functionalis t aestheti c favore d by the Germa n designer s became a n integral part o f American design. 46 Avant-garde desig n becam e domesticate d i n th e taste-makin g mas s media an d advertisin g i n th e postwa r years . For example , th e "fre e taste " promoted b y th e editor s o f House Beautiful i n 195 2 tende d towar d Bau haus-inspired functionalis m i n furniture desig n an d geometri c abstractio n in painting . Write r Sar a Littl e note d tha t ne w design s i n chin a wer e "clearly showin g th e influenc e o f moder n sculpture, " a n indicatio n tha t people wer e "beginnin g t o associat e ar t form s wit h dail y living. " Littl e and other s no t onl y appropriate d avant-gard e design , the y als o appro priated th e idea l o f unitin g ar t an d life . Fo r Little , goo d desig n coul d transform settin g th e tabl e fro m " a chor e int o a satisfyin g for m o f sel f expression," comparabl e t o th e "pleasur e an y artist experience s i n choos ing his colors an d composin g hi s picture. It is one way to make a creative art o f dail y living. " Littl e transforme d th e avant-gard e goa l o f creativ e liberation into consumer choice . Similarly, a 1963 furniture advertisemen t published i n Art in America pictured a businessman seate d a t a functional ist-style desk , wit h a Picabi a prin t o n th e wal l ove r th e credenza . Th e caption read , "Whethe r you r tast e be fo r romanti c o r moder n idiom , you will find . .. [our ] furniture t o express it. Many distinguished ar t collector s are als o prou d possessor s o f . . . [our ] furniture , i n thei r home s an d i n their offices. " Innovativ e design , status , and a canonized avan t garde her e come together. 47 Innovative designer s wer e awar e o f th e possibilit y o f bein g coopted . Moholy-Nagy himsel f ha d written , " A promotion o f novelty fo r th e sak e of novelty . . . tend s t o creat e th e illusio n o f new organi c demand s wher e no nee d exists . Usually i t i s nothing bu t a n artificia l stimulatio n o f busi ness." What Moholy-Nagy feared cam e to pass. Modernist desig n becam e

CONSUMER CULTUR E C O M M O D I F I C A T I O N • 16 5

another too l i n th e productio n o f styl e obsolescence . Man y member s o f the advanc e guar d considere d thi s developmen t a positiv e one . Sculpto r Oliver Andrews argued tha t radical innovators, by breaking the bound s o f art, enable d man y peopl e t o perceiv e th e importanc e o f conductin g thei r life wit h a n individua l style . Thi s awakenin g t o style seeme d t o b e con firmed b y investigators fo r th e Stanfor d Researc h Institute , who reporte d in 196 0 that "better off and better educated" consumers were "consciousl y turning fro m mas s conformity " throug h th e purchas e o f product innova tions, especiall y in automobile s an d appliances . This sam e grou p o f afflu ent an d educate d American s constitute d wha t Alvi n Toffle r terme d th e "culture consumers. " The y increasingl y spen t thei r leisur e tim e (an d budget) o n cultura l activities , including avant-garde culture. 48 The member s o f the advanc e guar d als o contributed t o th e subsumin g of th e movemen t b y th e cultur e o f consumption . Beginnin g i n th e lat e 1950s an d continuin g t o th e 1990s , avant-gard e innovatio n produce d a n incoherent pluralis m rathe r tha n a cohesiv e movemen t fo r change . Thi s pluralist confusio n originate d i n th e vanguardis t lin k betwee n innovatio n and cultura l renewal . Cultura l radical s believed , a s w e hav e seen , tha t through artisti c innovatio n the y coul d creat e a ne w socia l visio n amon g people. They tried, therefore, t o open th e fields of creativity by emphasizing th e proces s o f creativit y an d th e destructio n o f th e boundarie s tha t separate ar t and life . Cultural radical s di d no t succee d a t socia l reconstructio n i n par t be cause the y di d succee d i n widenin g th e field o f acceptabl e innovation . Cage give s som e ide a o f thi s chang e i n hi s hyperboli c recollectio n tha t "when I wa s young , yo u ha d eithe r t o follo w Stravinsk y o r Schoenberg . There wa s n o alternative . Now , o f course , ther e ar e 1,00 1 thing s t o do , and I thin k tha t that' s partl y a resul t o f th e kin d o f ste p tha t no t onl y I took, bu t other s took. " I n 1958 , compose r an d criti c Willia m Flanaga n described th e stat e o f music a s "chaotic" because o f the diversit y o f style s and attitudes. 49 Likewise, th e Ne w Yor k Schoo l tha t emerge d a s th e successo r move ment t o abstrac t expressionis m include d a diversity of stylistic approache s that belie d th e contentio n tha t suc h a schoo l existed . I n 1967 , painte r Paul Branc h declared , "Ther e i s n o avant-gard e today . Everythin g get s known to o quickl y fo r ther e t o b e an y spac e betwee n th e scoutin g part y and th e main bod y of troops. Perhaps ther e i s an avant-garde o f quality — but ther e i s n o particula r loo k o r unifyin g styl e tha t embrace s th e fe w works that have real quality. " Similarly, Donal d Alle n divide d th e poets i n

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his New American Poets anthology int o five more o r les s coheren t group s based o n thei r differen t aestheti c ideas . Criti c Sony a Rudikof f describe d the proble m o f pluralis m i n 195 7 i n th e Partisan Review. Notin g tha t artistic generation s no w lasted onl y a few years, she asked, "Where , who, what, i s th e avant-gard e today ? . . . If Larr y Rivers , say , i s avant-garde , then i s de Kooning on e o f th e Ol d Masters ? An d the n presumabl y Miro , Matisse, Picasso are prehistoric, th e gian t race before th e Flood." 50 At th e sam e time , a shif t i n focu s b y man y cultura l radical s from th e future t o th e presen t change d th e contex t o f innovation . Regeneratio n became a completely individua l matte r rathe r tha n a cultural one . With out belie f i n a commo n culture , vanguardist s foun d th e distinctio n be tween purposefu l innovatio n an d chang e fo r th e sak e o f novelt y increas ingly difficul t t o maintain . Poe t Gregor y Corso , i n a lette r t o hi s publisher, Lawrenc e Ferlinghetti , indicate d th e ambiguou s situatio n i n which cultura l radical s foun d themselves . Citin g an d revisin g Ezr a Pound's dictum , Cors o wrote , "Mak e i t new? aye , but bette r tha n that — make i t eve r new! " T o "mak e i t eve r new " coul d b e a n affirmatio n o f continuous cultura l regeneration—o r i t coul d b e a justification fo r wha t critic Irving Howe terme d " a neurotic quest for novelty, " without a larger purpose.51 California painte r Davi d Par k describe d th e change s tha t too k place in his style in th e lat e 1950s : "Art ough t t o b e a troublesome thing , and on e of my reasons fo r paintin g representationall y i s that thi s make s fo r muc h more troublesom e pictures. " Par k reduce d avant-gard e alienatio n an d innovation t o a simple formul a resultin g i n work tha t i s defined a s "new " in term s o f bein g differen t fro m th e prevailin g avant-gard e styl e bu t no t in term s o f th e artist' s relationshi p t o a culture i n nee d o f renewal. Cag e answered critic s o f th e eve r increasin g pac e o f artisti c innovatio n wit h a metaphor fro m Norma n O . Brown : "H e see s ar t a s foo d goin g righ t through th e bod y . . . and the n . . . you use it up an d you nee d somethin g new." Notin g tha t n o on e woul d as k hi m t o regurgitat e a stea k h e ha d eaten te n years before an d ea t the meat ove r again , Cag e concluded , "W e must hav e somethin g els e t o consume. " Jus t a s th e cultur e consumer s desired ne w design s i n automobiles , s o the y desire d ne w design s i n art . Art tha t wa s valued fo r bein g ne w an d wa s no longe r see n a s threatenin g by th e middl e class . Avant gardist s provide d wha t th e consumer s wante d and reduce d innovatio n t o a self-consciou s ques t fo r novelty . I n 1969 , critic Harol d Rosenber g conclude d tha t th e "avant-gard e toda y mean s a flurry o f fashion , whethe r i n painting , sex , o r insurrectionar y politics. "

CONSUMER CULTUR E C O M M O D I F I C A T I ON • 16 7

And, h e added , "th e perio d require d fo r 'fashionablizing ' a n avant-gard e has become shorte r an d shorter." 52 In a consumer culture , novelty also functions a s an outle t for emotion s that canno t b e expresse d i n everyda y life . A s America n societ y becam e increasingly bureaucratic , a new emotiona l style emerged , on e tha t Pete r Stearns call s "America n Cool. " Th e style o f coo l wa s basicall y on e o f emotional restraint . Bu t certai n place s i n societ y becam e saf e arena s i n which t o expres s emotions : sportin g events , horro r movies , an d artisti c venues suc h a s theaters an d galleries . Thus, th e emotiona l how l o f a poet such a s Ginsberg, especiall y a t a live reading, o r th e meditativ e emotion s inspired b y a Rothk o paintin g bot h functione d fo r man y American s a s catharses fo r emotion s tha t were difficul t t o express in othe r settings. 53 In all these ways, innovation becam e yet another means of merchandising the advanc e guard i n the American consume r culture . Conclusion Many cultura l radical s wer e awar e o f wha t wa s happenin g t o the m an d were appalled . Poe t Rober t Dunca n wrot e t o hi s frien d Robi n Blaze r i n 1957 that "th e real necessary retreat [fo r th e poet ] i s from th e whole god damned promotiona l an d their exploitatio n thing. " In 1958 , the editor s o f the Provincetown Quarterly declared i n thei r inaugura l manifest o tha t the y rejected conformit y t o "Madiso n Avenue, " an d tha t "i t i s the dut y o f th e artist t o pain t toward s self-realizatio n an d no t fo r a marke t quotation. " Avant gardist s trie d t o find way s of avoiding commercialization . Concep tual artist s suc h a s Donal d Jud d an d Rober t Morri s argue d fo r a highl y theoretical an d ephemera l ar t that could not be commodified. Po p painte r Robert Indian a describe d abstrac t expressionis t painting s a s "decorative " and thu s likel y t o becom e standar d decoratio n "i n th e America n home. " But Indiana wa s certain tha t po p ar t would no t suffe r th e sam e ignomini ous fate: "Ther e i s a harshness an d matter-of-factnes s t o Pop tha t doesn' t exactly mak e i t th e interio r decorator' s Indispensabl e Righ t Hand. " H e was wrong, of course, and pop art became the most popular ar t movemen t of the 1960s. 54 Ironically, th e member s o f th e avan t gard e contribute d t o th e makin g of consume r culture . A motivational psychologist , speakin g i n th e 1960s , described on e o f th e difficultie s i n changin g fro m produce r t o consume r culture: "W e ar e no w confronte d wit h th e proble m o f permittin g th e average American t o fee l mora l . . . even when h e is spending; eve n whe n

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he i s no t saving... . On e o f th e basi c problem s o f prosperit y . . . i s t o demonstrate tha t th e hedonisti c approac h t o hi s lif e i s a moral , no t a n immoral one. " Cultural radicals also rejected produce r values. Rather tha n restraint, the y argued fo r liberation ; instead o f deferred gratification , the y called fo r self-fulfillment . Bu t th e vanguard' s ques t fo r self-fulfillmen t contributed unwittingl y t o th e movement' s undoing . Confusin g self-ful fillment wit h self-indulgence , journalists , businesspeople , an d advertiser s linked th e avant-gard e ques t fo r a new cultur e wit h th e emergin g corpo rate cultur e o f consumptio n b y disassociatin g th e avan t gardist' s idea s from thei r action s and by focusing o n superficial qualities. 55 The successfu l integratio n o f th e vanguar d int o th e cultur e o f con sumption wa s indicate d b y write r Davi d Borof f i n th e New York Times Magazine i n 1964 . Borof f commente d tha t th e Bea t rebellio n wa s lon g dead. "I t offere d a ready-mad e vehicl e fo r rebellio n an d protes t . . . a few year s ago, " bu t today , h e declared , "colleg e intellectual s ar e fa r to o sophisticated fo r suc h simpleminde d gestures. " Kerouac , th e write r con tinued, i f read a t all , seeme d t o th e student s " a reli c fro m th e past. " Bu t Boroff als o note d th e continuin g influenc e o f th e medi a imag e o f th e movement: Bohemianism a s a cult has virtually disappeared from the campus, yet it is everywhere. I t ha s bee n assimilate d int o th e mainstream . Th e youn g woman with loose-flying hai r and black stockings may well be majoring in elementary education, and the young man with a beard is a pre-law student having his last fling. Bohemianism is dead, but its artifacts are all around. Reduced t o a lifestyle , th e avan t gard e becam e on e mor e commodit y i n American consume r culture. 56

C « H « A « P « T « E « R9

The Conventio n o f Innovatio n an d th e End o f the Futur e

I

n 1980 , th e Germa n philosophe r Jiirge n Haberma s pro nounced thi s verdict o n modernism: "Modernis m i s dominan t but dead. " Habermas' s dictu m describe s th e ironi c fat e o f th e avant garde . Vanguardist s strov e t o transfor m thei r culture , an d b y th e middle o f th e twentiet h century , th e vanguar d nemesis , th e gentee l cul ture, had bee n destroyed . A new culture emerge d i n which advance-guar d influence wa s strong , bu t i t wa s no t th e cultur e envisione d b y radica l innovators. In part , th e avan t guar d ha d succeeded . Bu t thei r success was also their dissolution. 1 At th e en d o f th e twentiet h century , th e languag e o f th e avan t gard e was often stil l used . Bu t th e realit y was tha t man y alienate d vanguardist s had bee n coopte d b y thei r culture , innovatio n ha d becom e convention , and fe w intellectuals stil l believed i n th e idea o f a future cultura l redemp tion. 171

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Alienation t o Integratio n The argumen t o f this work is that b y the 1960 s the avan t gard e ha d bee n appropriated int o American cultur e an d tha t thi s appropriation destroye d the movement . Th e objectio n coul d b e raised , a s I hav e noted , tha t thi s integration signalle d a victor y for th e avan t garde . Th e countercultur e and ne w lef t coul d b e pointe d t o a s example s o f ho w avant-gard e idea s entered mainstrea m cultur e an d transforme d society . The counterculture , it coul d b e argued , destroye d th e stuffy , conformis t cultur e o f th e 1950 s and opene d t o young peopl e ne w vistas o f consciousnes s an d possibilitie s of lifestyle . Th e ne w left , on e coul d maintain , challenge d th e Col d Wa r ideology and brough t a n end t o th e Vietnam War . This argumen t ha s cogency . Member s o f th e las t America n vanguar d certainly contribute d t o th e ideolog y o f th e ne w lef t an d th e countercul ture, an d man y too k par t i n thes e movements . Alle n Ginsber g an d Gar y Snyder participate d i n th e 196 7 Huma n Be-i n a t Golde n Gat e Par k i n San Francisco . In 1968 , Ginsberg joine d th e protes t agains t th e Vietna m War a t th e Democrati c Nationa l Conventio n i n Chicag o an d chante d mantras t o keep the peace between demonstrator s an d th e police . Daniel Moore's Floatin g Lotus Magic Oper a Company , a combinatio n of commun e an d theate r fo r th e Berkele y hippi e community , illustrate d the avant-gard e influence s o n th e counterculture . Moore' s opera s com bined music , dance, ritual, and Eastern philosoph y with dru g use, ideas of sexual liberation , an d contemporar y politica l an d ecologica l concerns . Moore sai d hi s purpos e wa s t o brin g abou t a "consciousnes s revolution " that he explicitly contrasted with Marxist ideas of revolution. This revolu tion, h e believed , woul d creat e a ver y differen t world . "Th e Floatin g Lotus," Moore declared , "i s a n ide a projecte d int o th e futur e whe n war s peter out , wit h peopl e livin g i n seclusio n i n th e mountains , whos e lif e style is a synthesis o f all art forms , al l human experience. " The goa l o f an integrated ar t an d lif e wa s par t o f Moore's vision , a s i t wa s o f other s i n the 1960s. 2 But th e movement s o f th e 1960 s reall y demonstrate d th e sam e pro cesses o f cooptatio n b y an d absorptio n int o consumptio n communitie s and cultura l institution s alread y described . Man y o f th e activist s o f th e new lef t an d proponent s o f th e counterculture , especiall y i n th e earl y stages o f th e movements , believe d tha t the y woul d witnes s th e transfor mation o f American society . Instead , th e medi a distorte d th e movement s and absorbe d the m int o consume r cultur e jus t a s i t ha d th e cultura l

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radicals wh o precede d them . Th e coverag e o f th e ne w lef t b y th e new s media trivialized , polarized , an d finally marginalize d th e movement . While a fe w leader s becam e medi a celebrities , th e movemen t disinte grated int o factionalis m an d nihilisti c violence . Th e countercultur e be came jus t anothe r consumer-cultur e lifestyle . Th e musi c o f th e move ment, roc k an d roll , becam e a mainsta y o f th e establishe d recordin g companies. Th e symboli c dres s o f th e hippie s becam e a countercultur e conformity tha t produce d hig h sale s fo r th e manufacturer s o f denim . A s one undergroun d journalis t observe d i n 1970 , "Th e Establishmen t i s slowly finding way s to exploit the radical movement." 3 The commodificatio n o f the countercultur e occurre d no t jus t becaus e of th e opportunis m o f th e merchant s o f consumption , bu t als o becaus e many of the young never really repudiated th e values of consumer culture . They bough t differen t thing s tha n thei r elders—marijuan a rathe r tha n martinis, blue jeans rather tha n Brook s Brothers suits , stereos rathe r tha n washing machines—bu t the y define d thei r lifestyl e b y thei r purchase s a s did million s o f othe r American s wh o wer e unsympatheti c t o countercul ture aims . As vanguard publishe r Do n Carpente r observe d t o hi s friend , poet Phili p Whalen , i n 1966 , "Th e hippie s . . . al l fanc y themselve s enemies o f th e stat e bu t i n fac t the y ar e not . Enemie s o f th e stat e ar e known b y wha t the y pu t o n paper , no t thei r haircuts , clothe s an d dru g taking habits , al l o f whic h ca n b e shucke d of f i n n o tim e an d mode l citizens emerge. " I n th e movement s o f th e 1960s , avant-gard e ideal s reached an d motivate d t o actio n a large number o f people, but the result s were hardl y wha t vanguardist s desired . A s Sall y Bane s point s out , th e avant gard e "circulate d transgressiv e idea s i n wha t woul d . . . becom e acceptable packages. " Th e aestheti c o f epiphan y an d th e genera l rebel liousness of cultural radicals produced a n "acceptable package" that mobi lized thousand s o f middle-clas s colleg e student s an d als o provide d ne w novelties fo r consumption. 4 The opposit e o f alienatio n i s integration . Th e parado x o f th e avan t garde since the 1960 s is that the two have not been mutually exclusive. The art of political protest is a case in point. The civi l rights and antiwar movements o f the 1960 s inspired man y innovative artist s to respond wit h thei r own work, and during that decade political art assumed an importance tha t it had not had sinc e the 1930s , an importance tha t continue d throug h th e 1980s. Artists organized exhibitions, demonstrations, and other activities to protest, i n th e word s o f the organizer s o f th e 197 0 New Yor k Art Strike , "war, racism, and oppression." Frederic Rzewski, for example, was an activ-

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ist composer. Hi s composition s includ e a cantata, Struggle, based o n text s by Frederick Douglass, and the song Attica, based on a text Rzewski foun d in th e 1960 s undergroun d magazin e Ramparts. But Rzewsk i di d no t find himself on the periphery of American culture. His theme and variations on a Chilean revolutionary folk song, "El Pueblo Unido Jamas Sera Vencido," premiered a t th e Kenned y Cente r i n Washington, D.C. , with pianis t Ur sula Oppens. In the 1980s , Robert Rauschenberg founded th e Rauschenb erg Overseas Cultural Interchange (ROCI ) to use art to promote intercul tural understanding and peace. The projec t received favorable notic e from Time magazin e criti c Rober t Hughes , wh o declare d tha t "i n th e ROC I project on e ma y eventuall y see th e flowerin g o f Rauschenberg' s matur e identity, the arcadian as Utopian, spinning a poetry of affirmation ou t of an opaque and hideously conflicted time." 5 Protest art , bor n o f alienation fro m th e prevailin g culture , thus gaine d acceptance int o institution s o f culture . Thi s i s not t o sa y that everybod y liked the work or approved o f its messages. But the affiliation wit h American society indicated a n important chang e in the context of avant gardists. In a context where alienated protest is expected, the work loses a great deal of impact. Innovative artist s of the 1970 s and 1980 s also continued t o be absorbe d by the commercia l world. In 1968 , David Rockefelle r wa s instrumental i n founding th e Business Committee fo r th e Arts (BCA), an institution dedi cated to encouraging, through publicit y and education, business contribu tions to the arts. A manager fo r a multinational oi l company declared tha t the company funded ar t projects because "the arts s e r v e . .. as a social lubricant. And if business is to continue in big cities, it needs a lubricated envi ronment." Many business leaders seemed t o agree: in 1985 , business con tributions to the arts totaled $698 million (compared t o $163 million from government sources). 6 Corporate manager s funded , generall y throug h thei r publi c relation s and advertisin g budgets , a variety o f art s project s fo r reason s alread y dis cussed: to improve the image of the firm and to increase sales. Businesspeople also argued that the arts were an essential tool to winning the Cold War against Communism. In answer to a 1969 survey of industrialists sponsore d by BCA, a majority of respondents agreed with the statement tha t the ultimate dedication t o our way of life will be won, not o n the basis of economic achievements alone, but on the basis of those precious yet intangible element s whic h enabl e th e individua l t o liv e a fuller , wiser , mor e

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satisfying existence . W e mus t . . . [bring ] ou r cultura l achievement s int o balance wit h ou r materia l well-bein g throug h mor e intimat e corporat e involvement with the arts. Some corporat e executive s linke d suppor t for th e art s wit h conservativ e economic policy . Businessma n Willia m Bloun t declare d i n a 198 0 BC A pamphlet tha t art and commerce . . . each require as much freedom as possible to survive and prosper. .. . Are we [businesspeople] instruments of the federal government? N o , . .. we fight against it. So does the artist. .. . [Freedom] is being persistently erode d everywher e b y ill-advised an d ill-conceive d regulation , taxation, and other forms of government control. . .. S o we are engaged in an important work in farthering the arts.. . . [We] are helping to keep open those avenues of freedom along which art and commerce both travel.7 In Blount' s view , businesspeopl e an d avan t gardist s wer e bot h rebel s i n the same cause. Though busines s leader s tende d t o sponso r traditiona l forms o f art , they als o funde d th e advanc e guard . A BC A publicatio n reproduce d a 1968 advertisemen t fo r Merc e Cunningham' s danc e compan y an d th e Brooklyn departmen t stor e fundin g th e performance . Th e copywriter , noting proudly that th e firm wa s the first t o have a private subwa y statio n and t o giv e a n elephan t t o th e zoo , declare d tha t th e compan y wa s "no t only contemporary bu t als o often i n th e avant-garde! " This tex t indicate s not onl y how conventional th e avan t garde had becom e b y the late 1960s , but als o ho w th e meanin g o f avan t gardis m wa s misunderstood . I n th e 1970s and 1980s , the managers o f a Minneapolis ban k collected what the y described a s "radica l an d upsetting " works , suc h a s photograph s b y th e English artist s Gilber t an d George . Lyn n Sounder , th e curato r o f th e collection, explained : "Ar t i s th e mos t powerfu l visua l symbo l o f thi s organization's commitmen t t o change, which i s why our collectio n upset s people." I n th e 1970 s an d 1980s , advertiser s als o continue d t o find so called avant-gard e ar t usefu l t o sel l products . Compose r Phili p Glass , dancer Twyl a Tharp , an d painte r E d Rusch a wer e amon g th e man y innovators wh o mad e advertisement s i n thi s tim e period . Al l o f thes e presentations o f and use s fo r th e avan t gard e indicat e th e trivializatio n o f the movemen t tha t occurre d a s cultura l radicalis m becam e tame d an d enthralled b y American commercia l culture. 8 The advanc e guard als o became fused wit h mainstream American soci ety throug h governmen t funding . Governmen t fundin g fo r th e art s be -

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came increasingl y importan t from th e 1950 s forward , first throug h stat e and local arts councils, then through th e federal program s of the Nationa l Endowment fo r th e Art s (NEA ) an d th e Nationa l Endowmen t fo r th e Humanities (NEH) . Thus , fo r example , th e Lincol n Cente r fo r th e Per forming Arts , wit h stat e an d loca l funding , presente d avant-gard e film, music, and dance. The NEA , through grant s to the Coordinatin g Counci l of Literar y Magazine s (CCLM) , funde d th e publicatio n o f innovativ e literature i n littl e magazines . Work connecte d t o th e histori c avan t gard e never figured prominentl y i n NEA o r N EH budgets , an d no t al l innova tors welcomed th e mone y awarde d thei r colleagues ; bu t tha t innovation s once (an d sometime s still ) considere d radica l coul d receiv e fundin g from government agencie s furthe r indicate s tha t a n alienate d vanguar d ha d become incorporate d int o America n societ y i n th e las t decade s o f th e twentieth century. 9 In 1959 , the administrator s o f the Universit y o f Chicag o censore d th e Chicago Review becaus e th e editor s intende d t o publis h excerpt s from William S . Burroughs' s nove l Naked Lunch. Just ove r twent y year s later , Burroughs wa s inducted int o th e American Academ y o f Arts an d Letters . Yesterday's avan t gard e ha d becom e today' s literar y establishment . In creasingly, today' s "avan t garde " wa s als o today' s establishment . Alien ation di d no t preclud e a creator' s integratio n int o society . Furthermore , from th e mid-1960 s forward , continuou s artisti c innovatio n wa s solidl y linked t o institutions o f American culture. 10 Innovation t o Conventio n The pluralis m i n which American ar t an d literatur e becam e embedde d i n the 1960 s became eve n more pronounced i n the following decades . Music historian Nichola s E . Tawa characterize d th e postwa r musica l scen e a s "a most wondrou s babble, " an d th e phras e aptl y describe d th e diversit y o f American ar t an d musi c in th e las t decades o f the twentiet h century . Wa s there amids t thi s confusio n a n authenti c vanguar d movement ? Som e commentators argue d tha t ther e was . Dougla s Davis , i n a 198 2 essa y i n Art in America, contende d tha t ne w form s suc h a s eart h sculptur e an d performance ar t represente d a n advanc e guar d determine d t o resis t th e commodification tha t consume d it s predecessors. Likewise, Richar d Kos telanetz maintaine d i n hi s 198 2 collection , The Avant-Garde in Literature, that a ne w literar y avan t gard e emerge d i n th e 1960 s define d b y a self reflexive concer n wit h languag e an d a tendenc y t o "miscegenate " acros s

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accepted genr e boundaries . Art historian Henr y M. Sayr e argue d i n 198 9 that afte r 1970 , " a distinc t an d definabl e avant-gard e i n America n ar t and literatur e . . . [had ] organize d itsel f i n oppositio n t o a n apparentl y recalcitrant se t of assumptions, share d b y mainstream museums , galleries , magazines, publishers , an d fundin g agencies , abou t wha t constitute s a 'work'of art." 11 Sayre, Kostelanetz , an d Davi s al l argu e abl y tha t th e avan t gard e continues t o operat e i n America. They posi t a community alienate d from American culture , producin g radicall y innovativ e wor k tha t i s typicall y resistant t o acceptanc e b y th e commercia l worl d o f ar t an d publishing . Most o f thes e innovativ e artist s believ e tha t thei r wor k challenge s th e perception o f viewers, an d som e o f thes e creator s argu e farthe r tha t th e resulting new perceptions coul d contribut e t o changing the culture . These argument s ca n b e teste d agains t th e cas e o f a contemporar y movement claiming avant-garde status: the feminist ar t movement, proba bly th e stronges t candidat e amon g recen t innovation s fo r th e mantl e "avant-garde." Whil e largel y resistan t t o commercia l commodification , the feminist van is well established i n institutions o f contemporary American cultur e an d illustrate s th e ironie s attendan t o n th e en d o f th e avan t garde. Cultural radicalism has become a convention, rathe r tha n a revolutionary movement fo r cultura l renewal, in modern America . In th e 1970 s an d 1980s , feminis t artist s constitute d a new movement . Women alienate d from a commodifie d an d male-dominate d ar t worl d created work s tha t expresse d women' s experience . Judy Chicag o remem bered a n earl y sho w a t Californi a Stat e University , Fullerton , a t whic h she clearly stated he r feminis t intentions , an d yet "male reviewers refuse d to accep t tha t m y wor k wa s intimatel y connecte d t o m y femaleness. " Instead, thes e critic s interprete d Chicago' s an d othe r women' s wor k i n formalist terms . Th e mos t extrem e exampl e wa s th e wor k o f a friend o f Chicago's wh o include d blood y tampon s i n he r piece . A critic describe d these a s "white material with red spots." 12 The feminis t innovator s als o discovere d tha t whil e the y coul d lear n from mal e vanguardists , thes e men , too , ofte n di d no t appreciat e th e challenges facin g talente d women , i n ar t o r an y field. Dance r Yvonn e Rainer, whil e appreciativ e o f Joh n Cage' s importan t contribution s t o vanguard aesthetics , criticize d hi s state d purpos e o f no t attemptin g "t o bring orde r ou t o f chao s no r t o sugges t improvement s o n creation , bu t simply t o wak e u p t o th e ver y lif e we'r e living , whic h i s s o excellent. " Rainer contende d tha t "onl y a man bor n wit h a sunny disposition " coul d

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make suc h a n apolitica l statement . Sh e affirme d th e us e o f chanc e tech niques develope d b y Cage , bu t no t "s o w e ma y awake n t o thi s excellen t life; o n th e contrary , s o we ma y th e mor e readil y awake n t o th e way s i n which w e hav e bee n le d t o believ e tha t thi s lif e i s s o excellent , just , an d right." 13 The wor k o f th e feminis t vanguar d too k a variet y o f forms , bu t wa s generally motivate d b y th e goa l o f gainin g recognitio n tha t women' s experiences an d perspectives ar e as important a s the male experience s an d views tha t ha d lon g bee n accepte d i n th e ar t world . Fo r example , i n th e 1980s, th e Guerill a Girls , th e self-style d "conscienc e o f th e ar t world, " used poster s t o inform an d denounc e th e discriminator y practice s o f Ne w York gallerie s an d othe r institution s o f th e ar t world . Som e o f th e mos t innovative feminis t work s were performanc e pieces . In Interior Scroll, for example, Carole e Schneeman n disrobed , outline d th e contour s o f he r body with paint, read fro m a text while assumin g various poses from a life modeling class , an d the n rea d fro m anothe r text , whic h sh e unravele d from he r vagina , tha t commente d o n th e differin g perception s o f me n and women. Othe r wome n pursue d collaborativ e approaches , ofte n usin g traditional "women's " skill s suc h a s weavin g an d potter y making , a s i n Judy Chicago' s 197 9 installatio n The Dinner Party. Compose r Paulin e Oliveros designe d work s tha t combine d meditation , music , an d theater . In piece s suc h a s Crow Two (1975), sh e instructe d th e musician s t o medi tate rather tha n continu e playin g for th e benefit o f the audience . Olivero s thus challenge d basi c notion s o f ar t an d performanc e b y usin g ritua l t o create a nurturin g environment . Accordin g t o thei r champions , thes e artists, a s wel l a s other s suc h a s Lauri e Anderson , Jenn y Holzer , Cind y Sherman, an d Barbar a Kruger , continue d t o challeng e traditiona l notion s of ar t a s wel l a s th e commercia l an d sexis t value s i n th e avant-gard e tradition. 14 While thes e women artist s did experienc e alienatio n from thei r society , and muc h o f their work proved t o be bot h shockin g to th e sensibilitie s o f many American s an d resistan t t o commercia l appropriation , the y wer e not avan t gard e in th e histori c sense . The feminis t movemen t focuse d o n alienation, bu t no t o n a renewed cultur e i n th e futur e achieve d throug h aesthetic innovation . Despit e th e artists ' increase d ideologica l awareness , their wor k wa s hardl y mor e advance d technicall y tha n th e performanc e aesthetic o f the lat e 1950 s and earl y 1960s . Rather, feminis t wor k focuse d on a program that , while it highlighted rea l challenges faced b y women i n the ar t worl d an d othe r spheres , wa s presentis t an d narrowl y political .

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Their goal s di d no t alway s fit int o a larger , cosmopolita n vision . I n David A . Hollinger' s terms , species-centere d discours e wa s replace d b y an engendered ethnos-centere d discourse. 15 Ironically, th e feminis t ar t movemen t an d othe r politicall y motivate d or inspire d movement s presente d a means t o protect ar t a s an institution , rather than to overturn th e institutions of art in the manner o f the histori c vanguard. Art, these artists proclaimed, must be considered a major playe r in contemporar y socia l an d cultura l debates . In makin g suc h a statement , artists i n th e post-vanguar d mad e th e importan t poin t tha t ar t ha s func tions othe r tha n bein g decorativ e o r makin g a fashio n statement , th e unfortunate fat e o f previou s vanguards . Bu t i n enterin g th e politica l debates of their time s so directly, these artist s were clearl y trying to mov e from th e positio n o f alienate d outsider s t o tha t o f cultura l insiders . Thi s is i n shar p distinctio n from th e avant-gard e vie w tha t a ne w visio n i s needed t o liberat e one' s consciousnes s from th e categorie s tha t fram e cultural debat e an d begi n afresh . (Thi s attemp t t o sav e ar t from irrele vance i n th e consume r cultur e i s also naive: as we have seen, th e custodi ans o f cultur e i n busines s an d th e ar t worl d wil l interpre t ar t object s a s they will ; th e artists ' intention s hav e littl e impact . Eve n politica l ar t ca n be used t o make a fashion statement.) 16 The inside r statu s o f th e feminis t ar t movemen t i s farthe r demon strated b y the strong links between th e movement an d universities, muse ums, and stat e and federa l fundin g sources . For example , in 196 8 Schnee mann presente d he r performanc e piec e Illinois Central at thre e differen t campuses o f th e Stat e Universit y o f Ne w York . Sh e presente d he r 197 4 piece Up to and Including Her Limits a t th e Universit y Ar t Museu m a t the Universit y o f California , Berkeley . Fo r man y o f he r performances , Schneemann receive d mone y from th e Ne w Yor k Stat e Counci l fo r th e Arts an d th e NEA . Judy Chicago' s Dinner Party was installe d a t th e Sa n Francisco Museu m o f Moder n Art . Olivero s taugh t a t th e Universit y o f California, Sa n Diego, where Crow Two was performed, an d was compose r in residenc e a t Stanfor d University , th e Universit y o f Washington, Wes leyan University , th e Walke r Ar t Center , an d th e Clevelan d Museum . Laurie Anderso n no t onl y had commercia l succes s with he r performanc e videos an d tours , bu t sh e wa s on e o f severa l feminis t artists , includin g Cindy Sherma n an d Jenn y Holzer , show n i n 199 0 a t th e Hirshhor n Museum o f th e Smithsonia n Institution , Washington , D.C . Suc h stron g and stead y suppor t from institution s o f th e establishe d cultur e indicat e that innovative ar t remains coopte d int o the culture. 17

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Obviously, no t everyon e i n lat e twentieth-centur y Americ a approve d of what these an d othe r artist s were doing. In th e 1980 s and 1990s , critics of NEA grant s to radical artist s created a great deal of controversy. A case in poin t i s tha t o f feminis t performanc e artis t Kare n Finley . I n 1990 , a n NEA pane l awarde d Finle y a grant. Critic s objecte d t o th e awar d o n th e grounds tha t th e nudity Finley included i n her performanc e wa s obscene . The artis t maintaine d sh e wa s makin g a statemen t agains t pornography . NEA chai r John Frohnmaye r side d wit h th e critic s an d disapprove d th e grant. Th e resul t wa s a well-publicize d controvers y betwee n innovativ e artists an d thei r supporters , an d critic s o f th e artist s an d th e NEA . An other feminis t performanc e artist , Rache l Rosenthal , turne d dow n he r NEA gran t in protest. 18 While no t wishin g t o diminis h th e realit y o f th e "cultur e war " takin g place i n th e lat e twentiet h century , impug n th e integrit y o f thes e artists , or den y th e validit y o f man y o f th e criticism s o f contemporar y Americ a that they raise, these events must be put in perspective. Finley's opponent s did no t den y he r righ t t o perform . Indeed , withi n a month o f th e denia l of her grant , sh e performed a t Alice Tully Hall in Lincoln Center , a place that has as good a claim as any to being the heart of the cultural establish ment i n moder n America . Th e controvers y wa s abou t th e us e o f publi c funds fo r suc h a performance . Marth a Wilson , th e directo r o f a perfor mance spac e in New York City that received NEA grant s t o stage innova tive works, defended th e grants : "The artist s toda y ar e saying , 'I' m prou d of bein g a n American ; I pa y m y taxes ; I' m a loyal citizen , an d I hav e a right t o b e supporte d a s a membe r o f m y culture.' " Fo r artist s t o clai m both th e statu s o f bein g avan t gard e an d th e righ t t o publi c monie s i s clearly contradictory . Thi s i s no t t o sa y tha t the y shoul d no t b e funded , or tha t i f Finley , Rosenthal , an d other s refuse d suc h fundin g the y woul d become avan t garde . Rather , thes e event s demonstrat e tha t innovatio n without a full y develope d sens e o f alienatio n ha s becom e th e norm . I n part, thi s represent s th e succes s o f wha t formerl y migh t hav e bee n th e avant garde. 19 In th e en d th e cultura l innovator s o f th e twentiet h centur y largel y succeeded i n thei r goa l o f destroyin g th e Victoria n producer-cultur e concepts o f cultur e an d aesthetic s an d replacin g the m wit h notion s o f ar t as a rebellious an d continuousl y innovativ e activity . The avan t gard e has , in short , becom e a convention o f late twentieth-centur y culture . Thoug h not a n uncontested convention , from th e 1960 s forward, th e idea o f avant gardism ha s bee n s o wel l assimilate d int o th e commercia l an d cultura l

THE C O N V E N T I O N O F I N N O V A T I O N • 18 1

institutions o f moder n Americ a tha t t o spea k o f a van leadin g th e wa y t o the futur e ha s ceased t o be sociall y and culturall y meaningful. Th e futur e dreamed o f b y previou s avan t gardist s ha s becom e th e presen t realit y o f radical ar t commandeered t o support th e cultura l status quo . The conventionalit y o f th e avan t gard e ca n b e see n i n th e genera l acceptance o f th e avant-gard e definitio n o f art , th e relation s betwee n innovative ar t an d commerce , an d th e continue d institutionalizatio n o f the ne w ar t int o th e universities . B y th e las t decade s o f th e twentiet h century, th e avant-gard e understandin g o f ar t ha d become , i n a n attenu ated form , th e standar d definitio n o f ar t i n popula r usage . I n 1993 , a Florida ar t educator declare d tha t "th e whole place o f [the ] arts in societ y is t o question , t o explore , t o broade n people' s perspectives. " I n 1992 , a New York Times writer declared, "Science , like art, has to do with challeng ing ou r presuppositions , shakin g u p ou r worl d view , changin g us. " Th e focus on innovation an d changed perception presented in these definition s echoes histori c avant-gard e aims . The ide a o f alienatio n is , significantly , missing. Bu t when peopl e expec t ar t t o shoc k them, t o "challeng e them, " the artis t wh o produce s suc h wor k i s not likel y t o experienc e alienation . That th e New York Times writer wa s using ar t t o defin e scienc e indicate s that h e assume d hi s audienc e woul d accep t thi s definitio n o f art . Bot h commentators appea r obliviou s t o th e ahistorica l characte r o f thei r defi nitions, anothe r indicatio n o f the conventionalit y o f their ideas . Yet thei r notions abou t ar t would no t have been possibl e before th e late nineteent h century; i t is a measure o f the succes s o f th e member s o f the avan t gard e that their understanding o f art should b e the frame tha t define s al l art. 20 The ide a o f the avan t gard e a s a convention o f commerce i s illustrate d by the uses made o f the innovative artist s by real-estate developers . In th e 1970s, the movement o f artists to the SoHo section of Manhattan resulte d in th e well-publicize d revitalizatio n o f a decayin g industria l district . B y the 1980s , developer s exploite d thi s proces s fo r thei r ow n profit . Devel oper J . Burto n Case y describe s i n a BC A pamphle t ho w hi s compan y included artis t residences in the redevelopmen t o f an Austin, Texas, warehouse district . Using money from th e promotio n budge t o f the project t o subsidize low-ren t studio s fo r artists , th e firm manage d t o persuad e peo ple tha t "i t was avant-garde/cutting edg e t o locat e i n tha t par t o f the cit y rather tha n feelin g a s if they were movin g t o th e slums, " Casey reported . The Lo s Angeles Museum o f Contemporary Art served a similar functio n in th e redevelopmen t o f th e Lo s Angele s cit y cente r i n th e 1980s . Th e examples coul d b e multiplie d o f th e link s betwee n art , especiall y innova -

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tive art, and urban redevelopment . American businesspeopl e continue d t o find uses for wha t had bee n a n alienated avan t garde. 21 In th e decade s sinc e th e 1960s , th e avan t gard e ha s continue d t o b e a convention a t America n universities . I n 1989 , fo r example , a t th e Ohi o State University , a multimillion-dolla r ar t cente r wa s opened , dedicate d "to presen t th e leadin g edg e o f the art s o f ou r tim e . . . an d t o encourag e the creation o f daring new works for th e future." Th e rhetori c supportin g the Wexne r Cente r wa s tha t o f th e avan t garde . Th e first exhibit s illus trated th e sam e proces s o f legitimatio n throug h historicizatio n tha t ha s become standar d i n museums an d gallerie s of modern art . The genealog y presented a t th e Wexne r Cente r focuse d o n th e innovator s from th e lat e 1950s forward, includin g Cage—described i n a brochure as "the patriarc h of experimenta l music"—an d pop , conceptual , an d minimalis t art . Th e conventionality o f th e Wexne r Cente r wa s furthe r demonstrate d b y th e performances schedule d fo r th e first year . Thes e include d establishe d figures suc h a s th e Marth a Graha m Danc e Compan y an d Trish a Brown , and th e lates t "stars " of performance art , includin g Lauri e Anderson , th e Kronos Quartet , Kare n Finley , and Rache l Rosenthal. 22 In a n age during which s o much ar t is self-reflexive, ther e was remark ably littl e reflectio n o n wha t bein g avan t gard e meant . Curator s a t th e Wexner Cente r presente d ne w works no t s o muc h a s radical break s wit h the pas t but a s part o f historical continuu m o f art history. In thi s manner , the Wexner Center legitimated th e avant garde since 196 0 by historicizing it, muc h a s th e Museu m o f Moder n Ar t di d fo r abstrac t expressionism . Critic Hilto n Krame r pointe d ou t th e appropriatenes s o f th e fac t tha t construction o f th e Wexne r Cente r wa s largel y funde d b y Columbus , Ohio, retai l magnat e Lesli e Wexner . Havin g mad e a fortun e b y makin g the chi c an d trend y affordabl e an d marketin g i t t o middle-clas s youn g people, ofte n wit h advertisin g tha t place d th e clothin g i n th e contex t o f the Ne w Yor k art world, Wexne r brough t th e chi c an d trend y Ne w Yor k art world t o the nation's middle classes. 23 The En d of the Futur e In 1986 , a writer i n th e Public Relations Journal declare d tha t companie s that too k th e "risk " o f supportin g controversia l ar t woul d communicat e that the y wer e "progressive , adventuresome , an d concerne d wit h th e future." Whil e busines s leader s ma y see th e futur e i n innovativ e work , most creativ e intellectual s d o no t believ e tha t th e futur e i s connecte d t o

THE C O N V E N T I O N O F I N N O V A T I O N • 18 3

their work . I n th e las t decade s o f th e twentiet h century , th e Cagea n aesthetic wit h it s focu s o n celebratin g th e presen t momen t continue d to influenc e many . A t th e sam e time , othe r intellectuals , influence d b y structuralist an d poststructuralis t thought , argue d tha t th e languag e a person use s to describ e hi s or her worl d als o to a large exten t create s tha t world; thus , i t i s impossibl e t o g o beyon d th e subjectiv e an d describ e o r prescribe a future fo r others . As a result o f thes e developments , th e ide a of the futur e ha s become a n irrelevant abstraction. 24 Starting i n th e 1960s , radica l innovator s hav e rejecte d th e ide a tha t their wor k communicate s significantl y t o thei r culture . Painte r Jaspe r Johns declare d i n 1964 , "I a m concerne d wit h a thing's no t bein g what i t was, with its becoming somethin g othe r tha n what it is, with an y momen t in whic h on e identifie s a thin g precisely, an d wit h th e slippin g awa y o f that moment , wit h an y momen t seein g o r sayin g an d lettin g i t g o a t that." Novelis t an d criti c Raymon d Federma n wrot e i n hi s 197 5 essa y "Surfiction—Four Proposition s i n th e For m o f a Manifesto " tha t "th e writer wil l n o longe r b e considere d a prophet , a philosopher , o r eve n a sociologist wh o predicts , teaches , o r reveal s absolut e truths. " Rather , h e declared, th e write r "wil l stan d o n equa l footin g wit h th e reade r i n thei r efforts t o make sense out o f the languag e commo n t o both o f them, to give sense t o th e fiction o f life . I n othe r words , a s i t ha s bee n sai d o f poetry , fiction, also , will no t onl y mean , bu t i t wil l be! " Th e ne w attitud e wa s founded o n th e rejectio n o f the cultura l concern s tha t preoccupie d mem bers o f th e histori c avan t garde . Johns, Federman , an d othe r intellectual s rejected th e ide a tha t thei r wor k communicate d t o a collectiv e uncon scious o r th e mythi c concern s o f humanity . The y sa w thei r wor k a s constructed objects , an d nothing more. 25 Both structuralis t an d poststructuralis t thinker s o f th e lat e twentiet h century argue d tha t languag e define d people' s menta l landscap e an d de limited wha t the y coul d perceive . Whatever migh t b e "ou t there " o n th e other sid e o f an individual' s subjectivit y wa s alien t o hi m o r her . Nothin g comes t o a person' s min d excep t throug h filters o f perceptio n an d lan guage. Th e lif e h e o r sh e perceived , therefore , was , a s Federma n said , a "fiction." Th e chang e fro m th e histori c avant-gard e notio n tha t percep tion is the way to liberation, t o th e notion tha t peopl e ar e all more o r less prisoners o f thei r ow n perceptions , i s astounding . An d yet , a s w e hav e seen, poststructuralis t concept s evolve d from avant-gard e idea s abou t th e power o f language, image, and perception . The idea s of both th e historic vanguard an d th e poststructuralists wer e

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rooted i n the rejection o f older notions abou t th e immutable givennes s o f the world. The first generation s o f avant gardists challenged th e Victorian producer-culture pictur e o f a stabl e worl d b y arguin g tha t changin g th e premises o f perceptio n als o change d th e world . I n th e lat e twentiet h century, intellectuals cam e t o the conclusio n tha t if there was no immuta bility but onl y our ow n subjectivity , the n n o on e subjectiv e pictur e coul d be privilege d ove r another . Therefore , n o on e coul d describ e th e futur e for anyon e else . On e individual' s descriptio n become s prescriptio n fo r another. Conclusion The conditio n o f pluralist disorde r an d presentis m tha t characterize d th e late twentieth-centur y Wes t i s ofte n describe d a s postmodernism . Th e term postmodern is fraught wit h ambiguities , no t leas t o f whic h i s th e question o f whethe r suc h a thin g a s postmodernis m eve n exist s a t all . Some critic s hav e argue d tha t al l th e qualitie s o f modernis m ar e presen t in th e successor : th e synthesi s o f style s an d forms , self-reflexiv e irony , self-consciousness abou t th e work o f art a s a work o f art, th e rejectio n o f history. Ther e are , indeed , man y continuitie s betwee n th e two . There i s one ke y distinction , however : wha t Jean-Francois Lyotar d characterize d as th e centra l ide a o f postmodernism—th e disbelie f i n metanarratives . Metanarratives are th e storie s tha t creat e a unified culture . They describ e where a cultur e ha s been , wha t give s meanin g an d purpos e t o life , an d where th e culture i s headed. The avan t gard e emerge d from a conflic t ove r metanarrative s a t th e end o f th e nineteent h century . Tw o conflictin g "modern " metanarrative s emerged t o replac e Victoria n produce r culture : th e modernis t cultur e identified wit h th e avan t garde , o n th e on e hand , an d consume r cultur e identified wit h moder n industria l capitalism , o n th e other . Th e outcom e of th e cultura l conflict , however , wa s determine d les s b y th e difference s between th e tw o tha n b y the similarities . The (dis)integratio n o f cultura l radicalism resulte d fro m th e clos e ideologica l connection s betwee n th e avant garde and the new middle class that created the culture o f consumption. The middle-clas s promoter s o f consumptio n presente d a n ideolog y o f abundance tha t promise d self-fulfillment . Redemptio n i n consume r cul ture mean t th e re-creatio n o f the self as popular personality , a re-creation that prominentl y include d mass-produce d consume r goods . Members o f

THE C O N V E N T I O N O F I N N O V A T I O N • 18 5

the avan t gard e als o tende d t o b e o f middle-clas s origin , an d thei r ideal s paralleled thos e of the promoters of the consumption ethic . The member s of the vanguard rejecte d producer-cultur e idea s o f psychic and emotiona l scarcity. Avan t gardis m was , a s Danie l Bel l point s out , a n ideolog y o f abundance. Avan t gardist s believe d i n th e unlimite d potentia l fo r self fulfillment an d cultura l redemption throug h creativ e innovation . Cultural radical s unwittingl y contribute d t o thei r absorptio n throug h their critiqu e o f produce r values , especiall y i n th e first decade s o f th e century. A s avant-gard e cultur e an d consume r cultur e developed , th e latter prove d th e mor e powerfu l cultura l force . Th e alienatio n o f mem bers o f th e advanc e guar d ende d i n commodification . Commodifie d a s celebrities, avant gardists provided entertainment . Commodifie d a s a lifestyle, avan t gardis m define d a consumptio n communit y fo r rebelliou s individuals. Commodifie d a s a status symbol , vanguardist cultur e create d an avenu e o f advancemen t fo r social-climbin g bourgeois . Commodifie d as innovation, the van provided intellectual support for styl e obsolescence. The avan t gard e merge d wit h th e consume r culture—par t therapy , par t business. The commodificatio n o f the avan t garde als o resulted from ideologica l weaknesses o f th e avan t garde , i n particula r th e failur e o f th e ide a o f th e future. I n th e 1950s , man y member s o f th e las t America n va n bega n t o focus exclusivel y o n th e presen t rathe r tha n th e future . Wha t mattere d for thes e cultura l radical s wa s th e proces s o f creatio n i n th e moment . This presentis m resulte d from a n extrem e individualism . Th e hop e o f redemption becam e completel y focuse d o n th e creativ e ac t o f eac h indi vidual i n th e presen t moment . Thi s belie f was , essentially , a rejectio n o f the idea o f culture. Historically, vanguardists , whateve r thei r differences , believe d i n cul ture a s a mor e o r les s unifie d entit y define d b y basi c underlyin g belief s that people share, often unconsciously . Alienated from Victoria n produce r culture, avan t gardist s trie d t o chang e th e premise s o f thei r cultur e through innovation . Members o f the postwa r vanguard rejecte d th e ques t for wha t Sidra h Stic h call s th e "sublim e symbol " o r th e "redemptiv e myth" tha t coul d unif y a vanguar d culture . Instead , cultura l innovator s pursued individua l creativit y in a context o f pluralism. Without th e focu s on a culture with a future, th e avan t gard e los t direction an d purpos e a s a movement. 26 Innovation fo r th e sak e o f innovatio n becam e th e sin e qu a no n o f a now incoheren t movement . I n thi s context , individual s an d institution s

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could devis e thei r ow n meaning s fo r artisti c innovations. I n th e universi ties, suc h innovation s wer e translate d int o specialize d academi c disci plines. I n business , th e sloga n "mak e i t new " mean t interna l innovation s to increase productivity and external innovations to increase consumption . Historicized a s the cultur e o f th e twentiet h century , th e avan t gard e wa s no longe r a radical forc e shapin g th e future . Th e ag e o f th e avan t gard e was over.

Notes

ABBREVIATIONS USE D I N NOTE S

AAA Archive s of American Art, Smithsonia n Institutio n AAAR America n Abstract Artists Records, AAA AGP,CU Alle n Ginsber g Papers, C U AGP,SU Alle n Ginsberg Papers, Department o f Special Collections, Stanfor d University Librarie s BPP Bett y Parsons Papers an d Galler y Records, AAA CLBR Cit y Lights Book s Records, UC, B CU Rar e Book and Manuscript Library , Columbi a Universit y DMacdP Dwigh t Macdonald Papers , Manuscripts an d Archives, Yale Univer sity Librar y JCP Judso n C . Crew s Papers, UCL A JKP Jac k Kerouac Papers, C U KRP Kennet h Rexrot h Papers , UCL A MCP Malcol m Cowle y Papers, The Newberr y Librar y MRP Mar k Rothk o Papers, AAA POP Pete r Orlovsk y Papers, C U PWP Phili p Whalen Papers , C U REDP Rober t Edwar d Dunca n Papers , UC, B SPP Stuar t Z. Perkoff Papers , UCL A UC,B Bancrof t Library , Universit y o f California, Berkele y UCLA Departmen t o f Special Collections , University Research Library , University of California, Lo s Angeles WBP Willia m Baziote s Correspondenc e an d Papers , AAA WTBP Willia m T. Brown Papers, AAA NOTES T O CHAPTE R I

1-2.

1. Davi d Bernstein , editorial , The New Talent, July-August-September 1935 ,

187

188 • NOTE S T O CHAPTE R I

2. Virgi l Thomson , Virgil Thomson: An Autobiography (Ne w York : E. P . Dut ton, 1985) , 422. Irving Howe, ed. , The Idea of the Modern in Literature and the Arts (New York: Horizon Press , 1967) , 24. 3. Rober t Estivals , Jean-Charles Gaudy , and Gabriell e Vergez, UAvant-garde: Etude historique et sociologique des publications periodiques ayant pour titre "Uavantgarde" (Paris: Bibliotheque Nationale , 1968) , 21-22. 4. Donal d Egbert , "Th e Ide a o f th e 'Avant-Garde ' i n Ar t an d Politics, " American Historical Review 73 (1967): 339-366. 5. Mikle s Szabolcsi , "Avant-garde , Neo-avant-garde , Modernism : Question s and Suggestions, " New Literary History 3 (1971-1972) : 49-50 . Renat o Poggioli , The Theory of the Avant-Garde, trans . Geral d Fitzgeral d (Cambridge : Harvar d University Press, 1968) , 9-12. Egbert, "Ide a o f the 'Avant-Garde,' " 359-360 . 6. Osca r Cargill , Intellectual America: Ideas on the March (Ne w York: Macmillan, 1942) , 176-310 , 537-767 . Merle Curti , The Growth of American Thought (New York: Harpe r an d Brothers , 1943) , 710-714 . Henr y F . May, The End of American Innocence: A Study of the First Years of Our Own Time, 1912-1911 (Ne w York : Algred A . Knopf, 1959) . Lewis Perry , Intellectual Life in America: A History (Chi cago: University of Chicago Press, 1984) , 324-344, 417-424 . 7. Joh n Higham , ed. , New Directions in American Intellectual History (Balti more: Johns Hopkin s Universit y Press , 1979) ; for Higham' s description , se e xvii. Warren I . Susman' s contributio n doe s trea t psychology , bu t i n a popular , no t avant-garde, context ; see 212-226 . 8. Fo r a summary of the origin of the term postmodern and the ideas associated with it , se e Thoma s Docherty' s introductio n t o hi s anthology , Postmodernism: A Reader (Ne w York : Columbi a Universit y Press , 1993) , 1-31 . Joh n E . Toews , "Intellectual Histor y afte r th e Linguisti c Turn : Th e Autonom y o f Meanin g an d the Irreduciblit y o f Experience, " American Historical Review 92 (1987) : 879-907 , quotation o n 882 . 9. Ther e ar e man y way s t o carr y ou t a project i n th e histor y o f intellectua l discourse. M y approac h t o th e subjec t ha s bee n shape d b y Davi d A . Hollinger . See hi s In the American Province: Studies in the History and Historiography of Ideas (Baltimore: Johns Hopkin s Universit y Press, 1985) , 130-151 . 10. Friedric h Nietzsche , The Will to Power (New York: Random House , 1968) , 423, 434, and passim . 11. Donal d Kuspit , The Cult of the Avant-Garde Artist (Cambridge : Cambridg e University Press , 1993) , 1-27 . Davi d A . Hollinger , "Ho w Wid e th e Circl e o f 'We'? America n Intellectual s an d th e Proble m o f th e Ethno s sinc e Worl d Wa r II," American Historical Review 98 (1993): 317-337. 12. Milto n Singer , "Th e Concep t o f Culture, " i n Davi d L . Sill , ed. , International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences (New York: Macmillan, 1968) , 13 : 527-541. Raymond Williams , Culture and Society (London: Chatt o an d Windus , 1958) . Warren I . Susman , Culture as History: The Transformation of AmericanSociety in the Twentieth Century (New York: Pantheon, 1984) , 69-72. 13. Richar d Kostelanetz , fo r example , define s th e avan t gard e almos t exclu sively i n term s o f aestheti c innovatio n i n Dictionary of the Avant-Gardes (Pen -

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2 • 18 9

nington, N.J. : A Cappella Books , 1993) , xiii-xvi. Ludwig Wittgenstein, Philosophical Investigations, 3 d ed., trans. G. E . M. Anscombe (Ne w York: Macmillan, 1958) , §§66-67. 14. Georg e Lichtheim , "Alienation, " International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences, 1 : 264-268. Raymond Williams , Keywords: A Vocabulary of Culture and Society (London: Croo m Helm , 1976) , 29-31 . 15. Th e classi c descriptio n o f gentee l attitude s i s Georg e Santayana , "Th e Genteel Tradition, " i n The Winds of Doctrine: Studies in Contemporary Opinion (New York : Charle s Scribner' s Sons , 1926) , 186-215 . Lome Huston , "Th e The ory of the Avant-Garde: An Historica l Critique, " Canadian Review of Sociology and Anthropology 29 (1992) : 79 . Daniel Joseph Singal , The War Within: From Victorian to Modernist Thought in the South, 1919-1945 (Chape l Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolina Press , 1982) , 6 . Danie l Walke r Howe , "America n Victorianis m a s a Culture," American Quarterly 21 (1975): 507-532. 16. Editorial , "Round, " Blues, Fall 1930 , 26. Singal , War Within, 6-8 . Charle s Altieri, Painterly Abstraction in Modernist American Poetry (Cambridge: Cambridg e University Press, 1989) , 61. 17. Poggioli , Theory of the Avant-Garde, 27-28 . 18. Pete r Burger , Theory of the Avant-Garde, trans . Michael Sha w (Minneapo lis: University o f Minnesota Press , 1984) , 19-26 , 47-54. 19. Sinc e avan t gardist s ar e no t th e onl y intellectual s involve d i n innovativ e activity (scientist s com e t o min d a s counte r examples) , Poggioli' s poin t i s wel l taken. Poggioli, Theory of the Avant-Garde, 27-28 . 20. Hollinger , In the American Province, 56-73 . 21. Irvin g Sandler , Triumph of American Painting: A History of Abstract Expressionism (New York: Harper an d Row , 1970) , 102 . 22. Nei l A . Chassman , ed. , Poets of the Cities: New York and San Francisco, 1950-1965 (Ne w York : E . P . Dutton , 1974) , 59 . Alle n Ginsber g t o Lawrenc e Ferlinghetti, 3 0 September 1958 , CLBR . 23. Elain e d e Koonin g t o Willia m T . Brown , ca . 1952-1953 , WTBP. Fo r d e Kooning a t Blac k Mountai n College , se e Le e Hall , Elaine and Bill, Portrait of a Marriage: The Lives of Willem and Elaine de Kooning (New York : HarperCollins , 1993), 81-86 . 24. Th e communit y o f th e White Dove Review ca n b e see n i n editoria l com ments an d advertisement s i n the issues 2, 3,4, an d 5 , published i n 195 9 and 1960 . NOTES TO CHAPTER 2

1. Danie l Aaron, Writers on the Left: Episodes in American Literary Communism (New York: Harcourt, Brace , and World, 1961) ; Waldo Fran k quote d o n 49. 2. Fany a Foss, "The Exil e and Revolution, " New Hope, August 1934 , 15 . John Gassner, "Politic s an d th e Theatre," foreword t o Morgan Himelstein , Drama Was a Weapon: The Left Wing Theater in New York, 1929-1941 (Ne w Brunswick , N.J. : Rutgers Universit y Press , 1963) , xi. Peter Blume , "America n Artist s Today, " New Masses, 12 May 1936 , 20.

190 • NOTE S T O CHAPTE R 2

3. Th e activis t is quoted i n Vivian Gornick, The Romance of American Communism (Ne w York : Basi c Books , 1977) , 221 . Bil l Jordan, "Magazin e Notes, " Left Front, May-June 1934 , 20. 4. Th e Joh n Ree d Clu b goal s ar e quote d i n Hele n Harrison , "Joh n Ree d Club Artists and th e New Deal : Radical Response s to Roosevelt' s 'Peacefu l Revo lution,'" Prospects 5 (1980): 242-243. 5. Samue l Putnam , "Paintin g Is Dead; Paintin g G o Red , Par t II, " New Hope, September 1934 , 11 . Wallace Phelp s [Willia m Phillips] , "Thre e Generations, " Partisan Review 1 (1934): 52. Wallingford Riegger , quoted i n Ronald L . Davis, The Modern Era, 1920 to the Present, vol . 3 , A History of Music in American Life (Malabar, FL : Robert Krieger , 1981) , 217. 6. Aaron , Writers on the Left, 208-209 , 211. 7. Loui s Lozowick , "Toward s a Revolutionar y Art, " Art Front, July-Augus t 1936, 12-14 . Hans Eisler , "Reflection s o n th e Futur e o f th e Composer, " Modern Music 1 2 (1935): 180-186 . 8. Stuar t Davis , "Ar t an d th e Masses, " Art Digest, 1 Octobe r 1939 , 34 . Davis quote d i n Cecil e Whiting , Antifascism in American Art (Ne w Haven : Yal e University Press, 1989) , 89. 9. Seymo r Stern , "Principle s o f New Worl d Cinema, " Experimental Cinema, [February] 1931 , 29. Simila r point s wer e mad e b y Davi d Piatt , "Th e Ne w Cin ema," Experimental Cinema, February 1930 , 1; and the editors, "Statement," Experimental Cinema, [February] 1931 , 3. 10. Phelps , "Three Generations, " 49-55; quotations o n 5 1 and 53. 11. Donal d Egbert , Social Radicalism and the Arts, Western Europe: A Cultural History from the French Revolution to 1968 (Ne w York: Alfred A . Knopf, 1970) , 67113; Kar l Mar x quote d o n 100 . Leo n Trotsk y quote d i n Pete r Clecak , Radical Paradoxes: Dilemmas of the American Left: 1945-1910 (Ne w York: Harper an d Row, 1973), 288 . Stuar t Davis' s idea s abou t "Color-Spac e People " ar e discusse d i n Karen Wilkin, Stuart Davis (New York: Abbeville, 1987) , 185. 12. Ka y Ranki n quote d i n Sall y Banes , "Re d Shoes : Th e Workers ' Danc e League o f the 1930s, " Village Voice, 2 4 April 1984 , 78. Grigorst Schneerson , "Th e Changing Cours e o f Russian Music," Modern Music, January-February 1936 , 24. 13. Gassner , "Politic s an d th e Theatre," x-xi. 14. Kennet h Rexrot h t o Malcolm Cowley , [ca . late 193 7 or 1938] , MCP. 15. Davi d A . Hollinger , In the American Province: Studies in the History and Historiography of Ideas (Bloomington: Universit y o f Indian a Press , 1985) , 74-91 , especially 85. 16. Gran t Webster , The Republic of Letters: A History of Post-War American Literary Opinion (Baltimore : John s Hopkin s Universit y Press , 1979) , 209-251 . John Cro w Ranso m quote d i n James E . B . Breslin, From Modern to Contemporary: American Poetry, 1945-1965 (Chicago : University o f Chicago Press , 1984) , 15. 17. Phili p Rahv , "Trial s o f th e Mind, " Partisan Review, 5 (1938) : 9 . Willia m Phillips, "Thomas Mann: Humanism i n Exile," Partisan Review 5 (1938): 7. 18. Kur t List , "Th e Stat e o f American Music," Partisan Review 1 5 (1948): 88 90. Also in 1948 , composer Nicholas Nabokov supported a different startin g poin t for contemporar y composers : th e rhythmi c innovation s o f Stravinsky . The mode l

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 2 • 19 1

is different , bu t th e principl e i s th e same . Se e Nichola s Nabokov , "Th e Atona l Trail: A Communication," Partisan Review 1 5 (1948): 580-585. 19. American Abstract Artists (Ne w York: Riverside Museum, [1941]) , n.p., and George L . K . Morris , American Abstract Art (Ne w York : Galleri e St . Etienne , 1940), n.p. , bot h i n th e AAAR . Georg e L . K . Morris , "Ar t Chronicle : America n Abstract Artists, " Partisan Review 6 (1939) : 63 . Fo r th e histor y o f th e America n Abstract Artists , se e Thoma s Tritschler , American Abstract Artists (Albuquerque : University of New Mexico Art Museum, 1977) ; Susan Carol Larsen, "Th e Ameri can Abstract Artist Group: A History and Evaluation o f Its Impact upon America n Art" (Ph.D. diss., Northwestern University , 1975) ; and Melinda A. Lorenz, George L. K. Morris: Artist and Critic (Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Researc h Press , 1982) . 20. Clemen t Greenberg , " 'American-Type' Painting, " Partisan Review 22 (1955): 179-180 , 196 . 21. Hollinger , In the American Province, 84-86 . Jame s Gilbert , Writers and Partisans: A History of Literary Radicalism (New York: John Wile y an d Sons , 1968) , 188-233. 22. Joh n Cro w Ranso m quote d i n Breslin , From Modern to Contemporary, 16 . Gerald Graff , Professing Literature: An Institutional History (Chicago: University o f Chicago Press, 1987) , 195-208 . 23. Phili p Rah v an d Willia m Phillips , "Ou r Country , Ou r Culture, " Partisan Review 19 (1952): 284. Breslin, From Modern to Contemporary, 11 . 24. Willia m Barrett , "Th e Resistance, " Partisan Review 1 3 (1946) : 479 . Pau l Goodman, "Advance-Guar d Writing , 1900-1950, " Kenyon Review 1 3 (1951): 380. Clement Greenberg , "Th e Stat e of American Writing," Partisan Review 15 (1948): 876. F. W. Dupee , "Th e Mus e a s House Guest, " Partisan Review 25 (1958) : 455458. 25. Geral d M . Monroe , "Th e America n Artists ' Congres s an d th e Invasio n o f Finland," Archives ofAmerican Art Journal 1 5 (1975): 14-20. John Clello n Holmes , "Crazy Days , Numinou s Nights : 1948-1950, " i n Arthu r Knigh t an d Ki t Knight , eds., Beat Vision: A Primary Source Book (New York: Paragon House , 1987) , 86-87. 26. Lawrenc e Barth , "Diggin g th e Root s o f Ou r Chaos, " Miscellaneous Man, April 1956 , 10-12 . Jame s Courzen , "Th e Tru e Socia l Awakening, " Grundtvig Review, 20 September 1951 , 2. 27. Kennet h Rexroth , "Th e Realit y of Henry Miller," in Bird in the Bush (New York: Ne w Directions , 1959) , 155 . Stuart Z . Perkof f i s discusse d i n John Arthu r Maynard, Venice West: The Beat Generation in Southern California (New Brunswick , N.J.: Rutger s Universit y Press , 1991) , 62 . Barnet t Newma n quote d i n Cliffor d Ross, ed. , Abstract Expressionism: Creators and Critics: An Anthology (Ne w York : Harry N . Abrams , 1990) , 123 . Willia m Baziotes , " A Speec h fo r a Televisio n Program Schedule d a t Hunter College, " MS, ca. 1957 , 3, WBP. 28. Osca r Collie r t o Judson C . Crews , [ca . 1946] , JCP. Kennet h Rexrot h t o Allen Ginsberg , 1 2 July 1952 , AGP,SU. Kennet h Rexroth , Bird in the Bush, 105 . Clyfford Stil l t o Bett y Parsons , 2 0 Marc h 1948 , BPP . Th e Partisan Review di d publish a poe m eac h b y Alle n Ginsber g an d Gregor y Cors o i n th e lat e 1950s . Furthermore, wor k b y Kennet h Rexrot h an d Willia m Carlo s William s ha d bee n published i n th e magazin e fro m th e lat e 1930 s throug h th e 1940s . B y wa y o f

192 • NOTE S T O CHAPTE R 3

contrast, i t shoul d b e note d tha t durin g th e 1940 s an d 1950 s th e Partisan Review also published tw o of T. S . Eliot's Four Quartets and twenty-fiv e poem s b y Rober t Lowell, a good indication o f where the literary sympathies o f the editor s lay. 29. Stuar t Z. Perkoff Journal, [ca . September 1956] , SPP. George Leite , editorial, Circle, Summe r 1948 , 1. 30. Lesli e Wool f Hedley , Inferno Quarterly, no. 1 0 [1954] : 35-36 . "Editoria l Gesture," Neurotica, Autumn 1949 , 3-4 . 31. Webster , Republic of Letters, 3-59. Thomas Kuhn , The Structure of Scientific Revolutions, 2 d ed . (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1970) , 150 . Alle n Ginsberg, "Note s Writte n o n Finall y Recordin g 'Howl,' " i n Thoma s Parkinson , ed., A Casebook on the Beat (Ne w York : Crowell , 1961) , 30 . Norma n Podhoretz , "The Know-Nothin g Bohemians, " Partisan Review 25 (1958) : 313 , 316 . Alle n Ginsberg t o Pete r Orlovsky , [Ma y 1958] , POP. Rober t Dunca n t o Sander s [Rus sell], [2 1 Novembe r 1944] , REDP . Kennet h Rexroth , American Poetry in the Twentieth Century (New York: Herder an d Herder , 1971) , 132-133. 32. Alle n Ginsber g t o Dwigh t Macdonald , [1 4 Marc h 1964] ; Macdonald t o Ginsberg, 1 3 April 1964 ; Ginsberg to Macdonald, 1 4 August 1964 ; all in DMacd P NOTES TO CHAPTE R 3

1. Stuar t Z . Perkoff , "Th e Suicide, " Miscellaneous Man, Novembe r 1956 , inside back cover. 2. Renat o Poggioli , Theory of the Avant-Garde, trans . Geral d Fitzgeral d (Cambridge: Harvard Universit y Press, 1968) , 103-128. Kenneth Rexroth , American Poetry in the Twentieth Century (New York: Herder an d Herder , 1971) , 16-18 . 3. Clemen t Greenberg , "Ar t Chronicle : Th e Situatio n a t th e Moment, " Partisan Review 1 5 (1948) : 82-83 . Jack Tworkov, "Fou r Excerpt s fro m a Journal," My, Autum n 1959 , 13. 4. Kennet h Rexroth , "Unacknowledge d Legislator s an d 'Ar t Pou r Art," ' i n Bird in the Bush (Ne w York : Ne w Directions , 1959) , 12 . Davi d Piatt , edito r o f Approach, quote d i n Anthony Linick, " A History o f the American Literar y 'Avant Garde' sinc e Worl d Wa r II " (Ph.D . diss. , Universit y o f California , Lo s Angeles , 1965), 49. 5. Willia m Carlo s Williams , "Asphodel , Tha t Green y Flower, " i n Pictures from Brueghel and Other Poems (New York: New Directions , 1962) , 165-166 . 6. Dougla s Woolf , "Radioactiv e Generation, " Inland, Autumn 1960 , 33-34 . Rexroth, American Poetry, 131-132. 7. Spence r R . Weart, Nuclear Fear: A History of Images (Cambridge: Harvar d University Press, 1989) , 103 , 392. 8. Kennet h Rexroth , "Kennet h Patchen : Naturalis t o f th e Publi c Night mare," in Bird in the Bush, 95-97. 9. Pete r Blanc , "Th e Artis t an d th e Atom, " Magazine of Art 4 4 (1951) : 150 , 152. 10. Dwigh t Macdonald's response s t o th e bom b wer e published i n the Augus t and Septembe r 194 5 issue s o f Politics. The y wer e reprinte d unde r th e titl e "Th e

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 3 • 19 3

Bomb" in Memoirs of a Revolutionist (New York: Farrar, Strau s an d Cudahy , 1957) , 169-180; quotation o n 169 . 11. A . Pankovits, quote d i n Harr y Russel l Huebel , Jr., "Th e Bea t Generatio n and th e Bohemia n Lef t Traditio n i n America " (Ph.D . diss. , Washingto n Stat e University , 1970) , 67. Morris Graves , quote d i n Kennet h Rexroth , "Th e Vision ary Painting of Morris Graves, " in Bird in the Bush, 58. 12. [Rober t Bl y and Willia m Duffy] , " A Note o n Hydroge n Bom b Testing, " The Fifties, 1959, 51. Clyfford Stil l quoted i n Stephe n Polcari , Abstract Expressionism and the Modern Experience (New York : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1991) , 115. Allen Ginsber g and Gregor y Corso , "Intervie w with William S . Burroughs, " Journal for the Protection of AllBeings, 1961, 81 . 13. "Th e Ne w Loo k I s th e Anxious Look, " Neurotica, Spring 1948 , 48. Leslie Woolf Hedle y quote d i n Linick , "America n Literar y Avant-Garde, " 75 . E . V Griffith quote d i n "Editor s Write, " Trace, Augus t 1954 , 16-18 . Kenneth Patche n quoted i n Rexroth , "Kennet h Patchen, " 100 . 14. Alle n Ginsberg t o Peter Orlovsky , [1 6 July 1958] , POP. Sidra Stitch , Made in USA: An Americanization in Modern Art, the '50s and '60s (Berkeley: Universit y of California Press , 1987) , 166-167 . 15. Rexroth , American Poetry, 131-132 . Barnet t Newma n quote d i n Thoma s Hess, Barnett Newman (Ne w York: Museum o f Modern Art, 1971) , 37. 16. Macdonald , Memoirs of a Revolutionist, 169 . 17. Ibid. , 178 . 18. Harr y Hershkowitz , "Wh y Death? " Death, Summe r 1946 , 3 . Dougla s Woolf, "Radioactiv e Generation, " Inland, Autum n 1960 , 34 . Alle n Ginsberg , untitled, MS, ca. 1958 , Orlovsky File, AGP,SU. 19. Lesli e Woolf Hedle y quote d i n Linick, "America n Literar y Avant-Garde, " 75. Kenneth Rexrot h t o Dwight Macdonald, 4 October 1945 , DMacdP. 20. Pau l Goodman , "Th e Empero r o f China," Possibilities, Winte r 1947-1948 , 13. 21. Parke r Tyler , "Art, " View, Fall 1946 , 37 . A show o f painting s a t th e Bett y Parsons Galler y i n 194 7 als o feature d bomb-inspire d works : tw o version s o f a painting b y Han s Hoffman , The Furyo; and a paintin g b y Pietr o Lazzari , Burnt Offering; see Edwar d Alde n Jewell, "Ne w Phas e i n Ar t Note d a t Display, " New York Times, 28 January 1947 , n.p., New York Public Library Pamphlet File , BPP. 22. Judso n Crews , "Th e Ato m Bom b Cathedral, " Climax, [no . 1] , 1955 , 35 . James Boye r May, "Return t o Pelagianism," Experiment 5 (Spring 1950) , 331. 23. "Bomb " wa s firs t publishe d a s a flyer i n 195 8 b y Cit y Light s Book s an d later as a foldout i n Gregor y Corso , The Happy Birthday of Death (New York: New Directions, 1960) , betwee n 33-34 . Th e inciden t a t Oxfor d i s describe d i n Barr y Miles, Ginsberg: A Biography (New York: Simon an d Schuster , 1989) , 243. 24. Davi d Riesman , Natha n Glazer , an d Reue l Denney , The Lonely Crowd: A Study of the Changing American Character (New Haven : Yal e Universit y Press , 1950). Irving Howe, "This Age of Conformity," Partisan Review 21 (1954): 7-33. 25. S . E. Laurilla, "Th e Ne w Man," Miscellaneous Man, Apri l 1956 , 1-3 . 26. Jame s Boye r May, Twigs as Varied Bent (Corona, N.Y. : Sparrow Magazine ,

194 • NOTE S T O CHAPTE R 4

1954), 7 . E . E . Walters , "Editor s Write, " Trace, October 1953 , 17-18 . Davi d Meltzer, "Journa l o f the Birth, " Journal for the Protection of AllBeings, 1961, 69. 27. Howe , "Thi s Ag e o f Conformity, " 19 , 20 . Norma n O . Brown , "Apoca lypse: The Plac e of Mystery in the Lif e o f the Mind," Harpers, May 1961 , 46-49. 28. Amir i Barak a interviewe d b y Debr a Edwards , "LeRo i Jone s i n th e Eas t Village," in Arthur Knigh t an d Ki t Knight, eds. , The Beat Vision: A Primary Source Book (New York: Paragon House , 1987) , 130-131 . 29. Th e Howl tria l i s discusse d i n Michae l Schumacher , Dharma Lion: A Critical Biography of AllenGinsberg (New York: St. Martin's Press , 1992) , 254-255, 259-264. Gregor y Cors o t o Lawrenc e Ferlinghetti , [Sprin g 1957] , CLBR . Fo r examples of the literature o f outcasts, see Ray Bremser, "Poe m o f Holy Maddness, Part IV, " i n Donal d M . Allen , ed. , The New American Poetry (New York : Grov e Press, 1960) , 354 , an d th e poe m b y Ne w Jerse y stat e priso n inmat e Edwi n J . Becker "Wh o Crie d agains t th e Wall?" Portfolio, Sprin g 1947 , leaf 7. 30. Jea n Franklin , editorial , New Iconograph, Fal l 1947 , 2 . Osca r Collier , " A Piece o f Bombast, " Iconograph Quarterly Supplement of Prejudice and Opinion, no. 2 [Fall 1946] : 2. 31. Mar k Rothk o quote d b y Dougla s McAgy , "Mar k Rothko, " Magazine of Art, Januar y 1949 , 21. Merce Cunningham , "Space , Time, Dance, " Trans/Formation 1 (1952) : 150 . Davi d Smit h quote d i n Seldo n Rodman , Conversations with Artists (Ne w York: Devin-Adair, 1957) , 127-128 . 32. Poggioli , Theory of the Av ant-Garde, 107-108 . William Baziotes , "A Speech for a Television Progra m Schedule d a t Hunte r College, " MS, ca . 1957 , 1 , WBP. James Boye r May , "Toward s Print, " Trace, August 1958 , 10 . Phili p Whalen , "Further Notice, " Yugen, [no. 1] , 1958, 2. 33. Poggioli , Theory of the Av ant-Garde,109 . Clyffor d Stil l t o Bett y Parsons , 26 Septembe r 1949 , BPP . Harol d Rosenberg , "Introductio n t o Si x America n Artists," Possibilities, Winte r 1947-1948 , 75. 34. Rosenberg , "Si x America n Artists, " 75 . Mar k Rothko , "Th e Romantic s Were Prompted, " Possibilities, Winte r 1947-1948 , 84 . John Ferren , "Epitap h fo r an Avant-Garde," Arts, Novembe r 1958 , 26. 35. Willia m Baziotes , "Speech fo r a Television Program, " 1 . 36. Th e expatriatio n o f th e writer s o f th e 1920 s is abl y describe d i n Malcol m Cowley, Exiles Return: A Literary Odyssey of the 1920s (Harmondsworth , U.K. : Penguin Books , 197 6 [1951]) . Robert Motherwell t o William Baziotes , 6 Septem ber 1944 , WBP. NOTES TO CHAPTER 4

1. Ci d Corman , "Th e Littl e Magazine, " Trace, Octobe r 1952 , 1-2 . Richar d Kostelanetz, ed.,John Cage (New York: Praeger, 1970) , 117 . 2. Joh n Clello n Holmes , "Craz y Days , Numinou s Nights : 1948-1950, " i n Arthur Knigh t an d Ki t Knight , eds. , The Beat Vision: A Primary Source Book (New York: Paragon House , 1987) , 75. 3. Clemen t Greenberg , "Modernis t Painting, " in Gregor y Battcock , ed. , The New Art, 2 d ed. (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1973) , 66-77.

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 4 • 19 5

4. Irvin g Howe , "Mas s Societ y an d Post-Moder n Fiction, " Partisan Review 26 (1959): 435. 5. Renat o Poggioli , The Theory of the Avant-Garde, trans . Geral d Fitzgeral d (Cambridge: Harvard Universit y Press, 1968) , 97. 6. Rober t Duncan, "Propertie s of our REAL Estate," Journal for the Protection of AllBeings 1 (1961): 87. Leslie Woolf Hedley, Galley, Fal l 1950 , 9. Ralph Borsod i and Mildre d Jense n Loomis , "Majo r Problem s o f Living, " Grundtvig Review, Spring 1950 , 39-44 . James Boye r May, "Concernin g a Maker," Inferno Quarterly, no. 10 , [1954]: 21-28. John Bernar d Myers, "Interactions: A View of View," Art in America 69 (1981) : 91 . John Arthu r Maynard , Venice West: The Beat Generation in Southern California (New Brunswick , N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1991) , 63. 7. Herber t Read , The Politics of the Unpolitical (London: Routledge , 1943) . 8. Rober t Motherwel l an d Harol d Rosenberg , editorial , Possibilities, Winte r 1947-1948, 1 . 9. Michae l McClure , "Fro m a Journal: Sept . '59, " in Donal d Allen , ed. , The New American Poetry (New York : Grov e Press , 1960) , 423 . Willia m H . Ryan , editorial, Contact, Februar y 1960 , 20. "Morton Feldman " in Walter Zimmermann , ed., Desert Plants: Conversations with Twenty-Three American Musicians (Vancouver: Aesthetics Research Center , 1976) , 12-13 . 10. Editorial , Miscellaneous Man, Sprin g 1955 , insid e cover . Yugen, [no . 1] , 1958, cover . Kennet h Rexroth , "Disengagement : Th e Ar t o f th e Bea t Genera tion," reprinte d i n Thoma s Parkinson , ed. , A Casebook on the Beat (Ne w York : Crowell, 1961) , 180-181 . 11. Davi d Kove n an d James Harmo n quote d i n Anthon y Linick , " A Histor y of the American Literary 'Avant-Garde' since World War II" (Ph.D. diss., University of California , Lo s Angeles, 1965) , 147 . John Cage , Silence: Lectures and Writings (Middletown, Conn. : Wesleyan Universit y Press, 1961) , 37. 12. Willia m Carlo s Williams quote d i n Peter Ackroyd, T. S. Eliot: A Life (Ne w York: Simo n an d Schuster , 1984) , 127 . Williams' s reactio n t o Elio t wa s wel l known t o the Beat writers: see John Clello n Holmes, quoted in Neil A. Chassman, ed., Poets of the Cities: New York and San Francisco, 1950-1965 (Ne w York : E . P . Dutton, 1974) , 64 . Joel Oppenheime r quote d i n Donal d Alle n an d Georg e F . Buttrick, eds. , The Postmoderns: The New American Poetry Revised (Ne w York : Grove Press , 1982) , 421. James MacKenzie, "A n Interview with Allen Ginsberg, " in Arthur Knigh t an d Kit Knight, eds. , The Beat Journey, The Unspeakable Visions of The Individual 8 (1978): 3-4 . Willia m Carlo s Williams, "How l fo r Car l Solomon : Introduction," i n Alle n Ginsberg , Howl and Other Poems (San Francisco : Cit y Lights Books , 1956) , 7-8 . 13. "Jackso n Pollock, " Arts and Architecture, February 1944 , 14 . Joh n Ferren , "Epitaph fo r a n Avant-Garde," Arts, Novembe r 1958 , 26. 14. Thoma s Har t Bento n quote d Stephe n Polcari , Abstract Expressionism and the Modern Experience (New York: Cambridge Universit y Press, 1991) , 16. 15. Harr y Partch , Genesis of a Music (Madison: University o f Wisconsin Press , 1949), xvi. Catherine M. Cameron , "Fightin g with Words: American Composers ' Commentary on Their Work," Comparative Studies in Society and History 27 (1985): 451-452.

196 • NOTE S T O CHAPTE R 4

16. Cage , Silence, 63 , 71, 84. 17. Wille m d e Koonin g quote d i n Mauric e Tuchman , ed. , The New York School: Abstract Expressionism in the Forties and Fifties (London: Thame s an d Hud son, 1969) , 49. Allen Ginsber g to Peter Orlovsky , 1 5 June 1958 , POP. 18. Rober t Motherwell, The Dada Painters and Poets: An Anthology (New York: Wittenborn, Schultz , 1951) . Ma x Kozloff , "A n Intervie w wit h Rober t Moth erwell," Artforum, Septembe r 1965 , 37. 19. Partch , Genesis of a Music, xi. Ellen G . Landau , Jackson Pollock (Ne w York : Harry N . Abrams , 1989) , 241 . F. T. Martinetti , "Th e Foundatio n an d Manifest o of Futurism " (1908) , reprinte d i n Hershe l B . Chipp , Theories of Modern Art: A Source Book by Artists and Critics (Berkeley: Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1968) , 284-289, especially 286. 20. Franci s Lee, "Interview with Miro," Possibilities, Winte r 1947-1948 , 67. 21. Cage, Silence, 17 . 22. Ibid. , 64 ; see also 44. Claes Oldenber g quote d i n Sidr a Stitch , Made in the USA: An Americanization in Modern Art, the y 50s and '60s (Berkeley: University o f California Press , 1987) , 208. 23. Harr y Russel l Huebel , Jr., "Th e Bea t Generatio n an d th e Bohemia n Lef t Tradition i n America" (Ph.D . diss., Washington Stat e University, 1970) , 124 , 7 392. Mar y Lyn n Kotz , Rauschenberg: Art and Life (Ne w York : Harr y N . Abrams , 1990), 73-76. 24. Rober t Motherwel l quote d i n Irvin g Sandler , The Triumph of American Painting: A History of Abstract Expressionism (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1970) , 217. Rober t Duncan , "Page s from a Notebook, " i n Allen , ed. , New American Poetry, 404 . Ear l Brow n quote d i n H . Wile y Hitchcock , Music in the United States, 3 d ed . (Englewoo d Cliffs , N.J. : Prentice-Hall , 1988) , 269 . Jack Kerouac , "Essentials o f Spontaneous Prose, " in Parkinson, Casebook on the Beat, 65-67. 25. Ferlinghett i quote d i n Michae l Davidson , The San Francisco Renaissance: Poetics and Community at Mid-Century (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1989), 16 . 26. "Gar y Snyder, " Literary Times, Decembe r 1964 , 22 , clippin g i n Gar y Snyder File , CLBR . 27. Jame s E . B . Breslin, From Modern to Contemporary: American Poetry, 19451965 (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1984) , 59-60 . Davidson , San Francisco Renaissance, 16-23 . Charle s Altieri , "Fro m Symbolis t Though t t o Im manence: Th e Groun d o f Postmoder n America n Poetics, " Boundary II 1 (1973): 605. 28. Barnet t Newma n quote d i n Rose , Readings in American Art, 135 ; Osca r Collier t o Judson Crews , [Jun e 1946] , JCP. 29. Barnet t Newma n quote d from th e New York Herald-Tribune, 6 May 1951 , n.p., clipping in BPP. Ferren, "Epitap h fo r a n Avant-Garde," 26. 30. Davidson , San Francisco Renaissance, 87 ; Earl e Brown , "Som e Note s o n Composing," i n Gilber t Chase , ed., The American Composer Speaks (Baton Rouge : Louisiana Stat e University Press, 1966) , 303. 31. Rober t Rauschenber g quote d i n Doroth y C . Miller, ed. , Sixteen Americans (New York: Museum o f Modern Art , 1959) ; reprinted i n Rose, Readings in Ameri-

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 4 • 19 7

can Art, 149 . Frank O'Har a quote d i n Marjorie Perloff , Frank O'Hara: Poet among Painters (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1977) , 24. 32. Fran k O'Har a an d LeRo i Jones , "Statement s o n Poetics, " i n Allen , ed. , New American Poetry, 419-42 0 an d 424-425. 33. Charle s Olson's "Projective Verse" is reprinted i n Allen, ed., New American Poetry, 386-397. 34. Cage , Silence, 3 , 22. Christia n Wolf f quote d i n ibid. , 68 . Richard Kostela netz, Conversing with Cage (New York: Limelight Editions , 1988) , 65. 35. Cage , Silence, 68-69 . Kostelanetz, Conversing with Cage, 65 . 36. Jac k Kerouac , "Origin s o f th e Bea t Generation, " Playboy, Jun e 1959 , 3 1 32; reprinted i n Parkinson, Casebook on the Beat, 68-72. 37. Joh n Clello n Holme s quote d i n John Tytell , Naked Angels: The Lives and Literature of the Beat Generation (New York : Grov e Press , 1976) , 22 . Norma n Mailer, "Th e Whit e Negro : Superficia l Reflection s o n th e Hipster, " Dissent 4 (1957): 279. 38. Kennet h Rexroth , "Th e Worl d I s Ful l o f Strangers, " New Directions 16 (1957): 194 . Kennet h Rexroth , Bird in the Bush (Ne w York : Ne w Directions , 1959), 38-39. Rexroth, "Disengagement, " 181 . 39. Pete r Willmott, "Jaz z and Society, " Jazz Forum, January 1947 , 16. 40. "O n th e Society, " Climax, no. 1 (1955): 3 . Eithne Wilkins , "Jazz , Surreal ism, and th e Doctor," Jazz Forum, no. 1 , [1946]: 10. Allen Ginsberg , "Footnot e t o Howl," in Howl and Other Poems, 2 1. 41. Alle n Ginsber g t o Donal d Allen , [Apri l 1958] , AGP,SU . Jac k Keroua c quoted i n Tytell , Naked Angels, 143 . Untitle d poe m b y Michae l McClur e i n Semina 4 (1959): n.p. 42. Kennet h Rexroth , "Jaz z Poetry " (1958 ) reprinte d i n Bradfor d Morrow , ed., World Outside the Window: The Selected Essays of Kenneth Rexroth (Ne w York : New Directions , 1987) , 68-72 . Caroly n See , "Th e Jaz z Musicia n a s Patchen' s Hero," Arizona Quarterly 1 7 (1961) : 141-146 . Alle n Brown , " A Poe t Turne d t o Night Clu b Jazz, " San Francisco Chronicle, 6 Octobe r 1957 , 14 , i n Kennet h Patchen File , CLBR . 43. Tul i Kupferberg , "Deat h an d Love, " Kulchur 3 (1961): 32 . Ronald Suken ick, Down and In: Life in the Underground (New York: Beechtree Books , 1987) , 32 33. Fuck You: A Magazine of the Arts, no . 2 (April 1962) . 44. Lawrenc e Barth , "Diggin g th e Root s o f Ou r Chaos, " Miscellaneous Man, April 1956 , 11-12 . Pau l Goodman , "Th e Fat e o f Dr . Reich' s Books, " Kulchur 2 (1960): 22-23 . 45. Pau l Goodman , "Se x and Revolution, " View, October 1945 , 15. 46. Sukenick , Down and In, 32 . James Atlas, "Golden Boy, " New York Review of Books, 29 Jun e 1989 , 45 . Marti n Duberman , Black Mountain: An Exploration in Community (Garde n City , N.Y. : Doubleday , 1973) , 433 . Ja y Landesman , Rebel without Applause (London: Bloomsbury , 1987) , 31 , 103. Dennis McNally , Desolate Angel: Jack Kerouac, the Beat Generation, and America (Ne w York: Random House , 1979), 123 , 139 . Barr y Miles , Ginsberg: A Biography (Ne w York : Simo n an d Schuster, 1989) , 95-97. William Carlo s William s t o Kennet h Burke , St . Patrick' s [Day, 1947] , in John C . Thirwall , The Selected Letters of William Carlos Williams

198 • NOTE S T O CHAPTE R 4

(New York: McDowell, Obolensky , 1957) , 257. Ted Morgan, Literary Outlaw: The Life and Times of William S. Burroughs (New York : Henr y Holt , 1988) , 140-143 . Jack Keroua c recorde d Burroughs' s Reichia n critiqu e o f American societ y i n th e ran tings of the characte r Bul l Lee in On the Road (New York: Viking, 1957) , 119— 127. Ada m Margoshes , "Epitap h fo r a Scientist, " i n Danie l Wol f an d Edwi n Fander, eds. , The Village Voice Reader (New York: Doubleday, 1962) , 212-214. 47. G . Legman , "Th e Psychopatholog y o f th e Comics, " Neurotica, Autum n 1948, 29 . Editorial , Semina, Decembe r 1957 , bac k cover . Document s printe d i n Provincetown Review, Winter 1961 . Elliott Anderso n an d Mar y Kinzie , eds. , The Little Magazine in America: A Modern Documentary History (Yonkers, N.Y. : Push cart Books, 1978) , 682. John D'Emili o an d Estell e B . Freedman, Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America (New York: Harper an d Row , 1988) , 275-278. 48. Manfre d Wise , "Sex, Ignorance, Desire, and the Orgasm," Deer and Dachshund, no . 5 [1953] : n.p . Lenor e Kandel , "T o Fuc k wit h Love, " Fuck You: A Magazine of the Arts, no . 5 , vol. 1 [sic] [1962] : n.p. Partch, Genesis of a Music, 54 57. Kenneth Rexrot h als o referred t o D. H. Lawrence : see "Poetry, Regeneration , and D . H. Lawrence, " in Bird in the Bush, 202. 49. Polcari , Abstract Expressionism, 99 , 191-192 , 286-291 . 50. Pau l O'Neil , "Th e Onl y Rebellio n Around, " Life, 3 0 Novembe r 1959 , 115-130, quote on 238. O'NeiPs essa y was also abridged i n Readers Digest, further publicizing th e stereotype ; se e Pau l O'Neil , "Lif e amon g th e Beatniks, " Readers Digest, April 1960 , 64-68. Allen Ginsberg quoted in Larry Sloman, Reefer Madness: The History of Marijuana in America (Indianapolis : Bobbs-Merrill , 1979) , 178 . Stuart Z. Perkoff Journal, [Augus t 1956] , SPP 51. Alle n Ginsber g t o Marce l Duchamp , 1 August 1964 , AGP,CU . France s Joseph Rigne y an d L . Dougla s Smith , The Real Bohemia: A Sociological and Psychological Study of the "Beats" (New York: Basic Books, 1961) , 52-65, especially 57 and 58 fo r example s o f drug s an d aestheti c experiments . Lawrenc e Lipton , The Holy Barbarians (New York : Julien Messner , 1959) , 171-189 , especiall y 172-17 5 fo r Michael McClure' s "Peyot e Poem. " Keroua c i s discusse d i n McNally , Desolate Angel, 133-134 . 52. Pau l Bowles , "Kif—Prologu e an d Compendiu m o f Terms, " Kulchur 3 (1961): 36 . Alle n Ginsberg , "Poetry , Violence , an d th e Tremblin g Lambs, " re printed i n Parkinson, Casebook on the Beat, 25. 53. Joh n Cag e quote d i n Richar d Kostelanetz , Masterminds: Portraits of Contemporary Artists and Intellectuals (New York: Macmillan, 1969) , 126 . Gary Snyder , "Note o n th e Religiou s Tendencies," reprinted i n Parkinson , Casebook on the Beat, 155. Stuart Z. Perkoff Journal, [Augus t 1956] , SPP. Miles, Ginsberg, 304 . 54. Miles , Ginsberg, 398-399. Gar y Snyde r t o Shi g Murao , 2 9 Marc h 1967 , CLBR. 55. Sukenick , Down and In, 33 . Gerald Nicosia , Memory Babe: A Critical Biography of JackKerouac (New York : Grove Press , 1983) , 697. The destructiv e effect s of alcoho l o n Wille m an d Elain e d e Koonin g ar e describe d i n Le e Hall , Elaine and Bill, Portrait of a Marriage: The Lives of Willem and Elaine de Kooning (New York: HarperCollins, 1993) , 176-18 2 an d passim . 56. I n Linick' s 196 5 surve y o f mor e tha n sixt y members o f th e literar y avan t

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 4 • 19 9

garde, asking, among othe r things , about thei r religiou s backgroun d an d practice , more tha n three-quarter s o f the m responde d tha t the y were reare d eithe r Chris tian o r Jewish, bu t mos t describe d themselve s a s lapsed . Onl y 1 4 percen t o f th e respondents attende d religiou s services . Se e Linick , "America n Literar y Avant Garde," 373. 57. Joh n Fles , "Th e Root, " Kulchur, Spring 1960 , 39-40 . Rober t Motherwell , "The Moder n Painter' s World, " Dyn, no . 6 (1944) : n.p. ; reprinte d i n Rose , ed. , Readings in American Art, 105 . 58. Marth a Graha m quote d i n Polcari , Abstract Expressionism, 53 . John Cage , Silence, 45 . 59. Clyffor d Stil l quote d i n An n Ede n Gibson , "Theor y Undeclared : Avant Garde Magazine s a s a Guide t o Abstrac t Expressionis t Image s an d Ideas " (Ph.D . diss., University o f Delaware, 1984) , 388. Richard Pousette-Dar t quote d i n Tuch man, New York School, 126-127 ; and Richard Pousette-Dart (New York: Art o f Thi s Century, 1947) , n.p . Fo r Mar k Rothko' s well-know n comment s o n th e religiou s experience o f painting, se e Seldo n Rodman , Conversations with Artists (Ne w York : Devin-Adair, 1957) , 93-94. 60. Jac k Kerouac quote d i n Linick, "America n Literar y Avant-Garde," 396 . 61. "Jackso n Pollock, " Arts and Architecture, p. 14 . Kenneth Lawrenc e Beau doin, "Thi s I s th e Sprin g o f 1946, " Iconograph 1 (Spring 1946) : 3-4 . B . B. New man, introductio n t o Northwest Coast Indian Painting (Ne w York : Bett y Parson' s Gallery, 1946) , n.p. , i n BPP . Arthu r L . Dahl , ed. , Mark Tohey: Art and Belief (Oxford: Georg e Ronald , 1984) , 5. 62. Richar d D . Lehan , "Citie s o f th e Living/Citie s o f th e Dead : Joyce, Eliot , and th e Origin s o f Myt h i n Modernism, " i n Lawrenc e B . Gamache , an d Ia n S . MacNiven, eds. , The Modernists: Studies in a Literary Phenomenon (Rutherford , N.J.: Fairleigh Dickinso n Universit y Press, 1987) , 61-74. 63. Jame s Boye r May , "Wha t Stuf f t o Destin e Dreams? " Grundtvig Review, no. 3 (1952): 1-2. Marjori e Farber , "The Live Dog: Art as Magic and as Entertainment," City Lights, Spring 1955 , 63. Edward E Edinger , "Th e Rol e of Myth," The Realist, June-July 1958 , 10-11 . Harr y Slochomer , "Th e Impor t o f Myth fo r Ou r Time," Trans/Formation 1 (1951): 97-99. 64. Barnet t Newma n quote d i n Rose , Readings in American Art, 113 . Stuart Z . Perkoff Journal, [ca . September 1956] , SPP. 65. Mar k Rothko , Clyfford Still: Paintings (Ne w York : Ar t o f Thi s Century , [1946]). 66. Car l Jackson , "Th e Countercultur e Look s East : Bea t Writer s an d Asia n Religion," American Studies 2 9 (1988) : 53 , 68 . Lawrenc e W . Chisolm , Fenollosa: The Far East and American Culture (Ne w Haven : Yal e Universit y Press , 1963) , 222-223. Monica Furlong , Zen Effects: The Life of Alan Watts (Boston: Houghto n Mifflin, 1986) , 142-143 , 159-160 . 67. Nichola s O'Connell , intervie w wit h Gar y Snyde r i n At the Fields End: Interviews with Twenty Pacific Northwest Writers (Seattle : Madron a Publishers , 1987), 313. 68. Thi s an d th e followin g paragrap h ar e base d o n Davidson , San Francisco Renaissance, 97-98 .

2 0 0 • NOTE S T O CHAPTE R 5

69. Margare t Leng Tan, "'Taking a Nap, I Pound th e Rice': Eastern Influence s on John Cage, " i n Richar d Flemin g an d Willia m Duckworth , eds. , John Cage at Seventy-Five (Lewisburg , Pa. : Bucknel l Universit y Press , 1989) , 34-57 . Jame s Pritchett, The Music of John Cage (New York: Cambridge Universit y Press , 1993) , 36-38, 74-78 . 70. Norma n Podhoretz , "Th e Know-Nothin g Bohemians, " Partisan Review 25 (1958): 307-398 . Holmes, "Craz y Days , Numinou s Nights, " 86 . William Carlo s Williams, "Symposium: The Bea t Poets," Wagner Literary Magazine, Sprin g 1959 , 24. 71. Snyder , "Not e o n th e Religious Tendencies," 156 . NOTES TO CHAPTER 5

1. "Statemen t o f Editorial Policy, " Coastline, Sprin g 1956 , 40. 2. Roderic k Seidenberg , "Th e Sens e o f th e Future : Man' s Abou t Face, " Nation 18 1 (1955): 157. 3. Mar k Rothk o t o Edwar d Alde n Jewel, [Jun e 1943] , MRP. Loui s Dudec k quoted i n Wendel l B . Anderson , "Lov e an d Labo r withou t Loss, " Deer and Dachshund, no . 5 [1953] : n.p. Michel Seuphor , "Yesterday—Today—Tomorrow, " in America n Abstrac t Artists , eds. , The World of Abstract Art (Ne w York : Witten born, [1957]) , 5. 4. Harr y Holtzma n an d Martin James, "Measur e o f Man," Trans/Formation 1 (1950): 1. 5. Joh n Cage , Silence: Lectures and Writings (Middletown , Conn. : Wesleya n University Press , 1961) , 10 . "Ann e Waldma n Talk s wit h Dian e d i Prima, " i n Arthur Knigh t an d Ki t Knight , eds. , The Beat Vision: A Primary Source Book (New York: Paragon House, 1987) , 145. Jacqueline Johnson quote d in Thomas Albright , Art in the San Francisco Bay Area, 1945-1980: An Illustrated History (Berkeley : University of California Press , 1985) , 41. 6. Elme r Bischoff , " A Tal k Give n a t th e Oaklan d Museum, " 2 7 Octobe r 1973, MS, San Francisco Art Institute Archives. 7. Alle n Ginsberg to Peter Orlovsky , 27 February 1958 , POP. 8. Pete r Clecak , Americas Quest for the Ideal Self: Dissent and Fulfillment in the 60s and 70s (New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1983) . 9. Laszl o Moholy-Nagy, quote d in Sibyl Moholy-Nagy, Moholy-Nagy: Experiment in Totality (Cambridge : Harvar d Universit y Press , 1950) , xii . Clemen t Greenberg, "Maste r Leger, " Partisan Review 2 1 (1954) : 91 . Renat o Poggioli , Theory of the Avant-Garde, trans . Geral d Fitgeral d (Cambridge : Harvar d Univer sity Press, 1968) , 135-139 . 10. Meye r Schapiro , "The Liberatin g Qualitie s of Avant-Garde Art: The Vita l Role Tha t Paintin g an d Sculptur e Pla y i n Moder n Culture, " Art News, Summe r 1956, 39. 11. Herber t Benjamin , "Psychiatrist : Go d o r Demitasse, " Neurotica, Sprin g 1949, 31-38 . Pau l Mocsanyi , "Ar t i n Review, " unidentifie d clipping , ca . 1949 , Rothko File, BPP. Michael Fraenkel, "Not e o n Death," Death, Summer 1946 , 6 364. Gar y Snyde r quote d i n Harr y Russel l Huebel , Jr. , "Th e Bea t Generatio n

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 5 • 20 1

and th e Bohemia n Lef t Traditio n i n America " (Ph.D . diss. , Washingto n Stat e University, 1970) , 67. 12. Mar k Tobe y quote d i n Katherin e Kuh , The Artist's Voice: Talks with Seventeen Artists (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1962) , 235 . [Jame s Boye r May] , "To wards Print, " Trace, Augus t 1958 , 9 . James Russel l Grant , "Poetr y an d Mind, " Trace, August 1957 , 4 . Frederic k Kiesler , Hans Richter (Ne w York : Ar t o f Thi s Century, 1946) , n.p. 13. Rober t Anto n Wilson , "Th e Ne w Ar t o f th e Brave, " Realist, Decembe r 1960, 12 . T. J.Jackson Lears , No Place of Grace: Antimodernism and the Transformation of AmericanCulture, 1880-1920 (Ne w York: Pantheon, 1981) , 32-47. 14. B . B. Newman, Northwest Coast Indian Painting (New York : Betty Parson s Gallery, 1946) , n.p., BPP. Harry Partch, Genesis of a Music (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press , 1949) , 218 . Jac k Kerouac , On the Road (Ne w York : Viking , 1957), 299. 15. Wolfgan g Paalen , Wolfgang Paalen (New York: Art of This Century , 1945) , n.p. "Edgar d Vares e an d Alexe i Haief f Questione d b y 8 Composers," Possibilities, Winter 1947-1948 , 96 . Edgar d Vares e quote d i n Elliot t Schwart z an d Barne y Childs, eds. , Contemporary Composers on Contemporary Music (Ne w York : Holt , Rinehart an d Winston, 1967) , 202, 208. 16. Richar d Kostelanetz , ed.,John Cage (Ne w York : Praeger, 1970) , 170-171 . On Marshall McLuhan, se e Philip Marchand, Marshall McLuhan: The Medium and the Messenger (New York : Ticknor an d Fields , 1989) . O n R . Buckminste r Fuller , see Martin Pawley , Buckminster Fuller (London: Trefoil, 1990) . 17. Irvin g Sandler , The New York School: The Painters and Sculptors of the Fifties (New York: Harper an d Row, 1978) , 304-305. Richard Kostelanetz , " A Conversation with Rober t Rauschenberg, " Partisan Review 35 (1968): 105. 18. Partch , Genesis of a Music, 217, 329-330 . 19. Stephe n Polcari , Abstract Expressionism and the Modern Experience (Cambridge: Cambridge Universit y Press, 1991) , 52, 192-193. 20. Jac k Tworkov , "Fou r Excerpt s from a Journal," It Is, Autum n 1959 , 1 2 (entry dated 25 September 1953) . 21. Bardin g Dahl , "Refor m an d th e Myt h o f Perfection, " Coastlines, Winte r 1956, 32. 22. Adolp h Gottlieb , "Th e Ide s o f Art, " Tiger's Eye, Decembe r 1949 , 43 . Gene Fowler , "Gary Snyder, " Literary Times, December 1964 , 22, CLBR. Marth a Graham quote d i n Polcari, Abstract Expressionism, 208-209 . 23. Wille m d e Koonin g quote d i n Irvin g Sandler , The Triumph of American Painting: A History of Abstract Expressionism (Ne w York : Praeger , 1970) , 98 . Existentialism wa s discusse d a t th e time i n suc h avant-gard e magazine s a s View and Instead: see Nicola s Calas' s revei w o f The Stranger b y Alber t Camu s i n View, March-April 1946 , 31 ; and Lione l Abel , "A n Ope n Lette r t o Jean Pau l Sartre, " Instead, no . 2 [1948] , n.p. 24. Annett e Cox , Art-As-Politics: The Abstract Expressionist Avant-Garde and Society (An n Arbor, Mich. : UM I Researc h Press , 1982) , 129-140 . Warren I . Sus man, Culture as History: The Transformation of American Society in the Twentieth Century (New York: Pantheon, 1984) , 180.

2 0 2 • NOTE S T O CHAPTE R 6

25. Ala n W . Watts , The Way of Zen (Ne w York : Pantheon , 1957) , 199 . Cage , Silence, 43 , 46-47. 26. Christia n Wolf f quote d i n Charle s Hamm , Music in the New World (New York: W. W. Norton, 1983) , 606-607. 27. Joh n Arthu r Maynard, Venice West: The Beat Generation in Southern California (New Brunswick , N.J.: Rutgers Universit y Press, 1991) , 192 . 28. Alla n Kapro w quote d in , "Jackso n Pollock : A n Artists ' Symposium , Par t \" Art News, April 1967 , 33. 29. Rober t Rauschenber g quote d i n Calvi n Tomkins, The Bride and the Bachelors (Harmondsworth, U.K. : Penguin , 1965) , 210 . Cage , Silence, 12 . L a Mont e Young quote d i n H . Wile y Hitchcock , Music in the United States, 2d ed . (Engle wood Cliffs , N.J. : Prentice-Hall, 1974) , 273. 30. Maynard , Venice West, 12 . Lawrenc e Lipton , The Holy Barbarians (Ne w York:JulienMessner, 1959) , 166-170 . 31. Cage , Silence, 65. 32. Alla n Kapro w quote d i n Irvin g Sandler , "I n th e Ar t Galleries, " New York Post, 16 June 1963 , magazine section , 14 . 3 3. Mar y Emma Harris, The Arts at Black Mountain College (Cambridge: M.I.T. Press, 1987) , 226-228 . Richar d Kostelanetz , Conversing with Cage (New York Limelight Editions , 1988) , 103-105 . 34. Alla n Kapro w quote d i n "Jackso n Pollock : A n Artists ' Symposium, " 60 . Allan Kaprow , "'Happenings ' i n th e Ne w Yor k Art Scene, " Art News, May 1961 , 39. 35. Georg e Brecht , "Moto r Vehicle Sundow n (Event), " and L a Monte Young , "Composition 196 0 # 3, " bot h i n L a Mont e Young , ed. , An Anthology: Chance Operations/ Concept Art/ Meaningless Work/ Natural Disasters/ Indeterminancy/ AntiArt/ Plans of Action/ Improvisation/ Stories/ Compositions/ Mathematics/ Music (Ne w York: Heiner Friedrich , 1963) , n.p. 36. Kaprow , "'Happenings,' " 60, 61. 37. Fran k Stell a quote d i n Barbar a Rose , ed., Readings in American Art: 19001915 (Ne w York: Praeger, 1975) , 173 . Marvin Cohen , "Wha t I s the Real , Really ? . . . " i n Charle s Russell , ed. , The Avant-Garde Today: An International Anthology (Urbana: Universit y o f Illinoi s Press , 1981) , 111 ; and se e Russell' s analysis , 101— 104. Rober t Indian a quote d i n John Russel l an d Suz i Gablik , Pop Art Redefined (New York: Praeger, 1969) , 81. 38. Ji m Din e quote d i n Russell an d Gablik , Pop Art Redefined, 63 . NOTES TO CHAPTER 6

1. Horac e Schwart z quote d i n Anthon y Linick , " A History o f th e America n Literary 'Avant-Garde ' Sinc e Worl d Wa r II " (Ph.D . diss. , University o f Califor nia, Los Angeles, 1965) , 293-294. Leslie Woolf Hedle y quote d i n ibid., 84 . 2. Gar y Snyder , "Buddhis t Anarchism, " Journal for the Protection of AllBeings 1 (1961): 11 . JackKerouac, On the Road (New York: Viking, 1957) , 124 . 3. Lawrenc e Barth , "Littl e Magazines an d Tyranny," Trace, June 1953 , 1. 4. Advertisemen t fo r Inferno i n Galley, Sprin g 1950 , 37 . Willia m S . Bur -

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 7 • 20 3

roughs, Naked Lunch (Ne w York : Grov e Press , 1959) ; see , fo r example , "Th e Examination" section , 187-197 . Joh n Clello n Holme s quote d i n Joh n Tytell , Naked Angels: The Lives and Literature of the Beat Generation (New York : Grov e Press, 1976) , 133 . Gary Snyde r t o Allen Ginsberg, 3 June 1956 , AGP,SU. 5. Osca r Collie r t o Judson Crews , [ca . June 1946] , JCP. 6. "LeRo i Jone s i n th e Eas t Village, " a n intervie w wit h Amir i Barak a b y Debra L . Edwards , i n Arthu r Knigh t an d Ki t Knight , eds. , The Beat Vision: A Primary Source Book (New York : Parago n House , 1987) , 131 . Lawrenc e Barth , "Digging th e Root s o f Ou r Chaos, " Miscellaneous Man, Apri l 1956 , 10-13 . Wil liam S . Burroughs to Jack Kerouac, 1 January 1950 , JKP. 7. Josep h Woo d Krutch , "Hav e Yo u Caugh t O n Yet? " House Beautiful, N o vember 1951 , 221, 270. 8. Irwi n Edman , "Ar t an d Freedom, " Art Digest, 1 5 Apri l 1951 , 22 . Ren e d'Harnoncourt, "Challeng e an d Promise : Moder n Ar t an d Moder n Society, " Magazine of Art 4 1 (1948) : 252 . Alin e B . Louchheim , "Cultura l Diplomacy : A n Art We Neglect," New York Times Magazine, 3 January 1954 , 16-17 . 9. Alfre d H . Barr , "Is Modern Ar t Communistic? " New York Times Magazine, 14 December 1952 , 22-23. Gilber t Highet , "Th e Bea t Generation, " transcrip t o f a radio tal k published b y the Book-of-the-Mont h Club , ca . 1958 , n.p., in clippin g file, AGP,CU. 10. "Th e U.S . Governmen t Vetoe s Livin g Art, " Art News, Septembe r 1956 , 34-35, 54-56 . 11. Alfre d H . Bar r quote d i n Ev a Cockcroft , "Abstrac t Expressionism : Weapon o f the Col d War," Artforum, Jun e 1974 , 41. 12. Harol d Rosenberg , "Th e America n Actio n Painters, " reprinte d i n The Tradition of the New (Ne w York : McGraw-Hill , 1965.) , 23-39 . Clemen t Greenberg, "Introduction, " i n Ten Years (New York : Bett y Parson s Gallery , [1955]), n.p., BPP. 13. Lesli e A . Fiedler , "Th e Stat e o f America n Writing, " Partisan Review 1 5 (1948): 875 . S. E. M., "Opinion, " Trace, June 1953 , 15 . See als o Walter Gropius , "The Necessit y o f th e Artis t i n a Democrati c Society, " Arts and Architecture, December 1955 , 16-17 . Thes e concern s pre-dat e th e Col d War , o f course ; see Rober t Motherwell , "Th e Moder n Painter' s World, " originall y publishe d i n Dyn i n 194 4 and reprinte d i n Barbar a Rose , ed. , Readings in American Art: 19001915 (Ne w York : Praeger , 1975) , 105 ; an d Samue l M . Kootz , New Frontiers in American Painting (Ne w York : Architectural Book s Publishing , 1943) , 3-9 , espe cially 7. NOTES TO CHAPTER 7

1. Throughou t thi s work I have used th e term "culture " in the broad, anthro pological sense . I n thi s chapte r I mus t us e th e ter m i n th e narrowe r sens e o f artistic and intellectual activity . 2. Kennet h Rexroth , Bird in the Bush (New York: New Directions , 1959) , 95. S. M. K . [Samue l M . Kootz] , Recent Paintings by Baziotes (New York : Samue l M . Kootz Gallery , 1948) , n.p., WBP.

2 0 4 • NOTE S T O CHAPTE R 7

3. Harr y Partch, Genesis of a Music (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1949) , xi, 52. 4. Geral d Reitlinger , The Economics of Taste: The Rise and Fall of Picture Prices, 1760-1960, vol . 1 (London: Barri e and Rockliff , 1961) , 410-411. 5. Alfre d H . Barr , introductio n t o Pegg y Guggenheim , Confessions of an Art Addict (New York: Macmillan, 1960) , 12 . The New American Painting and Sculpture: The First Generation (Ne w York : Museum o f Modern Art , 1969) , n.p., exhibitio n checklist in WBP. 6. Marci a Bystryn , "Ar t Gallerie s a s Gatekeepers : Th e Cas e o f th e Abstrac t Expressionists," Social Research 45 (1978): 402-407. 7. Bradfor d R . Collins , "Clemen t Greenber g an d th e Searc h fo r Abstrac t Expressionism's Successor : A Stud y i n th e Manipulatio n o f Avant-Gard e Con sciousness," Arts Magazine, Ma y 1987 , 36-43 . Greenberg' s catalo g essa y for PostPainterly Abstraction is abridge d i n Barbar a Rose , ed. , Readings in American Art: 1900-1975 (Ne w York: Praeger, 1975) , 158-161 . 8. Soph y Burnham , The Art Crowd (New York : Davi d McKay , 1973) , 361 . Reitlinger, Economics of Taste, 236-237 . The increas e in value of Willem d e Koon ing's painting s from th e 1950 s throug h th e 1980 s (i n par t throug h th e promo tional effort s o f his wife, Elaine ) i s discussed i n Le e Hall , Elaine and Bill, Portrait of aMarriage: The Lives of Willem and Elaine de Kooning (New York: HarperCollins, 1993), 264-278. 9. The Reminiscences of Robert Motherwell (1977) , 38 , i n th e Ora l Histor y Collection o f Columbi a University . Guggenheim , Confessions of an Art Addict, 171-172. Kennet h Sawyer , "Th e Importanc e o f a Wall : Galleries, " Evergreen Review, Spring 1959 , 122-135 . 10. To m Wolfe, The Pump House Gang (New York: Farrar, Straus , and Giroux , 1968), 173-203 . Fran k O'Hara , "Ho w t o Procee d i n th e Arts, " Art Chronicles: 1954-1966 (Ne w York: George Braziller , 1975) , 94. 11. Partch , Genesis of a Music, xi, xiv. 12. Th e statistic s for academi c growth com e from Lewi s Perry, Intellectual Life in America: A History (Chicago: University o f Chicag o Press , 1984) , 435; see als o 433-443. Irvin g Howe , "Thi s Age o f Conformity, " Partisan Review 21 (1954) : 26. R. P. Blackmur, "Stat e of American Writing," Partisan Review 15 (1948): 864. 13. Michae l Fraenkel , "Not e o n Death, " Death, Summe r 1946 , 61 . Rober t Creeley quote d i n Thomas Hil l Schaup , American Fiction in the Cold War (Madi son: University o f Wisconsin Press , 1991) , 51. 14. Lesli e Wool f Hedley , "Interview, " Coastlines, Summe r 1956 , 31-32 . "An nouncement o f Hafaz Fellowships, " Yugen, no. 5 (1959): 13 . "Award," The Sixties, Fall 1960 , 62. 15. Lawrenc e Ferlinghetti , "Youn g Poets Rea d a t West Coas t Poetr y Center, " Intro Bulletin, March-Apri l 1956 , n.p . Jack Kerouac , Dharma Bums (Ne w York : New American Library , 1958) , 32-33. Rexroth, Bird in the Bush, 99. 16. Harol d Taylor , "Symposiu m Statement, " Arts in Society 3 (1966): 456-45 8 and 510-523 . 17. Catherin e Mar y Cameron , "Dialectic s i n th e Arts : Compose r Ideologie s

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 7 • 20 5

and Cultur e Change " (Ph.D . diss. , Universit y o f Illinoi s a t Urbana-Champaign , 1982), 106-135 . Fo r a descriptio n o f HPSCHD, se e Virgi l Thomson , Twentieth Century Composers: American Music Since 1910 (Ne w York : Holt , Rinehar t an d Winston, 1971) , 67-68 . Barbar a C . Phillip s Farley , " A History o f th e Cente r fo r New Musi c a t th e Universit y o f Iowa , 1966-1991 " (Ph.D . diss. , Universit y o f Iowa, 1991) . 18. Alvi n Toffler, The Culture Consumers: A Study of Art and Affluence in America (New York: St. Martin's, 1964) , 71-91. Artist in residency programs ar e discusse d in "The Universit y as Cultural Leader, " Arts in Society 3 (1966): 478-490. 19. Rober t O . Bowen , "Th e Write r a t th e University, " Inland, Winter 1960 , 21-27. Richar d Kostelanetz , Master Minds: Portraits of Contemporary Artists and Intellectuals (New York: Macmillan, 1969) , 11 . Kenneth Rexroth , American Poetry in the Twentieth Century (New York: Herder an d Herder, 1971) , 140-141 . 20. Milto n Babbitt , "Wh o Care s I f Yo u Listen, " reprinte d i n Gilber t Chase , ed., The American Composer Speaks (Bato n Rouge : Louisian a Stat e Universit y Press, 1966) , 235-244, quotatio n o n 242 . Richard Maxfield , "Composers , Perfor mance an d Publication, " i n Elliot t Schwart z an d Barne y Childs , eds. , Contemporary Composers on Contemporary Music (Ne w York : Holt , Rinehar t an d Winston , 1967), 353 . Martin Brody, " 'Music fo r th e Masses' : Milton Babbitt' s Col d Wa r Music Theory," Musical Quarterly 7 (1993): 161-192 . 21. Olive r Andrew s interviewe d b y Georg e M . Goodwin , "Lo s Angele s Ar t Community: Grou p Portrait " (Lo s Angeles: Oral History Program, Universit y o f California, Lo s Angeles, 1977) , 137-138 . 22. Th e statistic s for th e 1920 s are from Lewi s Coser, Men of Ideas (New York: Free Press , 1965) , 269 . Cose r als o note s tha t 4 0 percen t o f contributor s t o littl e magazines i n th e 1950 s wer e from universities . However , thes e figure s d o no t accurately represen t th e avan t gard e becaus e o f change s i n th e natur e o f littl e magazines durin g thi s time. The growt h o f academic quarterlie s an d othe r estab lishment review s i n th e decade s sinc e th e 1920s , an d especiall y i n th e 1940 s an d 1950s, ha s mad e th e designatio n "littl e magazine " les s precis e tha n i t wa s i n th e first decade s o f th e century . Journals suc h a s The Antioch Review (1941—) and th e Hudson Review (1948- ) ar e typicall y describe d a s littl e magazine s bu t ar e hardl y comparable t o avant-gard e publication s suc h a s Suck-Egg Mule (1951-1952 ) an d Fuck You (1962-1965). Th e Alle n anthology , The New American Poetry, is mor e representative o f the avant-garde movement , an d th e poets included wer e primar ily contributor s t o independen t an d ephemera l littl e magazine s wh o rarel y pub lished i n academi c quarterlie s a t thi s time . Th e occupation s o f contributor s ca n be foun d i n th e biographica l statement s i n Donal d M . Allen , ed. , New American Poetry (New York: Grove Press, 1960) , 427-445; and Donal d Allen and Georg e F. Buttrick, eds. , The Postmoderns: The New American Poetry Revised (Ne w York : Grove Press, 1982) , 381—436.1 have computed statistic s for th e 1960 s through th e 1980s usin g th e biographica l informatio n i n th e followin g anthologies : Richar d Kostelanetz, ed. , A Critical (Ninth) Assembling (Ne w York : Assemblin g Press , 1979); Mort y Skla r an d Ji m Mulac , eds. , Editors Choice: Literature and Graphics from the U.S. Small Presses, 1865-1977 (Iow a City , Iowa : The Spiri t Tha t Move s

206 • NOTE S T O CHAPTE R 8

Us Press , 1980) ; Bil l Henderson , The Pushcart Prize: The Best of the Small Presses (Yonkers, N.Y. : Pushcar t Press) , vols . 1 (1976) ; 9 (1984-1985) ; an d 1 6 (1991 1992). 23. Andrews , "Los Angeles Art Community, " 36-37 . 24. Morto n Feldma n quote d i n Kostelanetz , Master Minds, 233 . "Morto n Feldman," H . Wile y Hitchcoc k an d Stanle y Sadie , eds. , New Grove Dictionary of American Music (London: Macmillan, 1986) , 108 . Irving Howe, A Margin of Hope: An Intellectual Autobiography (New York: Harcourt, Brace , Jovanovich, 1982) , 288289, 321 . Linda Hamalian , A Life of Kenneth Rexroth (New York : W. W . Norton , 1991), 330-334 . 25. Th e phras e "knowledge-industria l complex " comes from Edmun d Fawcet t and Ton y Thomas , The American Condition (New York : Harpe r an d Row , 1982) , 308. 26. Th e unname d poe t i s quote d i n Dor e Ashton , "Wha t I s 'Avan t Garde'? " Art Digest, 1 5 Septembe r 1955 , 8 . John Ferren , "Epitap h fo r a n Avan t Garde, " Arts, Novembe r 1958 , 26 . Thoma s Albright , Art in the San Francisco Bay Area, 1945-1980: An Illustrated History (Berkeley: University o f California Press , 1985) , 126. 27. Judit h Adler , "Innovativ e Ar t an d Obsolescen t Artists, " Social Research, 4 2 (1975): passim; quotatio n o n 375. NOTES TO CHAPTER 8

1. Joh n Keat s quote d i n Coli n Campbell , The Romantic Ethic and the Spirit of Modern Consumerism (Oxford: Basi l Blackwell, 1987) , 58. 2. Joh n Patric k Diggins , The Proud Decades: America in War and Peace, 19411960 (New York: W W. Norton, 1988). Walte r Lippman n quote d i n Willia m H . Chafe, The Unfinished Journey: America since World War II (Ne w York : Oxfor d University Press, 1986) , 111-112 . 3. Davi d Riesman , Natha n Glazer , an d Reue l Denney , The Lonely Crowd: A Study of the Changing American Character (New Haven : Yal e Universit y Press , 1950). William Whyte , Jr., The Organization Man (Ne w York : Simo n an d Schus ter, 1956) . 4. Th e phras e "problem s o f prosperity" i s from Richar d H . Pells , The Liberal Mind in a Conservative Age: American Intellectuals in the 1940s and 1950s (Ne w York: Harpe r an d Row , 1985) , 188 . Joseph A . Barry , "Fre e Taste : The America n Style of the Future," House Beautiful, October 1952 , 176-180 , 228, 230, 232. 5. Th e citation s i n thi s paragrap h ar e fro m House Beautiful, Octobe r 1952 : Elizabeth Gordon , "Th e Ne w Tast e Trend, " 174-175 ; Josep h Woo d Krutch , "How t o Develo p Tast e Discrimination, " 226 ; editorial , "Wha t I s Happenin g t o American Taste? " 173 ; Elizabet h Gordon , "Th e Editor' s Forecas t o f th e Ne w Taste Cycle, " 183. 6. Horac e Schwartz , "Reflections o n the Contemporary American Situation, " Goad, Summer , 1951 , 7-8. Parke r Tyler , Ted Bradley: Paintings (New York : Art o f This Century , 1945) , n.p . Gar y Snyder , "Buddhis t Anarchism, " Journal for the Protection of AllBeings 1 (1961): 11.

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 8 • 2 0 7

7. Jame s Boye r May, Twigs as Varied Bent (Corona, N.Y. : Sparrow Magazine , 1954), 8. 8. Clyffor d Stil l to Betty Parsons, 1 0 March 1948 , BPP. Harry Partch, Genesis of a Music (Madison : Universit y o f Wisconsi n Press , 1949) , 48 . Gregor y Cors o quoted i n Anthon y Linick , " A Histor y o f th e America n Literar y 'Avan t Garde ' since Worl d Wa r II, " (Ph.D . diss. , Universit y o f California , Lo s Angeles , 1965) , 422. 9. Wendel l Anderso n t o Judson C . Crews , 28 August 1945 , JCP. Allen Gins berg t o Loui s Ginsberg , 3 0 Novembe r 1957 , i n An n Charters , ed. , Scenes Along the Road: Photographs of the Desolation Angels, 1944-1960 (Ne w York : Portents / Gotham Bookmart , 1970) , 40. 10. Davi d Kove n quote d i n Linick , "America n Literar y Avant-Garde, " 148 . Jay Waite quote d i n ibid., 65. 11. Intervie w wit h Gar y Snyder , "Movin g th e Worl d a Millionth o f a n Inch : Gary Snyder, " i n Arthur Knigh t an d Ki t Knight , eds. , The Beat Vision: A Primary Source Book (New York : Parago n House , 1987) , 10 . Jay Wait e quote d i n Linick , "American Literary Avant-Garde," 65. Christopher Maclaine quote d i n ibid., 287. 12. Earnes t Calkin s quote d i n Rolan d Marchand , Advertising the American Dream: Making Way for Modernity, 1920-1940 (Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press, 1985) , 146. 13. Walte r Paepck e quote d i n Jame s Sloa n Allen , The Romance of Commerce and Culture: Capitalism, Modernism, and the Chicago-Aspen Crusade for Cultural Reform (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1983) , 29; writer in Harpers quote d on 31 . Walter Abell, "Industry an d Painting, " Magazine of Art3 9 (1946): 82-93 . 14. Joh n Cag e quote d i n Alvi n H . Reiss , Culture and Company (New York : Twayne, 1972) , 95-96. 15. Stephani e French , Philip Morris and the Arts: 25 Year Report (New York : Philip Morris, Inc., [1983]) , 8-9 . 16. Reeve s Lewentha l quote d i n Erik a Doss , "Caterin g t o Consumerism : Associated America n Artist s an d th e Marketin g o f Moder n Art , 1934-1958, " Winterthur Portfolio 26 (1991): 143-144 . 17. A d Reinhardt quote d i n Barbara Rose , ed., Readings in American Art: 19001915 (New York: Praeger, 1975) , 139. 18. Nei l Postman , Amusing Ourselves to Death: Public Discourse in the Age of Show Business (Harmondsworth, U.K. : Pengui n Books , 1986) , 64-80. 19. Danie l J. Boorstin , The Image: A Guide to Pseudo-Events in America (Ne w York: Atheneum, 1972) , 45-76. 20. " A Life Round Tabl e on Modern Art, " Life, 1 1 October 1948 , 62. "Jackson Pollock: I s H e th e Greates t Livin g Painte r i n th e Unite d States? " Life, 8 Augus t 1949, 92-94. 21. "Th e Wil d Ones, " Time, 2 0 Februar y 1956 , 70-75 . Georg e Sega l quote d in Ellen G . Landau , Jackson Pollock (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1989) , 17. 22. Phili p Fisher, Making and Effacing Art: Modern American Art in a Culture of Museums (New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1989) , 48. 23. Dic k Hebdige , Hiding in the Light: On Images and Things (London : Routledge, 1988) , 118-119 . Hele n A . Harrison, Larry Rivers (New York : Harpe r

2 0 8 • NOTE S T O CHAPTE R 8

and Row , 1984) , 73 , 97, 107 . Norman Podhoretz , "Norma n Mailer : Th e Embat tled Vision, " Partisan Review 26 (1959) : 377 . Advertisemen t fo r th e Fiv e Spo t Cafe, Yugen, no . 3 , (1958): inside cover . 24. And y Warhol quote d i n Robert Hughes, "The Ris e of Andy Warhol," New York Review of Books, 18 Februar y 1982 , 7 . And y Warhol , The Philosophy of Andy Warhol (From A to B and Back Again) (Sa n Diego : Harcour t Brac e Jovanovich , 1975), 182-183 . 25. Kynasto n McShine , "Introduction, " i n McShine, ed. , Andy Warhol: A Retrospective (New York: Museum o f Modern Art , 1989) , 14. 26. Rober t Rosenblum, "Warho l a s Art History," in McShine, ed., Warhol, 3435; and McShine, "Introduction, " i n ibid., 14 . 27. Advertisemen t quote d i n Patric k S . Smith , Andy Warhols Art and Films (Ann Arbor , Mich. : UM I Researc h Press , 1986) , 167 . R . Bolton , "Enlightene d Self-interest: Th e Avan t Gard e i n th e 80s, " Afterimage, Februar y 1989 , 16 . Gregory Battcock, "Th e Warho l Generation, " i n The New Art: A Critical Anthology, 2d ed. (Ne w York : E.P. Dutton, 1973) , 25. The promotio n continue s afte r Warhol' s death throug h th e And y Warho l Musue m i n Pittsburgh ; se e Donal d Garfield , "Warhol's Starshi p Enterprise, " Museum News, May-June 1994 , 44-47. 28. Harr y Russell Huebe l Jr., "Th e Bea t Generatio n an d th e Bohemia n Lef t Tradition i n America " (Ph.D . diss. , Washingto n Stat e University , 1970) , 29 37, Gen e Bar a quote d o n 35-36 . Lesli e Cross , "Californi a 'Beat ' Renaissance, " Milwaukee Journal, 1 6 June 1957 , n.p., KRP. 29. Norma n Podhoretz , "Th e Know-Nothin g Bohemians, " Partisan Review 25 (1958): 305-318 . "Frie d Shoes, " Time, 9 Februar y 1959 , 16 . Corso's hai r i s men tioned i n th e Time articl e an d i n Pau l O'Neil , "Th e Onl y Rebellio n Around, " Life, 3 0 November 1959 , 123 , from which th e quot e is taken. 30. O'Neil , "Th e Onl y Rebellio n Around, " 114. Fo r a simila r stereotypica l recreation, thi s tim e featurin g Glori a Vanderbil t an d Truma n Capot e posin g a s jaded beatniks , see "Fads of the Fifties, " Look, 2 February 1960 , 85. Francis Joseph Rigney an d L . Dougla s Smith , The Real Bohemia: A Sociological and Psychological Study of the "Beats" (New York : Basi c Books , 1961) , 156 . "Ther e Ar e Als o 'Ze n Beatniks' Western-Style i n Japan," Look, 10 September 1963 , 28. Gary Snyde r t o Lawrence Ferlinghetti , 2 9 Augus t [1960] , CLBR . Joh n Arthu r Maynard , Venice West: The Beat Generation in Southern California (New Brunswick , N.J. : Rutger s University Press , 1991) , 5, 127-130 . 31. Gen e Frumkin , "Th e Grea t Promoter : A Hangnai l Sketc h o f Lawrenc e Lipton," Coastlines, Autum n 1959 , 7. O'Neil, "Th e Onl y Rebellion Around," 235. Ronald Sukenick , Down and In: Life in the Underground (New York : Beechtre e Books, 1987) , 118-119 . Roy Carr , Bria n Cass , and Fre d Dellor , The Hip: Hipsters, Jazz and the Beat Generation (London: Fabe r an d Faber , 1986) , 39-41 , 56, 106 . John Ashberr y quote d i n Marjori e Perloff , Frank CHara: Poet among Painters (Austin: University o f Texas Press, 1977) , 12. 32. Lawrenc e Lipton , The Holy Barbarians (New York: Julien Messner, 1959) . 33. Lipto n quote d i n Maynard, Venice West, 23 . 34. Lipton' s poe m quote d i n ibid., 41. 35. Lipton , Holy Barbarians, 263-264 . Sukenick , Down and In, 170 .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 8 • 2 0 9

36. Joh n Cage , Silence: Lectures and Writings (Middletown , Conn. : Wesleya n University Press, 1961) , 269. Joyce Glassma n t o Allen Ginsber g an d Pete r Orlov sky, 28 October 1957 , POP. 37. We s Whittlesey , "Note s from th e Village, " White Dove Review 1 , no . 2 (1959): n.p. Stuart Z. Perkoff Journal, [Octobe r 1959] , SP P 38. Maynard , Venice West, 20 . 39. "Jackso n Pollock's Abstractions," Vogue, 1 Marc h 1951 , 156-159. Lee Hall, Betty Parsons: Artist, Dealer, Collector (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1991) , 100 . 40. Eri c Hodgin s an d Parke r Lesley , "Th e Grea t Internationa l Ar t Market, " Fortune, December 1955 , 118-120, 150 , 152 , 157-158 , 162 , 169 . "ABoominU.S . Art Abroad," Life, 1 9 May 1958 , 76. 41. Dona l Henahan , "Experiment s i n Movement : Merc e Cunningham, " Saturday Evening Post, 19 October 1968 , 40-45. 42. " A Boom i n U.S . Art Abroad," 76 . Cage's sprea d i n Life, 1 5 March 1943 , is reprinte d i n Richar d Kostelanetz , ed. , John Cage (New York : Praeger , 1970) , illustrations 7-16 . "Sonat a fo r Bol t an d Screw, " Time, 2 4 January 1949 , 36 ; " A Way to Kill Space, " Newsweek, 12 August 1946 , 106 . "Speaking of Pictures: All of This Nonsens e I s Know n a s 'Collage, ' " Life, 6 Septembe r 1943 , 10-12 . Edwar d Alden Jewell, "Abstractio n No w Rampant, " New York Times, 1 9 March 1944 , sec. 2, p. 7. 43. Alfred o Valente , "Adolp h Gottlieb, " Promenade, Februar y 1949 , 40. "Th e Wild Ones, " 75 . "A Spirite d Surve y o f U.S . Painting," Life, 1 1 November 1957 , 72-73. Th e articl e i s a promotion fo r a Time publication , Three Hundred Years of American Painting by Time ar t edito r Alexande r Eliot . John Kobler , "Experiment s in Music: John Cage, " Saturday Evening Post, 19 October 1968 , 46-47. 44. [Whippl e McCoy] , "Littl e Magazin e Advertising, " Galley, Summer 1949 , 3. Se e als o Ro y A . Squires , "Effectiv e Advertising, " Galley, Summer 1950 , 7-8 . Walter D e Maria , "Ar t Yard, " i n L a Mont e Young , ed. , An Anthology of Chance Operations (New York: Heiner Friedrich , 1963) , n.p. 45. Advertisement , Show, Augus t 1964 , 101 . Thomas Hes s quote d i n Irvin g Sandler, The New York School: The Painters and Sculptors of the Fifties (New York : Harper an d Row , 1978) , 293. 46. Laszl o Moholy-Nagy, Vision in Motion (Chicago: Paul Theobald, 1947) , 5 6, 33-34 . Robert Jay Wolff, "W e Ca n Try," Trans/formation 1 (1951): 83. 47. Sar a Little , "Fre e Taste an d You r Dinin g Table," House Beautiful, Octobe r 1952, 321-323 . Advertisement fo r John Stuar t Inc. Art in America 5 1 (1963): 15. 48. Moholy-Nagy , Vision in Motion, 62. C. Wright Mills , "Man i n th e Middle : The Designer, " i n Power, Politics and People: The Collected Essays ofC Wright Mills, ed. Irvin g Loui s Horowit z (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1963) , 374 386. Olive r Andrew s interviewe d b y Georg e M . Goodwin , "Lo s Angele s Ar t Community: Grou p Portrait " (Lo s Angeles: Oral Histor y Program, Universit y o f California, Lo s Angeles , 1977) , 69 . Alvi n Toffler , Culture Consumers: A Study of Art and Affluence in America (New York: St. Martin's Press , 1964) , 37-38, 51-52 . 49. Richar d Kostelanetz , ed. , Conversations with Cage (New York : Limeligh t Editions, 1988) , 199 . William Flanaga n quote d i n Gilber t Chase , ed., The American Composer Speaks (Baton Rouge : Louisiana Stat e University Press, 1966) , 266.

2 1 0 • NOTE S T O CHAPTE R 9

50. Pau l Brac h quote d i n Rose , Readings in American Art, 191 . Donal d M . Allen, ed. , The New American Poetry (New York : Grov e Press , 1960) , 12-14 . A n indication o f th e aestheti c debat e amon g writer s ca n b e foun d i n Elle n Edelman , "Prognosis fo r Littl e Magazines," Trace, June 1954 , 3-6; an d [Jame s Boye r May], "Replies t o Prognosis, " Trace, October 1954 , 3-8 . Sony a Rudikoff , "Tangibl e Abstract Art," Partisan Review 24 (1957): 276. 51. Gregor y Corso to Lawrence Ferlinghetti, [ca . 20 September 1962] , CLBR. Irving Howe to Dwight Macdonald, 1 5 August [1946] , DMacdP Compar e Harol d Rosenberg's critiqu e of Herbert Read' s The Philosophy of ModernArt i n Rosenberg , The Tradition of the New (Ne w York: McGraw-Hill, 1965) , 81-82. 52. Davi d Par k quoted i n Thomas Car r Howe, foreword t o David Park: Recent Paintings (New York: Staempfli Gallery , 1959) , n.p. Kostelanetz, John Cage, 24-25 . Harold Rosenberg , "Th e Avant-Garde," in Discovering the Present: Three Decades in Art, Culture, and Politics (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1973) , 86. 53. Pete r N. Stearns , American Cool: Constructing a Twentieth Century Emotional Style (New York: New York University Press, 1994) , 264-284. 54. Rober t Dunca n t o Robin Blaser , 3 0 April 1957 , REDP. [Danie l Bank o and William V Ward] , "T o Believe, " Provincetown Quarterly 1 (Summe r 1958) : 1 . Donald Judd quote d i n Rose , Readings in American Art, 178-179 . Rober t Morri s quoted i n ibid., 212-214 . Robert Indian a quote d i n John Russel l an d Suz i Gablik , eds., Pop Art Redefined (New York: Praeger, 1969) , 80. 55. Barbar a Ehrenreich , Fear of Falling: The Inner Life of the Middle Class (New York: Pantheon, 1989) , 173-182 . The quot e is from John D'Emili o an d Estell e B. Freedman, Intimate Matters: A History of Sexuality in America (Ne w York : Harpe r and Row , 1988) , 305 . Casey Nelso n Blak e point s out , i n th e contex t o f th e earl y twentieth-century van , tha t th e consume r cultur e wa s not th e onl y alternativ e t o Victorian gentility ; se e Blake , Beloved Community: The Cultural Criticism of Randolph Bourne, Van Wyck Brooks, Waldo Frank, and Lewis Mumford (Chape l Hill : University of North Carolin a Press , 1990) , 7-8. 56. Davi d Boroff , "Th e Colleg e Intellectual , 196 5 Model, " New York Times Magazine, 6 December 1964 , 37. NOTES TO CHAPTE R 9

1. Jtirge n Habermas' s 198 0 lectur e o n winnin g th e Adorn o Priz e ca n b e found, unde r th e title "Modernism—A n Incomplet e Project, " i n Ha l Foster , ed. , The Anti-Aesthetic: Essays on Postmodern Culture (Port Townshend, Wa. : Bay Press, 1983), 6. 2. Danie l Moor e quote d i n Mohamme d Khan , "Floatin g Lotus, " Berkeley Barb, 26 September-2 Octobe r 1969 , 4. 3. Th e undergroun d journalis t i s quote d i n Godfre y Hodgson , America in Our Time (New York: Vintage Books , 1978) , 340. 4. Do n Carpente r t o Phili p Whalen, 1 0 November 1966 , PWP. Sall y Banes, Greenwich Village 1963: Avant-Garde Performance and Effervescent Body (Durham, N.C.: Duk e Universit y Press, 1993) , 7-10; quot e o n 7 . 5. Th e politica l ar t o f th e 1960 s i s discusse d i n Jeann e Siegel , Artwords:

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 9 • 21 1

Discourse on the 60s and 70s (Ann Arbor , Mich. : UM I Researc h Press , 1985) , 86 119; the New York Art Strik e is discussed o n 139 . Robert Hughes , "Th e Arcadia n as Utopian," Time, 2 4 January 1983 , 77. The ROC I projec t i s discusse d i n Mar y Lynn Kotz , Rauschenberg: Art and Life (Ne w York : Harr y N . Abrams , 1990) , 19 43. 6. Th e discussio n o n busines s an d th e art s i n thi s an d th e followin g para graphs is based o n R . Bolton, "Enlightene d Self-interest : Th e Avan t Garde i n th e 80s," Afterimage, Februar y 1989 , 12-18 ; Gideo n Chagy , ed. , The State of the Arts and Corporate Support (New York : P. S. Eriksson , 1971) ; Gideo n Chagy , The New Patrons of the Arts (Ne w York : Harry N . Abrams , [1973]) ; Alvin H . Reiss , Culture and Company (Ne w York : Twayne, 1972) , 99-105; and Herber t I . Shiller , Culture, Inc.: The Corporate Takeover of Public Expression (New York : Oxfor d Universit y Press, 1989) , 91-98, the oi l executive is quoted o n 92. 7. Quot e fro m BC A surve y i n Chagy , State of the Arts, 36 , char t 7 . Willia m Blount quote d i n Bolton, "Enlightene d Self-interest, " 13 . 8. Th e Cunningha m a d i s reproduce d i n Chagy , State of the Arts, 64 . Lyn n Sounder quote d i n Bolton, "Enlightene d Self-interest, " 15 . 9. Th e developmen t o f arts councils is discussed i n Alvin Toffler, The Culture Consumers: A Study in Art and Affluence in America (Ne w York : St . Martin' s Press, 1964) , 109-126 . Th e NE A an d N E H ar e discusse d i n Kevi n V . Mulcahy, "Government an d th e Art s i n th e Unite d States, " i n Milto n C . Cummings , Jr. , and Richar d S . Katz , eds. , The Patron State: Government and the Arts in Europe, North America, and Japan (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1987) , 311-322 . The CCL M an d controversie s surroundin g i t ar e discusse d i n Elliot t Anderso n and Mar y Kinzie , eds. , The Little Magazine in America: A Modern Documentary History (Yonkers, N.Y.: Pushcart Boo k Press, 1978) , 9-10, 15-21 , 652-654 . 10. Anderso n an d Kinzie , The Little Magazine in America, 346-350 . Ted Mor gan, Literary Outlaw: The Life and Times of William S. Burroughs (Ne w York : Henry Holt, 1988) , 1-13 . 11. Nichola s E . Tawa , A Most Wondrous Babble: American Art Composers, Their Music, and the American Scene, 1950-1985 (Ne w York : Greenwoo d Press , 1987) . Richard Kostelanetz , "Innovativ e Literatur e i n America," in Kostelanetz , ed. , The Avant-Garde Tradition in Literature (Buffalo: Prometheu s Books , 1982) , 393. 12. Jud y Chicago , Through the Flower: My Struggle as a Woman Artist (Ne w York: Anchor Books , 1977) , 62-63, 128-129 . 13. Yvonn e Rainer, "Lookin g Myself in the Mouth," October 17 (1981): 67-68. See als o Yvonn e Rainer , Work: 1961-1913 (Halifax : Pres s o f th e Nov a Scoti a College of Art and Design , 1974) . 14. Henr y M. Sayre , The Object of Performance: The American Avant-Garde since 1910 (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1989) , 8 7 an d figure 3 3 o n 89 . Carolee Schneemann , More Than Meat Joy: Complete Performance Works and Selected Writings, ed . Bruc e McPherso n (Ne w Paltz , N.Y. : Documentext , 1979) , 234-239. Jud y Chicago , The Dinner Party (Garde n City , N.Y : Ancho r Books , 1979). Judy Chicago , The Dinner Party Needlework (Garden City , N.Y : Ancho r Books, 1980) . Paulin e Oliveros' s wor k i s discusse d i n Walte r Zimmermann , ed. , Desert Plants: Conversations with Twenty-Three American Musicians (Vancouver: Aes-

2 1 2 • NOTE S T O CHAPTE R 9

thetics Researc h Center , 1976) , 165-182 . Se e als o th e interview s wit h Lauri e Anderson, Jenny Holzer , Barbar a Kruger , an d Cind y Sherma n i n Jeanne Siegel , Artwords 2: Discourse on the Early 80s (An n Arbor , Mich. : UM I Researc h Press , 1988). 15. Richar d Kostelanetz , a stalwart advocat e o f avant gardism , make s jus t thi s argument agains t the feminist ar t movement; se e his Dictionary of the Avant-Gardes (Pennington, N.J. : A Cappell a Books , 1993) , xiii-xvi , 135 . Davi d A . Hollinger , "How Wid e th e Circl e o f 'We' ? America n Intellectual s an d th e Proble m o f th e Ethnos sinc e World Wa r II, " American Historical Review 98 (1993): 317-337. 16. Howar d N . Fox , Avant-Garde in the Eighties (Lo s Angeles : Lo s Angele s County Museum o f Art, 1987) , 238. 17. Schneemann , More Than Meat Joy, 6 . Zimmermann , Desert Plants, 174. Kathy Halbreich , ed. , Culture and Commentary: An Eighties Perspective (Washing ton, D.C. : Hirshhor n Museu m an d Sculptur e Garden , 1990) . Feminist ar t coul d also be profitable: Walter B . Kalaidjian describe s Jenny Holzer's economi c succes s in American Culture between the Wars: Revisionary Modernism and Postmodern Critique (New York: Columbia Universit y Press, 1993) , 236-237. 18. Thes e event s ar e chronicle d i n th e New York Times; see 3 0 June 1990 , sec. I, 1 ; 1 July 1990 , sec. I, 14 ; 12 July 1990 , sec. C, 12 ; 24 July 1990 , sec. C, 12 . John E. Frohnmaye r defende d hi s agenc y i n "Ultimat e Expression : Governmen t an d the Arts," Christian Century 109 (1992): 518, 521. 19. Marth a Wilson is quoted fro m Richar d Bernstein, "Wh y the Cutting Edg e Has Lost Its Bite," New York Times, 30 September 1990 , sec. 2, 30. James Daviso n Hunter, Culture Wars: The Struggle to Define America (Ne w York : Basi c Books , 1991), 225-249; and Danie l Bell , "The Cultur e Wars : American Intellectua l Life , 1965-1992," Wilson Quarterly, Summer 1992 , 74-107. 20. Olg a Gara y quoted i n "Budget Cuts Leave NEA Unable to Provide Stead y Support t o Colleges, " Chronicle of Higher Education, 27 July 1994 , A23. Timoth y Ferris, "When Scienc e Is the Star, " New York Times, 16 August 1992 , 11. 21. Charle s R . Simpson , SoHo: The Artist in the City (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicago Press , 1981) , 226-229. Bolton, "Enlightene d Self-interest, " 1 8 n. 26 . JoAnne Berelowitz , "L . A . Stories : O f Art , MOCA , Myths , an d Cit y Building " (Ph.D. diss. , Universit y o f California , Lo s Angeles , 1991) . Ia n Burn , "Th e Ar t Market: Affluenc e an d Degradation, " i n Amy Baker Sandback , ed. , Looking Critically: 21 Years of Artforum Magazine (An n Arbor , Mich. : UM I Researc h Press , 1984), 173-17 6 (originall y published i n 1975) . 22. Th e statemen t o f purpos e an d descriptio n o f Joh n Cag e ar e fro m th e brochure An Intersection in Space, Time and the Arts (Columbus , Ohio : Wexne r Center fo r th e Arts , 1989) , n.p . Th e first serie s o f exhibition s a t th e Wexne r Center ar e describe d i n Breakthroughs: Avant-Garde Artists in Europe and America, 1950-1990 (Ne w York : Rizzoli , 1991) ; an d i n calendar s fo r Novembe r 198 9 through Novembe r 1990 , in th e author' s collection . "Dedicatio n o f Wexner Cen ter Gal a Event, " Ohio State University Lantern, 1 7 November 1989 , 6. 23. Hilto n Kramer , "Th e Wexne r Cente r i n Columbus, " New Criterion, December 1989 , 5-9 .

NOTES T O CHAPTE R 9 • 21 3

24. Write r i n Public Relations Journal quote d i n Bolton , "Enlightened-Sel f Interest," 13 . 25. Jaspe r Johns quote d i n John Russel l an d Suz i Gablik , eds. , Pop Art Redefined (Ne w York : Praeger , 1969) , 82 . Raymon d Federman , "Surfiction—Fou r Propositions i n th e For m o f a Manifesto, " i n Kostelanetz , ed. , Avant Garde Tradition in Literature, 384 . Se e als o Ro n Silliman , "I f B y 'Writing ' W e Mea n Literature (I f B y 'Literature ' W e Mea n Poetr y (I f . . . )), " L= A = N= G= U= A = G = E, Octobe r 1979 , n.p. 26. Sidr a Stich , Made in the U.S.A.: An Americanization in Modern Art, the '50s and y 60s (Berkeley: University of California Press , 1987) , 207.

Bibliographical Essa y

The mos t importan t source s fo r thi s wor k wer e th e primar y ones , espe cially the more tha n on e hundred avant-gard e little magazines and exhibi tion catalog s an d th e pape r collection s tha t I examined . Thos e tha t ar e quoted directl y are cited in th e notes. The secondar y source s o n th e avan t gard e constitut e a vast an d grow ing literature . I canno t clai m t o hav e see n al l o f it , bu t I hav e sample d a large portion. This essa y is to acknowledge th e works, in addition t o thos e cited i n th e notes, that I found particularl y useful i n writing thi s work. (A more full y annotate d version of this work is in the collections of the Ohi o State University library. ) Of genera l work s o n th e avan t garde , tw o were particularl y helpfu l t o me i n formulatin g m y understanding o f the movement : Renat o Poggioli , The Theory of the Avant-Garde, translate d b y Geral d Fitzgeral d (Cam bridge: Harvard Universit y Press , 1968) ; an d Pete r Burger , Theory of the Avant-Garde, translate d b y Michae l Sha w (Minneapolis : Universit y o f Minnesota Press , 1984) . Othe r volume s tha t I foun d insightfu l wer e Charles Russell , Poets, Prophets, and Revolutionaries: The Literary Avant Garde from Rimbaud through Postmodernism (New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1985) ; Christopher Butler, After the Wake: An Essay on the Contemporary Avant-Garde (Oxford : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1980) ; Mati e Cal inescu, Five Faces of Modernity: Modernism, Avant-Garde, Decadence, Kitsch, Postmodernism (Durham, N.C. : Duk e Universit y Press , 1987) ; Arnol d Hauser, The Sociology of Art, translate d b y Kenneth J. Northcott (Chicago : University of Chicago Press, 1982) ; Frederick J. Hoffman , Charle s Allen, and Caroly n E Ulrich , The Little Magazine: A History and Bibliography (Princeton: Princeto n Universit y Press , 1946) ; Albert Parry , Garrets and 215

216 • BIBLIOGRAPHICA L ESSA Y

Pretenders: A History ofBohemianism in America (New York: Covici, Friede, 1933); Emil y Harm , Romantic Rebels: An Informal History of Bohemia in America (Boston: Houghton, Mifflin , 1967) ; and Richar d Miller , Bohemia: The Protoculture Then and Now (Chicago: Nelson-Hall, 1977) . Memoirs ca n provid e a vivi d pictur e o f avant-gard e communities . Three differen t perspective s o n th e las t American vanguar d ca n b e foun d in Da n Wakefield , New York in the Fifties (Boston : Houghto n Mifflin / Seymour Lawrence , 1992) ; Joyc e Johnson , Minor Characters (Boston: Houghton Mifflin , 1983) ; an d m y favorite , th e luminou s Hetti e Jones , How I Became Hettie Jones (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1990) . For a n excellen t discussio n o f th e cultur e o f modernism an d th e avan t garde i n a n America n context , se e Davi d Josep h Singal , "Toward s a Definition o f American Modernism," American Quarterly 39 (1987): 7-26 , and als o th e othe r essay s i n thi s issue , whic h i s devote d t o America n modernism. Othe r work s I foun d helpfu l wer e Hug h Kenner , A Homemade World: The American Modernist Writers (New York: William Morrow , 1975); an d th e essay s i n Malcol m Bradbur y an d James McFarlane , eds. , Modernism: 1890-1930 (Harmondsworth , U.K. : Penguin , 1976) . On th e postwa r America n literar y avan t garde , I foun d th e wor k o f Anthony Linick , Harr y Russel l Huebel , Jr. , Jame s E . B . Breslin , Joh n Tytell, an d Michae l Davidson , al l cite d i n th e notes , t o b e very informa tive. A useful bibliograph y i s Morgen Hickey , The Bohemian Register: An Annotated Bibliography of the Beat Literary Movement (Metuchen , N.J. : Scarecrow Press , 1990) . Fo r individua l biographica l an d literar y studies , see th e entrie s i n An n Charters , ed. , The Beats: Literary Bohemians in Postwar America (Detroit: Gal e Researc h Co. , 1983) . On avant-gard e paintin g an d sculptur e o f the postwa r years, the work s of Irvin g Sandler , Stephe n Polcari , Thoma s Albright , an d Sidra h Stic h cited i n th e note s ar e goo d startin g points . Als o insightfu l i s Alwynn e Mackie, Art/Talk: Theory and Practice in Abstract Expressionism (Ne w York : Columbia Universit y Press , 1989) . Amon g work s o n individua l artists , Ellen G . Landau , Jackson Pollock (Ne w York : Harry N . Abrams , 1989) , is especially goo d o n th e constructio n o f Pollock's celebrity , a s is Mary Le e Corlett, "Jackso n Pollock : America n Culture , th e Medi a an d th e Myth, " Rutgers Art Review 8 (1987), 71-108 . In Jackson Pollock: An American Saga (New York: C. N. Potter, 1989) , Steven Naifeh an d Gregory White Smit h perpetuate th e medi a imag e by reducing Pollock' s ar t t o his publicity: th e tortured ar t of a tortured soul . On Rober t Rauschenberg, two works stan d out: Andre w Forge , Rauschenberg (Ne w York : Harr y N . Abrams , 1969 )

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSA Y • 2 1 7

and Judith Bernstock, "A New Interpretation o f Rauschenberg's Imagery, " Pantheon 46 (1988): 149-164. James E. B. Breslin's Mark Rothko: A Biography (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1993 ) i s a fine study . Biogra phies ar e stil l neede d fo r Rober t Motherwell , Clyffor d Still , Wille m d e Kooning, an d Barnet t Newman . On e ca n onl y hop e the y wil l find a s sensitive an d engagin g a chronicler a s Rothko's. The literatur e o n th e innovation s o f the American musica l avan t gard e is somewhat thinne r tha n o n th e othe r topics , but excellen t introduction s can b e foun d i n Michae l Nyman , Experimental Music: Cage and Beyond (New York: Schirmer, 1975) ; and Pau l Griffiths , Modern Music: The Avant Garde since 1945 (London : J. M . Den t an d Sons , 1981) . James Pritchett , The Music of John Cage (Cambridge: Cambridg e Universit y Press, 1993 ) is an authoritative stud y on Cage . For th e debat e amon g historian s abou t histor y an d th e linguisti c turn , see th e essay s i n th e American Historical Review 9 4 (1989) , especiall y David Harla n an d Davi d A . Hollinger, pp . 581-621 ; an d Joyce Appleby' s response, pp. 1326-1332 . Se e als o Dominick LaCapra , "O f Lumper s an d Readers," Intellectual History Newsletter 1 0 (1988) : 3-10 . A s th e presen t work reveals, I side with Hollinger i n thi s discussion . The literature s o n America n Marxis m an d Marxis m an d th e arts , th e subject o f chapter 2 , are larg e an d growing . Goo d startin g points ar e tw o books b y Donald Dre w Egbert , Social Radicalism and the Arts (Ne w York : Alfred A . Knopf , 1970) , cite d i n th e notes , an d Socialism and American Art (Princeton : Princeto n Universit y Press , 1971) . For a bibliograph y o f Communism i n America , se e John Ear l Haynes , Communism and AntiCommunism in the United States: An Annotated Guide to Historical Writings (New York : Garland , 1987) , especiall y th e sectio n o n Communis t Part y organizing activit y amon g America n intellectuals , pp . 143-176 . Harve y Klehr chronicle s th e Communis t Part y durin g th e Re d Decad e i n The Heyday of American Communism: The Depression Decade (Ne w York : Basi c Books, 1984) . Richar d H . Pells , Radical Visions and American Dreams: Culture and Social Thought in the Depression Years (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row, 1973) , cover s th e decad e well . I foun d th e followin g overview s o f the America n lef t t o b e useful : Guente r Lewy , The Cause That Failed: Communism in American Political Life (New York: Oxford Universit y Press, 1990); Davi d Caute , The Fellow Travellers: Intellectual Friends of Communism, 2 d ed . (Ne w Haven : Yal e Universit y Press , 1988) ; and Pau l Buhle , Marxism in the United States: Remapping the History of the American Left (London: Verso, 1987) .

2 1 8 • BIBLIOGRAPHICA L ESSA Y

The Partisan Review and th e Ne w Yor k Intellectual s hav e als o gener ated a large bod y o f literature . Th e bes t recen t work s o n th e subjec t ar e Terry A . Cooney , The Rise of the New York Intellectuals: "Partisan Review" and Its Circle, 1934-1945 (Madison : University of Wisconsin Press , 1986) , for th e perio d u p t o 1945 ; and fo r th e perio d afte r Worl d Wa r II , Nei l Jumonville, Critical Crossings: The New York Intellectuals in Postwar America (Berkeley: University o f California Press , 1990) . On Americ a i n th e years afte r Worl d Wa r II , i n additio n t o insightfu l works b y Willia m Chaf e an d Godfre y Hodgso n cite d i n th e notes , th e following works influenced m y thinking: John Diggins , The Proud Decades: America in War and Peace, 1941-1960 (Ne w York : W. W . Norton , 1988 ) (Diggins perceptivel y question s th e conformis t characte r o f th e 1950s) ; Barbara Ehrenreich , Fear of Falling: The Inner Life of the Middle Class (New York: Pantheon , 1989) ; Eri c E Goldman , The Crucial Decade and After: America, 1945-1960 (Ne w York : Vintag e Books , 1960) ; W. T . Lhamon , Jr., Deliberate Speed: The Origins of a Cultural Style in the American 1950s (Washington, D.C. : Smithsonia n Institutio n Press , 1990) ; severa l o f th e essays in Larr y May , ed. , Recasting America: Culture and Politics in the Age of the Cold War (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989) ; and Richar d Polenberg, One Nation Divisible: Class, Race, and Ethnicity in the United States since 1938 (Harmondsworth, U.K. : Pengui n Books , 1980) . On th e bom b an d American culture , I found th e followin g work s mos t helpful: Pau l Boyer , By the Bombs Early Light: American Thought and Culture at the Dawn of the Atomic Age (Ne w York : Pantheon , 1985) ; Spencer R . Weart , cite d i n th e notes ; an d Stephe n J . Whitfield , The Culture of the Cold War (Baltimore : John s Hopkin s Universit y Press , 1991). On avant-gard e innovatio n i n th e year s sinc e 1945 , see th e work s o n the variou s vanguar d movement s cite d above . I n addition , Sall y Banes , Terpischore in Sneakers: Post-Modern Dance (Boston : Houghto n Mifflin , 1980), was informative o n danc e and music, while Charles Olson's poetic s is discusse d extensivel y i n th e Charle s Olso n issu e o f Boundary II, 2 (Fall 1973-Winte r 1974) . For biographical account s see Paul Christensen , Charles Olson: Call Him Ishmael (Austin: Universit y o f Texas Press , 1979) ; and Rober t vo n Hallberg , Charles Olson: The Scholars Art (Cambridge : Harvard Universit y Press, 1978) . On th e controvers y surroundin g th e politic s an d politica l us e o f th e abstract expressionists , se e Serg e Guilbaut , How New York Stole the Idea of Modern Art: Abstract Expressionism, Freedom, and the Cold War, translated

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSA Y • 2 1 9

by Arthu r Goldhamme r (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1983) ; Francis Frascin a an d Serg e Guilbaut , eds. , Pollock and After (Ne w York : Harper an d Row , 1985) ; Peter Fuller , "America n Paintin g sinc e th e Las t War," i n Fuller , Beyond the Crisis in Art (London : Writer s an d Reader s Publishing Cooperativ e Ltd. , 1980) , 70-97 ; Ma x Kozloff , "America n Painting durin g the Cold War," Artforum, Ma y 1973 , 43-54. For a critical evaluation o f thes e interpretations , see Case y Blake' s revie w o f Guilbau t in Telos 6 2 (1984-1985) : 211-17 ; Stephe n Polcari , "Abstrac t Expression ism: 'Ne w an d Improved,' " Art Journal 4 7 (1988) : 176-178 , an d th e Polcari volume cite d above . For a response b y Guilbaut, se e his review of Polcari's boo k in The American Historical Review 97 (1992): 1491. On specifi c issue s discusse d i n chapte r 3 , see th e notes . The followin g works wer e als o helpful . O n jazz , se e Lawrenc e W . Levine , "Jaz z an d American Culture, " Journal of American Folklore 10 2 (1989): 6-22; Richar d Palmer, "Jazz : The Betraye d Art, " Journal of American Studies 23 (1989) : 287-294; Lloy d Mille r an d James Skipper , Jr., "Sound s o f Blac k Protes t in Avant-Garde Jazz," in R. Serg e Denisoff an d Richar d A. Peterson, eds. , The Sounds of Social Change (Chicago: Rand McNally, 1972) , 26-37; James Lincoln Collier , The Making of Jazz: A Comprehensive History (Boston : Houghton Mifflin , 1978) ; and Russel l Ross , Bird Lives: The High Life and Hard Times of Charlie (Yardbird) Parker (New York: Charterhouse, 1973) . The attitude s towar d se x held b y the first avan t gard e ar e discusse d i n Gilman M . Ostrander , American Civilization in the First Machine Age, 1890-1940 (Ne w York : Harpe r an d Row , 1970) . Fo r th e las t America n vanguard, se e Donald Morton , "Th e Cultura l Politic s o f (Sexual) Knowl edge: O n th e Margin s wit h Goodman, " Social Text 25-26 (1990) : 227 241; an d Richar d King , Party of Eros: Radical Social Theory and the Realm of Freedom (Chapel Hill : Universit y o f Nort h Carolin a Press , 1972) . Wil helm Reich' s idea s an d caree r ar e discusse d i n Myro n R . Sharaf , Fury on Earth: A Biography ofWilhelm Reich (New York: St. Martin's Press , 1983) ; and Georg e Nemeth , "Freu d an d Reaso n o r Frau d an d Treason : Ezr a Pound an d Wilhel m Reich : Th e Trial s an d Tribulation s o f Two Famou s Mavericks in Postwar America," Discourse Social/Social Discourse: The International Research Papers in Comparative Literature 1 (1988): 229-238 . O n changing attitude s towar d se x an d drugs , see Joh n C . Burnham , Bad Habits: Drinking, Smoking, Taking Drugs, Gambling, Sexual Misbehavior, and Swearing in American History (New York: New York University Press, 1992). On th e influence o f primitivism, see W. Jackson Rushing , "The Impac t

2 2 0 • BIBLIOGRAPHICA L ESSA Y

of Nietzsche an d Northwes t Coas t Indian Art on Barnet t Newman's Ide a of Redemption i n the Abstract Sublime, " Art Journal 4 7 (1988) : 187-195 ; Jeffrey Weiss , "Science an d Primitivism: A Fearful Symmetr y in the Earl y New York School," Arts Magazine, Marc h 1983 , 81-87. The chie f source s fo r Orientalis m an d th e avan t gard e ar e th e work s by Carl Jackson, Margare t Len g Tan , an d Michae l Davidso n cite d i n th e notes. In addition t o these and other cite d works, see Helen Tworkov, Zen in America: Profiles of Five Teachers (Sa n Francisco : Nort h Poin t Press , 1989); an d Sidne y Ahlstrom , A Religious History of the American People (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1972) , 1047-1054 . For intellectua l historie s o f th e ide a o f th e future , see Rober t L . Heilbroner, The Future as History (Ne w York : Grov e Press , 1961) ; an d Clarke A . Chambers , "Th e Belie f i n Progres s i n Twentieth-Centur y America," Journal of the History of Ideas 19 (1958): 197-224 . O n changin g attitudes towar d th e future , se e th e essay s in Gabrie l A . Almond, Marvi n Chodorow, an d Ro y Harve y Pearce , eds. , Progress and Its Discontents (Berkeley: University of California Press , 1982) ; and Frank Fiiredi, Mythical Past, Elusive Future: History and Society in an Anxious Age (London : Pluto Press , 1992) . On existentialis m i n America , se e Walte r Kaufmann , "Th e Receptio n of Existentialis m i n th e Unite d States, " Salmagundi 10-1 1 (Fal l 1969 / Winter 1970) : 69-96; and Jason Pete r Lowther , "Th e Receptio n o f Existentialism i n the United States , 1930-1950 : The Moder n America n Intel lectual, Change , an d th e Schoo l o f Thought" (master' s thesis , Ohio Stat e University, 1991) . Happenings hav e generate d a n extensiv e literature . See , fo r example , Adrian Henri , Total Art: Environments, Happenings, and Performance (Ne w York: Praeger, 1974) ; and Pamel a A . Lehnert, "A n American Happening : Allan Kapro w an d a Theor y o f Proces s Art " (Ph.D . diss. , Universit y o f North Carolin a a t Chapel Hill , 1989) . On th e En d o f the Avan t Garde , Pau l Mann offer s a helpful summar y of "obituaries " i n The Theory-Death of the Avant-Garde (Bloomington : Indiana Universit y Press , 1991) . Variou s facet s o f th e phenomeno n ar e described in James S. Ackerman, "Th e Demis e of the Avant-Garde: Note s on th e Sociolog y o f Recen t America n Art, " Comparative Studies in Society and History 1 1 (1969) : 371-384 ; Georg e T Noszlopy , "Th e Embour geoisement o f Avant-Gard e Art, " Diogenes, 67 (1969) : 83-109 ; an d Suz i Gablik, Has Modernism Failed? (Ne w York : Thame s an d Hudson , 1984) . Pluralism withou t directio n i s analyze d i n Leonar d B . Meyer, Music, the

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSA Y • 22 1

Arts, and Ideas: Patterns and Predictions in Twentieth Century Culture (Chi cago: University o f Chicago Press , 1967) . The rol e o f th e avan t gard e i n th e Col d Wa r i s discusse d i n Jane D e Hart Mathews, "Art and Politics in Cold War America," American Historical Review 8 1 (1976) : 762-787 ; Ev a Cockcroft , "Abstrac t Expressionism : Weapon o f the Cold War"Artforum, Jun e 1974 , 39-41; Kathleen McCar thy, "Fro m Col d Wa r t o Cultura l Development : Th e Internationa l Cul tural Activities of the For d Foundation , 1950-1980, " Daedalus 116 (1987): 93-117; Christopher Lasch , "Th e Cultura l Col d War : A Short History o f the Congres s fo r Cultura l Freedom, " i n Barto n Bernstein , ed. , Towards a New Past: Dissenting Essays in American History (Ne w York : Pantheon , 1968), 322-359 ; Willia m Hauptman , "Th e Suppressio n o f Ar t i n th e McCarthy Decade, " Artforum, Octobe r 1973 , 48-52 ; Margare t Lynn e Ausfield an d Virgini a M . Mecklenburg , Advancing American An: Politics and Aesthetics in the State Department Exhibition, 1946-1948: Essays (Montgomery, Ala. : Montgomer y Museu m o f Fin e Arts , 1984) ; an d James D . Herbert, "Th e Politica l Origin s o f Abstract-Expressionist Ar t Criticism, " Telos, Winte r 198^1985 , 178-187 . Fran k Kofsky , Black Nationalism and the Revolution in Music (Ne w York : Pathfinde r Press , 1970) , discusse s th e use of jazz. For a summar y o f th e growt h o f th e Ne w Yor k ar t world , see Dian a Crane, The Transformation of the Avant-Garde: The New York Art World, 1940-1985 (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press , 1987) . Th e rol e o f galleries an d museum s a s gatekeeper s an d promoter s i s discusse d i n a diverse literature , includin g Russel l Lynes , The Tastemakers (New York : Harper an d Row , 1954) ; Nei l Harris , "Museums , Merchandising , an d Popular Taste : Th e Struggl e fo r Influence, " i n Ia n M . G . Quimby , ed. , Material Culture and the Study of AmericanLife (New York: W. W. Norton , 1978), 140-174 ; Deirdre Robson , "Th e Avant-Gard e an d th e On-Guard : Some Influence s o n th e Potentia l Marke t fo r th e Firs t Generatio n Ab stract Expressionists in the 1940 s and Early 1950s, " Art Journal^! (1988) : 215-221; and Bernar d Rosenber g and Norris Fliegel , The Vanguard Artist: Portrait and Self Portrait (Chicago : Quadrangl e Books , 1965) . Rober t Jenson, "Th e Avant-Gard e an d th e Trad e i n Art, " Art Journal 4 7 (1988) : 360-367, describes a similar process of cultural assimilation through insti tutional acceptanc e fo r th e turn-of-the-century Frenc h vanguard . On th e preeminen t avant-gard e assimilator , th e Museu m o f Moder n Art, se e Alic e Goldfar b Marguis , Alfred H. Barr, Jr.: Missionary for the Modern (Chicago: Contemporar y Books , 1989) ; and Annett e Cox , "Mak -

2 2 2 • BIBLIOGRAPHICA L ESSA Y

ing America n Modern : Alfre d H . Barr , Jr. , an d th e Popularizatio n o f Modern Art, " Journal ofAmerican Culture 7 (1984): 19-25. On universitie s an d professionalism , se e Burto n J. Bledstein , The Culture of Professionalism: The Middle Class and the Development of Higher Education in America (Ne w York : W . W . Norton , 1976) . Steve n Bie l describes American intellectuals ' opposition t o the academy in Independent Intellectuals in the United States, 1910-1945 (Ne w York: New York University Press, 1992) . Biel argues that suc h opposition ende d afte r Worl d Wa r II; this study makes clear that it did not. Russell Jacoby, The Last Intellectuals: American Culture in the Age of Academe (New York: Basic Books, 1987) , discusses th e impac t o f intellectual academization . O n th e transformatio n of art into ideas, see Arthur Danto , The Transfiguration of the Commonplace (Cambridge: Harvard Universit y Press, 1981) . The categorie s i n which I analyz e th e integratio n o f the las t America n avant garde into consume r cultur e were suggested b y Adrian Marino, "L e Cycle social de Pavant-garde," Review de Vinstitute de Sociologie 3- 4 (1980) : 631-642. Fo r a surve y o f th e growin g historiograph y o n consume r cul ture, see Jean-Christophe Agnew , "Comin g U p fo r Air : Consume r Cul ture i n Historical Perspective, " Intellectual History Newsletter 12 (1990): 6 10. Th e origin s o f consume r cultur e i n seventeenth-centur y Europ e ar e discussed i n Gran t McCracken , Culture and Consumption: New Approaches to the Symbolic Character of Consumer Goods and Activities (Bloomington : Indiana Universit y Press , 1988) . O n th e rol e o f advertising , see Jackson Lears, Fables of Abundance: A Cultural History of Advertising in America (New York : Basi c Books , 1994) . Fo r classi c statement s o n th e histor y o f consumer culture , see Danie l J. Boorstin , The Americans: The Democratic Experience (New York: Vintage Books , 1973) ; and Richar d Wightma n Fo x and T . J. Jackson Lears , eds. , The Culture of Consumption: Critical Essays in American History, 1880-1980 (Ne w York: Pantheon, 1983) . On th e integratio n o f ar t int o corporat e culture , i n additio n t o th e notes t o chapte r 8 , see Nei l Harris , "Desig n o n Demand : Ar t an d th e Modern Corporation, " i n Harris , Cultural Excursions: Marketing Appetites and Cultural Tastes in Modern America (Chicago : Universit y o f Chicag o Press, 1990) , 349-378 ; Terry Smith , The Making of the Modern: Industry, Art, and Design in America (Chicago : University o f Chicag o Press , 1993) ; and Dary l Chin , "Th e Avant-Gard e Industry, " Performing Arts Journal, 9 (1975): 59-75. My framewor k fo r understandin g th e medi a wa s suggested b y John C . Burnham, How Superstition Won and Science Lost: Popularizing Science and

BIBLIOGRAPHICAL ESSA Y • 22 3

Health in the United States (Ne w Brunswick , N.J. : Rutger s Universit y Press, 1987) . On celebrity , se e Le o Braudy , The Frenzy of Renown: Fame and Its History (Ne w York : Oxfor d Universit y Press , 1986) . Fo r th e exampl e o f Arturo Tbscanini , see Joseph Horowitz , Understanding Toscanini (Minne apolis: University of Minnesota Press , 1987) . Andy Warhol is discussed i n Patrick S . Smith , Andy Warhols Art and Films (An n Arbor , Mich. : UM I Research Press , 1986) ; and Stephe n Koch , Stargazer: The Life, World, and Films of Andy Warhol, 2d ed . (Ne w York : Marion Boyars , 1991) . Donal d Kuspit ha s a goo d discussio n o f Warho l th e celebrit y i n The Cult of the Avant-Garde Artist (Cambridge : Cambridg e Universit y Press , 1993) , 6482. Pluralism an d novelt y ar e discusse d i n Christophe r Booker , The Neophiliacs (Boston: Gambit , 1970) ; and Ha l Foster , "Th e Proble m o f Plural ism," Art in America, January 1982 , 9-15. The connection s betwee n th e 1950 s avant gard e an d th e 1960 s count erculture ar e explore d i n Morri s Dickstein , Gates of Eden: American Culture in the Sixties (Ne w York : Basi c Books , 1977) ; an d Jame s Arthu r Winders, "Th e Revol t an d th e Styl e o f Dada , Beat , an d Rock " (Ph.D . diss., Duk e University , 1976) . Th e ris e an d fal l o f th e countercultur e i s described i n Willia m L . O'Neill , Coming Apart: An Informal History of America in the 1960s (Ne w York : Quadrangl e Books , 1971) ; an d Tod d Gitlin, The Whole World Is Watching: Mass Media in the Making and Unmaking of the New Left (Berkeley : Universit y o f Californi a Press , 1980) . The alternativ e pres s o f th e 1960 s i s discusse d i n Ab e Peck , Uncovering the 60s: The Life and Times of the Underground Press (New York: Pantheon , 1985); an d Jame s L . Spates , "Countercultur e an d Dominan t Cultur e Values: A Cross-National Analysi s o f the Undergroun d Pres s an d Domi nant Cultur e Magazines, " American Sociological Review 4 1 (1976) : 868 883. For a n exampl e o f political ar t o f the 1990s , see the exhibitio n catalo g Artists of Conscience II (Ne w York: Alternative Museum, [ca . 1992] . Examples of the divers e innovations o f artists, writers, and performers sinc e th e 1960s ca n b e foun d i n th e following : Rober t Pincus-Witten , Postminimalism into Maximalism: American Art, 1966-1986 (An n Arbor , Mich. : UMI Researc h Press , 1987) ; Pete r Fran k an d Michae l McKenzie , New, Used, and Improved: Art for the 80s (Ne w York: Abbeville, 1984) ; RoseLe e Goldberg, Performance Art: From Futurism to the Present, 2 d ed . (Ne w York: Harr y N . Abrams , 1988) ; Eugen e Goodheart , "Fou r Decade s o f

2 2 4 • BIBLIOGRAPHICA L ESSA Y

American Fiction, " i n American Literature, vol . 9 o f Bori s Ford , ed. , The New Pelican Guide to English Literature (Harmondsworth , U.K. : Penguin , 1988), 628-637 ; an d Dougla s Davis , "Th e Avant-Gard e I s Dead ! Lon g Live the Avant-Garde!" Art in America, April 1982 , 11-19 . The feminis t ar t o f thi s perio d i s discusse d i n Giesel a Ecker , ed. , Feminist Aesthetics (Boston : Beaco n Press , 1986) ; Luc y R . Lippard , From the Center: Feminist Essays on Womens Art (Ne w York: E. P. Dutton, 1976) ; Roberta Smith , "Wome n Artist s Engag e th e 'Enemy, ' " New York Times, 16 August 1992 , sec . 2 , pp . 1 , 23 . E. An n Kapla n ha s argue d tha t som e feminist ar t constitute d a "utopian " postmodernism ; se e E . An n Kaplan , ed., Postmodernism and Its Discontents (London: Verso, 1988) . The literatur e o n postmodernis m i s vast. A helpful summar y o f defini tions and interpretations i s Todd Gitlin , "Th e Postmoder n Predicament, " Wilson Quarterly, Summer 1989 , 67-76. Michael Berube is one who argue s for th e similaritie s betwee n modernis m an d postmodernism , describin g them a s "more like overlapping 'structure s o f feeling'" rather than distinc t periods; se e hi s Marginal Forces/Cultural Centers: Tolson, Pynchon, and the Politics of the Canon (Ithaca, N.Y. : Cornel l Universit y Press , 1992) . Als o insightful i s Jean-Francois Lyotard , The Postmodern Condition: A Report on Knowledge, translate d b y Geoff Benningto n an d Brian Massumi (Manches ter: Mancheste r Universit y Press , 1984) . O n postmoder n literature , I found especiall y helpfu l Jerom e Klinkowitz , Literary Disruptions: The Making of a Post-Contemporary American Fiction, 2d ed . (Urbana : Univer sity of Illinois Press, 1980) . Classic statements are Fredric Jameson, "Post modernism, o r th e Cultura l Logi c o f Lat e Capitalism, " New Left Review, July-August 1984 , 53-92 ; Charle s Jencks, What Is Post-Modernism? (Lon don: Academ y Editions ; Ne w York : St . Martin' s Press , 1987) ; Andrea s Huyssen, After the Great Divide: Modernism, Mass Culture, Postmodernism (Bloomington: Indiana Universit y Press, 1986) . The connection s betwee n postmodernism an d consume r capitalis m ar e discusse d i n Davi d Harvey , The Condition of Postmodernity: An Enquiry into the Origins of Cultural Change (Oxford: Basi l Blackwell, 1989) .

Index

Abstract expressionism , 6 , 12-13 ; in mas s media, 160 ; paintings a s investments, 161. See also names of individual artists African American s an d th e avan t garde, 75 76 Albright, Thomas, 13 8 Alienation, 9-10 , 41-43 ; Col d War, 116-18 ; conformity i n the U.S., 50-53; consume r culture, 143-46 ; cultural institutions , 126-25, 131-33 ; and th e future, 104-16 ; and integration, 172-76 ; and Marxism , 22, 26-28; politics and anarchism , 61-62 ; as positive force, 54-56 ; from technology , 98-100; from tradition , 53-54 . See also Bomb Allen, Donald, 43 , 136, 164-6 5 American Abstract Artists (AAA) , 30 American Communis t Party . See Marxism "American cool, " 16 7 Anarchism, 5 , 61-62 Anderson, Laurie , 178-79 , 18 2 Anderson, Wendell, 14 5 Andrews, Oliver, 136-37 , 16 5 Art of This Centur y Gallery , 9 9 Assemblages, 1 3 Associated American Artists, 148-4 9 Atomic bomb. See Bomb Auden, W H. , 4 4 Avant garde: in American intellectua l his tory, 5-6 , 8 ; anthropology, 62, 85 ; artist as shaman, 108 ; culture and , 185-86 ; and the counterculture, 172 ; defined, 3-5 , 8 12; earlier American vanguards, 13 , 20,

25, 30 , 56, 62, 67, 97, 158; end of , sum marized, 3 , 15-17 , 185-86 ; European an d American, 4, 11 , 14, 29-31, 41-42, 6 568, 70-71 , 81 , 98, 164 ; expatriation, 56; individualism an d society , 97 ; last American, defined, 12-15 ; and th e middle class, 9, 10 , 51-53, 138 , 144 , 148-49 , 159-68 ; and new critics, 132 ; and New York intellectuals, 34-37, 90; politics, 4-5, 60-65; postmodern discourse , 7-8 , 183-86 ; and totalitarianism, 116-18 , 122-23 . See also Alienation; Col d War; Consume r culture ; Cultural institutions; Fascism; Future; Innovation; Marxism; Mass media an d th e avant garde; Modernism; Spiritualit y an d the avant garde; specific individuals, movements, and little magazines Babbitt, Milton, 13 5 Banes, Sally, 6, 17 3 Baraka, Amiri. See Jones, LeRo i Barr, Alfred H . 35 , 128 Barrett, William, 3 2 Barth, Lawrence, 33-34 , 78, 117-1 8 Baziotes, William, 34 , 56, 126-27 ; alienation a s positive force , 54-5 5 Beats, 6, 12-13 , 45; as consumer culture lifestyle, 155-59 ; critical reception, 155-56 ; drugs, 80-82; jazz, 75-77; oriental spiritu ality, 88-90; stereotyped, 156-57 , 159 , 168. See also names of individual writers Bebop jazz, 74-7 7 Benton, Thomas Hart , 66

225

226 • INDE X

Berman, Wallace, 79, 13 8 Bernstein, David , 3 Big Table, 7 9 Bischoff, Elmer , 9 6 Black Mountain College , 12 , 13-14 , 63; happening at , 10 9 Black Mountain Review, 13 Blackmur, R. B., 131-3 2 Blanc, Peter, 4 5 Blues, 10 Blume, Peter, 2 1 Bly, Robert, 45 , 132 Bohemia, 9 Bomb, 42, 63, 86; art and literature , 43, 4445, 48, 49-50, 19 3 n. 21; future, 44 , 98; Los Alamos Ranch School , 46; morality of, 47-48 ; and spirituality , 91 ; and tech nology, 45-4 7 Boorstin, Danie l J., 15 0 Bowen, Robert O. , 13 4 Branch, Paul, 16 5 Brecht, George , 10 9 Breslin, James E. B., 32, 72 Brown, Earl, 71-7 2 Brown, Norman O. , 52 , 16 6 Brown, Trisha, 18 2 Buddhism, 13 , 88-90; and John Cage , 1012; future an d avant garde, 105- 6 Burger, Peter, 1 0 Burroughs, William S. , 13 , 46, 96, 176; novels, 99; politics, 117-1 8 Business Committee fo r th e Arts (BCA), 174-75, 181-8 2 Cage, John, 14 , 84, 96, 108; aesthetic influ ence of, 183 ; art and life, 69-70 , 107 ; Buddhism, 90 , 101-2 , 105-6 ; corporat e sponsorship of , 147-48 ; Dada, 67-68 ; ideas about drugs , 81-82 ; and feminis t artists, 177-78 ; HPSCHD, 134 ; innovation, 65 , 73-74, 165-66 ; New York intellectuals on, 30 ; and universities, 18 2 California Schoo l of Fine arts, 96 Cameron, Catherin e M., 66 Campbell, Colin , 14 1 Campbell, Joseph, 10 4 Carpenter, Don , 17 3 Cedar Tavern, 12-13 , 9 5 Censorship, 53 , 79, 120-2 1 Chafe, William , 20 6 n. 2

Chicago, Judy, 178-7 9 Chicago Review, 79, 17 6 City Lights, 8 6 Clecak, Peter, 9 7 Climax, 16 Coastline, 9 3 Coffield, Glen , 1 4 Cohen, Hettie, 6 4 Cohen, Marvin, 10 0 Cold War, 78 , 115 ; avant-garde alienatio n from, 52-53 , 116-18 ; the avant garde an d communism, 120-21 ; avant garde co opted in , 119-23 ; consumer culture , 119 ; cultural war, 120-2 1 Colleges and universities, and the avan t garde, 96, 130-37 , 179 , 182 Collier, Oscar , 34 , 53-54, 72, 11 8 Communism, Communis t Party . See Cold War; Marxis m Conceptual art , 16 7 Connor, Bruce , 46, 13 8 Consumer culture , 140-43 ; alienation o f avant garde from, 143-46 ; artists in advertisements, 147-49 , 154-55 , 175 ; the avan t garde and corporat e culture , 146-49 , 175, 181-82; Beats and lifestyle, 155-59 ; and Cold War, 119 ; commodification o f the avant garde in, 139-40 , 167-68 , 184-86 ; novelty and fashio n an d the avan t garde, 162-67; and Jackson Pollock, 151-53 ; status and the avan t garde, 159-62 ; style obsolescence and the avant garde, 163 ; and Andy Warhol, 153-5 5 Contour, 14 6 Corman, Cid , 5 9 Corso, Gregory, 53 , 144, 166 ; "Bomb," 50 Cosmopolitanism, 8 , 11 , 95-96, 178-7 9 Counterculture, 172-7 3 Courzen, James, 3 4 Cowell, Henry, 6 7 Creeley, Robert, 13 , 15, 132 Crews, Judson, 14 , 15 , 49-50, 72 Cultural institutions : alienation o f the avan t garde from, 125-26 , 131-33 ; colleges an d universities, 130-37 , 179 , 182 ; government art s funding, 175-76 , 179-80 ; mu seums and galleries , 126-3 0 Culture war, 18 0 Cunningham, Merce, 13-14 , 54 , 68, 160 -

INDEX • 2 2 7

61; corporat e sponsorshi p of , 147-48 , 175; happening a t Black Mountain Col lege, 10 9 Dada, 3 , 67-68, 16 2 Dallas, Texas, 12 1 Davidson, Michael, 6 , 71, 89 Davis, Douglas, 17 6 Davis, Stuart, 24 , 26, 28 Death: A Literary Quarterly, 46, 48, 13 2 Deer and Dachshund, 1 4 De Kooning, Elaine, 14 , 204 n. 8 De Kooning , Willem, 12 , 13, 14, 45, 67, 105, 204 n. 8 Dell, Floyd, 7 8 De Maria, Walter, 16 2 Depression, Great , avan t garde and , 20-21 , 27 Deutsch, Boris , 49 d'Harnoncourt, Rene, 119-2 0 Diggins, John Patrick , 14 1 Dine,Jim, 11 1 Dreiser, Theodore, 2 5 Drugs an d th e avan t garde, 80-8 2 Duchamp, Marcel, 67-68 , 81 Duffy, William , 4 5 Duncan, Robert , 13 , 36, 71, 167 Dupee, E W , 3 2 Edinger, Edwar d E , 8 6 Egbert, Donald , 4 , 61 Eighth Stree t Club , 13 , 42, 95 Eisenstein, Serge , 2 4 Eisler, Hans, 23-2 4 Eliot, T S. , 29, 32, 42, 47, 162 ; avant-garde criticism of , 35 , 65, 132 ; influence of , 25 , 86 Embryo, 51 Existentialism, 105,20 1 n.2 3 Experimental Cinema, 24 Farber, Marjorie, 8 6 Fascism, 21,26, 116-1 8 Federman, Raymond , 18 3 Feldman, Morton, 67 , 13 7 Feminist art , 177-80 , 212 n. 1 5 Fenollosa, Ernest , 8 8 Ferlinghetti, Lawrence, 53 , 71, 133 Ferren, John, 56,72 , 137-3 8 Fiedler, Leslie , 12 2

Fifties, 15 Finley, Karen, 180 , 18 2 Flaming Creatures, 3 7 Flesjohn, 8 3 Floating Lotus Magic Oper a Company , 172 Ford, Charle s Henri, 1 0 Fraenkel, Michael, 13 2 Frankenthaler, Helen , 12 9 Franklin, Jean, 5 3 Freud, Sigmund , an d Freudianism , 77-7 8 Fuck You: A Magazine of the Arts, 78 , 80 Funk, 13 8 Future: American ide a of , 94 , 97; and avant garde art , 96-97, 104-10 ; the avan t gard e abandons, 104-11 , 182-84 ; avant-gard e idea of, 11-12 , 93-96; and th e bomb , 4 347; contingent, 102-4 ; and culture , 8-12 , 185-86; and the Marxist vanguard, 2 5-26; and postmodernism , 183-84 ; and tech nology, 97-102; and Buddhism , 105- 6 Gale, 145 Gassner, John, 21,2 6 Gay liberation, 1 3 Genteel tradition , 9-10 . See also Victorianism, Victorian cultur e Gibson, Ann, 6 Gilbert an d George , 17 5 Ginsberg, Allen, 13 , 15, 42; bomb fears , 46, 48; consumer culture , 145 ; Dada, 67; drugs, 80-82 ; on th e future, 96-97 ; Howl and Other Poems, 53 , 66, 117 , 159 ; jazz, 76-77; and Ne w York intellectuals, 36 37; on Pound , 6 6 Glassman, Joyce, 15 9 Goad, 14 3 Goldmann, Emma , 7 8 Goodman, Paul , 32 , 49, 78 Gorky, Arshile, 45 Gotham Boo k Mart, 3 6 Gottlieb, Adolph, 33 , 55, 10 4 Government fundin g o f art, 175-7 6 Graham, Martha, 84 , 104 , 182 Grant, James Russell , 9 9 Graves, Morris, 45 Greenberg, Clement , 28 , 35, 42, 98, 129; aesthetic theory , 30-31 , 60 , 122 ; the avant garde an d ar t history, 128-129 ; does not understand th e avan t garde, 3 6

2 2 8 • INDE X

Greenwich Village , 12-1 3 Griffith, E . V., 46 Grundtvig Review, 14, 86 Guggenheim, Peggy , 99, 129-3 0 Guilbaut, Serge , 61 Habermas, Jiirgen, 17 1 Happenings, 108-1 0 Hearse, 15, 46 Hedley, Leslie Woolf, 35 , 48, 116 , 132 Hess, Thomas, 16 2 Hodgson, Godfrey , 21 0 n. 3 Hollinger, David , 8 , 31, 179 Holmes, John Clello n 33 , 60, 90, 11 7 Holtzman, Harry , 95 Holzer, Jenny, 178-7 9 Hound and Horn, 3 5 House Beautiful, 119, 142-43 , 16 4 Howe, Irving, 3-4 , 50 , 51-52, 13 1 Hudson Review, 28, 36 Huebell, Harry Russell , 6, 70 Hughes, Robert, 17 4 Indiana, Robert , 110 , 16 7 Inferno, 48, 11 7 Inland, 134 Innovation: aesthetics, 72-74; art and life integration, 10-11 , 90-91 ; art and lif e inte gration rejected , 111 , 159; art as process, 70-72; as convention, 176-82 ; and cul tural renewal, 60-65, 96-97; and th e Marxist vanguard, 22-2 5 M r , 42 , 10 3 Jackson, Carl, 87-8 8 James, Martin, 9 5 Jazz, 74-77,157; and little magazines, 10,7 6 Jazz Forum, 16 Johns, Jasper, 68 , 129, 130 , 183 Johnson, Jacqueline, 96 Jones, LeRoi (Amir i Baraka), 53, 64, 73 Judson Danc e Theater, 10 2 Jung, Carl , and Jungianism, 77 , 80, 84 Kalaidjian, Walte r B. , 6 Kandel, Lenore, 8 0 Kaprow, Allan 68, 107, 10 9 Kelley, Ellsworth, 12 9 Kenyon Review, 28, 32, 35-3 6 Kerouac, Jack, 13 , 15; Buddhism, 88 ; jazz,

76-77; On the Road, 100 , 107 , 117 ; politics, 118; spiritual in art, 85 ; spontaneous prose, 71 Kline, Franz, 13 , 109 Kootz, Samue l M., 126-27 , 12 8 Kostelanetz, Richard , 134-35 , 176-77 , 212 n. 1 5 Koven, David , 14 5 Kramer, Hilton , 18 2 Kruger, Barbara , 17 8 Krutch, Joseph Wood, 119 , 143 Kuhn, Thomas, 3 6 Kulchur, 73 , 83 Kunitz, Joshua, 2 5 Kupferberg, Tuli , 77 Laughlin, James, 12 1 Laurilla, S . E., 5 1 Lears, T. J. Jackson, 10 0 Leite, George, 3 5 Lewenthal, Reeves, 148-4 9 Linick, Anthony, 6, 19 5 n. 11 , 198-99 n. 6 Lippmann, Walter, 141-4 2 Lipton, Lawrence , 85 ; Holy Barbarians, 157-58 Little magazines, 14-15 , 32, 176 , 205-6 n . 22. See also specific titles Louis, Morris, 12 9 Lozowick, Lous, 23 Lyotard, Jean-Francois, 18 4 Macdonald, Dwight , 28 , 36, 37; on bomb , 45, 47-4 8 Mackie, Alwynne, 6 Maclaine, Christopher, 14 6 Magazine of Art,4 5 Mailer, Norman, 75-76 , 15 3 Marxism: and the avan t garde, 5 , 120-21 ; aesthetic theory, 23-24, 27, 28, 71; avantgarde alienation from, 26-28 , 33-34 ; Communist Part y cultural organizations , 20-22, 26. See also Cold War; Fascis m Mass media an d the avant garde: the avan t garde in, 32 , 80, 146 , 150-62 , 181 ; avant garde on, 99-10 0 May, James Boyer , 50 , 144 , 99; alienation, 55, 86; on littl e magazines, 51 McAgy, Douglas, 96 McClure, Michael, 72 , 89 McCoy, Whipple, 16 2

INDEX • 2 2 9

McShine, Kynaston, 15 4 Mekas, Jonas, 3 7 Meltzer, David, 5 1 Miller, Henry, 10 5 Miscellaneous Man, 52 , 72, 11 8 Modernism, 7-8 , 171 ; and avant garde, 12 , 132; canonized, 28-33 ; and communism , 31 Modern Music, 26 Moholy-Nagy, Laszlo , 98, 16 4 Moore, Daniel , 17 2 Morris, George L . K., 3 0 Motherwell, Robert , 12-13 , 55 , 83; art mar ket, 129 ; Dada, 67-68 ; European an d American painting , 70-71 ; expatriation , 56-57; Possibilities, 14 , 49, 63 Museum o f Modern Ar t (MOMA), 35 , 49, 130, 154 ; Cold War and , 119-22 ; coopts the avant garde, 127-2 8 Myth, avan t garde and , 85-87 , 10 0 Naked Ear, 14, 15 Nation, 9 4 National Endowmen t fo r th e Arts (NEA) , 176,179-80 Native American influenc e o n avant garde , 85, 87, 10 0 Needle, 65 Neurotica, 35-36, 46 New critics , 28-29, 31-32 , 13 2 New Direction s Press , 12 1 New Hope, 2 2 New left , 172-7 3 Newman, Barnett , 12 , 14, 34, 72; and th e bomb, 47; and Native Americans, 87, 100; paintings, 80 , 10 3 New Talent, 3 New York intellectuals, 22-26, 29-31, 34 36 New York School, 16 5 Nietzsche, Friedrich, 7-8 , 53 , 104 Noland, Kenneth , 12 9 O'Hara, Frank, 14 , 73, 130 Oldenberg, Claes , 70, 73 Oliveros, Pauline, 178-7 9 Olson, Charles , 13 , 83; at Black Mountain College, 63, 109, 136 ; "Projective Verse, " 73 Onslow-Ford, Gordon , 9 6

Oppenheimer, Joel, 6 5 Orientalism an d th e avan t garde, 87-90. See also Buddhism Paalen, Wolfgang, 10 1 Paepcke, Walter, 147 , 16 4 Pankovits, A., 45 Park, David , 16 6 Parsons, Betty, 34 , 144 ; gallery, 10 9 Partch, Harry , 144 ; innovation, 66, 68-69 , 127; and technology , 100 , 102 ; and uni versities, 130-3 1 Partisan Review, 22, 32, 98, 166 ; avant-garde criticism of , 34-35 ; avant garde criticized , 36; break with Communis t Party , 26; goals of founders, 24-25 ; modernism can onized, 29-3 1 Patchen, Kenneth, 34 , 46 Perkoff, Stuar t Z., 34 , 35, 62, 158 , 159; on alienation, 41, 87; art and epiphany , 107 ; and drugs , 82 Phillips, William, 22 , 24^-26, 29, 32, 35 Pluralism, 8 , 163 , 165-66, 184-8 5 Podhoretz, Norman, 36 , 90 Poggioli, Renato, 4, 61, 144; alienation, 41, 54, 55 ; innovation, 10 , 11 Polcari, Stephen , 6, 61, 193 n. 1 2 Politics, 45 , 47-48 Pollock, Jackson, 12 , 14 , 45, 56, 66; compared t o method actors , 152 ; consumer culture celebrity , 151-53 ; influence o f 71 , 72, 107 , 109 ; on innovation, 69 ; prices, 129; in Vogue, 16 0 Pop Art, 110 , 16 7 Possibilities, 14 , 49, 63, 69 Postman, Neil, 15 0 Postmodernism, 6-8 , 17 , 18 4 Poststructuralism, 183-8 4 Pound, Ezra , 29 , 37, 56, 96, 16 6 Pousette-Dart, Richard , 8 4 Provincetown Review (Quarterly), 79, 16 7 Rahv, Philip, 24-26, 32 , 35 Rankin, Kay, 26 Ransom, John Crowe , 28, 31-3 2 Rauschenberg, Robert , 13 , 73, 102, 107, 174; happening at Black Mountain College, 109 ; influence o f John Cage , 68 Realist, 86 , 99-10 0

2 3 0 • INDE X

Reich, Wilhelm, 77-7 9 Reinhardt, Ad, 14 9 Religion. Se e Spirituality an d th e avan t garde Renaissance, 16 , 30, 54 Rexroth, Kenneth, 13 , 28, 34, 36; alienation, 41-42, 44, 48; on American cul ture, 126 ; on the bomb , 46-47; and jazz, 64, 76; and universities, 133 , 135 Richter, Hans , 9 9 Riegger, Wallingford, 2 2 Riesman, David, 50 , 142 Rivers, Larry, 15 3 Rockefeller, David , 148 , 17 4 Rockefeller, Nelson , 12 1 Rosenberg, Harold, 14 , 55, 105, 122 , 166 67 Rosenthal, Irving, 7 9 Rosenthal, Rachel , 180 , 182 Rothko, Mark, 33 , 95, 96; alienation, 54 , 56; existentialism, 105 ; myth, 85 , 87 Rzewski, Frederic, 173-7 4 Sandler, Irving, 6, 18 9 n. 21 San Francisco Renaissance , 6, 12 , 13, 35 Sayre, Henry M., 17 7 Schwartz, Horace, 116 , 14 3 Scull, Robert, 13 0 Semina, 7 9 Sessions, Roger, 3 0 Seuphor, Michel, 9 5 Sex and th e avant garde, 77-8 0 Shapiro, Meyer, 9 8 Sherman, Cindy , 178-7 9 Smith, David , 5 4 Smith, Jack, 3 7 Smith, Patrick, 15 4 Smith, Richard Candida , 6 Snyder, Gary , 13 , 99, 144 , 145 , 157; and Buddhism, 89 ; and drugs , 82 ; the poet as shaman, 71 ; politics, 11 7 SobyJohnT., 34-3 5 Spengler, Oswald , 10 0 Spirituality and th e avant garde, 34 , 83-85, 91, 198-9 9 n. 56 . See also Buddhism Stearns, Peter, 16 7 Stella, Frank, 11 0 Stich, Sidrah , 18 5 Still, Clyfford, 34-35 , 84, 96; alienation, 46, 55; paintings, 80 , 87, 14 4

Subjects o f the Artist School , 1 3 Suck-Egg Mule: A Recalcitrant Beast, 14 Sukenick, Ronald , 77 , 15 9 Suzuki, D. T., 88 , 90 Tawa, Nicholas E. , 17 6 Thomas, Dylan , 6 4 Thomson, Virgil , 3 Tobey, Mark, 88 , 99 Trace, 15,99,117,122 Trans/Formation, 9 5 Tudor, David , 10 9 Tworkov,Jack,42, 10 3 Tyler, Parker, 10 , 49, 14 4 Tytelljohn, 19 7 n. 3 7 Varese, Edgard, 67 , 10 1 Venice, Calif., vanguard community , 62, 107, 108; and Lawrence Lipton , 157 58 Victorianism, Victorian culture , 5 , 9-10, 20 , 53,75,180-81 View, 49 Waldman, Ann, 9 6 Walters, E. E., 5 1 Ward, William V, 7 9 Warhol, Andy, 153-5 5 Watts, Alan, 88, 105- 6 Weart, Spencer , 4 4 Webster, Grant , 3 6 Wexner Cente r fo r th e Arts, 18 2 Whalen, Philip , 55 , 89 White Dove Review, 14-15, 15 9 Whitney Museum o f American Art, 13 0 Whyte, William, 14 2 Williams, William Carlos , 73 ; on Beats , 90; on th e bomb, 43; influence of , 65-6 6 Willmott, Peter , 7 6 Wilson, Rober t Anton, 99-10 0 Wise, Manfred, 7 9 Wittgenstein, Ludwig , 9 Wolff, Christian , 67 , 73-74, 106- 7 Woolf, Douglas, 43 Young, La Monte, 107 , 109 Yugen, 64, 13 2 Zen. See Buddhism