126 14 10MB
English Pages 247 [251] Year 1991
MONOGRAPHS OF THE HEBREW UNION COLLEGE
The Eme�ence of Jewish Scliolarship in America The Publication of the Jewish Encyclopedia
by SHULY RUBfN SCHWARTZ
AN l. EDWARD KIEV LIBRARY FOUNDATION BOOK
Monographs of the Hebrew Union College, Number 13
The Emergence of Jewish Scholarship in America: The Publication of the Jewish Encyclopedia
An/. Library Foundation Book
Monographs of the Hebrew Union College 1.
Lewis
M . B arth , A n A nalysis of Vatican 30
2. Samson H. Levey, The Messiah: A n A ramaic Interpretation 3 . Ben Zion Wacholder, Eupolemus: A Study ojJudaeo-Greek Literature 4. Richard Victor Bergren,
The Prophets and the Law
5 . Benny Krau t , From Rejorm Judaism to Ethical Culture: The Religious Evo lution oj Felix Adler
6 . David B. Ruderman , The World oj a Renaissance Jew: The Life and Tho ught of A braham ben Mordecai Farissol 7.
Alan Mendelson , Secular Education in Philo of A lexandria
8. Ben Zion Wacholder, The Dawn oj Qumran: The Sectarian Torah and the
Teacher oj R ighteousness
9 . Stephen M . Passamaneck, The Traditional Jewish Law of Sale: Shul�an A rukh, lfoshen Mishpat, Chapters 1 89-240 1 0 . Yael S. Feldman , Modernism and Cultural Transjer: Gabriel Preil and the Tradition ojJewish Literary Bilingualism 1 1 . Raphael Jospe , Torah and Sophia: The Life and Thought of Shem Tov ibn F'alaquera 1 2 . R ichard Kalmi n , The Redaction of the Babylonian Talmud: A moraic or Saboraic? 1 3 . Shuly Rubin Schwartz, The Emergence of Jewish Scholarship in America: The Publzcation of the Jewish Encyclopedia
THE EMERGENCE OF JEWISH SCHOLARSHIP IN
AMERICA The Publication of the Jewish Encyclopedia
SHULY RUBIN SCHWARTZ
Hebrew Union College Press Cincinnati
© Copyright 1 99 1 by the Hebrew Union College Press Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
The emergence of Jewish scholarship in America: the publication of the Jewish encyclopedia / Shuly Rubin Schwartz. p. cm. - (Monographs of the Hebrew Union College: no. 13) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-87820-412-1 1 . Jewish encyclopedia. 2. Jews-Encyclopedias-History and criticism. 3. Jewish learning and scholarship-United States. 1. Series DS102.8.S38 1991 90-42583 909'.04924-dc20 CIP
Printed on acid-free paper Manufactured in the United States of America Distributed by Behrman House, Inc.
235 Watchung Avenue, West Orange, NJ 07052
For Gershon
The I. Edward Kiev Library Foundation
In memory of Dr. I. Edward Kiev, alike distinguished as R abbi, Chaplain, and Librarian of the Hebrew Union College-Jewish Institute of Religion in New York, his family and friends established in September 1976 a Library Foundation bearing his name, to support and encourage the knowledge, understanding, and appreciation of books, manuscripts, and other efforts of scholars in J udaica and Hebraica. In cooperation with the Publications Com mittee of the Hebrew Union College-J ewish Institute of Religion, the Founda tion offers the present study as an 1. Edward Kiev Library Foundation Volume.
MEMBERS OF THE EDITORIAl BOARD
1'110105 from The la/lnching ala Cir('(J1 Work: The Jewish Encyciope' dia, New York, 1901. Composite' /Jy Phyllis Hilllk-ihomas.
Contents Acknowledgments .... . .
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Introduction
The Publication
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Part One of the Jewish Encyclopedia
A Jewish Encyclopedia .......................
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The Board of Editors and the Publication of Volume One
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Tensions and Adjustments
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Reviews, Realignments, and Disbursements ..........................
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Part Two The Jewish Encyclopedia: "A Little World In Itself"
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History, Biography, Sociology, and Anthropology. ..................
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Conclusion: The Jewish
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Emergence of Jewish Scholarship in America ..............................
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165 174 175 214 228
Acknowledgments
I am pleased to have the opportunity to express publicly my gratitude to those who have guided me during the many stages of the writing of this book , which is the revision of my doctoral dissertation completed at the Jewish Theological Seminary of America under the direction of Chancel lor I smar Schorsch . With his historical sensibility, keen sense of style , and patient persistence , he directed me through the rigors of scholarship , while also giving me a taste of its reward s . His incisive comments helped both sharpen the focus and expand the scope of this study, and for all of this I am most thankful . Dr. Naomi W. Cohen first inspired me to study the American Jewish experience and later opened my eyes to the rich possibilities of studying the JE. Dr. Jonathan D. Sarna carefully read several drafts of this book. His enthusiasm for the subject matter and his encouragement of my research sustained me during the initial stages of my research , while his vast knowledge of the period - which he so generously shared - served to deepen my understanding of American J ewry at the end of the nineteenth century. Dr. Paula H yman , who served as one of the readers of my dissertation , provided many insightful comments and suggestions . Discussions with Dr, Jack Wertheimer, who participated in my defense , and Dr. Pamela S . Nadell were also valuable . I am indebted to the staffs of the libraries of the American Jewish Histori cal Society, the Jewish Theological Seminary of America, the Jewish Divi sion of the New York Public Library, and the American Jewish Archives especially archivist Fanny Zelcer - for research assistance .
Dr. M ichael A . Meyer, chairman of the Hebrew Union C ollege Publica tions C ommittee , was particularly helpfu l in guiding me through the diffi cult task of transforming a dissertation into a book . Barbara Selya, my copyeditor at the HUC Press, was a pleasure to work with . Her many suggestions and careful eye saved me from countless errors and amb i gui ties and greatly enhance the final work. Bernadette Fay's word processing
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The Emergence ojJewish Scholarship in A merica
expertise facilitated the reVISIOn of the manuscript, and Phyllis B inik Thomas very ably coordinated the design elements o f the volum e . I am pleased to acknowledge t h e support of t h e following during my years of research : The Wacht Fellowship of the Jewish Theological Seminary, which provided partial financing for my initial trip to the American Jewish Archives, where I became convinced that the JE was a historical gold mine . The Memorial Foundation for Jewish C ulture, for doctoral disserta tion grants i n 1982-83 and 1985-86 . The National Foundation for Jewish Culture, for a d octoral disse rta tion fellowship in 1 985-86 . On a more personal note, I want t o express by heartfelt gratitude to my parents, Rabbi Mordecai and Gilla P. Rubin, for their constant love, su pport, and pride in my accomplishments - and for inspiring me from birth with a love of J ewish learning. My terrific children, Moshe, Avital, Eliezer, and H adar, have been the vivid daily reminders that helped me keep my historical "finds" i n proper perspective . As they mature, I hope that they, too, will share the love of Jewish scholarship and learning which my parents and grandparents h ave instilled in me . My final thank you i s to my h usband, Gershon, to whom this book i s lovingly dedicated . He shared m y enthusiasm for the JE - listening a s I struggled with the focus and theme of various chapters, eagerly reading successive drafts of the manuscri pt, and offering invaluable advice . More important, Gershon kept our home life on an even keel each time I lost myself in another chapter. For his loving support and continual encour agement, I am deeply grateful.
Introduction
The Jewish Encyclopedia is a remarkable work , the first comprehensive collection of all the available material pertaining to the Jews - their history, literature , philosophy, ritual , sociology, and biography. Though several encyclopedias of Judaica have been published since , this first one still merits an important place on our bookshelves. Even today, many scholars automatically turn to its pages to track down a lesser-known figure of n ineteenth-century Jewish life , to check the date of publication of a small Haskalah journal , or to reread one of its classic expositions such as Louis Ginzberg's "Allegorical Interpretation" of Scripture. I Yet the JE is sign i ficant for reason s that go far beyond whatever timeless information remains within its pages. The work marks the culmination of a century of European Jewish scholarly activity. It is also a gold mine of information about the attitudes , ideal s , and concerns of J ewish scholars at the turn of the century. Above all , it is important because it was published in English in the United States . Only by exploring the factors that contributed to this remarkable event can one begin fully to appreciate its significance. As Western European J ewry approached the final quarter of the nineteenth century, it was for the most part secure about its future . The struggle for emancipation h ad been generally successful. Jews had made tremendous inroads toward acceptance. Their optimism , typical of the times , was rein forced by the rational istic legacy of the eighteenth century. Given this attitude , Jews were severely shaken at the end of the century by the resurgence of antisemitism that reverberated throughout Europe , with tremors in the United States as well . This new wave of anti-Jewish feeling was fueled by the elaboration of anthropological categories of race , which added a "scientific" dimension to the older stock of anti-Jewish claims. Moreover, the widespread acceptance in academic circles of the results of Darwinism and critical B ible scholarship precipitated an intellectual
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The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship in A merica
assault , laden with antisemitic overtones, on the fundamental assertions of Judaism .2 More than any other single event , the infamous Dreyfus Affair symbolized the concrete implications of this new wave of antisemitism . In this notorious incident , the innocent Jewish army captain Alfred Dreyfu s was convicted of treason , sentenced to life imprisonment , and pardoned only after years of intense debate that polarized the entire French nation . This affair served to shatter irrevocably western Jewry's sanguine expectations for the future , most specifically because it occurred in France , the country of liberty, equality, and fratern ity, where Jews had first achieved full emancipation and had subsequently integrated themselves rapidly and smoothly into society. That the Dreyfus Affair occurred there was unmistakable evidence that neither emancipation nor assimilation would solve the problem of antisemitism . 3 This realization precipitated a painful reassessment o f the priorities of Jewish life . While undoubtedly the best-known outcome of this reevaluation was the rise of political Zionism , other aspects of Jewish life were profoundly affected as well . It was i n this atmosphere in 1 89 1 that I sidore Singer, who later became managing editor of the Jewish Encyclopedia , proposed an encyclopedia of Jews and Judaism that would combat this new antisemitism by educating the non-Jewish world. The movement for the scientific study of Judaism reached a similarly critical point toward the close of the century. Wissenschaft des Judentums h ad originated in Germany in the 1 800s out of the desire on the part of certain u niversity-trained Jews to modernize the study of Judaism in accordance with the model of impartial critical scholarship . Its fou nders also wanted to rehabilitate Judaism and facilitate a proper understanding of Jews and their religion , thereby reducing the anti-Jewish prej udice that was a stumbling block to emancipation . Leopold Zunz , i n p articular, was convinced that the Jew could not attain full emancipation until Judaism was accorded respect and raised to its rightful place among academic disciplines . Others , such as Zacharias Frankel and Heinrich Graetz , emphasized the crucial role Wissenschaft des Judentums would play in increasing Jewish self-knowledge , thereby inspiring a recovery of Jewish self- respect and furthering Jewish self-preservation .4 Both in Germany and elsewhere i n Europe , those scholars who undertook a critical examination of the Jewish past were guided to a large extent by a set of intellectual norms which together signified a distinctly new , modern type of Jewish study. They shared the view expressed by Immanuel Wol f in 1 82 2 that Judaism must be understood
Introduction
3
in i t s cOlllpreh e n s i v e s e n se - as the essence of all the c i r c u m stances, c harac t e r i st i c s , and ach i e v e m e n t s of t h e J e w s in relation to reli gi o n , phil o s o p h y, h is t o ry, l aw , l i teratu re i n general , c i v i l l i fe and all the affa i rs of lllan - ,md not i n t h a t more l i mi t e d s e n s e in w h i c h i t only means t h e reli gion of t h e Jew s . s
Moreover, Wissenschajt scholars brought a fresh perspective to their study of the past . They introduced the notion of time to Jewish history, endowing it with a dynamic nature not heretofore appreciated . Above all , they insisted on the right of free inquiry : This encompassed the abilities to question t radition in a spirit unencumbered by religious authority, to accord equal status to non-Jewish sources, and to recognize the signifi cance of outside influences o n Jewish history. 6 Working with these assumption s , dozens of scholars broke new ground in their individual research . Zunz's studies i n liturgy, sermons, and Midrash , Michael Sachs' research on Spanish Jewry, Solomon Munk's work on medieval Jewish philosophy, G raetz's multivolume history of the Jews, Frankel's study of the Mishnah - to n ame but a few - served greatly to expand the depth and breadth of Jewish knowledge . By the end of the century, there was indeed a rich collection of original scientific research on a wide range of topics .; The ideology and results of Wissenschajt des Judentums were disseminated through the publication of several scholarly periodicals, most notably the Monatsschrift jur Geschichte und Wissenschajt des Judentums, and through the founding of institutions for the training of rabbis and teachers . These German schools - Frankel's J udisch-theologisches Seminar in Breslau , Abraham Geiger's Hochschule fur die Wissenschaft des Judentums , and Azriel H ildesheimer's Rabbinerseminar fur das Orthodoxe Judentum in Berlin - as well as J ews' C ollege in London , helped perpetuate the move ment by educating a generation of scholars for whom scientific , critical study of Jewish sources was second nature . Many of these men, including Alexander Kohut and Wilhelm B acher, then went on to make significant contributions to the field both as teachers and through their own scholarly endeavors ,8 Towards the end of the century, however, Wissenschajt des Judentums dete riorated into what I smar Elbogen has called a period of stagn ation . As the generation of pioneers died out , the number of new scholars devoting themselves to study dwindled . According to Benno Jacob , himself one of the new generation of Wissenschaft scholars , many of these younger men were methodologically well-trained but lacking the idealism of previous generation s . Moreover, an increasing disorganization within the field mili tated against the continued cultivation of new areas of study. Youn ger scholars generally added to the body of knowledge delineated by their
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The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship in A merica
mentors but did not expand the field, either in their methods or in the topics they chose . 9 When eventually Wissenschajt des Judentums did enter a new period of creativity, it was as a response partly to the same challenges that had originally inspired i t : the resurgence of antisemitism at the end of the century, rather than causing discouragement , lent renewed u rgency to the need for promoting an accurate understanding of Judaism and the Jew. This urgency was coupled with a still greater desire to restore the Jewish self- respect which had progressively eroded in the intervening decades by both antisemitism and assimilation . 10 An indication of this coming revival can be found in England in the last decade of the century. Graetz himself helped stimulate this renaissance of Jewish scholarship when he visited the country in connection with the Anglo-Jewish Exhibition in 1 88 7 and predicted that the future of Judaism would lie with the English-speaking Jews of England and America . When the Monatsschrift fur Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums, of which he was then editor, ceased publication i n 1 88 7 (it was later resumed in 1 89 2 and continued until 1 939) , Graetz suggested that a new English jou rnal , the Jewish Quarterly Review , take its place . To cement this link, he contributed an important article to volumes one and two entitled "The Significance of Judaism for the Present and Future ," an essay that stimulated debate on modern Judaism and its mission . II The Jewish Quarterly Review was founded in 1 888 by C laude Montefiore , a leading exponent of liberal Judaism , and by Israel Abrahams, a central figure in English Jewish scholarly li fe who later succeeded Solomon Schechter as reader in rabbinics at C ambridge University. In its early volume s , the journal concentrated on theology, biblical studies, and the publication of text s . Articles reflected the need to set the record straight about Judaism in light of unfavorable Christian scholarship and antise mitic attitudes. At the same time , there was great ambivalence about the nature of that Judaism in the modern age . Contributors debated the desir ability of remaining Jewish , of retaining Jewish ritual s , and of trying to spread Judaism to non-Jews . They strove to convince readers (and them selves) of the distinctiveness and significance of liberal Judaism in the context of l iberal Christianity, Theism , and Unitarianism . This preoccu pation with defining a Unitarian Judaism or a Jewish Theism , negative though i t was concerning Jewish ritual , did serve as a stimulus for studying the Jewish past and influencing its future . 12 Others hastened the revival of Wissenschajt desJudentums by breaking new ground i n their research . In Germany, Benno Jacob tackled the sensitive area of biblical studies , offering a Jewish critical analysis to combat anti Jewish C hristian B ible scholarshi p . Solomon Schechter opened a whole new area of study through his discovery of the C airo Genizah , engaging
Introduction
5
scholars for several decades to come . Still others concentrated on consoli dating previous research and disseminating it among as wide an audience as possible . This led to a renewed receptivity to the idea of an encyclopedia of Jews and Judaism that would present the results of Jewish scholarship in a clear, precise, comprehensive manner for a mass audience . Graetz him self proposed such a work in the last years of his life . 1 1 The concept of an encyclopedia of Judaica was not a new one : I n 1 840 , the German-Jewish weekly Israelitische Annalen , edited and published by Isaak Jost , printed a "Voice from Lithuania" that called on scholars to j oin in compiling an "Encyclopadie der judisch-theologischen und literarischen Kentnisse ." David C assel and Moritz Steinschneider published a prospec tus for a similar type of work in 1 844. They believed it was time for Jews to "bring their down-trodden literature , their maligned faith before the bar of justice ." Ludwig Philippson had proposed a "Real-Encyclopadie oder ein Konversations-Lexikon des J udenthums" in 1 83 7 and again twenty years later. All of these efforts were premature . The resurgence of antisemitism at the end of the century, however, provided the increased external motiva tion for Western European Jews to undertake such a comprehensive work, while the intervening years of European Jewish WissenschaJt research sup plied the corpus of material - and the scholars - to make its realization feasibl e . 14 Yet the Jewish Encyclopedia project was real ized not in Western Europe but in the United State s , where Jewish intellectual life was much less developed . Jews in n ineteenth-century America were few in number and lacking in national leadership and cultural resources , until certain individ ual s , especially I saac Leeser and Isaac M ayer W ise, took the first steps to improve the situation . Leeser translated the Bible and prayer book into English , founded the first significant American Jewish newspaper, The Occident , published numerous textbooks , pioneered the English sermon , translated Mendelssohn's Jerusalem into English , and established a short lived rabbinical school . Similarly, Wise wrote a prayer book, Minhag A mer ica , started the American Jewish newspaper The Israelite, t ranslated excerpts of German Jewish scholarship i n the Asmonean, wrote A History of the Israelitish Nation and A History of the Hebrews' Second Commonwealth - both in English - an d was instrumental to the founding in 1 87 5 of the first successful seminary, Hebrew U n ion C ollege . Yet , as late as the 1 8 70s, there was no successful American Jewish publication society, there were no scholarly journal s , and scholarly output remained quite meager. Wise himself concluded i n 1 887 that American Jews "are no literary people as yet ,"l', a reality which was no doubt due , in part , to their continued reli ance on t h e rich intellectual and spiritual reservoi r of t h e larger, wealthier, more established Western European Jewish community.
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The Emergence ojJewish Scholarship in A merica
American J ewish scholars revered the European greats of Jewish Wis senschajt scholarship . I n fac t , most leading American rabbis of the last quarter of the nineteenth century had studied at one of the Jewish Wis senschajt schools in Germany before moving to the New World . Some then sent their sons back to Germany for advanced study at those institu tion s . Many of these rabbis maintained correspondence with their Euro pean mentors and contemporaries, and those wanting to remain in the mainstream of scholarship , including M arcus J astrow , Kaufmann Kohler, and Bernhard Felsenthal , published articles in German Jewish Wissenschajt j ournal s . 1 6 I n the same vein , until the last quarter o f the century, efforts to enrich Jewish intellectual life in America were directed primarily toward translat ing important works of German Jewish Wissenschajt scholarship into the English language . The American Jewish periodicals The Occident , The Asmonean , and The Israelite frequently included translations of German material . Translations also appeared of entire works , including volume fou r of Graetz's History oj the Jews ( 1 8 73) , Geiger's Judaism and its History ( 1 87 1 ) , and Gustav Karpeles' History ojJewish Literature ( 1 889) . Similarly, all three works published by the short-lived American Jewish Publication Society (18 7 2-75) were translations from the German . 1 7 To a certain extent , Europeans scholars fostered this dependence by refusing to treat American Jewry seriously. In 1 863 , Zacharias Frankel noted that American J ewry had no right to claim that it possessed a history. Volume eleven of Graetz's History , which appeared i n 1 87 0 , devoted only a sentence and a half to the Jews of America, and even in the later English edition , Graetz included only one paragraph! lH Given this state of affairs , it is not surprising that in 1 87 8 , Bernhard Felsenthal concluded that American Jewry could not yet be expected to produce significant scholarship on its own . Yet even as these words were being spoken , the reality was beginning to change . The very men noted for their deep commitment to German Jewish scholarship would become piv otal to the growth o f Jewish scholarship in America . 19 During the last quarter of the nineteenth century, many circumstances converged to promote the cultural and intellectual independence of Ameri can Jewry, thereby making possible the realization of the Jewish Encyclope dia in the United States . I n part , this development was precipitated by deteriorating conditions in Europe. The resurgence of antisemitism in Western Europe had heightened the vulnerability of its Jews and slowly eroded their leadership abilities at precisely the moment when Eastern European Jewry most needed them . American Jews gradually came to recognize their destiny on the world scene , and certain i ndividuals took up the mantle of leadership , working both publicly and behind the scenes to ameliorate the condition of their less fortunate European brethre n . Simul-
Introduction
7
taneously, the nsmg tide of immigration from Eastern Europe greatly increased the population of American Jewry, providing it with the critical mass necessary to sustain a vibrant Jewish life .·ill But American Jews not only shared the disillusionment brought on by the resurgence of antisemitism in Europe ; they also were experiencing its sting at home . While never reaching the proportions that it did in Europe , American antisemitism did show a discernible rise at the end of the cen tury. Negative imagery about the Jew was prevalent on all levels of Ameri can culture . These stereotypes combined with social and economic upheaval s , an upsurge in immigration , and a heightened nationalism to form what John H i gham has referred to as "a likely context for anti Semitism ." The exportation of antisemitic European thought further exac erbated the situation . Edouard D rumont's diatribe , La France Juive, appeared in a popular American version in 1 888 as The Original Mr. Jacobs: A Startling Expose, anonymously issued by Telemachus T. Timayeni s . Two antisemitic German political leaders , Adolf Stocker and Hermann Ahlwardt , visiting the United States i n the 1 890s , t ried to ignite the public with their vicious hatred . At the same time , several universities began teaching the doctrine of Teutonic racial superiority, while militant Protes tant preachers increasingly expounded the notion of Jewish conspiracy. Such theories were given a boost of respectability by men such as Goldwin Smith , the prominent English historian , whose views were frequently pub lished in such popular and influential American journals as the North American Review and The Nation. �I This rising tenor of antisemitic rhetoric in the United States translated on a practical level into a hardening of the lines of social discriminat ion . Jews were no longer welcome at many resort s , clubs , and private school s . The most notable example of this prej udice was the exclusion of Joseph Seligman , a prominent businessman and personal friend of Ulysses S . Gran t , from the Grand Union Hotel i n Saratoga Springs i n 1 87 7 . Such occurrences left American Jews increasingly anxious , forcing them to admit that even they were not immune to the u gly specter of antisemitism . n The maturation of American Jewry was also hastened by the unique situation prevailing within the Reform movement in the United States in the late 1 800s . Religious accommodation , like Wissenschajt des Judentums, had originated i n Germany, where J ews strove to adapt J udaism to mod ern religious and aesthetic values and hoped to fashion an edifying reli gion suitable for the modern age . In the United States , without the governmen tal interference that had hampered Reform in Europe, the movement flourished . By the 1 880s , Reform rabbis in America sensed that German Judaism was stagnating and that the time had come to assert the hegem-
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The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship in A merica
ony of American Judaism . These men also felt an u rgent need to articulate a modernized Judaism intellectually compatible with current scholarship , including biblical criticism and Darwinism . They also wanted to combat the indifference and i gnorance of American Jews. 23 Fueling the desire for Reform self-assertion were both the attacks of traditionalist Jews , symbolized by the Alexander Kohut lectures of 1885 , and the challenge posed by the Ethical C ulture movement , founded i n the 1 870s. The latter was particularly painful because its founder, Felix Adler, was the son of a famous Reform rabbi . I n taking Reform to what he believed was its logical conclusion , Adler posed a direct threat to Reform's integrity. Moreover, the contrast between the popularity of his activities and the declining attendance at Reform Sabbath services was an unpleas ant but concrete reminder for rabbi s of the inadequacies of their movement . 24 To meet these challenges, Kaufmann Kohler, then rabbi of Beth-El C ongregation in New York C ity, convened the Pittsburgh Conference in 1 885 and drafted a set of principles that formed the basis of the platform adopted there . H e believed that by legitimating Reform doctrine , the platform would bolster the positive convictions of the modern Jew while extinguishing any remaining fears that deviation from traditional dogma signified heresy. The resulting Pittsburgh Platform epitomizes the rational view of Judaism , stressing concepts of ethical monotheism and universal mission . Thi s , coupled with its denial of Jewish nationhood and rej ection of ceremonies foreign to modern sensibilities, highlights the tremendous departure from tradition that the movement represented. As a result , the platform marks the triumph of radical Reform in America . 25 Kohler's influential role in the Pittsburgh Conference typifies the central place he would fill in American Jewish life during the period . He would profoundly influence the direction of American Reform as well as that of other projects that he undertook, including the Jewish Encyclopedia. Kohler was born in 1843 into a rabbinic family in Furth , B avaria . Initially filled with the spirit of Orthodoxy, he later recalled R abbi Samson R aphael H irsch as the greatest influence on him in his youth. This early tradition alism was shattered by university study, however. Kohler's doctoral thesis for the University of Erlan gen (186 7 ) , Der Segen Jacobs, a critical treatment of Genesis 49 , underscored the extent of his transformation . Too radical to obtain a rabbinical position in Germany, Kohler, with the recommenda tion of Abraham Geiger, came to the United States i n 1869. Upon his arrival , Kohler served as rabbi, first in Detroit and then in C h icago . Eventually, he succeeded his father-in-law , the prominent Reform leader David E inhorn , as rabbi of Beth- El Congregation i n New York, a position he retained from 1879 until he assumed the presidency of H ebrew Union
Introduction
9
C ollege in 1 903. H i s maj or work , published in 1 9 1 8 , was Jewish Theology, Systematically and Historically Considered. 26 Kohler was a brilliant thinker and articulate spokesman who advanced his views from the pulpit and in hundreds of articles in scholarly journals and in the American Jewish press. 27 Throughout h is career, he trailblazed an independent path for American Reform . C oncomitantly, Kohler was deeply committed to the broader goal of strengthening Jewish life in Amer ica and was involved in many institutions dedicated to that aim , including the American Jewish Historical Society and the Jewish Publication Society. Kohler is a particularly fascinating individual , for despite his association with the Pittsburgh Platform and the radical wing of Reform that it repre sented , he is not so easily categorized . Ambivalent about Judaism i n many ways , he is best understood as a Reform pietist , a man fervently commit ted to ancient lore and to modern scholarshi p , to the preservation of tradition and to the evolutionary development of Judais m . Particularly in his later years , he stressed the importance of symbol and ceremony in Judaism .28 As David Philipson said of him : There appeared to be two souls in Kohler's makeup , the one that expressed itself i n his intellectual aspirations and achievements and the other strikingl y indicative of that beautiful conception of the rabbis the neshamahyetherah, that · mystic over sou l . ardent progressionist in reli gion 2 9
Because o f this , Kohler may b e viewed a s a harbinger o f the future direction of the movement even as he concretized its present . No sooner was his platform complete than he began to reassess the efficacy of such a radical stance . Other Reformers shared his misgivings . In part , the resur gence of antisemitism had stimulated doubt s . It led them to conclude that adjusting their faith had neither protected them from prej udice nor deliv ered true integration into society. An upsurge in ethnic consciousness as a result of their increasing involvement with the mounting problem of E ast ern European Jewry also contributed to their disquiet : such sympathies posed a direct challenge to Reform's definition of Jewish peoplehood as a religious community only. 30 Further, certain Reform leaders were concerned that their articulation of rational Judaism had failed to produce the desired results . Despite Reform's embrace of the l atest theories of evolution and critical scholar ship , Jewish intellectual life remained impoverished , with spirituality at a low and the level of Jewish i gnorance continuing to rise . Similarly, though Reform could boast of new organizations and growing numbers of temples and members , it had to contend with a simultaneous decline in Sabbath
10
The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship in A merica
observance and synagogue attendance . Above all , Reform leaders fretted over the failure of their movement to secure the loyalty of the young.1 1 These challenges faced by Reform find many parallels in other Ameri can religions at the time . All denominations were plagued by problems of religious alienation , declining observance , and confusion over the proper response to contemporary intellectual curren t s . Yet certain problems were unique to Reform . For example , though all religions were grappling with the challenge posed by higher biblical criticism , Reform Judaism , in embracing its results , also had to confront the antisemitic bias in much of the research . Similarly, while all liberal religions flirted with Unitarianism and Theism , Reform was uniquely threatened by the challenge of Ethical Culture . 32 I ncreasingly disillusioned by their failu res, certain rabbi s began to artic ulate problems such as the excessive philosophizing and lack of spirituality that had come to characterize Reform . 33 Kohler, for example, wamed his colleagues: W e ought n o t be blind to the fact that Reform , with no other principle b u t that of progress and enlightenment h a s created a tendency to treat t h e past with i rreverence and to trifl e with the time-honored institutions and venera ble sources of Judaism . "
In Kohler's eye s , the most obvious example of this tendency was the Sunday- Sabbath innovation . Kohler had originally endorsed Sunday ser vice s , introducing them i n C hicago in 1 87 4 . B y the 1 880s, however, he fel t t h e need t o clarify that he was supporting t h e change n o t for the sake o f radical Reform but because of t h e j o b schedules of t h e working-classes . In 1 89 1 , Kohler publicly withdrew his support , calling the Sunday-Sabbath a "patricide ."35 Kohler explained that it had destroyed the sacred Sabbath and failed to build up a Judaism loyal to its ancient tradition s . To rebuild, t o rekindle faith and love for o u r glorious history and mission i s t h e great a n d lofty task o f Reform . . . . We must once again be possessed by the "Ruach H akkodesh ," the divine power of i nspiration to create new , life imparting, impressive and attractive forms to fil l the soul with the beauty o f holiness . . . . W e have too l o n g been vigorous a n d energetic in abrogati n g a n d pulling down . L e t u s u n ite a n d co-operate i n building up Judaism t o render it t h e object of love , of pride a n d j o y for all . 3 6
With these sentiments in mind , Kohler and other Reform rabbis redi rected their energies away from chan ge and toward the task of revitaliza tion . There were demands within the C entral Conference of American Rabbis for new efforts at outreach, education , and observance . B y 1 902 , the CCAR moved away from its advocacy of Sunday services and went on
IntroductIon
11
record in favor o f strengthening the observance o f the historical S abbath . At the same time , the external pressure of antisemitism led the same rabbis to call for new efforts to defend Judaism and highlight its uniqueness through the development of Jewish critical scholarship . According to the AmerIcan Hebrew , this shift in emphasis marked the beginning of Reform's "Second Stage ," that is , a period of reconstruction , a return to old observ ances, and a recognition of the legitimacy of traditional Judaism . I; I n sum, by the end of the century, certain influential Reform leaders were , for a variety of reasons , exhibiting a new receptivity to Jewish tradition . The movement recognized the necessity both of encouraging American Jewish scholarship for its own sake and of fostering Jewish knowledge and observance among an increasingly ignorant American Jewish population . As one rabbi put it : "Then the stru ggle was to remove the dross; to-day it is to conserve the pearl beneath ."38 The factors that p recipitated this shift within Reform also contributed to a more general awakening of interest in Jewish culture on the part of many young Jews . Antisemitism , the recognition of an ethnic bond with Eastern European Jewry, and a general upsurge i n religious revivalism in America in response to the challenges of liberalism all fueled the desire of certain Jews to promote their heritage . The more t raditional among them were also angered by the excesses of radical Reform and struggled to blunt its influence by encouraging Jewish study and observance . At the same time , certain individual s , including Cyrus Adler and Kohler, had traveled to Englan d , where they witnessed the revival ofJ ewish cultural life there and gained a glimpse of how much could be attained , particularly in terms of Jewish scholarship . They sought to inaugurate a similar flowering in the United States where , i n their view , the time h ad come for the Jewish community to assert its religiou s , cultural , and scholarly hegemony.,Q Thu s , at the end of the century, there was a substantial number of individual s , differing in background, institutional loyalty, and motivation , who nonetheless shared a desire to promote American Jewish culture . These men , includin g Cyru s Adler, Richard Gottheil , Kaufm ann Kohler, Marcus Jastrow , Solomon Solis-Cohen , and M ayer Sulzberger, worked together to usher in what they referred to as a "renaissance" of Jewish intellectual life in America. As a result of their effort s , many diverse institutions were founded in the last quarter of the century. The Y M H A , established i n 1 87 4 and numbering more than 1 20 branches b y 1 890, underscored the importance of cultural activities by sponsoring lectures, discussions , and classes and by establishing free Jewish libraries . I n a different vein , the American Hebrew, which began publication i n 1 8 7 9 , provided a forum for expressing interest in and concern about vital issues in J ewish life . 40
12
The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship in A merica
I t was during this same period that the central academic institutions of the three m ajor denominations of American Judaism first opened their doors . With the founding of H ebrew Union C ollege in 1 8 7 5 , Reform rabbis who had previously looked toward Germany for intellectual suste nance gradually began to appreciate the school's significance and worked to strengthen its religious and scholarly reputation . In 1 886, the Jewish Theological Seminary of America was founded as a more traditional alter native for the training of rabbis . Finally, the first traditional Eastern Euro pean style yeshiva, Etz Chaim , was formed in New York in 1 88 7 . It eventually merged with the Yeshiva R abbi I saac Elchanan , founded in 1 896, to become what is now Yeshiva University. 41 Other organizations established at this time were similarly dedicated to the promotion of Jewish learning, the education of the young, and the dissemination o f accurate knowledge abou t J ews and Judaism . By publish ing works of Judaica, the Jewish Publication Society, founded in 1 888 , hoped both to advance a more balanced conception of the Jews and to foster original American Jewish scholarship . In actuality, the latter was not so easily accomplished . The first book published was a revision of a work that originally appeared in England , Outlines of Jewish History by Katie M agnus ( 1 890); and the first maj or u ndertaking was the publication o f an English translation of all of Graetz's History of the Jews ( albeit without the notes) . However, even with this initial reliance on books written abroad , the JPS became a crucial force i n nurturing Jewish culture in America by distributing important works to its membership . I t quickly acqui red a fine reputation and eventually published more and more American works , most notably the B ible translation of 1 9 1 7 . 42 The American Jewish H istorical Society ( 1 892) was created primarily for apologetic reasons , its original goal being the refutation of antisemitic charges by demonstrating the presence of Jews in early America and their contribution to its development . By encouraging research i n American Jewish h istory, however, this group also aided the development of Jewish scholarship in the U nited States. That these initial steps, however modest , had already begun to influence the self- perception of American Jews is seen in Max J. Kohler's preface to his edition of Charles Daly's The Settle ment of the Jews in North A merica ( 1 893 ) : Kohler explains that he was moti vated to his task by the booming intellectual development of American Jewry and u rges scholars to build on this past research and move forward in the field of American Jewish history. 4\ Two other noteworthy organizations were founded in the 1 890s : The Jewish Chautauqua Society ( 1 893) was modeled on the American C hau tauqua system of education and disseminated Jewish scholarship through home readin g courses, study circles, and annual summer session s . Finally, the Judaean Society was founded ( 1 89 7 ) in New York as a discussion
Introduction
13
group for that city's J ewish elite . Directly patterned after the M accabaeans in England , this organization was established to meet both the spiritual and intellectual needs of its members . II During this same time period , the original contributions of certain indi viduals greatly enhanced the credibility o f America as a fertile ground for serious Judaic scholarship. First , the work of older writers bore fruit . For exampl e , the final four volumes of Alexander Kohut's encyclopedic dictio nary of the Talmud , A ruch Completum , were finished i n the U nited States. Benj amin Szold's Hebrew commentary on the book of Job was published in 1 886. More significant was the appearance of scholarly works in English . The years 1 8 79-80 saw the publication of Michael H eilprin's The Historical Poetry oj the A ncient Hebrews Translated and Critically Examined; and Marcus J astrow's monumental A Dictionary oj the Targumim, the Talmud Babli and Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature was published from 1 886 to 1 903 . 45 Also influential was the work of Moses M ielziner ( 1 828- 1 90 3 ) , who arrived in the United States in 1 865 and j oined the faculty of H ebrew Union C ollege as professor of Talmud in 1 87 9 . An e ffective teacher, M ielziner pioneered methods for expounding the Talmud in English . He also authored several works in English , including Jewish Law oj Marriage and Divorce ( 1 884, 2nd . ed . , 1 90 1 ) , A Selectionjrom the Book oj Psalms ( 1 888) , Legal Maxims jrom the Talmud ( 1 898) , Rabbinical Law oj Hereditary Succession ( 1 900), and his magnum opus , Introduction to the Talmud ( 1 894; 2nd edition , 1 903 ; 3 rd ed . , 1 925) . 46 Toward the end of the century, younger scholars also began to leave their mark, both in terms of publications and through their academic positions . For example, Arnold Ehrlich was a noted biblical exegete and lexicographer. Among his publications were a three-volume commentary on the B ible in H eb rew ( 1 899- 1 90 1 ) and , in German , the seven-volume Randglossen zur hebraischen Bibel ( 1 908- 1 4) . Morris J astrow began teaching at the U niversity of Pennsylvania in 1 88 8 . His was one of several appoint ments of Jews t o secular universities in the newly burgeoning field of Semitics . Ten years later, J astrow published his Religion oj Babylonia and ASJyria ( 1 898) . In a reversal of the usual pattern and an indication of the changing relationship between German and American scholarship, this English work later appeared in a German edition ( 1 902) . 4; I n many ways , the life of C yrus Adler exemplifies the commitment of this younger generation to the promotion of American Jewish cultural and intellectual life . Born in Van Buren , Arkansas i n 1 863 , Adler moved to Philadelphia in 1 869 after his father's death . There , his knowledge and love of J udaism were shaped . He was greatly influenced by the commit ment to Jewish observance , learning, and communal work of his uncl e , David Sulzberger, by t h e prestigious traditional Sephardic C ongregation ,
14
The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship in A merica
Mikveh Israel, and by its rabbi, Sabato Morais. Adler took instruction in H ebrew studies with Morai s , M arcus J astrow , and other rabbis for several years , and this experience u ndoubtedly instilled in him his reverence for Jewish scholarship. He went on to receive a Ph . D . in Semitics from Johns Hopkins University ( 1 88 7 ) - the first American to receive this degree from an American university. After teaching several years at Johns Hopkins, he became librarian and eventually assistant secretary of the Smithsonian Institution and a member of influential social and governmental circles in Washington . This background and training alone was sufficient to m ake Adler the archetype of the flowering of American Jewish life , for he embodied so much of what young J ewish leaders hoped to a chieve . 48 O f course, Adler is significant less for what he symbolized and more for what he accomplished. Despite his secular interests and diverse talents and opportunities to use them - Adler remained an observant Jew who devoted his efforts primarily to the causes of the American Jewish commu nity. He envisioned America becoming the center for world Jewry and dedicated his life to promoting avenues that would strengthen American Judaism and Jewish life . Adler took part in the founding of practically every major organization of the period , including the Jewish Publication Society of America, the American Jewish H istorical Society, the American Jewish Committee , the United Synagogue of America, and the Jewish Wel fare Board , holding prominent positions in each one. Utilizing his strengths as scholar, organizer, mediator, and administrator, he played a crucial role in the success of all of these endeavors . 49 Adler's specific interest, however, was in the development of Jewish scholarship . Especially after his visit to England in 1 89 1 , Adler became convinced that such a flowering was both desirable and possible in the U nited States . "" At the same time , he began to bemoan the lack of Jewish scholarly opportunities in America. At the present we have no libraries , no publications and no i ndependent scholars . These statements will , no doubt , sound sweepi n g to many, but they will , upon reflection , be found to be tru e . 5 !
Much more needed t o b e done t o encourage American Jewish learning and research , and Adler's involvement i n the Jewish Publication Society and the American Jewish H istorical Society were attempts to improve the situation . Also crucial was his role in strengthening the Jewish Theological Seminary: He took part in its reorganization and , upon Schechter's death in 1 9 1 5 , became acting president . (He took office permanently in 1 92 4 . ) Adler was also instrumental i n the founding of the Dropsie C ollege o f H ebrew and C ognate Learning in 1 90 7 , serving a s president simultane ously with his position at the JTS . In addition , he edited the American
Introduction
15
Jewish Year Book (1 8 99 - 1 9 05) and the Jewish Quarterly Review ( 1 9 1 0-40) . Adler undoubtedly believed that the combined effect of all these institutions - with their scholars , libraries , and publications - would inau gurate the blossoming of Jewish learning that he so fervently desired . )2
Given this convergence of factors on the American scene in the late nineteenth century - increasing antisemitism , reassessment on the part of Reform , revivalism on the part of a key group of youn g Jews, fledgling efforts in Jewish scholarship , and the growing desire for American schol arly independence - it is not surprising that the Jewish Encyclopedia was published in the United States at this time . Not only was it yet another means to the realization of educational , religious , and scholarly aim s ; it was particularly suited to ful filling these goal s , since the encyclopedia form itself was , at the time , a popular tool for the dissemination of information to a mass audience . I n the eighteenth century, the pioneering Encyclopedie ( 1 7 5 1 -5 7 ) by Diderot and the Encyclopedia Britannica ( 1 7 7 1 ) had proven both the demand for and the profitability of encyclopedias among the rapidly growing mid dle class in Western Europe . By the nineteenth century, re-impressions and new editions of the two most famous ones - Encyclopedia Britannica and the Brockhaus Konversationslexicon - appeared at frequent intervals and in many languages. They showed increasing sophistication in scholarship and technique while continually gaining in sales and prestige . Many other general encyclopedias were also issued during the period , notably editions of the French La Grande Encyclopidie ( 1 882- 1 902) and of C hambers' Encyclo pedia . Eventually, publishers in the United States began to recognize the money-making possibilities of the genre . Not only were European encyclo pedias imported , but the first truly American work, New A merican Cyclope dia , was published in 1858 . 51 The close of the century saw a significant increase in the number not only of general encyclopedias issued yearly in the English langu age but also of specialized works . J ames H astings' Dictionary of the Bible ( 1 899- 1 90 2 ) and Encyclopedia Biblica ( 1899-1903 ) , edited by T. K . Cheyne and J . Sutherland Black , were important contributions to the field of biblical studies, but there were many other works on less scholarly topics as well . So high was the tide of encyclopedia publishing by 1 90 1 that The Nation mused :
From gardening to theology, and from architecture to law , its waves roll in on u s , and the only doubt left is whether we have come to the age which condenses , sums , conclude s , and rest s , or to that which revolts and casts its challenge of things as they are into a statement of those things themselve s . '4
16
The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship in A merica
This popular form was appropriated, then, by the architects of the American Jewish revival both as a powerful weapon against Jewish apathy and ignorance and as a foil to antisemitism . A Jewish encyclopedia would combat prejudice th rou gh the presentation of accurate , impartial informa tion about Jews and Judaism . For the Jewish reader, its comprehensive review of Jewish law , custom , and belief would help increase knowledge
and self-awareness and hopefully serve as a catalyst for both religious observance and further research . Yet , the Jewish Encyclopedia would do more than this . Of all the instruments utilized to develop American Jewish cultu ral life , it alone would incorporate in a comprehensive manner the method , mood , and content of desire of European Jewish
Wissenschaft des Judentums and thus ful fill the Wissenschaft scholars for a popular summ ary of a
century of research . In this way, the encycloped i a would sign i fy the pass ing of the mantle of scholarly hegemony to the Un ited State s : Thou gh much of the impetus and research origin ated in Europ e , it was in the New World that the JE was destined t o be completed . As a result , it became the symbol par excellence of the emerging cultural and i ntellectual indepen dence
of American Jewry.
Part One
The Publication of the
Jewish Encyclopedia
Chapter 1
A J ewish Encyclopedia
Isidore Singer The story of the publication of the Jewish Encyclopedia is inextricably tied to that of its originator and managing editor, Isidore Singer. 1 While the cooperation of hundreds of individual s was necessary to bring forth such a huge enterprise , Singer was the man most closely associated with the proj ect from inception to completion . It was often referred to as "Singer's encyclopedi a ," and this association secured his fame for posterity. H ow ever, the publication of the encyclopedia was only one of many ideas and proj ects that interested Singer and thus is best understood within the framework of the rest of his life's work . Singer was born in Weisskirchen , Moravia in 1 85 9 . He studied history, philosophy, and ancient languages at the universities of V ienna and Berl i n , earning his Ph . D . from the former in 1 884. During this period , he also studied Talmud , B ible , Midrash , and Aggadah at the Rabbinical Seminary in Vienna and at the Hochschule fur die W issenschaft des Judentums in Berlin , where he was exposed to many of the foremost European Jewish scholars of the period and was especially influenced by the prominent Austrian rabbi and scholar, Adolf Jellinek . ! Primarily interested i n literature and writing, Singer founded , edited , and pu bl i shed the A llgemeine Osterreichische Literaturzeitung i n 1 884 . Three years later, he became secretary and l ibrarian to the French ambassador to Vienna; Singer accompanied him to Paris in 1 89 0 , where he worked for the press bureau of the French Foreign Office. During this early period of his life , he was already deeply cognizant of the seriousness of the rising tide of antisemitism i n Europe and fel t strongl y that Jews should openly com bat this hatred . He devised several lines of attack : Since he was a writer, Singer's first and most persistent reaction was to inform and educate the public ; he wrote several books and pamphlets on antisemitism and the 19
20
The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship in A merica
Jewish question . :! I n a slightly different vein , he had the idea in 1 892 of organizing an international Jewish loan of five hundred million dollars . The interest on this loan , which he figured to be about fifteen million dollars per year, would be used to finance Jewish migration from E astern Europe . Nothing, however, ever came of this scheme . ' O n e year later, Singer was a t work o n his next proj ect , a response to Edouard Dru mont's antisemitic La L ibre Parole. He launched a biweekly j ournal entitled La Vraie Parole in M arch 1 893 , hoping it would become a popular voice against prej udice . It folded in less than a year, however, partly because of the mood and priorities of the French Jewish community at that time , a maj ority of whom did not support a direct , vocal response to antisemitism . Yet , part of the failure can be attributed to Singer himself: the historian M ichael Marrus has called him a "latter-day Amos" ; he castigated the wealthy Jews of France for their lack of support for Jewish causes in general and his journ al in particular. Such personal attacks , coupled with Singer's general assaults on the French social system , coming as they did from a foreigner, served to alienate him from the very Jews he wished to represent . It i s not surprising that he left for New York the following year. 5 This European phase of Singer's life reveal s much about his personality trait s , talents , and convictions . Like others of his time , Singer believed in fighting antisemitism by spreading accurate information about the Jews . However, while Singer was constantly thinking up new ways t o respond, he rarely saw his ideas through to completion . As in the scheme for an international Jewish loan , his plans were often wild and unrealistic . More credible ventures , such as the French journal , were undermined by his volatile personality. Difficult and stubborn at times , Singer criticized his most loyal supporters and provoked controversy in the process . M any of these problems would recur when he tried to garner support for the Jewish Encyclopedia and for the many other proj ects to which he subsequently directed his energies . Upon his arrival in the U nited States , Singer spent two years learning English and teaching French before devoting several years to the realiza tion of the JE. By 1 90 1 , even before the successful publication of all twelve volumes had been assured , he was already promoting his next plan , a "University for Jewish Theology, History and Literature ." Like theJE , this proj ect would , i n Singer's eyes , unite Jewry in the pursuit of learning. Unlike the rabbinical seminaries of the time , however, this u niversity would be international and cosmopolitan i n n ature and open to Jews of all types, as well as to students of other religious denominations . 6 The proposal created quite a stir within the Jewish community, and although there was some support for it , many individuals disapproved . Some felt the venture was a direct affront to the accomplishments of
A Jeu'ish encyclopedia
21
Hebrew U Ilion C ollege . I ndeed . i t did coincide with discussions COllcern ing the possible lllerging of the college with the floundering Jewish Theo logical Seminary. 7 Others /c)cuscd their opposition on Singer himself; the Ammwn israrlite, for example . queried : \\" hat right has S i n ger to pose as the fou n d n of a J e w i s h i n st i t u t i o ll o f k a rn i n g '�) A s fill' as we know , he h a s n o n a m e i n the J e w i s h l i t e rary \\'()rld . . H i s soc ial s t a n d i n g i n t h i s cou n t ry is c e r t a i n l y not of the h i gh e s t order. . Even i f he w e re a seriou s scholar a n d an able l i t e rary m a n , t h i s would a s yet not g i v e h i m the r i gh t to p o s e as a l e a d e r i n J e w i s h com m u n al affa i rs . 8
With reactions such a s these , i t is not surprising that the u niversity never got beyond the planning stage . Singer had , however, gone so far as to set u p an office and draw u p a provisional program of lectures for the first year of study. 9 Undaunted bv criticism , Singer continued to promote Jewish ventures . In 1 904, Funk & Wagnalls published his R ussia at the Bar oj the A merican People, a memorial to Kishinev , with an introduction by Emil G . Hirsch . That same year, he tried to launch a magazine entitled 'Justice : An Illus t rated Fortnightlv RC\·iew for the Ultimate Political , Religious and Social Emancipation of the Jewish People ." Although he printed stationery and sent out letters to prospective subscribers , 'Ju stice" never materialized as an independent publication but did appear as a supplement to Hirsch's Reform A dvocate. 1 0 T h e l i s t of Singer's proposed proj ects - many of which he worked on simultaneously - goes on and on . Few were actualized . During the years following the publication of the JE, he planned an Engl ish-H ebrew dictio nary and an encyclopedia of the Holy Land ; neither was realized . Singer also sought to produce a twenty- five volume set of "Hebrew Classics" to be edited by Hirsch . Toward that end , he assembled an international advi sory board , issued a brochure in 1 9 1 1 , but never progressed much further. His plan was thwarted by C yrus Adler and the Jewish Publication Society for by that time , in Adler's words , "neither the LJewish J Publication Society nor any body of reputable scholars would work with him ." The JPS , in fact , appropriated the idea and eventually published it as The Schifj L ibrary ojJewish Classics . Pertinaciously, Singer tried again in 1 9 29 to promote a fou r-volume set of "The Classics of Reform Judaism ," but this too was never real ized . I I Singer also tried unsuccessfully to launch various spinoffs o f the JE. In 1 9 1 3 , he elaborated a plan for a work entitled "The Jew's C ontribution to C ivilization," apparently winning the editorial cooperation of Jewish and non-J ewish specialists . Six years later, Singer mentioned that he was still working on this p roject and described it as a sequel to the encyclopedia.
22
The Emergence ojJewish Scholarship i n A merica
Retitled the 'Jew's C ontribution to the Progress of Mankind ," it would be a twelve-volume topical , philosophical interpretation of the enormous mate rial in the JE brought up to date . 1 2 Needless to say, this publication also never appeared . The anti-C atholic bigotry manifested during the 1 928 presidential cam paign inspired Singe r to try, again unsuccessfully, to combat anti-Jewish prej udice through literature . This time he proposed a twelve-volume work entitled a "A Gentiles' [ sic 1 Outline of the Jew's C ontribution to C iviliza tion ." W ith Harper & B rothers as publishers , S inger hoped to be the purveyor and bibliographer of what would be a "monumental Book of Chronicles of Israel's cultural assets ." The uniqueness of this project would be that the final verdict as to the inclusion or exclusion of material would rest with a board of non-Jewish editors , thus making the work more credi ble in the eyes of non-Jews and thereby more effectively countering anti semitis m . Singer would be the facilitator, enabling these non-Jewish experts to present to the world their "tribute of gratitude for I srael's distin guished share i n the progress of mankind ."t:l Singe r's energies moved i n other directions as well . A shrewd business man in an age of entrepreneurshi p , he did not limit himself to Jewish projects but sought to exploit the increased general public interest i n encyclopedias at t h e time . A single sheet found i n Singe r's papers with a partial list of encyclopedias published fro m 1 8 7 1 to 1 903 o n such topics as painters , drygoods , and business suggests that he hoped to issue an encyclopedia i n any field that still l acked one ! It appears his specifi c plans were for philanthropy ; North , C entral , a n d South America; and transportation , the latter topic seeming to have progressed farther than the others : Singer's papers contain letters from various railroad lines as well as from other transportat ion companies advising him where to obtain facts abou t them . There are also several letters from the Interstate C ommerce Commission lending support to his proj ect . Although the work never appeared , Singer was successfu l in editing both the seven volume International Insurance Encyclopedia ( 1 909) and Popular Insurance magazine (from 1 9 1 0 to 1 9 1 1 ) . 1 4 Singer's interest in editing extended to the general field of literature as well . As Gotthard Deutsch, professor of history at Hebrew Union C ollege and one of the editors of the JE, once noted , Singer "believes that he can make his livelihood by literature , and he will try his utmost to grasp every opportunity."lj In addition to his plans for publishing Jewish classics , Singer printed a circular for a proposed twenty-volume edition of "Slavonic Classics ." I t contained a partial list of authors , a tentative list of selection s , and pages of endorsements from professors , writers , and other prominent supporters . This undertaking, too , was never realized . Singer was more successful with German literature . Though not the managing
A Jewish Encyclopedia
23
editor as listed on a 1 9 1 1 letterhead , Singer was coeditor of the German Classics oj the 1 9th and 20th Centuries, published in twenty volumes ( 1 9 1 3- 1 4) . 1 6 The diversification of Singer's energies in the years following the publi cation of the Jewish Encyclopedia surely can also be attributed to the growing friction between him and the Jewish community. His confrontational per sonality and wild ideas so alienated him from American Jewish leaders especially those who had worked closely with him on the encyclopedia that Singer was unable to carry out any further project in Judaica in the U . S . C yrus Adler, for one, advised Jewish leaders to ignore him . As he put it : "President Wilson has set us a good example of a perfectly respectable method of isolation ." 1 7 P articularly disturbing to many American Jewish leaders were Singer's views on the future of Judaism , which to a certain extent , echoed those of other liberal Jews of the time . H e expressed a positive conception of Jesus and preached understanding and cooperation among religions , ideas tied to the Reform concept of mission . Yet most liberal Jews maintained a triumphalist view of the future , wanting all religions to unite - but under the banner of Judaism . Singer took his universalism further. H e u rged Jews to claim the New Testament as a continuation of the Old and sug gested that Hebrew scholars undertake their own translation of it . At the same time , he became increasingly intolerant of traditional Judaism and begged Jews to discard the remaining ceremonial vestiges of their disinte grating religion and revolutionize the Judaism of the future . Adopting a radical conception of interfaith cooperation , Singer strove to inaugu rate a new u niversal Judaism that was spiritually tied to prophetic Judaism , to the reli gion of H illel , and toJesus . In his eyes , this blend would become the rallying point for an intellectual world religion that would inaugu rate an era of international peace . IR To promote this vision , Singer founded the interdenominational Amos Society, a monotheistic international organization dedicated to promoting better understanding among peoples . As literary editor of the society, he sent out many letters , including Jewish Christmas messages to Gentiles and Easter messages to Jews - all promoting "theological disarmament ." I n one letter, h e expressed the hope that h i s epistles would have a s revolution ary an i mpact on world religion as the theses of M artin Luther. M any of these ideas were i ncorporated into Singer's A Religion oj Truth, Justice and Peace: A Challenge to Church and Synagogue to Lead in the Realization oj the Social and Peace Gospel oj the Hebrew Prophets , published by the Amos Society in 1 92 4 . In 1 928 , he even expressed plans for a motion picture entitled "One God , One Mankind : A Messianic Scenario, presenting religious intoler ance throughout the ages and its final defeat ." This plan , too , was never realized . 1 9
24
The Emergence ojJewish Scholarship i n A merica
These radical ideas were not yet fully developed in Singer's mind at the turn of the century, but the vision was already there . Thu s , for example , u nderlying his 1 9 0 1 proposal for a university of Jewish learning was the desire to provide a forum for a scholarly determination of the form Juda ism should assume in the future . Those Jews who recognized his true motivation were surely strengthened in their opposition to the scheme . Interestingly, this universalist ideal would both complicate and facilitate his efforts to realize the Jewish Encyclopedia. 2 0 I n spite of his diverse interests , Singer remained best known for the encyclopedia, an accomplishment that , in 1 9 1 9 , prompted a symposium in honor of his sixtieth birthday. Ten years later, to mark his approaching seventieth , an annuity fund was begu n . Nathan Krass , rabbi of Temple Emanu-El in New York, launched the effort , and William H . Short , secre tary of the Amos Society, chaired the fund committee . 2 1 In an appeal to potential contributors , Krass expressed his belief that some day, after Singer's death , every one of us who contributed thereto will be p roud of having been among those instrumental i n chasing the cloud of material care i n the eventide of his literary career from the brow of the indefatigable septuagenarian Y
A list of patrons was drawn up and several letters in praise of Singer were reprinted for publicity purposes . Emphasis was placed on his one popular accomplishmen t , the JE, and on those who in the past had paid tribute to him . Yet this appeal failed to generate much money. After several month s , only $ 5 , 450 was collected , of which $3 , 000 was promised annually. 2:! Little else is known of Singer's life . Apparently married , with children , he almost never referred to his family in his correspondence . H e was an energetic visionary, constantly brimming with new ideas , ever eager to realize them . H is letters , composed in a wild mixture of English and French and peppered with phrases in German , H ebrew , and Yiddish , are indicative of his frenetic style . A lively, controversial figure , he was greeted skeptically and even scornfully by some while hailed by others as the most unique personality i n American Jewish life . Reuben B rainin , describing Singer at age seventy, found him to be "still a nudnik," at once both a sage and an idiot . Personal feelings toward Singer notwithstanding, no one denied that he had performed a tremendous service through his work on the JE. 24 Finding Support
Singer first began thinking about a Jewish encyclopedia during his university days when he developed the idea of preparing a four-volume "History of Jewish C ivilization ."2 1 This dream took more definite shape in
A Jewish Encyclopedia
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1 89 1 a s a n outgrowth of Singer's resolve to counter t h e intensifying anti semitism in Europe . Singer later pinpointed a visit in that year to the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris as being the decisive event that convinced him of the necessity of such a work . As he later recalled : When I saw the stately rows of volumes , containing "I.:Encyclopedie de la Theolo�ie Protestante" by Lichtenberger, and the "Katholische Encyklo paedie" by Prof. (later C ardinal) Her�en roether, I suddenly broke out : "Eh bien , pourquoi pas d'Encyclopedie Juive?" ("Why not also a Jewish Encyclopcdia?") 2f>
On another occasion , Singer described his visit to the library differently. H e was perusing the Jewish research of French scholars Ernest Renan , Joseph Salvador, and Arsene Darmesteter and was suddenly impressed with the vast extent of Jewish scholarship. It was then that he realized that only an encyclopedia could properly demonstrate this scholarship to the world . 27 While Singer's memories of the impact of his library visit are probably somewhat exaggerated and partly apocryphal , the two versions of the story do highlight his apologetic motivations in editing the JE: he hoped to demonstrate unequivocally the significant contribution of Jews and Judaism to world civilization . Subsequent to his library visit , Singer outlined his plans to his revered teacher and friend , Adolf J ellinek, and received J ellinek's warm approval . Singer later noted that J ellinek had at that time advised Singer of the earlier e fforts of Moritz Steinschneider and D avid C assel - of which Singer had no knowledge . I n admitting his ignorance , Singer probably meant to reinforce the notion that the encyclopedia idea was original with him . At the same time , if he was truly unaware of these earlier plans , Singer's critics were correct in their reservations about both his Jewish background and his scholarly education . �H Encouraged by Jellinek's reaction , Singer presented his proposal to other distinguished scholars in Europe , using J ellinek's letter of endorse ment to help win their approval . He recalled gaining literary cooperation and moral support from , among others , Zadoc K ahn , the C hief R abbi of France ; Isidore Loeb, a scholar and then secretary of the Alliance Israelite Universell e ; and the philosopher Adolphe Franck . In June 1 89 1 , a com mittee consisting of the above-mentioned three plus the Orientalist scholars Jules Oppert and H artwig Derenbourg was formed in Paris to promote the work . Singer then worked out a preliminary prospectu s which was ready by the fal l of 1 89 1 . 29 Singer entitled his proposed work the "Allgemeine Encyklopadia fur Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judenthums ," borrowing the terminol ogy of the respected journal , the Monatsschrift jur Geschlchte und Wissenschajt
26
The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship in A merica
desJudentums. According to the prospectu s , this encyclopedia would consist of twelve volumes of alphabetically arranged material , be issued serially over a period of ten to fifteen years , and be sold for about fifty dollars a set . The aim of the work would be twofold : to summarize the results of Jewish scholarship and to demonstrate the role which Jews and Judaism have played i n diverse areas of general culture such as science , art , literature , industry, and commerce . Scientific in method and without any religious bias, the work would be not only a compendium for scholars but also a guide for the Jewish and general public. The encyclopedia woul d , there fore , contain a complete survey of Jewish history, literature , and theology, plus material on Jewish communities , sociology, and archaeology. Con centrating on the post-M endelssohnian era, the encyclopedia would include biographies of prominent Jewish scholars , theologians , poets, businessmen , and physician s . JO This proposal was greeted enthusiastically in the Jewish press. Articles voiced the hope that this encyclopedia would strengthen Jewish self assurance . Moreover, it was expected that the work would lead to a revival of scholarship and the study of Jewish literature among Jews , many of whom were ignorant of the Jewish past . :l1 With his prospectus in hand , Singer opened negotiations with F. A . B rockhau s , the Leipzig publishing firm famous for its great encyclopedias . Singer recalled that Arnold B rockhau s , a senior partner, came to Paris to meet with both him and Zadoc Kahn . The firm declared itself willing to begin work, contingent upon establishing a guarantee fund of one million marks . From the Paris H ouse of Rothschild , Kahn obtained only one hundred thousand francs (equivalent to about eighty thousand marks , or approximately eight percent of the amount needed) . Singer went to Berlin , where he met with the most prominent Jewish scholars of that city, hoping to find a way to satisfy B rockhau s . Moritz Lazaru s , Heinrich Steinthal , Gustav Karpeles, Joel Miiller, and others present at the meeting approved Singer's program and appointed a directing committee of seventy theolo gians and Orientalist s , but the group could not guarantee more than about fifty thousand marks . 12 Returning to Pari s , Singer decided to try a different approach . He informed the French committee of his decision to publish the encyclopedia in French under the title "La Grande Encyclopedie de I'Historie et de la Science de Judaisme ." Hoping that this would enable him to win the elusive financial support of wealthy French Jews, Singer spent three years promoting the proj ect there . He was also i n touch with scholars , and went so far as to enlist the support of the Russian Jewish historian Simon Dubnow, whom he asked to organize the preparatory work for the cover age of Eastern European Jewry in the encyclopedia. Singer later claimed that he had completed a French prospectus and had almost found a pub-
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Jewlsh EnC)iclopedia
lisher. vVith the outbreak of the Drevfu s A ffair III 1 89 4 , howcvcr, h e became pessimistic about the prospects of ever realizing h i s plan o n French soil . Of course , friction between Singer and the French Jcwish community and his resultant difficulties in publishing his j our'nal , La Vraie PaT OIe , would suggest that , i n addition , Singer was unable to secure the necessary support fix his encyclopedia among his French coreli gionist s . Antagonism O\'Cr one issue surely must have influenced the other, though Singer him self never mentioned any such problems . ]} Singer recalled being advised at this point to go to Englan d . Given the revival ofJ ewish scholarship there , it was felt that he might be able to find the s upport he n eeded . He wrote to the C hief Rabbi , Herman Adler, and received an enthusiastic response : Singer decided , however, that if he must cross the English Channel to rcalize his plan , he might as well go the whole route to America. Apparently, the respected New York weekly, the A meri can Hebrew , influenced his decision : An issue in 1 89 1 devoted to the pro gress of the Jew had impressed him , and an editorial predicting that Singer's work was destined to be realized in the New World helped con vince him to come to the United States . 34 Interestingly, in Eastern Europe , AI:lad Ha-Am was simultaneously issuing a proposal in 1 894 for aJewish encyclopedia in Hebrew to be called "Otsar hayahadut ." H e was mostly concerned with transmitting Judaism thoroughly and intelligently to the young rather than summarizing Jewish scholarship or combating antisemitism , but his proposed encyclopedia was , in many ways , quite similar to Singer's . Each plan was being pursued by the two men i n different parts of Europe , but there seems to have been no communication between them - and no acknowledgment of one another's activities - at this stage . Though they could not know it then , American Jewish scholars would mesh the goals of both men in the crea tion of the JE. 'V, Singer arrived in New York i n September of 1 89 5 . Again , it was a library experience shortly after his arrival that Singer recalled as being pivotal for him . He was visiting B'nai B'rith's Maimonides Library for the purpose of finding his "lingu i stic bearings ." Unaware of the extent to which Jewish life had developed in the United States at the time , Singer naively assumed that the U. S. would provide solely the financial backing for his original German-language Jewish encyclopedia. As h e explained : "I was told by my Paris friends that American Judaism is a crown colony of Germany-Austria." B rowsing in the library through the many English langu age Jewish newspapers, however, Singer got his first inkling of the richness of American Jewish cultural life . H e realized that to succeed in Americ a , he would have to promote an English-language work . Thu s , first and foremost , he set out to learn English . lh
28
The Emergence ojJewish Scholarship in A merica
I n 1 89 6 , I saac Goldman n , a well-known printer, gave Singer his first "office" - a desk and chair in the anteroom of Goldmann's printing estab lishmen t . Goldmann later claimed that he was the first person to be offered the chance to publish the encyclopedia in the U nited States and recalled that Singer was so "green" that he actually believed that a "mere printer" could publish a Jewish encyclopedia. Eventually, Singer set about trying to find a real publisher. He met with representatives of fou r or five established firms and tried to persuade them to accept his proj ect , then titled the "Universal Encyclopedia of the History, Literature and Religion of the Jewish People ." H e was u nsuccessful . 17 But S inger was widening his contacts within the American Jewish com munity. C apitalizing on his earlier endorsements from European Jewish schola.·s , Singer tried to garner similar support i n the United State s . He received encouragement from I saac Mayer Wise , Oscar Strau s , Kauf mann Kohler, and C yru s Adler. Adler even sent a set of the Publications oj the A merican Jewish Historical Society to aid Singer's work . 38 I n the summer of 1 89 7 , Singer, with the introduction of the great merchant and communal worker Henry Rice , met with the noted financier and philanthropist J acob Schiff, whom he tried to interest in the encyclopedia plan . Though skepti cal , Schiff was persuaded to contribute the funds necessary for the prepa ration of a preliminary prospectus in Engl ish . Also i n 1 89 7 , Singer approached Mayer Sulzberger, the jurist and Jewish communal leader who was then head of the publications committee of the Jewish Publication Society. Singer hoped that perhaps the JPS would publish the encyclope dia. Both men agreed , however, that such an undertaking was beyond the modest capabilities of that organization , particularl y since it was at that time engaged in its English translation of the Bible . 39 B y the end of the year, Singer completed the English-langu age prelimi nary prospectus for his work , which was renamed the "Encyclopedia of the H istory and Mental Evolution of the Jewish Race ," a title redolent of current scientific concepts and Darwinian thinking. This prospectus fur ther clarified some of the details of his plan : The p roposed work would consist of twelve volumes of one thousand pages each and contain about two thousand illustrations and ten thousand articles. More important was the prospectus' statement of the goals of the encyclopedia, for in this area, the English draft differed significantly from the German version . While Singer reiterated his aim of fighting antisemitism by demonstrating the role that Jews and J udaism have played in general culture , he no longer expressed the hope that the work would stimulate a revival of Jewish learning. Rather, by p roviding impartial , comprehensive information about J ewish h istory and literature , it was hoped that i t would enable modern Jews to make an informed decision about whether to perpetuate
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Judaism or whether the Jewish race ought to " surrender its autonomy and confound itself with the other races and nations of the earth .".)( Singer did not come out and bluntly endorse universal Judaism - as he did in later years under the banner of the Amos Society - but his sugges tions point in that direction . According to the prospectus , the greatest question of the day was : C an and ought Judaism continue its existence in modern times upon those bases which have served as its foundation i n the past ) . . . . Let us not deceive ourselve s . The Sabbath and other holy davs, as well as the numerous and ofttimes charming religious rites, have , for the vast maj ority of Israelites of Western Europe and of the New \Vorld become heavy burde n s , or, at best , mere ceremonies , devoid of all pious st"ntiment . 4 1
Either Jews could transmit their traditional heritage , or, Singer explained , they could be honest with themselves and say frankly to their children : "Our religion dOl's not accord with your ideas . We have neither the power nor the desire to impose it upon you . M ake your peace with vour God and your conscience as best you can ," and , that sai d , let us cease to erect new svnagogu e s , let us close o u r seminaries of theology, and l e t u s disintegrate , little by little, our ancient communal institutions . ,1,
H ad these sentiments been expressed in 1 89 1 , it is doubtful that Singer would have received the support that he did from European Jewish scholars . The immediate reaction to this prospectus by American Jewish leaders such as Kohler and Adler (who had initially encouraged Singer) is not known , but surely their later mistrust of him was being formed at this early date. The prospectus did not elicit any public response at the time , probably because Singer was still too unknown in America for his ideas t o b e taken seriously or b e dismissed a s wild b u t harmless . Only b y finding a reputable publisher would Singer force American Jewry to really consider his proposed project . Eventually someone, probably either Isaac Goldmann or his son Nathan , su ggested to Singer that he try the Funk & Wagnalls Company. " Singer later dramatized his account of this decision by claiming it derived from his viewing a streetcar advertisement for Funk & Wagnalls' Standard Dictionary oj the English Language. Since Funk & Wagnalls had only recently (November 1 894) published that mammoth volume , Singer felt that the firm might be willing to undertake the publication of a similarly large and novel work . He sent them the preliminary prospectu s and received an immediate reply indicating thei r i ntere s t . II That Funk & Wagnall s was attracted by Singer's plan is understandable , given the ideals and concerns of its presiden t , I saac Funk . Though their
30
The Emergence ojJewish Scholarship in A merica
backgrounds could h ardly have been more different and Funk was twenty years Singer's senior, the two men strongly resembled each other in per sonality, style , and goal s . Born in Clifton , Ohio in 1 83 9 , Funk was a Lutheran minister who j oined with a classmate , Adam Willis Wagn alls , to form a publishing company in 1 8 7 7 . Funk was an energetic , persistent individual and a superb editor with an abiding interest in religious works . Successfully catering to the demands of the times , he published reference works and cheap books "of the better kind ," including a twenty-seven volume edition of the People's B ible . Funk also had a less desirable reputa tion resulting from piracy, havin g reprinted other publisher's works with out permission in order to provide low-cost books to ministers . At the same time , he was a self- ri ghteous advocate of causes he considered just and was particularly militant in the temperance movement . Finally, his father was a Universalist , and Funk shared many of Singer's sentiments about the need for fostering a tolerant atmosphere of interfaith cooperation . 4; I n 1 899 , Funk initiated a 'Jesus Symposium" in which he surveyed a number of Jews about their attitudes toward Jesu s , later publishing the results . Singer's quotes are among those included , as are those of other members of the newly formed editorial board of the Jewish Encyclopedia . In his remarks, Funk reveals what no doubt inspired him to support the encyclopedia. He notes that sooner or later all the world would have to realize how very valuable Jews have been for the world . C hristians ought to appreciate the crucial role played by Jew s , just as Jews were beginning to recognize the important role of Jesu s . His conclusion strongly echoes the u niversalistic vision of Singer. Let both Jew and C hristian get on this common ground, and have respect for the honest convictions of one another, and then both may clasp hands and look into each other's eyes, and repeat the words uttered alike by Moses and by Jesu s : THE LORD OUR GOD IS ONE GOD . The lightnings from Mount Sinai and the rays of light from Mount C alvary are one , and will yet fuse into brotherhood all peoples of the earth 46
Funk was surely also attracted to Singer's plan because he assumed he could make some money from the deal . Although Funk later denied that the company was motivated by commercial concern s , Louis Ginzberg, who later served on the editorial board of the encyclopedia, remembered him as a very shrewd man who "recognized the possibility of getting very large funds from the Jews ."47 Singer and Funk & Wagnalls negotiated for nearly five month s . The firm asked Singer for an estimate of expenses - wanting to be sure that there was sufficient capital to fund the enterprise . According to Singer's recollection , at the final meeting at which time an agreement was to be
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concluded , Funk asked it decisive question : H ow would the encyclopedia describe matters in which the Jews are not seen in a favorable light) vVhen Singer assured Funk that everything would be written with the unbiased impartiality of the historian , Funk agreed to undertake the project . 1R On M a y 2 , 1 898 , S i n ge r be gan work in his t i n y office at F u n k & Wagnalls . H i s efforts at this time were channeled in two direction s . First , Singer worked on assembling sample entries for his "Encyclopedia of the History and of the Mental Evolution of the Jewish Race ." To this end , he began contacting potential collaborators and soliciting articles from those scholars who had agreed to write . At the same time , Singer and agents whom he coached began to find subscribers for the work , this being the predominant method employed by nineteenth-century publishers to sell higher-priced books designed for a specialized market . 49
The Beginnings: Co ntro versy and Co ntrol According to idealized recollection s , work p roceeded smoothly from this point on . This, however, is far from accurat e . Though Funk & Wagnalls had given Singer the go-ahead , the firm still h ad doubts about the extent of support that could be expected from American Jewish leaders as well as from C hristian scholars. Singer had to prove , through the number of subscriptions sold and through the response to his l atest announcement , that there would indeed be a market for a work of this kind . Singer did find some subscribers , but when the complete prospectus was made public in August 1 898, the reaction was devastating. Severely criticized by many Jewish scholars and the Jewish press , the prospectus actually led to a diminution of support for the proposed encyclopedia. Only a complete revision of the original plan would convince Funk & Wagnall s to continue with the project . 50 The dynamics of opposition to Singer's plan cannot be understood with out reference to a parallel encyclopedia proj ect : I n July 1 89 7 , some mem bers of the Central C onference of American Rabbis proposed the publica tion of an "Encyclopedia of Hebraica and Rabbinica." Isaac Mayer Wise , then president of the C C A R , pronounced it an u rgent necessity and appointed a special committee headed by Gotthard Deutsch to investigate the viability of the scheme . By corresponding with scholars and publishing houses , the committee would determine both the level of cooperation that could be expected and the feasibility of publication . , I A s news of this plan became known , the A merican Hebrew commented that the time "is hardly ripe" for an encyclopedia; Judaism would be better served i f the CCAR shifted its efforts to assisting the Jewish Publication Society in its Bible translation . Nevertheless , one month later, in August 1 89 7 , Deutsch wrote in the A merican Hebrew that the committee had
32
The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship i n A merica
decided to go ahead with plans for an "Encyclopedia of Jewish Theology" that would aid teachers , rabbis , theologian s , and others in tracing the historical sources of Jewish thought and custom . Some articles had already been written , as can be seen from the excerpt on "Covering the Head" printed in the A merican Hebrew that same month . The p rice of the two volume work was not to exceed twenty dollars , with a proj ected sale of one thousand copie s . Deutsch insisted that the work would be governed by purely scientific motives and would not interfere in any way with the work of the Jewish Publication Society. �> , Though printing Deutsch's views, the American Hebrew reiterated its dis approval of the plan s . An editorial in the August 1 3 , 1 89 7 issue noted that the C entral Conference of American Rabbis is "bound hand and foot to Reform" and "does not embrace all that there is of Jewish scholarship in this country by any mean s ." Because of this, the project gives "no promise of fairmindedness and tolerance for the opinions of others .""\ Such a negative reaction is not surprising, coming from the conservative American Hebrew , but even within Reform circles there was opposition to the plan . Kaufmann Kohler, then rabbi of Temple Beth El in New York , had serious doubts about whether a committee of American rabbis and professors could credibly create a quality encyclopedia. Appointed by Wise to serve on Deutsch's committee , Kohler initially declined . As he explained : Only in case the Committee is made to be at the outset one of international character and includes men like Schechter, Gaster and Abraham s , B acher and Kaufman[ n ] . Hoffman [ n 1 and Schreiner so as to assure success and i mpartiality and give the contemplated work the tone and character of objec tive research ( n ot of XV III century rati o n al i s m ) would I be willing t o serve . 5 4
Perhaps it was in response to this viewpoint that Deutsch wrote to leading international scholars soliciting them as contributors for his work . Some , including Israel Abrahams and Solomon Schechter, seemed to approve of the idea but insisted that they were too busy to take part personally in the enterprise . Others , such as Meyer Kayserling and Theodore Reinach , did agree to write certain articles . 5 5 This apparently reassured Kohler, and he j oined the committee . Yet in August 1 89 8 , the American Hebrew again advised the C C A R either to mod ify its plan greatly or to drop it altogether. The reason for its renewed attack was the appearance that same month of sample articles of Singer's "Encyclopedia of the H i story and Mental Evolution of the Jewish Race ." On the basis of those articles, the paper endorsed Singer's plan . It felt his
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work stood a better chance of being comprehensive and balanced than the "Encyclopedia of Jewish Theology" and recommended that Deutsch's com mittee defer to Singcr. c" , But not for long. Two weeks l ater, when Singer's announcement and list of contents became available , the A merican Hebrew reversed its opinion and expressed strong disapproval of the Singer proposal . N ow i t feared that the encyclo pedia would be full of rampant commercialism, exalting individuals at the expense of scholarship . The paper cited evidence from the proposal itself of what it considered to be blatant pandering to a Christian audience . The editorial noted , for example, that the prospectus highlighted those famous Jews that were respected by the non-Jewish world. Moreover, it accused the proposed work of inexactness and incompleteness . The editorial advised Funk & Wagnalls to consult "with Jews who are competent to pass judgment upon such a work and have the confidence of Jewish scholars everywhere ."s; These negative sentiments were expressed even more openly in letters by Deutsch and Kohler, printed in the same issue of the paper. Each reported that the CCAR had refu sed to join forces with Singer. Deutsch l isted three reasons for that decision : First , Singer's circulars stated that the preservation of Judaism was the obj ect of his work . The goal of the CCAR encyclopedia proj ect was purely scientifi c . Second, Singer was not quali fied to be at the head of an enterprise which required a well-trained theologian . And third , Singer had started such a scheme in Europe and had been unable to see it through to completion . The CCAR feared associ ating with someone whose reputation was tainted with failure . 58 Kohler's objections , on t h e other hand , focused on precisely those sec tions of Singer's announcement that highlighted its universalistic aims (paragraphs identical to those quoted above from Singer's 1 897 prelimi nary prospectus) . To Kohler, it provided blatant evidence that Singer was not imbued with "the spirit of the Jewish faith ." He likened Singer to the Nordaus and the H erzl s , a mw;t .Jew, not a Jew by deep rel i gious convictio n , and , therefore , not fit to be the h istorian or the Encyclopedist of Judaism . ;, "
Moreover, reviewing the list of topics and lengt h of excerpts , Kohler fur ther charged that Singer had no concept of system , symmetry, or propor tion . He also criticized the content of certain articles , some for containing "nonsense ," others for omitting basic information , and still others for giv ing a one-sided view of contested issues . Bitingly pointing out typographi cal and factual errors , Kohler noted , for example , that Sifra is defined as the oldest rabbinic commentary on Exodus and Leviticus and Sifre is described as the oldest rabbinic commentary on Numeri , but
34
The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship in A merica every tyro in Jewish literature knows that Sifra - th e Book (singular) , con tains the oldest Midrash on Leviticus , and Sifre - the B oo k s ( pl ural ) contain the M idrash on Numeri and Deuteronomy. '
With reference to the definition of A rchijynagogos as being the "title of the rabbi of Speier" (instead of a more general first-to third-century term for the head of a synagogue) , Kohler remarked sarcastically that this is a good j oke ! He concluded that Singer ought to have made some inquiries "before publishing his Index . . . in order not to perpetuate his own ignorance in so characteristic a manner" and warned Funk & Wagnalls that it would regret not consulting American Jewish scholars before undertaking the enterprise . ';0 Singer was infuriated by these criticisms and protested vehemently in a private letter to Deutsch . Deutsch responded publicly i n a letter to the American Hebrew that simply added fuel to Singer's wrath . Reiterating his view that Singer was not suitable for the task, Deutsch claimed that the man's theological education was l imited to "Sabbath School ." H e defied Singer to "read an u nvocalized H ebrew text or to translate any of the Aramaic parts of the ritual , or to read the Arabic alphabet ." Finally, he referred to Singer's letters of recommendation by prominent European Jewish scholars as "celery-compound endorsements ."61 Actually, in terms of his qualification s , Singer was no different from most secular encyclopedia originators of the time who were businessmen not noted for their scholarship . If anything, Singer was better qualified than his detractors would have had people believe . W Nevertheless , both Deutsch and Kohler adamantly insisted that Singer's deficiency of knowl edge rendered him unqualified to oversee this particular undertaking. To a certain exten t , their opposition was part of a general rabbinic resentment of lay enterprises - H ow could a layman have the audacity to undertake such a project without the involvement of American Jewish rabbis? In addition , Kohler and Deutsch were reacting to the underlying negativism toward Judaism so blatant in Singer's prospectus . ';; Personal factors u ndoubtedly intensified the acerbity of their views. Deutsch was threatened by Singer's proj ect since it directly competed with his own . By attacking Singer's plan , Deutsch might h ave been hoping to salvage the "Encyclopedia of Jewish Theology." Deutsch himself admitted that he did not criticize the work until the A merican Hebrew advised his committee to drop its plans in deference to Singer's . On a somewhat different level , Kohler might have been motivated by regret and embar rassmen t , since he h ad initially encouraged Singer when the latter first arrived i n the United State s . Aware now of Singer's true motives and capabilities, Kohler may have l ashed out all the more strongly to compen sate for his earlier misjudgment. 64
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At first , Funk & Wagnalls defended both Singer and his prospectus . It claimed that many of the criticisms were petty, since a prospectus must by nature be sketchy and incomplete . Moreover, the company took offense at the charge of "commercialism ." Funk & Wagnalls was perhaps hypersensi tive to this accusation because of its own problems with piracy. I n an attempt to end debate, the publisher pointed out that this encyclopedia was meant to improve the mutual understanding of C hristian and Jew and that , therefore , "the Jew has nothing to lose , but much to gain bv such a work .""�' Actually, this reference to the ecumenical aims of the encyclope dia, far from smoothing out differences, probably served instead to irritate further those J ews concerned with the project's lack of J ewish spirit . The controversy dragged on . Die Deborah , the German-langu age weekly with which Deutsch was deeply involved , carried an unsigned article on the matter several weeks later which , despite its endorsement of the work, clarifies and amplifies many of the above-mentioned issues . First , it confirms the tension between Singer and Hebrew U n ion C ollege by pointing out that the col lege was not represented on a list of contributors . Indeed , an early piece of stationery for the encyclopedia proj ect lists sixty-seven "Universities , Col leges, Learned Societie s , and Theological Seminaries , represented on the Editorial Staff of the Encyclopedia" and HUC i s not among them . 66 Second , the article in Die Deborah further explores the issue of commer cialism and points out that many individual s would gladly pay to have an article about themselves appear in an encyclopedia, either for the prestige or to increase their fame . Some would even pay extra for a portrait . B y printing these paid-for biographical sketches , t h e publisher would have the resources to include basic information. Louis Ginzberg recaIls this as being Singer's major motivation for publishing the encyclopedia: "His idea was to incorporate in his encyclopedia the biographies of Jewish prize fighters and big businessmen ." If they were to pay five hundred dollars a half page and one thousand a full page to be included, the result would be a small fortune for Singer. "; The author of the article does not actually disapprove of this obvious commercialism . In his view , no harm is done since at least as much good as useless material would appear, and the publication of the work would be guaranteed . The article does add one additional reservation about Singer, however, and attributes it to Deutsch and Kohler: Singer was thought to be unfit as editor from a literary standpoint since his command of the English langu age could hardly have been extensive . ';8 Unpleasant and discouraging as these early controversies were , they highli ghted legitimate problems with the JE plan s . Some issues, such as financing and reconciling business and scholarly interests, were not unique to this project . All encyclopedia publishers had to confront them . bY
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The Emergence ofJew ish Scholarship i n America
However, the brouhaha about personalities also forced Funk & Wagnalls to come to terms with a basic flaw in the organizational set-up: No single individual , however talented he might be , could manage such an under taking alon e . Realizing that American Jewish leaders would never su pport the ent�rprise if fully controlled by Singer and that the project was worth less without their backing, Funk & Wagnalls gradually withdrew its unqualified support of Singer and altered the plan to include as 'many leading scholars as possible on an editorial board . Singer was forced to modify his expectations and relinquish some control i n order get his pro ject off the ground . This readj ustment was a lengthy process frau ght with tension and disagreement s . Yet only in this way would theJewish Encyclope dia ever become a reality.
Chapter 2
The B o ard of Editors and the
Publication of Volume One
Without I sidore Singer's audacity and determination , the Jewish Encyclopedia would never have seen the light of day. Yet , had S inger issued the encyclopedia that he planned , the JE would not have become the authoritative , thorou gh work that it i s . That the encyclopedia did become this and more is due primarily to the editorial board of scholars responsible for its content . The editorial board was formed through a series of events beginning in October 1 898, when Funk & Wagnalls took the criticism of American Jewish leaders to heart and agreed to enlist the cooperation of scholars . Philip C owen , editor and publisher of the A merican Hebrew , the paper that had attacked the plan , took credit for this shift : "Thanks to our criticism and suggestions Funk & Wagnalls changed the whole character." C owen suggested names for an advisory committee , and Funk & Wagnalls sent him a list of potential collaborators and asked him to add the names of European Jewish writers . With Cowen satisfied that experts would be involved , the A merican Hebrew reendorsed the work . I That same issue of the paper included a long interview with Singer by Bernard Drachman . Because Drachman was a respected traditional rabb i , h i s endorsement of Singer was particularly important for reassuring the traditionalist readers of the paper. B ased on his interview , Drachman felt certain that the work would indeed be a Jewish one and that it was a most valuable undertaking. H e urged both laymen and theologians to cooperate with the venture , advice he himself followed . 2 This interview reveals another change that had taken place . Singer himself consciously adopted a more conciliatory attitude and sought to reassure his critics . I n his description of the aims of the encyclopedia, he seemed to respond directly to the recent charges against him . Defensive 37
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The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship in A merica
about the lack of Jewish spirit in the work , Singer remarked that the encyclopedia is "not to be a mere archaeological or theological treatise , but is to live and breathe and be redolent of the thought and activity of our time ." He reassured readers that the work, though published by a C hristian firm , would defi nitely be a Jewish one . Similarly, Singer felt the need to justify the inclusion of material on the origins of Christianity and the lives of important Christians such as Paulus C assel and Heinrich Heine , who were born Jews . H e insisted that these were proper topics for a work which covered the history of the Jewish race . Moreover, Singer reiterated that absolute obj ectivity and impartiality would be required of all articles and that the encyclopedia would not attempt to promote any particular movement or school of thought . Most important , he made no mention of his radical ideas about the future course of J udaism . '
Assembling the Board With both the company and S inger in a less defensive mood , the period between October 1 898 and M arch 1 899 was devoted to assembling a board of editors and an advisory committee that would satisfy the broadest seg ment of supporters and provide the necessary expertise i n all subject areas . In December 1 898, Singer and Funk met with Richard Gottheil concern ing his participation . Gottheil h ad met Singer in Paris several years before and had seen one of the original prospectuses of the proj ect . Several years later, he was still intrigued by the plan . 4 Son of the prominent Reform rabbi Gustav Gottheil , Richard Gottheil was born in E n gland i n 1 862 . Although he arrived in the United States with his family eleven years later, he completed his education in Europe , receiving his Ph . D . from the University of Leipzig in 1 886, where he studied with the famed B ible scholar and theologian Franz Delitzsch . While in Europe , Gottheil took courses at the Hochschule fur die Wissens chaft des Judentums and at the Veital- Heine Ephraim'sche Beth H amidrash in Berlin . H e thus returned to the U nited States with first-rate training in Semitics , Judaica, and Jewish Wissenschaft methodology and assumed the chair of Semitic Languages and Rabbinical Literature at C olumbia University in 1 88 7 . He was appointed director of the Oriental department at the New York Public Library in 1 89 7 and retained both positions until his death in 1 9 3 6 . Gottheil's scholarly efforts were devoted to Syriac studies, but he was also concerned with the dissemination of knowledge to a wider audience and contributed numerous articles on varied topics to general educational works and to encyclopedias , including the International Encyclopedia . 5 C oncerned with strengtheningJewish life in America , Gottheil also took an active role in Jewish affairs . He was a charter member and later vice-
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president of the American Jewish H istorical Society. He fou nded and was for ten years president of the Jewish fraternity Zeta Beta Tau . He was also one of the founders of the Jewish I nstitute of Religion and lectured there for many years . Gottheil never took on any rabbinical duties , though he had been expected to succeed his father at New York's Temple Emanu-El . Nonetheless , he continued to support the Reform movement in America and also shared his father's commitment to Zionism . Among the first American Jews to support Theodore Herzl , Gottheil served as president of the Federation of American Z ionists from its inception in 1 898 until 1 904. On several counts , then , his association with the encyclopedia at this early stage was crucial : H i s secular academic credentials lent the project needed scholarly respectability in the eyes of non-Jew s , while his commitment to Jewish life helped reassure Jews that the work would address their con cern s . Most importan t , Gottheil had the status to approach other scholars and Jewish leaders and convince them to participate . Given Singer's repu tation in the scholarly world , it was critical that someone with Gottheil's standing assume this role . 6 A t the same time that h e was negotiating with Gottheil , Singer invited C yrus Adler to join the proj ect . Like Gottheil , Adler also was a Semitics scholar. As previously discussed , he had taught at Johns H opkins Univer sity and was serving as librarian of the Smithsonian Institution , a position that further enhanced his standing in the secular academic world . More important was Adler's key role in the efflorescence of Jewish learning in America - he was involved in practically every successful proj ect launched during the period . It was essential to enlist his support for the encyclopedia proj ect as well . 7 Adler had given Singer some encouragement in 1 89 7 , before seeing either his preliminary prospectus or the later announcement that had caused such a public brouhaha (Adler had left for Europe in July of 1 898) . After getting a closer look at Singer and his plans, however, Adler was reluctant to join the proj ect , despite the fact that an encyclopedia would be a particularly appropriate vehicle for the realization of his lifelong goal of strengthening Jewish scholarship in America . 8 Gottheil shared Adler's reservations about Singer, and having worked together before , the two men sought each other's assurance before agreeing to participate in this latest venture . At first , Adler tried to reassure Got theil (and i n so doing, reassure himself as well) by explaining that Singer was an entirely reputable m an who was simply employing the persistent methods most people use when they have a pet proj ect to promot e . Adler did , however, u rge Gottheil to make sure that the agreement with Funk & Wagnalls was in "very definite contract form" before signing anything. According to Gottheil's diary entry, he agreed to join the board on January 1 9 , 1 899 . 9
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The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship in A merica
Though he persuaded Gottheil , Adler took longer to commit himself to the proj ect . Expressing reservations that echoed those of Kohler and Deutsch , Adler confided to Gottheil that he hoped Singer "was nominally to be editor and that there was to be some board of control ." In addition , Adler was wary of the proposed title - "Encyclopedia of the H istory and Mental Evolution of the Jewish Race" - which he fel t was "absurd ." H e tried t o distance himself from the enterprise, reminding Gottheil that h e had a t n o time been enthusiastic about becoming involved in it . 1 0 Shortly after this exchange with Gottheil , Adler received a defensive response from Singer, who had seen Adler's letter. Singer insisted that by finding a publisher, administering the project for eight years , enlisting prominent contributors and 325 subscribers , and doing all of this in spite of attacks and cold reservedness on the part of many great men (perhaps the latter an allusion to Adler's own reaction) , he had earned his place in the proj ect . Singer did concede, however, that "I do not write , as ? [ sic] , but simply issue an Encyclopaedia" and claimed that he welcomed the advice of scholars . In response to Adler's query about the titl e , Singer explained that the work would actually be entitled the "Jewish Encyclope dia" with an explanatory subtitl e . He u rged Adler to speak with Mayer Sulzberger before deciding whether or not to participate but added the personal hope that Adler would join in editing the work. I I Obviously very ambivalent about participating, Adler did not let mat ters rest and reiterated his views to Funk & Wagnalls as well . A draft of Adler's letter contains a list of obj ections to the plan - including reserva tions about the proposed subtitl e , the large number of editors , the small size of the honorarium due an associate editor, the l arge number of foreign collaborators , and the proposed space allotted to various articles . Adler admitted that these matters were small but concluded by "frankly" express ing his hesitation about the "larger and more important matter" ; I sidore Singer. Adler insisted that he was "not willing to work under a plan which practically m akes the whole matter one of his personal j udgment . This is too much to leave to any one man ." 1 2 Thanks in large measure to the strong urging of his cousin , M ayer Sulzberger, Adler did provisionally agree to j oin the board at this time . Apparently, though , he still held off giving his unequivocal support , this being subject to his approval of an editorial working plan . Actually, protes tations notwithstanding, it is hard to believe that Adler would have seri ously contemplated not participating once it became clear that the proj ect would proceed . H e subsequently threatened to resign several times but never carried out his threat . 1 3 B y J anuary 1 89 9 , Gottheil had met with fellow Orientalist Morris Jas trow concerning that scholar's collaboration . J astrow's background was very similar to Gottheil's . They were only a year apart in age ; both were
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born i n Europe and returned there to complete their secular and rabbinical education s ; both studied with Franz Delitzsch and received doctorates from the University of Leipzig Oastrow in 1 884) . J astrow , too , was the son of a prominent American rabbi , M arcus Jastrow . Morris J astrow had originally hoped to succeed his father in the rabbinate and went to Europe with the primary intention of completing his rabbinical training. There he studied at the Breslau Seminary. However, he became increasingl y skepti cal about his effectiveness in such a career and devoted more and more of his efforts to philology. Upon his return to the United States , he did assist his father in congregational work for a short while but then rejected the rabbinate and turned his attention to academia. In the fall of 1 886, he began teaching at the University of Pennsylvania, where he was appointed professor of Semitics in 1 892 . H e also served as librarian of the university. 14 Unlike Gottheil and Adler, J astrow was generally inactive in Jewish communal affairs , though he was associated with the founding of the American Jewish H istorical Society. At times, he even faulted his brethren for their "clannishness" and called instead for a broader spirit . It is not surprising, then , that Jastrow was strongly opposed to modern Zionism . He later publicized those views i n Zionism and the Future oj Palestine: Fallacies and Dangers of Political Zionism ( 1 9 1 9) . I "' J astrow's scholarly interest lay i n the area of Assyrian and Babylonian religion , and he published several significant works in the field . While not involved much in biblical scholarship until the end of his life, he was committed to the assumptions of both higher and lower biblical criticism and eventually developed his own theory of literary evolution . For many Jews , acceptance of the results o f critical B ible scholarship was difficult because its conclusions undermined the traditional belief i n divine revela tion . Moreover, critical B ible scholarship was permeated by an antisemitic animus that tainted it for many Jews . Because of Jastrow's acceptance of this approach , his role in the encyclopedia proj ect as editor in charge of the Bible department would engender controversy. Ironically, though , in these early stages of the proj ect , it was precisely J astrow's credentials as a Semitics scholar that made him an attractive choice for membership on the board . His involvement enhanced the reputation of the proposed work among non-Jews because it signified a commitment to impartial , scientific scholarship . lh Gottheil , Adler, and J astrow thus formed the original core of the edito rial board . Semitic scholars of about the same age , they were important figu res in the American Jewish intellectual worl d . Frederic de Sola Mendes , the next approached to j oin , was slightly older and less scholarly oriented , but since he was a prominent leader of New York Jewry, the others would naturally want his support for this New York-based proj ect .
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The Emergence ojJewish Scholarship in A merica
M endes was born in Jamaica in 1 850, received his Ph . D . from the University ofJena i n 1 8 7 1 and graduated two years later from the Jewish Theological Seminary at Breslau . H e was licensed to preach by Benj amin Artom , the Sephardic chief rabbi of Engl and . I n the United State s , Mendes served a s rabbi of Congregation Shaarey Tefila i n N e w York from 1 8 7 4 to 1 92 0 . Although he associated himself with left-wing traditionalists , he severed his association with that group after Solomon Schechter's arrival and turned to Reform . Mendes served on the (unsuccessful) first editorial committee of the Jewish Publication Society Bible translation and was also a founder and member, along with Adler, of the editorial board of the A merican Hebrew . He expressed his willingness to work on the encyclo pedia as early as December 1 898 ( just two months after the paper reen dorsed Singer's plan) , and Gottheil met with him the following February concerning his participation . Perhaps Singer hoped that having both Mendes and Adler on the encyclopedia board would prevent further criti cism from the paper. In any case , Mendes' support would surely give the project needed credibility, particularly among New York Jews . H owever, he lacked a specific area of expertise and , as a resul t , did not actually join the editorial board until 1 900 . 1 7 Even more important to the formation of the board was the involvement of Kaufmann Kohler and Gotthard Deutsch . Like Mendes, Kohler made his interest known as early as December 1 89 8 , and Gottheil wooed him the following February. Everyone surely saw Kohler as an important asset to the proj ect . Some fifteen years older than men such as Singer, Adler, and Gottheil , Kohler had, as discussed earlier, an established reputation as rabbi and scholar. Not only did he have a b road knowledge of rabbinics and theology ; he was undoubtedly also attractive to Singer and Funk for his universalistic views of religion . They probably saw in Kohler a kindred spirit who would help them realize their visions of interfaith cooperation and tolerance . I S Deutsch , a rabbi and scholar with a Ph . D . in h istory, also had much to offer the encyclopedia. Like Singer, he was born i n Moravia in 1 85 9 . Deutsch , however, came from a rabbinical family a n d attended t h e B res lau Rabbinical Seminary, where he came under the influence of Heinrich Graetz . He received his rabbinical ordination at the hands of yet another great scholar, I saac Hirsch Weiss. Again like Singer, he earned his Ph . D . at the University o f Vienn a . I n 1 89 1 , h e came t o the United States to become professor of Jewish history at the H ebrew U n ion College , a posi tion he retained until his death in 1 92 1 . 19 Deutsch , like Kohler, was a man of contradictions who defied neat categorization . C ommitted to the philosophy of Reform and critical of many Orthodox custom s , he nevertheless remained sentimentally attached to tradition and enj oyed praying in the Eastern European synagogues of
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C incinnati . Nothing Jewish was alien to him . Deutsch was also deeply attached to German culture throughout his life , serving as editor of the German-J ewish monthly Die Deborah from 1 90 1 until the paper ceased publication in 1 903 . Rare as it was , he coupled his love for German with an appreciation of Yiddish culture , becoming sufficiently well-versed in the langu age to appreciate its poetry and contribute to its press. I n spite of his broad knowledge , Deutsch's students recalled him as a down-to-earth person , lacking in intellectual and social snobbery. 2 0 Deutsch furnished articles regularly to many American-Jewish papers on a variety of topic s , and he published several books , lectures, and essays on Jewish history. His strength as a historian , however, lay not in synthesis or conceptualization but rather in his ardent love of truth and his determi nation to collect and impart it . He was noted for his prodigious memory : As I srael Abrahams admitted , he never needed a book of reference when Deutsch was around, and he often appealed to Deutsch for information from England. The impulse to collect information and preserve it is illus trated by Deutsch's card catalogue. Deutsch and his students added to this index of facts throughout the years , until at his death , it contained some seventy thousand items of interest in Jewish history. I t was his love of Judaism and love of knowledge , his attention to detail and his proli fic output as a writer that made Deutsch a valuable addition to the board of the encyclopedia. 2 1 Most important at this early stage of the enterprise was the fact that both Kohler and Deutsch had been involved in the rival Central C onference of American Rabbis project . I f they could be induced to join the board of the Jewish Encyclopedia , then the competition would be subverted , stifling a crucial segment of opposition . It was also decided at this time that a group of Jewish scholars , no matter how impeccable their credential s , would be insufficient to insure the impartiality and balance of the finished product : thu s , to reassure the public, one position on the board was set aside for a non-Jew . In February 1 89 9 , Gottheil approached first C rawford Toy and then George Foot Moore concerning their participation in the project . Perhaps Toy initially expressed reluctance , prompting Gottheil to contact Moore , who j oined the board within a month . Moore was a prominent scholar of the history of religion , a graduate of Yale ( 1 87 2 ) and Union Theological Seminary ( 1 87 7 ) , who was ordained in the Presbyterian ministry in 1 8 7 8 . He served as professor of H ebrew at Andover Theological Seminary before his appointment in 1 902 as professor of the history of reli gion at H arvard U niversity, where he remained until his retirement in 1 92 8 . There , he did much to establish reli gion as a field of scientific study - indeed , his name came to be associated with impartial scholarshi p . Moore's interests l ay in biblical studies , the history of religion , and , later in life , in tannaitic
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The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship in America
Judaism. H e wrote the multi volumed Judaism in the First Centuries of the Christian Era: The Age of the Tannaim ( 1 92 7-30) , a rarity among C hristian studies of Judaism because of its sympathetic treatment . 22 Moore's reputation i n the academic world , the n , coupled with his genu ine , positive interest in B ible studies and Hebrew , made him an attractive choice for the encyclopedia board . His participation reinforced the pro ject's commitment both to impartial , scientifi c scholarship and to a sympa thetic treatment of Jewish topic s . Yet , because he was in charge primarily of hellenistic literature and only indirectly of biblical topics , M oore , it turned out , would not provoke the opposition from traditionalists that J astrow did .
Reaching an Agreement By the end of February 1 899 , Funk & Wagnalls decided that enough scholars had expressed interest i n joining the proj ect . Agreeing not to wait until one thousand subscribers had been obtained , they called a meeting of the provisional editorial board for M arch 1 in New York . Present were Adler, Deutsch , Gottheil , Kohler, Moore , Singer, Funk , and Frank H . Vizitelly. Morris J astrow was t o attend , but illness prevented him from doing SO. 21 Frank V izitelly, whose family had been involved i n one aspect or another of the printing craft since 1 7 2 5 , served as secretary of the board throughout the project . In 1 882 , he had j oined the London publishing firm of Vizitelly & C o . , recently fou nded by his father Henry. The company fell into bankruptcy within a decade as a result of its continuing publication of Emile Zola's novel s , even after Henry V izitelly was convicted on charges of obscenity for doing so. Frank Vizitelly came to the United States in 1 89 1 . He j oined Funk & Wagnalls , where he worked throughout his life editing various dictionaries and encyclopedias that the company pub lished . Ever eager to share his knowledge , he wrote several books on correct En glish and conducted a question-and-answer column on that topic for over thirty years i n the Funk-owned L iterary D(gest. Through his position on the editorial board of the Jewish Ency clop edia , he protected the interests of the company by making certain that the proj ect was completed as quickly and professionally as possible. His experience and diligence facilitated that process. 24 At this M arch 1 , 1 899 meeting, an attempt was made to remove remain ing obstacles and decide on a definite plan . The editors agreed to call the work the 'jewish Encyclopedia" but deferred modifications in the subtitle to a later stage . Singer was m ade ex officio chairman of the editorial board , and it was decided to appoint a permanent local subcommittee consisting of those editors residing in New York . On the question of con-
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ten t , the board decided that "controverted topics" b e assigned only to those collaborators who were recognized for their fairness and impartiality. Funk also announced that the number of pages of the proposed encyclopedia had been reduced . 2 1 The newl y a p p o i n t e d local s u bc omm i t t ee ( a l s o called the executive com m i t t ee) , made up of Singer, Funk, Kohler, and Gottheil , met f i ve days later to prepare a statement summarizing all the issues raised at the earlier meeting. The statement reiterates the March 1 decisions but with several important additions and change s . First , it includes a list of the editors , each with his assigned area. D r. Cyrus Adler
Post Talmudic Archaeology, Manners and Customs , and Liturgy and H istory of the Jews in America
P rof. Deutsch
H istory of the J ews and J ewish I nstitution s , excluding America, from 1 500 to the present time
P rof. R. Gottheil
Post Talmudic Jewish Literature (exclusive of Talmudic , Philosophical , Ethical and Theological) and Post B i bl ical Jewish H istory up to 1 500
Re\" . D r. 1\1 . .J astrow , S r.
The Talmud and Talmudic Literature
P rof. M . J astrow
B iblical Literature and H istory of Israel
Rev . Dr. K . Kohler
Jewish Theology, Philosophy and Ethics
P rof. Geo .
F.
M oore
B iblical A rchaeology, H i story of Biblical Exegesis , Hebrew Philology and Hellenistic Literature
New on this list is the name of Marcus J as trow . A note at the bottom of the page explains that the executive committee was suggesting the addition of J astrow , "the highest Talmudic scholar in the United States ," to the board . While confident of their support on this matter, the executive committee asked the editors for their formal approval . 26 It is not entirely clear why Marcus Jastrow was included at this time , but perhaps adding this respected scholar with conservative leanings was a way to appease the more traditionalist editors , especially Adler. J astrow had the scholarly weight to counterbalance the influence of the Reform Kohler, the other senior member. And because of Jastrow's unquestioned expertise in Talmud , one could h ardl y justify opposition to his member ship on the board. 2 7 Born in Poland in 1 829 , Marcus Jastrow earned his Ph . D . from the University of Halle in 1 85 5 with a thesis on the philosophy of Abraham ibn
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The Emergence ojJewish Scholarship in A merica
Ezra. Ordained by Moses Feilchenfeld and Wolf Landau , the latter a disciple of Z acharias Frankel , J astrow taught religious school at the Berlin Congregation where the traditionalist Wissenschajt scholar M ichael Sachs was rabbi . S achs strongly influenced J astrow's scholarly, conservative Jew ish attitude . After occupying pulpits in Poland for several years , J astrow emigrated to America in 1 866 to become spiritual leader of Rodeph Sha lom Congregation in Philadelphia. I t is interesting to note that Jastrow was opposed to the uncritical acceptance of traditional Judaism and intro duced several innovations to the worship service ; he was thus considered by many to be a proponent of Reform . In spite of this , he continued to consider himself a traditional Jew and repeatedly attacked the excesses of Reform which , he felt , were destroying the distinctive historical individu ality of Judaism . Over the years he grew even more conservative and fou ght , through congregational work, articles , and teaching, to stem the tide of radical Reform . � Il Like all of his fellow Jewish editors , J astrow supported those proj ects dedicated to preserving and strengthening Jewish life in America. H e taught a t Maimonides C ollege from 1 867 until i t closed in 1 87 5 , serving as professor of Tal mu d , Hebrew, philosophy, and Jewish h istory and , after Isaac Leeser's death in 1 868, as provost . He promoted the founding of the Young Men's Hebrew Association and the J ewish Theological Seminary. A Zionist , he later served as vice-president of the Federation of American Zionist s . 29 In 1 8 76, Jastrow's health began to deteriorate, and from that point on , he limited his activity to congregational work and scholarship . In 1 892 , he became rabbi emeritus of his congregation . Throughout the latter part of his life , from 1 87 6 until his death i n 1 903 , he worked on what was to become his major contribut ion to Jewish scholarship, the monumental Dictionary oj the Targumim, the Talmud Rabli and Yerushalmi, and the Midrashic Literature ( 1 903). Beginning in 1 89 5 , J astrow also served as editor-in-chief of the B ible translation proj ect of the Jewish Publication Society. III Surely J as trow's coeditors did not expect this older, frail Philadelphian to participate much in the day-to-day work of the New York-based ency clopedia project . I nstead , his involvement was important primarily for symbolic reasons . W ith his inclusion , traditionalist J ews could be assured that the field of rabbinics would be treated with both scholarly excellence and sympathy by a traditional Jew - not a radical Reformer. I t is also possible that they harbored the hope that the elder J astrow's presence might temper the radical views of his son . 3 1 With the addition of Marcus J astrow , the original editorial board was complete . These men (with the exception of Moore) represented the schol arly elite of American Jewry and were generally united by a commitment to scholarship and to the strengthening of Jewish religious and cultural
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institutions in America . H aving worked together before t o promote the development of Jewish life , they would try to do so again on a project that they surely felt would bring them closer to this goal . However, the collabo rative effort would prove more difficult than anyone could anticipate . The board was a fragile alliance of rabbis and l aymen , traditionalists and reformers , Jews and C hristian s . Despite efforts to achieve a balance , the company had assembled a group weighted in favor of Reform and critical B ible scholarship , a bias which would become increasingly obvious as the editors started to work and began grappling with substantive matters of Jewish self- perception , belief, and practice . It is ironic that , by creating an editorial board of scholars , Funk & Wagnalls both ensured that the ency clopedia would have the support and expertise necessary for its comple tion , and at the same time greatly complicated the process by which this would be accomplished . As part of the joint agreement that formed this editorial board , Singer's title was downgraded from chairman of the editorial board to managing editor. Not willing to admit defeat , Singer later explained this change as a magnanimous gesture on his part . He claimed that he had stepped down as editor- in-chief out of modesty, because he did not want to be in a position superior to such prominent scholars as M arcus Jastrow and Kauf mann Kohler. He also refused the chairmanship of the executive commit tee , appointing Kohler as its head . 3 2 The executive committee proceedings offer a detailed glimpse of how subsequent editorial work would be accomplished . This committee would , under the guidance of the editorial board , designate which topics were to be treated ; decide upon a list of collaborators , assign the articles to them , calculate how much space would be allotted to each topic , suggest subj ects to be illustrated pictorially, review all translated entries , and edit articles submitted by collaborators - including the office staff- whose authority on Jewish subj ects was "not unquestioned ." Proofs of all articles written in English would be sent to their authors for correction , and those articles treating what they called "important" subj ects - potentially controversial ones - would be signed by contributors . The report emphasizes that the board would take steps to prevent and , if necessary, eliminate all bias from articles ; and while it calls for the assistance of both an American and a foreign board of consulting editors , it warns that ultimate responsibility for each department would lie with its editor, who was to manage the depart ment with an eye toward keeping down expenses and not delaying the progress of the work . A five-year time limit was set for the completion of the encyclopedia. The estimated size of each volume was listed as six hundred fifty pages (down from earlier estimates of one thousand) , with publication according to the following schedule : "two volumes by January
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The Emergence ojJewish Scholarship in A merica
1 , 1 90 1 ; three volumes in 1 902 ; three volumes in 1 903 ; and four volumes in 1 904."33 Members of the local executive committee , exclusive of S inger and , of course , Fun k , would receive one thousand dollars per annum, while the rest of the department editors would receive five hundred . All collabora tors , editors included , would be paid five dollars per printed page of about one thousand English word s . If the article was written in a foreign lan guage , payment would be only $3 . 50 per page . Singe r's compensation was forty dollars a week (thirty-five plus five for a life insurance premium) . H i s salary was considered a n advance , since Singer alone w a s to share w i t h the company in the profits . ·\4 This report , signed b y Kohler, Gottheil , Singer, and Funk, was mailed to the other members of the board for their consideration . At the same time , Singer sent a personal note to Adler beseeching him to give his final approval to joining the board . Though favorably impressed with both Funk and Singer after meeting them personally on M arch 1 , Adler was still hesitant about participating: He continued to fear lack of control over a project which would bear his n ame as one of its editors . To alleviate these fears , Adler, through Gottheil , h ad offered his services as literary editor in order to ensure a prominent role in shaping the finished work. The com pany did not act on Adler's suggestion but sought instead to satisfy his underlying concern by agreeing to send all the galley proofs to every editor for approval . Though necessary for placating the hesitant Adler, this cum bersome procedure would later imperil the entire project . 1 °, One other issue that disturbed Adler was the position of Morris J astrow on the editorial board . C oncerned about Jastrow's commitment to higher biblical criticism , Adler feared that J astrow would inject partisanship into his treatment of biblical topics and turn the encyclopedia into a battle groun d . The question had been discussed at the M arch 1 meeting, where it was unanimously agreed to maintain a nonpart isan stance in the work . Since J astrow h ad missed that meeting, Adler wanted written assurance from him that he concurred with and would abide by this decision . Upon receiving a satisfactory reply from J astrow , Adler notified Funk & Wagnalls of his formal acceptance . :J" The last obstacle blockin g the way to a final agreement was the still existent opposition of the C e ntral Conference of American R abbi s . Some rabbis felt that the CCAR should take a wait-and-see attitude and not endorse the encyclopedia before it appeared . A few wished to continue with their own planned encyclopedia. Meanwhile , Deutsch , who had just attended the Funk & Wagnalls March 1 meeting, tried to explain to his colleagues how his doubts had been assuaged . H e noted that Singer was personally an honest man who simply lacked theological learning and that his role in the proj ect had been downgraded : Singer "is at present to be the
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49
managing editor. That means the clerk." Deutsch later explained this to mean that Singer would be "business manager." H e insisted that the real scientific work would be in the hands of an American board of editors aided by a foreign advisory board , both of which would be made up of prominent scholars . Furthermore , he noted that the title page of the ency clopedia would give credit to that board of editors . Given these assurances and , above all , given the fact that both Deutsch and Kohler were accepting positions on the Jewish Encyclopedia board , a majority of the CCAR voted on M arch 1 5 , 1 899 to enter into discussion with Funk & Wagnalls with the aim of cooperating on its encyclopedia.!) H aving overcome the major obstacles to an agreement , Funk & WagnallS drew up a formal contract, dated March 2 8 , 1 899 , that incorpo rated the results of the previou s months' discussions . I t included one addi tional provision : I f, after the publication of volume one , Funk & Wagnalls would find its capital endangered , it could notify Singer, giving him six months to pay an amount equal to the outlay. Upon receipt of the money, Funk & Wagnalls would turn the work over to him . I f, however, Singer did not pay, then Funk & Wagnall S would have the right to dispose of the work as it pleased . In covering itself, the firm was accurately anticipating future problems , for the provision would be invoked within three years . lH
Publicizing the Agreement H aving finally negotiated a contract , Funk & WagnallS was anxious to put to rest all remaining criticism by publicizing the agreement . In Sep tember 1 899 , a new announcement was issued that prominently displayed the names of all eight board members on the cover. Their educational credential s , teaching positions , and other noteworthy biographical infor mation were listed , along with the encyclopedia department for which they were responsible . Singer's name appeared as one of the eight , with his department that of modern biography. Only underneath, in smaller type , was he listed as managing editor. '" This announcement emphasized the breadth of collaboration , noting that the encyclopedia would be prepared by over three hundred specialists under the supervision of the editorial board , which itself would be assisted by consulting editors both in America and abroad . These editors' names , along with a partial list of contributors , were also displayed . The group included many world-renowned scholars and rabbis , several of whom would later join the editorial board during the course of the proj ect . Obvi ously, this announcement was designed to deemphasize Singer's role and demonstrate beyond a doubt that the project was in the hands of virtually every imaginable expert . 40
50
The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship in America
The pamphlet was written with a dual audience in mind and contains two separate statements : one , by the publisher, directed toward non J ewish readers and one , by the editorial board , addressed to Jews . Both sections point to the absence of an accurate record of Jewish activity and Judaism throughout the ages as being a major motivation for the project . Both also stress the scholarly qualifications of those now associated with the Jewish Encyclopedia and the absolute impartiality that would character ize it . Yet , in other areas , the two statements diverge , reflecting the different agendas of the two parties . The editors wanted to publicize their under standing of the goal of the encyclopedia: to provide a comprehensive summary of the results of research on Jews and Judaism for a public increasingly interested in the topic . Unlike the earlier prospectus and announcement, there is no mention of Singe r's goals concerning the future of Judaism . The one issue with which the editors do exhibit particular concern is bias . Anticipating, with good reason , that not every article would reflect e ach o f their many viewpoints, they reiterate the M arch 1 899 decision that "all important articles will be signed by the contributors , i n order that the reader may know who is directly responsible for t h e state ments they contain ." This would at least allow individual editors to dissoci ate themselves from obj ectionable material . 41 In contrast to the editors' announcement , the publishers devote several paragraphs to answering the unwritten question : Why would a Christian company agree to publish a Jewish encyclopedia? As the publisher explain s : "Even in the chaff of Jewish history there is often more nourish ment than in the corn of the best of that of other nation s ." Funk, who shared Singer's original universalistic hopes for the proj ect , echoes them here . While not mentioning Singer's plans for Judaism , this section does reiterate the hope that the work would aid i n the eradication of anti-Jewish prejudice and promote j ustice , love , and brotherhood for all . At the same time , the choice of words reveal s Funk's fundamentally Christian orienta tion . The announcement explains that the Jewish people is the wonder of historical wonders , for "there was a special divinity over this people ever shaping its ends , rough-hewn as they often were."42 This use of the past tense serves to highlight his underlying Christian bias , an attitude which would become even more obvious over time , provoking suspicion that would strain the working relationship between Funk and Singer.
Editorial Board R eadjustments As the editors got down to business , they first had to complete the list of subject headings , for this was the foundation upon which the entire work would be built . Singer's list of fifteen thousand items was augmented as
The Board of EdltoTS and Volume One
51
each editor Wl'nt through the literature of his specialty. This revised list was then sent to the other seven editors as well as to other scholars for review and revision . Estimates of the size of this l ist ranged from twenty thousand to just under fiftv thousand. 41 In actual ity, work on volume one began before this listing was com pleted . As the list for the initial letters of the alphabet was approved , subj ects were assigned to the appropriate departments. The executive committee drew u p general guidelines for the number of words in each department . The n , each editor apportioned lengths for articles in his department. This was determined both by estimating the number of words necessary to cover each topic adequately and by comparin g the proposed length with others in that department to keep size in proper proportion . Finally, the editors asked hundreds of individual s to write one or more articles . H All did not proceed as smoothly a s planned . N o sooner did work begin than Moore asked to be released from his commitment to the JE. Appar ently he was too busy, having assumed , among other responsibilitie s , the presidency of Andover Seminary. He expressed "sincere regret" at having to leave the project and years later recalled his involvement positively: "I shall always be glad that I was associated , at least i n that preliminary stage , with a work which others carried through to be a success l arger than our anticipations ."'" Moore's place on the board was filled by C rawford Toy, who had been approached initially for the position . Toy was a Baptist minister and Ori entalist scholar who served as professor of Hebrew at the Southern Baptist Theological Seminary for ten years before he was forced to resign in 1 8 7 9 amidst controversy over his espousal of higher biblical criticism . In 1 880 , however, he was appointed H ancock Professor of Hebrew and Oriental Languages at Harvard U niversity, where he earned an excellent reputa tion as a Bible critic and scholar i n the history of religion s . His Judaism and Christianity ( 1 890) was an attempt to understand the Jewish origins of C hristianity. Many J ewish scholars felt that he was more sympathetic to Judaism than most critical Bible scholars , though they recognized that he still retained an underlying Christian bias . Kohler wrote that Toy was "of all C hristian theologian s , the finest and most liberal one in America." Given this opinion , the editors might have felt that he would be even more likely to do justice to Judaism than M oore . 46 The encyclopedia proj ect was also hindered by a lack of communication among the editors . Adler, for example , complained in October 1 899 that he did not know the modus operandi for assigning articles in his depart ment . Even when the procedure was clarified, not everyone approved of it . Adler argued that part of the problem l ay i n a lack of judgment and deliberation in the initial assignment of articles. There is evidence to
52
The Emergence Dc/Jewish Scholarship i n A merica
support his contention : Some topics were apparently misassigned , with editors later transferring them to other departments. In addition , collabo rators questioned the lengt h assigned to certain subjects , arguing that they could not cover a topic i n so few words or that an insignificant topic should not be allotted so many. Inordinate amounts of paperwork were created trying to resolve these matters , and the process of actually obtaining suit able articles became much more time-consuming than originally anticipated . + 7 As the inefficiency of the process became apparent , several suggestions were made to streamline it . First of all , Adler suggested i n December 1 899 that , to solve p roblems in communication , all correspondence with con tributors come from the central office . Second , concerned about the delay in receiving articles of proper quality, Singer proposed , in March 1 900 , that the most eminent and reliable contributors write as many of the short articles on subjects beginning with the letter "B" as possible. Editors would then be able to avoid the lengthy process of inquiring overseas as to whether someone would agree to write , only to receive a negative reply and have to repeat the procedure again . The additional problem of those who agreed to collaborate and then took months to send in articles and/or sent i n inferior work would also be minimized . A third problem, the duplication of research , would be eliminated if one collaborator wrote all the articles on a given subj ect . Funk & Wagnalls , wishing to speed up the process even more , expressed its desire to restrict collaboration in general as much as possible to American writers :" Though these procedural changes were made , Adler, for one , still felt overburdened . As he wrote to his fiancee: The Encyclopedia keeps me busy every night ; I have a stenographer coming at 7 : 30 each evening and work as long as the flesh and spirit hold . [ wish it were at the bottom of the sea - I mean the Encyclopedia. 49
Funk su ggested in a letter to Adler that perhaps he was taking his responsibility too seriously. Funk assured him that urgent requests for articles sent from the office to everyone were intended more as reminders than demands and were certainly not meant to upset the writers . 5 0 Another way the firm sought to minimize difficulties of organization and coordination was by hirin g J oseph J acobs to serve both on the editorial board and as a member of Funk & Wagnall s' office staff. Jacobs was well suited for this task . Born in Australia i n 1 854, he was educated at C am bridge University before h e went t o Berlin , where he studied Jewish litera ture and bibliography with Moritz Steinschneider and Jewish philosophy and ethnology with Moritz Lazaru s . Returning to England , J acobs soon established a reputation as an author, editor, and j ou rnalist ; he wrote intelligently and prolifically in the fields of history, literature , archaeology,
The noard oj r_'dZtors and Volume Onl'
and folklore , and became a central figure in the revival of Anglo-J ewish l i fe , Interested in its early history, J acobs authored The Jews oj A ngevin England ( 1 8 7 3 ) , He also went to Spain to search for written sources of J ewish history and discovered over one thousand records which he incor porated into A n Enquiry into the Sources oj the History oj theJews oj/)'pain ( 1 894) , Seeking to apply his knowledge of folklore and archaeology to the Jewish sphere , J acobs w rote Studies in Biblical A rchaeology ( 1 894) . H e was active in promoting the Anglo-Jewish H istorical Exhibition of 1 887 and subse quently helped organize the Jewish Historical Society of England ( 1 89 3 ) . I n 1 896 , h e founded and edited t h e Jewish Year Book. 5 1 J acobs' literary talents and versatility m ade him an ideal choice for the position of liaison between the editors and the firm , As Sulzberger recalled , the collaboration of many foreign scholars necessitated the hiring of someone such as J acobs to ensure that the actual editing of articles would be of the highest caliber. Funk & Wagnalls wrote to Jacobs as early as June 1 899 (before the organizational problems had become acute) ask ing him to participate in the p roj ect . A t first J acobs was not interested but , upon being led to believe that Adler would b e "the guiding influence in the scheme ," he changed his mind , By November 1 89 9 , J acobs formally offered his services to Gottheil , pleased that he might have the opportunity to devote himself full-time to his Lieblingsstudium ("favorite subject") , Juda ism . Like the other editors , J acobs was dedicated both to uncovering and conveying the truth about Jews and Judaism and to summing up the labors of Wissenschajt des Judentums, His hope was that , by being perma nently attached to Funk & Wagnalls' staff, he would be "sufficiently in touch with all sides of its work to be able to carry out the principles of the Board of Editors continuously." Actually, though , Jacobs was not quite certain how he would do this. I n February of 1 900, he admitted to col leagues that he was going to work on the encyclopedia "in what capacity I do not quite know , whether as hodman , overseer or a sort of Jacobs of all trades . " ',2 Adler was delighted that J acobs had accepted the position. This is not surprising, since Jacobs was , in many ways , his English counterpart . The two had met when Adler visited England , and Adler was quite taken with Jacobs, whom he described at the time as very keen , a good tal ker, and the "foremost Jewish literary man in England," whose fine reputation was "in keeping with the man ." Even though Adler was aware that Jacobs h ad both a "sarcastic tongue" and "enemies" in the United States (acquired during an 1 896 visit) , Adler nonetheless insisted that "as for capability and work I say emphatically that no better man in the whole English Jewish world could be got Wd Adler's enthusiasm for Jacobs' decision stemmed not simply from the specific skills he would bring to the encyclopedia. Adler surely realized
54
The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship in A merica
that J acobs' consent to j oin the board signified that an aura of success had already enveloped the proj ect and , consequently, in terms of Jewish schol arship , the country from which it was emanating. The move of one of England's foremost scholars to the United States for the express purpose of participating in the proj ect would indicate better than any pronouncement or brochure that the Jewish Encyclopedia would be more than the sum of its parts, that it would indeed signify a geographic shift i n the center ofJewish intellectual life . Jacobs himself was cognizant of the symbolic importance of the venture , explaining that the encyclopedia enterprise and its editors had persuaded him that Jewish scholarship would indeed flourish in the U nited States. As he told his colleagues in England upon his departure : I
had been h o p i n g that to England w o u l d fall the honou r of lead i n g t h e
J e w i s h world i n the 20th c e n t u ry, but
I
m u s t c o n fe s s there a r e few i n d i c a
t i o n s o f y o u r holdi n g m u ch l o n ge r the l e ad i n J e w i sh thought or acti o n i n
these islands . . . . When the new generation of American Jews take their fai r share in academic American work, when Jewi sh science becomes o rgan i s e d in America, there are great hopes that the intellectual centre ofJudaism may fix its quarters across the Atlantic . 5·\
Once in this country, Jacobs helped transform this perception into a reality through his own accomplishments . I n addition to his work on the JE, he became involved in the Jewish Publication Society and the Ameri can Jewish H istorical Society. H e served as editor of the A merican Hebrew from 1 906 until his death ( 1 9 1 6) . He edited the A merican Jewish Year Book and directed the Bureau of Jewish Statistics . In addition , he taught English literature and rhetoric at the Jewish Theological Seminary. With his many specifically literary accomplishment s , J acobs was particularly influential in establishing English as the langu age of the eff10rescence of American Jewish life . 5 5 J acobs was working at the Funk & Wagnalls office by the spring of 1 900 . That his position was still u nclear was due not only to the myriad tasks he was called upon to perform but also to the tension which his presence provoked , particularly with Singer. After all , if J acobs was to be both literary editor and liaison between the firm and the editors , what then was left for the managing editor to do? A review of the changing masthead on the encyclopedia stationery reveals some of the ways in which the company dealt with this problem. J acobs was first listed with his coeditors as head of the department of the Jews of England . Singer's name appeared twice as before , first with the editors as head of the department of modern biogra phy and again below as managing editor. In a subsequent version , how ever, J acobs - along with Frederick de Sola Mendes - was l isted not with the editors but below them with Singer: J acobs as literary editor and Mendes as chief of the translating bureau . 56
The Board oj Editors and Volume One
55
B y 1 90 1 , the stationery was again reprinted . Jacobs' and Mendes' names were now moved up and listed with the other editors , J acobs as head of the departments of the Jews of England and anthropology / revising editor, and Mendes as chief of the bureau of translating / revising editor. Singer's name , in addition to its placement with the department editors , was now listed below as projector and managing editor. This suggests that an attempt was being made to placate Singer by reaffirming his special status and by giving him an additional title . The actual job of revising the manuscripts , however, rested with Jacobs and Mendes. I t must b e added here that Jacobs was a m ajor contributor to the encyclopedia. In addition to his substantial editing responsibilities , he also wrote over fou r hundred arti cles on diverse topics and was primarily responsible for unearthing the twenty-five hundred illustrations that are so valuable a part of the work . 5; The changing mastheads also renect the fortunes of Mendes . H i s name was moved up on the stationery because he insisted on a full appointment to the editorial board - claiming that his name would increase the sales of the work. In addition to overseeing all translations , Mendes assumed the administrative responsibilities of the office committee which consisted of himself, Singer, J acobs, Funk , and V izitelly. This new position did not last long, however. Mendes , whose primary focus was his congregation , any way, was probably overshadowed by the full-time editor Jacobs , and he resigned in 1 902 . :, H Two other individual s also j oined the project at this time : Herman Rosenthal and Louis Ginzberg. Rosenthal filled an important gap in cov erage , for his expertise was Eastern European Jewry. By heading a depart ment of Russian Jewry, Rosenthal embodied the board's commitment to full treatment of this heretofore neglected topic . Rosenthal was born in Latvia i n 1 843 . H e became a writer and printer and was initially an ardent Russophile and member of the St. Petersburg Society for the Promotion of C ulture Among the Russian Jews . He also figured prominently in the H askalah movement in Russia, contributing to various H ebrew periodi cal s , including Ha-melits . I n the wake of the pogroms of 1 88 1 , however, Rosenthal became disillusioned and changed the focus of his effort s . He decided that emigration was the only logical course for Russian Jews , and worked with the Am Olam Society to further the establishment of agricul tural colonies for Jews i n the United States . In that capacity, he himself emigrated in 1 88 1 . A year later, Rosenthal succeeded in founding the first such colony at Sicily I sl and , Louisiana, though its success was short-lived . H e later participated in the administration of the colony in Woodbine , New Jersey. ,,'J Rosenthal was proficient in Hebrew , Russian , Polish , and German and beginning in 1 898, served as head of the Slavonic department of the New York Public Library. He brought a wealth of knowledge to his work on the
56
The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship in A merica
encyclopedia. I n addition to his role as editor, he wrote hundreds of arti cles in his department . Singer l ater recalled how eloquently and convinc ingly Rosenthal fou ght at editorial board meetings for more space for his articles about Russian and Polish communities and personalities . 60 Louis Ginzberg was an important addition to the proj ect because he could write many entries on the rabbinic period for M arcus J astrow's department . Ginzberg, a great scholar noted for his erudition in matters of Jewish law and lore , was born in Kovno in 1 87 3 . He studied first at the yeshivot of Kovno and Telz and later at the Universities of Berlin , Stras bourg, and Heidelberg, where he received his Ph . D . in 1 898 . One year l ater, he immigrated to the United States, believing he had been invited to teach at the Hebrew Union College . Upon his arrival , however, Ginzberg learned that the invitation had been withdrawn . Isaac M ayer Wise had heard a rumor that Ginzberg accepted the results of higher biblical criti cism and was not reassured by David Philipson's sponsorship of him. Paradoxically, Wise also feared that Ginzberg would influence HUC stu dents to lead an Orthodox life . 61 Ginzberg later recalled that he starting working on the Jewish Encyclope dia "purely by acciden t ," but apparently his participation was more deliber ately planned . Unemployed at the time , he was anxious to attach himself to a project in which he could excel . H e met Singer and the other editors one day at the Public Library (located next to the Lafayette Street office of Funk & Wagnalls) , after which they invited him to drop by the office . There Ginzberg impressed the editors by pointing out twenty-five duplica tions of titles on a page of proposed topics copied from French , German , and other sources. I n light of the obvious benefit he could be to the proj ect , Kohler asked him to prepare some articles . The formal request to join the proj ect came from Deutsch in J anuary of 1 900 . 62 Ginzberg eventually took over as head of the department of rabbinical l iterature . How this change in status occurred is not clear. According to the more idealized version , M arcus J astrow was so taken with Ginzberg's knowledge that he recommended that primary responsibility be transfer red from himself to Ginzberg. In actu ality, Ginzberg threatened to with draw from the project unless given full authority as a member of the editorial board . Kohler recommended to Funk that he accept this ultima tum because he was convinced that volume one would not be ready on time without Ginzberg's valuable aid . 63 An important behind-the-scenes figure in the publication of the JE was Abraham S. Freidu s , head of the Jewish literature department at the New York Public Library. Rebecca Kohut recalls him as one of the principle compilers of the encyclopedia. Though this is not the case , and neither the biographical entry on Freidus in the JE nor Gottheil's necrology makes mention of his participation , Freidus did place his expertise as a bibliogra-
The Board of Editors and Volume One
57
pher a t the disposal o f collaborators . J acobs dubbed h i m "our pocket Steinschneider."ti4
Making Editorial Decisions In struggling to complete the first volum e , the board or, more specifi cally, the executive committee , was confronted with making numerous decisions for which there was neither guideline nor precedent , since this was to be the first encyclopedia of its kind . Even simple editorial determi nations were crucial , for they often signified larger substantive choice s . F o r exampl e , t h e basic question of whether to list articles under Hebrew o r English titles involved t h e broader issue of t h e audience for whom the encyclopedia was intended . Morris J astrow was more concerned about general readers and cautioned that "the purpose of the J. E . will be 3/4 lost if we m ake the work inaccessible to English readers ." Other editors felt differently and probably wanted some information to remain obscure to non-Jewish readers . This simple issue became part of a more complicated battle between traditionalist and liberal editors that would be reflected in choices made throughout the volumes . ,,', Along the same lines, editors had to determine which topics merited separate listings and , once so designated , how those topics should be treated . In the field of talmudic l iterature , for example, M arcus J astrow and Singer chose to treat single tractates of the Talmud separately in their proper alphabetical place , giving information about their content and influence . The article "Talmud" would cover topics in broad outline and deal with matters such as "critical apparatus." The rationale beh ind this decision was that "we intend to compile not a scholarly textbook . . . but rather to give educated laymen a convenient reference book ."(;(; Similarly, Singer wanted to treat small Jewish communities separately in alphabetical place . Deutsch disagreed , but Singer insisted that they "leave out no information available ." By way of explanation , Singer wrot e : "Our Encyclopedia ought , according t o some , n o t only s u m up t h e results of the science of Judaism but also prepare the material for the historian of the future ." Apparently, Sin ger had his way on this matter as well . He mentioned , for example , the importance of listing the exact date of the first Jewish settlement in Prague and the name of the earliest known settler, information that is, in fact , given in volume ten under "Prague ."6 7 The manner of treatment of biblical subj ects was a particularly contro versial issu e . Adler had been wary of M orris Jastrow from the start and , though temporarily appeased i n M arch 1 899 , was still worried about including the results of higher biblical criticism . Solomon Schechter, then still at C ambridge University but having promised Kohler to take part in
58
The Emergence ojJewish Scholarship in A merica
the proj ect , also expressed concern over the matter. Writing to Adler, Schechter explained : I cannot help telling you (in confidence) that the fact o f J astrow j u n . being the editor of Bible makes me rather suspicious against it. This means Welhausianism pure and simple ; and what is worse is that J . is so proud of his i mpartiality that he i s sure to take sides against u s when there i s the least chance of doing so. This branch ought to have been given to a man of deeper i ns i ght and larger sympathies than little J . i s. 68
Eventually, a compromise was reached , resulting, in many cases , in triple treatment of biblical article s . The policy was to give "first , the state ments in the B ible as they appear; second , the interp retation put on them in the Talmud and later Jewish writers , and , third , the views held by recent scholars , whether of the critical school or not ."6 1 Thus , Kohler still wrote t h e article "Benedictions ," b u t Adler's initial appears as editor. In subsequent volumes , Dembitz wrote many of the articles for Adler, and the article "Liturgy" itself was written by Blau . Thanks to the traditionalist presence , the encyclopedia preserves rich bits of information about Jewish practice at the tu rn of the century. One learns both how certain authorities believed a particular ritual ought to be observed as well as how it actually was performed among various groups of Jews . For example , in the article "Hosha'na Rabbah ," Dembitz describes
1 60
The Emergence ojJewish Scholarship in A merica
some of the variations in synagogue customs on that day - that Sabbath psalms were inserted and the fuller kedushah recited in the mussaf or add itional p rayer. The author notes that i n Amsterdam and a few places in E n gland and America, the shofar was sounded . F i n al l y, the article pre serves i n formation on
the modern custom of meeting soc i al ly on that night and reading Deuteronomy, Psal m s , and passages from the Zohar, of reciting some caba listic prayers , and of eating in the intervals cake s , frui t s , and other refreshments. 52
Most entries on Jewish religious practice carry transliterated Hebrew t i t l e s , obviou sly reflecti n g a s e n s i t i v i t y among t h e editors t o the d u al aud i ence for which the encyclopedia was intended . The encyclopedia i n cludes
traditional material so that an interested and fairly knowledgeable Jewish reader could find complete , detailed information about specific observ ances. By entering these topics under Hebrew transliterations , however, the editors lessened the chance that a casual non-Jewish reader would find anythi n g t o t a i n t the positive i m age o f Judaism that t h e y were t r y i n g to portray. For in stance , one reads about t h e J e w i sh Sabbath i n volume ten
Goy" i s found one volume later under its Hebrew transliteration . The reader unfamiliar with that somewhat pej orative Hebrew term could read a long positive article on the Jewish Sabbath (which mentions "Shabbat goy" only briefly in the section on laws) . Yet , since the encyclopedia has no index , this
u n d e r the E n gl i s h - titled " S abbat h ," b u t t h e article "Shabbat
r e a d e r w o u l d be u n l ikely t o h a p p e n upon t h e short , specialized a r t i c l e on wh a t the editors probably considered a less-than-laudable use of non Jewish assistance . I n the same vein , sometimes more than one article covers the same general topic , with each entry geared to a different audience . For instance , the Hebrew-titled entries "SheJ:!itah ," "Bedikah ," and "MeliJ:!ah" detail the minutiae of dietary laws for the Jewish reader concerned with observance , while "Dietary Laws" and "C ruelty to Animals" highlight for the non Jewish reader the superiority of Jewish methods of slau ghter.
Judaism - the Traditionalist View
Traditionalists were not only concerned with articles on specific observ ance s . They also tried to counter the more general description put forth by Kohler in 'Judaism ." The first indication of this response is the asterisk and note inserted with the article "Judaism : "
Theolog) and Philosophy I t i s n a i ll ral t h a i d i\Trge n t \'i e w s u p o n
;;0
161
c o m p l e x a s u b j e c t ;; h o u l e! e x i ;; t .
The foll o w i n g a r t i c l e is frankly w r i t t e n from t h e ;;tandpo i n t of Reform J u d a I s m . F o r a pres e n t a t i o n of t h e m o r e c o n ;;ervat i v c aspect of the s u bject see
RELIGION: T H EOLOGY. '"
The reader i s thereby alerted that despite the all-inclusivc title 'Judaism ," this article i s not to be regarded as a definitive summary of its totality. 54 Actually, no entry "Religion" appears ; "Theology" served as the conserv ative counter to 'Judaism ." In response to the opposition to Kohler's 'Juda ism ," editors needed an appropriate heading later in the alphabet under which to include the traditional view ; how ironic that the title chosen was "Theology" - that aspect of Judaism spccifically cultivated by Reform I Per haps it is an important reminder that Reform was to retain a measure of influence even in traditional sections of later volumes . Significantly, "The ology," written by J acob Zallel Lauterbach , still bears Kohler's editorial initial . Lauterbach had come to the United States i n 1 903 to join the office staff of the encyclopedia, an appointment that undoubtedly represented a con cession to the traditionalists . Born in old-world Galicia, he was steeped in traditional Torah study and piety and l ater pursued secular studies at the University of Berlin . Interestingly, Lauterbach completed his doctorate at the University of G6ttingen under the famed Bible critics Julius Wellhausen and Rudolph Smend , but then returned to Berlin to receive his rabbinical diploma from the traditional rabbi and vocal opponent of higher biblical critici s m , David Hoffmann . H e continued to follow t radi tional practice for several years after his arrival in the U. S . , and even after he came to accept Reform i n both theory and practice , he retained his respect and affection for traditional Judaism . '" This mixture of traditional Jewish and secular scholarly credentials with old-world piety made Lauterbach an ideal choice to present the tradition alist viewpoint . It is very likely that Kohler approved of him as much as the traditional editors did , for as K ohler h ad written in 1 895 : "I want broad-minded , bold and independent thinkers, and also warm-hearted , pious souls, full of reverence for the past ." Lauterbach embodied the ideal of that piou s sou l . Evidently, Kohler was equally impressed with Lauter bach's scholarly credential s , for he later invited him to serve as professor of Talmud at H ebrew Union C ollege , where Lauterb ach remained until after his reli rement . In 1 9 2 2 , he also succeeded Kohler as active chai rman of the Committee on Responsa of the Central Conference of American Rabbis . 56 Lauterbach wrote 2 60 articles for volumes seven through twelve of the encyclopedi a . Most are short , routine b iographies of talmudic rabbis or definitions of concepts and terms in rabbinic literature . 57 "Theology," how-
1 62
The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship in A merica
ever, is a lengthy, original essay clearly designed to be the official , tradi tional response to "Judaism ." Though the latter is n�ver openly refuted , it serves as a backdrop for "Theology." The way Lauterbach orchestrates his response lends great insight into the traditionalist mentality of the time and its relationship with Reform . The content of the entry is vastly different from that of 'Judaism ." Lauterbach sets the ground rules right at the start by summarizing the basic tenets of "Orthodox , or conservative Judaism" and noting that it is from this standpoint that the article is written . He explains that Judaism is regarded as a "revealed reli gion , the teachings of which were made known by God to man by supernatural mean s ." This revelation contains all the religious truths essential to guide man through life . It is not necessary to supplement them with human doctrine, nor may they be annulled . The theological system is binding and requires not only belief but also the doing of deeds by which one's life must be regulated . 58 Lauterbach devotes far less space than Kohler did to the universalistic aspects of Judaism . Even when discussing dogmas concerning the exis tence and attributes of God , Lauterbach focuses instead on the issues that have always troubled Jewish philosophers . H e attempts to resolve those internal contradictions that threaten the consistency of traditional Jewish theology : anthropomorphisms versus the incorporeality of God , for example, or human suffering versus God's kindness . An entire page of the entry is devoted to resolving the apparent conflict between the immutabil ity of God's will and the efficacy of prayer and repentance . Lauterbach argues that the concept of repentance was in God's mind before creation and therefore does not represent an attempt to change the divine will . W ithin this review of the basic tenets of Orthodoxy, however, Lauter bach's style displays curious lapses in personal conviction . H e slips in phrases such as "it is accepted dogma that ," "it is an article of faith that ," and "it is a duty," which serve to distance him from some of what he is describing. This contrast in style is best illustrated by Lauterbach's discus sion of revelation . He clearly states that "this revelation on Mt. Sinai is therefore the chief foundation of the Jewish faith ." Yet a few sentences later, he writes awkwardly that "it is therefore , set up as one of the funda mental dogmas of the Jewish religion that the Torah contained in the Pentateuch is identical with that which was revealed on M t . Sinai ." Lauterbach similarly distances himself when discussing Jewish law . He notes that it "is to be regarded, in whole or in part s , as unchangeable and irrevocable ." Elsewhere in the entry, he writes that "it is also said with reference to His ordinances that they are everlasting and unchangeable ."59 Early in the entry, Lauterbach actually tips h is h at to betray the personal bias of a non-Orthodox Jew by explaining that this theological system is binding on every "Orthodox , conservative Jew ." Of course , an "Orthodox,
Theology and Philosophy
1 63
conservative Jew" would himself have written that the system is binding on every Jew ' When describing other t raditional concepts , including Jewish people hood , exil e , and redemption , Lauterbach writes more convincingly and passionately. Discussing the concept of the chosen people , he explains that the Jewish nation was selected as the recipient of revelation because of the "special merit that the Jews possessed above other ancient peoples." Lauterbach also notes that the Jews cannot truly spread their religious ideals to the nations of the world as long as they are in exil e . H owever, he distances himself from the messianic ideal of reestablishing political inde pendence in Israel , noting awkwardly that "the belief that this will happen constitutes an article of faith in Judaism ." H e further explains that the mission of salvation through the redemption of Israel is "only an indirect and remote aim ." Of more immediate importance for Lauterbach is the providing of comfort and compensation for the sufferings of the exil e . W i t h t h i s in mind , he concludes with a t raditional message of hope . The nation must uphold its national and reli gious endowments , and not , through ill conduc t , irreligious actions , and antirational endeavors , frustrate or make difficult its redemption . When the Jewish people believe in their redemption , when they deserve it with all their hearts, and when with all their actions they strive to deserve it - then the redeemer may at any time arise from among them 60
Lauterbach's article thus provides a key to understanding the tradition alist presence i n the encyclopedia. With all his attention to Orthodox ideology, Lauterbach still finds ways to distance himself from concepts such as the Mosaic authorship of the Torah and the immutability of Jewish law . This is an important indicator that though Lauterbach and his fellow traditionalist collaborators differed from their more liberal counterparts in their commitment to Jewish peoplehood , their personal observance of mitsvot , and their uneasiness with Reform , all shared with their Reform collaborators a modern , historical conception of Judaism and were united by their commitment to strengthening Jewish life and Wissenschajt des Judentums in America . Thu s , though ideological battles between Reform and traditionalist factions were fough t openly in the press , though editors continued to differ publicly on the specifics of belief and practice , and though privately some expressed disapproval and disappointment with each other, individuals from both groups would continue to work together on many substantive projects , especially the Jewish Publication Society's B ible translation . At the same time , the encyclopedia's t reatment of sensitive topics in Judaism served to accentuate differences among traditionalists them-
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selves . Collaborators such as Drachman and Eisenstein , more comfortable with an Orthodox perspective , were less able to reconcile their views with the encyclopedia's . Drachman's entries are limited primarily to the first three volumes . Eisenstein remained active in the project , but , as we have seen, he later publicly criticized both the encyclopedia and the J ewish Theological Seminary for its enlightened traditionalism . 6 1 The emergence of that modern , traditionalist approach to Judaism is closely tied to developments on the larger American Jewish scene . I t was at this time that the JTS , under Solomon Schechter's leadership aggressively articulated its Conservative position in contradistinction to Reform . This in turn stimulated the growth of American Orthodoxy by those who shared
the goal of creating a modern A merican traditional Judaism but fel t that the JTS was becoming too liberal . Thus, just as Drachman's collaboration on the encyclopedia ended , so too did his career at JTS . He turned his efforts to strengthening American Orthodoxy and eventually joined the faculty of the Rabbi Isaac Elchanan Theological Seminary. 62 I n sum, t reatment of the Jewish religion i n the encyclopedia testifies to the growing recognition on the part of American J ewish leaders of the need to educate both Christians and Jews about Judaism . Articles provide a fascinating record of both the specific tactics employed in countering C hristian polemics and the unique perspectives of Reform and modern traditionalist Jewish leaders on basic religious issues . Finally, the encyclo pedia provides insight into the complex and frequently strong relationships among those Jewish leaders . One learns of the shared goals and language of scholarly discourse that enabled them to collaborate on substantive matters , even as they argued about the sensitive issues that threatened the delicate balance of their joint venture . I n many way s , Kaufmann Kohler exemplifies the spirit of cooperation that enabled these men to accomplish so much . His words demonstrate that though his name was synonymous with American Reform , he saw himself more as a defender of Judaism as a whole - from non-Jewish disparagement , from an Orthodoxy that threatened to fossilize it , and from radical Jews who would prefer to divorce it from what they believed were its debilitating traditional roots . It was this broad perspective or, as Cyrus Adler later wrot e , the fact that Kohler's "historic consciousness overcame his personal point of view ," that , in retrospect , constituted his most important contribution to the project . 63 I t i s , in large measure , because of such sentiments that the Jewish Encyclopedia was completed . The work remains a glorious tribute to all the men of vision who created it .
Conclusion
The Jewish Encyclopedia and the Emer g ence
of Jewish Scholarshi p in America The Jewish Encyclopedia embodied the hopes and goal s , talents and resources , efforts and ambitions of so many diverse individual s . H ow could it ever meet the grandiose expectations set for it:' I n many areas , of course , it simply did not . It never ful filled the hopes of Singer and Funk & Wagnalls in terms of subscriptions or fin ancial return . The work also fell short of their loftier ideal s : Like many others of their time , the men involved in the encyclopedia project were naive in their belief that knowledge could end prejudice . Though Funk's and Singer's visions of interfaith cooperation have been real ized to a limited extent , their collaborative effort hardly ushered in the hoped for era of universal brotherhood . The JE increased Christian understanding of Jews at the time , as the many articles and reviews indicated , but it hardly quashed antisemitism . R acial antisemitic theories continued to gain in popularity in the U nited State s , fueling restrictionist immigration sentiment in the first quarter of the twentieth century. I ronically, the encyclopedia itself was cited as support for such antisemitic arguments : In 1 922 , for example , the entry "C hazars" was used to bolster claims that the Jewish race was at least in part Mongoloid . ! Forty years l ater, Louis Finkelstein struggled to overcome the same forces of prej udice , i gnorance , and apathy that had inspired the creation of the encyclopedia. C onvinced that Judaism was probably the least understood of all major religions, he edited The Jews: Their History, Culture, and Religion . In it , he explained that his effort was "the first comprehensive description ofJudaism and the Jews ," as i f theJewish Encyclopedia had never appeared ! His word s , written in the immediate aftermath of World War II , are a sober reminder of the limited impact of the JE in terms of ending antisemitism . 2 1 65
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The Emergence ojJewish Scholarship in A merica
I t did, to a limited degree , however, achieve the goal of increasing Jewish knowledge . While never distributed widely enough to accomplish its large-scale educational obj ectives, theJE was an important resource for many individuals i n diverse Jewish communities . It was indispensable for the rabbi who , as M ax Raisin explained, "so frequently has to arm himself with Jewish information on very short notice ." It was also a godsend for research librarians . Joshua Bloch , head of the Jewish division of the New York Public Library, noted in 1 926 that "there is not a day when we . . . do not have occasion to make use of the volumes of the E ncyclopedia and to send numerous readers to its pages." The JE also contributed to the formation of adult Jewish study classes in synagogues and women's groups in the years following its publication . :! An inkling of the importance of this twelve-volume work i n many of the homes in which it was found i s revealed i n a description from the Union of A m erican Hebrew Congregations' 1 939 textbook Hillel's Happy Holidays . When the character H illel needed information on Sukkot , he explained : "I had to look in the Jewish Encyclopedia for my answer. That is the biggest book we have in our house ." "That is a good place to look for answers ," said Aunt Sophie . 4
And , o f course, the JE was very influential with regard t o subsequent encyclopedias of Judaica . It became the standard , providing concrete guidelines for topic headings , entry size , and style . Newer works could utilize , improve upon , or reject it , but theJE was the paradigm with which later attempts had to reckon . Most importan t , however, was the model of success that it represented , providing resounding proof that such a mam moth proj ect could be done and was worth doing. This message encour aged others to undertake similar enterprises . J udah David Eisenstein's Otsar yisra 'el ( 1 90 7 - 1 3) was inspired by his experiences with the Jewish Encyclopedia . Though adopting a deliberately more traditionalist stance , Eisenstein patterned his work on its style and format - and also adapted a large amount of its text for his purposes. Similarly, most of the articles in the Russian-Jewish encyclopedia, pub l ished just before World War I , were translations or summaries of the entries in the JE. 5 The Universal Jewish Encyclopedia ( 1 939-43) was the second such English langu age work, but it did not approach the JEs scholarly authoritative ness . The German EncyclopaediaJudaica ( 1 928-34) was a new and different undertaking, but it was never completed . That a passionate plea in 1 958 for a new encyclopedia based its argument on the flaws of the JE ironically illustrates how central and authoritative it still was even in the late 1 950s .
The .I E and Jewish Schola rship in A merica
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Significantly, not until the Encyclopaedia Judaica of 1 9 7 1 was another English-language encyclopedia completed on a scale large enough to sup plant the original one . 6 In the final analysi s , however, it i s in the area of scholarship that the Jewish Encyclopedia left its deepest impact , ful filling and perhaps nTn sur
passing the expectations of its editors and reviewers . Primarily, the ency clopedia provided a forum for respected scholars - experts such as Kohler, Gottheil , Kayserling, Bacher, and Jacob - to summarize their research for a broad audience . I n addition , it provided the opportunity for young scholars , especially Ginzberg and Lauterbach , to hone their skills. Both of these individuals published their first significant scholarly contributions in the JE, helping them establish the reputations upon which they built dis tinguished careers . Lauterbach published works in English on the Phari sees and the literary history of the Talmud , as well as a critical edition and English translation of the Mekhilta de-rabi yishma 'el. Ginzberg expanded research in the fields of Aggada, Geonica, liturgy, and Talmud. All told , Lauterbach and , even more so, Ginzberg played major roles in shifting the focus of research in rabbinics to the U nited States and to the English language . 7 The impact of the Jewish Encyclopedia on C hristian scholarship was most effectively tran smitted indirectly through the work of the influential , respected scholar George Foot Moore . Having been involved with the proj ect in its earliest stages, he remained favorably disposed to i t . As he later acknowledged : I have had the Encyclopedia in my hands almost daily since the volumes were successfully issued , and can bear testimony to its incalculable u seful ness as a piece of learned apparatus . Jewish scholars , brought up i n this learning, and Christian scholars who have come to their studies i n the field since the beginning of the century, may not sufficiently appreciate what it was to work with even the best apparatus previously available. H
In his master work, the multivolumed Judaism in the First Centuries of the Christian Era.' The Age of the Tannaim ( 1 92 7-30) , Moore cites the encyclope dia extensively in his notes. Surely, his sympathetic understanding of early Judaism was shaped in part by his reliance on this Jewish reference work , and it i s thus a concrete accomplishment of the encyclopedia to have directly contributed to a publication that altered the tone of subsequent Christian scholarship on Judaism . q There is no disputing that the JE also broadened the scope of Jewish knowledge . It legitimated nascent fields such as the history of Zionism , Yiddish literature , and Jewish statistics . At the same time , it facilitated the
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The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship in A merica
entry of critical B ible scholarship into mainstream Jewish Wissenschaft scholarship , and in so doing, helped legitimate A merican Jewish biblical scholarship in particular. I II Most dramatically, perhaps, the encyclopedia served as a catalyst for the blossoming of American Jewish history into a full-fledged field ; the JE contains, as we have noted , the first comprehensive review of Jewish life in America. J acob Rader Marcus , the dean of American Jewish historian s , recalls that t h e Jewish Encyclopedia immediately became the authoritative reference work in this new academic area, setting the standard which he himself followed . On a more subtle level , the legitimation of American Jewish history was certainly another way that the encyclopedia strength ened the position and prestige of American Jewry as a whol e . I I Both the passage of time and the concomitant explosion i n Jewish research in recent years have greatly diminished the importance of the encyclopedia as a unique reference work . Yet it still retains value in this regard even today, not only for those articles that remain classics in their fields , but also for its detailed information on specific aspects of nineteenth-century Jewish life . One such example of that value was beau tifully illustrated by Marcus . Discussing possible research sources for this study of the JE , he could not recall whether a certain journal was still in publication at the end of the nineteenth centu ry. Instinctively, M arcus reached for the encyclopedia itself, which he kept easily accessible, and pulled out volume nine . He turned to its listing of periodicals to find his answer while pointing out that this was still the best place to find such information . 1 2 I n t h e final analysis, the impact of t h e Jewish Encyclopedia on t h e emer gence ofJewish scholarship in America derives primarily from the fact that it was always more than the sum of its parts. The exaggerated claims about its importance found in many reviews of volume one became self- fulfilling prophecies. When the JE was first proposed in Europe in 1 89 1 , an article on the topic in the A merican Hebrew did not even b roach the possibility of its publication in the United State s . The dramatic change in attitude in the ensuing decade toward the United States as a home for serious Jewish scholarship was shaped in l arge measure by the actual production of the encyclopedia there . This was hardly accidental . As we have seen , men such as Kohler and Adler consciously strove to promote the religious , cultural , and intellectual independence of American Jewry. Their efforts quickly bore fruit . Initial skepticism on the part of European scholars such as Ahad H a-Am , Moritz Steinschneider, and Solomon Schechte r gradu ally dissipated , only to be replaced by a growing recognition of the value of the project . This induced many European scholars to participate: I f the JE was to symbolize the wave of the future , they wanted to be part of it .
The J E and Jewish Scholarship in A merica
1 69
This perception of the cent r , Bcrnanl J Bamberger, 'Jacob Z . Lauterbac h , An Informal :'vlenwir," CCA R jouTrJa/ 1 1 ( .June 1 963 ) : 3 - 8 ; Stanley R . B ra\' , ed . , Telling Tales Out oj School, Seminar), .\lemone; of the HL'C-jIR (Cincinnat i , 1 9( 5 ) , p p . 1 1 2- 1 7 ; J acob Z . Lauter bach , Studies In Jell' ish Law, Custom and Folklore, selected with an intro . by Bernard J . B ambergTr ( ;\Ie\\' York , 1 9 70) pp. vii-xiv ; and Idem, Rabbinical Essays by Jacob Z Lauterba(h ( C i ncinnat i , 1 95 1 ) . 5 6 . AlI, 4 Jan . 1 895 , p . 2 7 4 ; Bamberger, "Lauterbach ," pp. 5-8 , Lauterbach, Studies, p . xii i ; and I smar Elboge n , "American J ewish Scholarsh i p : A Su rvey," AJYR 45 ( 1 943 ) : 5 7 . 5 7 . A complete listing of these articles i s found i n Rabbinical Essap , pp . 1 2 - 1 9 . 5 8 . JE, S . v . "Theology," p . 1 28 . 5 9 . Emphasis added throughout . 60 . Ibid. , p . 1 3 7 . 6 1 . Drachman's life story is particularly instructive . Born i n New York , ordained at the B reslau Seminary with a Ph . D . from the U n iversity of Heidelberg, Drachman shared the commitments of the enlightened traditionalists while stand ing apart from the Eastern-European O rthodox Jews of the Union of Orthodox Rabb i s . H e had been one of the !(lUnders of JTSA , where he taught biblical exegesis, Hebrew , and Jewish philosophy and from 1 889 was dean of the faculty until Schechter's arrival . Yet , over time , his understanding of enlightened t radi tionalism led him away from ,JTSA to strengthen American Orthodoxy. See J ef frey S . Gurock, "Resisters and Accommodators : Varieties of Orthodox Rabbis i n America, 1 886- 1 983 ," A.JA 3 5 ( 1 98 3 ) : 1 00- 1 09 ; Idem, The Men and Women of Yeshiva: Higher Education. Orthodoxy, and A merican Judaism ( New York , 1 988) , pp . 26-2 7 ; and Davis, Emergence oj Conservative Judaism , pp. :13 5 - 3 6 . 6 2 . A fter Schechter took over, Drachman was demoted to instructor i n H ebrew and acting reader of Rabbinic Code s . Drachman i ncreasin gly expressed his dissat isfaction with the direction of the reorganized Seminary and was fired i n 1 909 . The specific issues dividing Schechter and Drachman remain obscure . Perhaps they differed mostly in style and emphasis, but such clashes symbolized larger theological and philosophical disagreements that proved critical , leading to the development of two separate religious movements. Yet , i t would take another twenty years before Bernard Revel would articulate the position of American Orthodoxy i n contradistinction to Conservatism . Drachman , The Unfailing Light, ,Hemories of an A merican Rabbi ( New York , 1 948) , pp . 2 5 3 -6 1 ; Guroc k , Yeshiva , p p . 60-66; a n d idem , "From Exception to Role M odel : Bernard Drachman a n d the Evolution ofJewish Religious Life i n American , 1 880- 1 92 0 ," AJH 76 ( June 1 98 7 ) : 456-84. 6:1 . "Kaufman Kohler," corres. arch . 3- 1 , Adler papers , JTSA . Despite their differences , Adler retained a great deal of respect and admiration for Kohler.
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These words actually refer to Kohler's work on the Jewish Publication Society's Bible translation , but they hold true for his role in the encyclopedia as wel l . C O N C LUSIO N : T H E JE WISH ENC YCLOPEDIA A N D T H E EMERG E N C E OF J EW I S H SC HOLARSH I P I N AMERICA
1 . The interfaith movement i n the 1 920s i s discussed by Lance Sussman in " 'Toward Better U nderstanding' : The rise of the Interfaith M ovement i n America and the Role of Rabbi Isaac Landman ," AJA 3 4 ( 1 98 2 ) : 3 5 - 5 1 . Robert Singerman , "The Jew as Racial Alie n : The Genetic Component of A merican Anti-Semitism ," in A nti-Semitism in A merican History, ed. David A . Gerber (Urbana, 1 986), p p . 1 03 - 2 8 . 2 . The Jews (Philadelphia, 1 949) 1 : xiii , xxi-xxxii i . 3 . TwentyJifth A nniversary oj the Jewish Encyclopedia, Congratulations and Commenda tions (New York , ( 1 926) ) , p p . 1 0 , 1 1 , and 1 5 . 4 . M amie G . Gamoran , Hillel's Happy Holidays , new ed . ( New York, 1 95 5 ) , p . 68. 5 . Shimeon Brisman , A History a n d Guide t o Judaic Encyclopedias a n d Lexicons ( C i ncinn ati , 1 98 7 ) , p p . 36-44. 6 . Ibid. , pp . 5 2 - 5 7 , 78-8 1 ; and Stanley Rypin s , "Needed : A Revised Jewish Encyclopedia," Menorah Journal 46 (Au t . lWin . 1 958) : 65-83 . 7 . Joshua Trachtenberg, "American Jewish Scholarshi p ," i n The Jewish People: Past and Present ( New York, 1 95 5 ) 4 : 4 1 7 ; and Isaiah Berger, "Hokhmat yisra'el be amerikah ," SeJer ha-shanah /i-hudei amerikah ( 1 938-9) , p. 3 5 5 . 8 . TwentyJifth Anniversary, p . 8 . 9 . Morton Smith, "The Work o f George Foot Moore ," Harvard Library Bulletin 1 5 ( 1 96 7 ) : 1 69- 7 9 ; Samuel Sandmel , "Scholar or Apologist?" i n The Teaching ojJudaica in A merican Universities: The Proceedings oj a Colloquiu m , e d . Leon A . J ick (New York, 1 9 7 0 ) , p . 1 0 7 ; JCom , 2 3 M ar. 1 90 0 , pp . 1 -2 and 1 2 Oct . 1 900, p . I ; and Moore , Judaism , 2 vol s . ( New York , 1 9 7 1 ) . 1 0 . H arry M . Orlinsky, 'Jewish Biblical Scholarship i n America,"JQR 4 5 (April 1 95 5 ) : 398; and Jonathan D. Sarna and Nahum N. Sarna , "Jewish Bible Scholar ship and Translations in the U nited States ," in Ernest S. Frerich, ed . The Bible and Bibles in A merica (Atlanta, 1 988), pp . 95- 1 0 3 . 1 1 . Joshua Bloch, "American Jewish H istoriography,"JQR 4 5 (Apr. 1 95 5 ) : 4 3 8 ; a n d M arcus to Shuly Rubin Schwart z , 3 1 Oct . 1 98 8 . 1 2 . Interview with J acob Rader M arcus , J u l y 1 98 1 . 1 3 . JExp , 20 Oct . 1 89 9 ; Schechter to Herbert Bentwich , 2 4 Dec . 1 90 1 , and Schechter to M ayer Sulzberger, 2 1 Dec . 1 89 9 , quoted i n Abraham J . Karp , "Solomon Schechter Comes to America," TheJewish Experience in A merica , ed . Abra ham J . K arp (Waltham , 1 969) 5: 1 2 1 , 1 24 - 2 6 ; and C yrus Adler to Schechter, 1 8 J an . 1 90 0 , Cyrus A dler: Selected Letters, ed . Ira Robinson (Philadelphi a , 1 985) 1 : 8 2 . 1 4 . Ha-Shiloah 8 ( ju l y-Dec . 1 90 1 ) : 2 5 5 ; Israel Friedlaender, Past and Present: Selected Essays (New York, 1 96 1 ) , pp. 1 85-205 ; and Baila Round Shargel , Practical Dreamer: Israel Friedlaender and the Shaping oj A merican Judaism ( New York , 1 985) . 1 5 . AZJ 7 0 , 9 M ar. 1 906 , p . 1 1 4 (tran s . m i ne) .
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1 6 . Bertram Wallace Korn , "German-Jewish I ntellectual Innuences on Ameri can Jewish Life 1 82 4- 1 97 1 ," in Tradition and Change in Jewish Experience, ed . A . Leland J amison (New York, 1 978) , p p . 1 1 5 - 1 6 . 1 7 . Ginzberg himself did not have the necessary command of the English lan guage . H e wrote in German , and his manuscript was translated by H e n rietta Szold and others . 1 8 . H arold S . Wechsler and Paul Ritterban d , 'Jewish Learning in American U niversitie s : The Literature of the Field ," MJ 3 (Oct . 1 983) : 2 5 6 ; Mel Scult , "The Life of M athilde Schechter," MJ 7 (Feb . 1 98 7 ) : 1 0- 1 1 ; Emil G. H irsch , "Dr. Schechter and Jewish Scholarship in America," Judaean Addresses (New York , 1 9 1 7 ) 2 : 2 5 - 2 6 ; A H, 1 8 J an . 1 89 5 , p . 3 2 0 , quoted i n Karp , "Schechter C omes to Amer ica," p . 1 1 5 ; and Shargel , Practical Dreamer, p . 1 96 . 1 9 . Korn , "German-Jewish I ntellectual I nnuences ," p . 1 1 9 ; a n d Arnold Band , 'Jewish Studies in American Liberal-Arts Colleges and U niversities ," AJYB 6 7 ( 1 966) : 1 4- 1 9 . 2 0 . Solomon Schechter, Seminary Addresses and Other Papers ( New York , 1 959), p p . 232-33 . 2 1 . Salo W. Baron , Steeled By Adversity: Essays and A ddresses on A merican Jewish L ife (Philadelphia, 1 9 7 1 ) , p . 398. 22. Jonathan D . Sarna, JPS: The A mericanization oj Jewish Culture, 1 888- 1 988 (Philadelphia, 1 989) , pp . 9 7 - 1 1 6 . 2 3 . The unsuccessfu l attempt b y Bernard Revel t o establish a Society o f Acade micians only illustrates how confident these scholars had become that they could and should unite on a scholarly basis without religious interference . I ra Robinson , "Cyrus Adler, Bernard Revel and the Prehistory of Organized Jewish Scholarship in the United States ," AJH 69 ( June 1 980) : 497-505 . Israel Friedlaender, Selected Essays , p p . 1 84-20 5 ; and Ralph M arcu s , "American Jewish Scholarship Today," Chicago Jewish Forum 6 ( S u m . 1 948) : 2 64-68 . 2 4 . Wechsler and Ritterband , 'Jewish Learning i n American Universities ," pp. 253-89. 25. Berger, "Hokhmat yisra'el ," p. 3 5 6 ; and Elboge n , "American Jewish Scholar shi p : A Survey," AJYB 45 ( 1 945 ) : 5 5 . 2 6 . Meyer Waxman , A History oJJewish Literature 4 ( New York , 1 947) : 1 083-89 , 1 191 . 2 7 . Freehof, "Prospects for American Jewish Scholarshi p ," Judaism 3 ( Fall 1 954) : 384; Trachtenberg, "American Jewish Scholarship ," pp. 4 1 5 , 4 1 7 ; Baron , Steeled By Adversity , pp. 3 9 7 -4 0 1 ; and Baron to Shuly Rubin Schwart z , 1 3 Oct . 1 9 88 . 2 8 . M i chael A . Meyer, "German-Jewish Identity in Nineteenth-Century Amer ica," in Toward Modernity: The European Jewish Model, ed. J acob Katz (New York , 1 98 7 ) , p . 263 ; Korn , "German-J ewish I n tellectual I n nuence s ," p . 1 1 7 ; and Bris man , Judaic Encyclopedias , p. 3 2 . 2 9 . Norman A . Stillman , "The Parameters o f Success : Jewish Studies in the U niversity," Judazsm 35 (Spring 1 9 8 6) : 1 5 5-6 1 .
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A thenal'lUiz . n o . :)8.52 ( 1 90 1 ) , pp . 246-47 ; no. 3907 ( 1 902) , pp . 345-46 ; no. :1966 ( 1 903 ) , p . 579; no. 400 7 ( 1 904) , p . 209; and no. 40 1 2 ( 1 904) , p . :180 . Bacher, Wilhelm . "Die Judische Enzyklopiidie ." AZj 70 ( 1 906) : 1 1 4- 1 6 . Christian Advocate, 1 August 1 90 1 , p . 1 22 9 . Christian Observer, 1 0 J ul y 1 90 1 , p . 667 . Die Deborah . New series 1 ( 1 90 1 ) : 2 2 5 - 2 8 ; and 2 ( 1 902) : 2 2 6 . Eisenstein , J . D . Critical Review oj the Legal A rticles oj the jewish Encyclopedia Volume I. New York , 1 90 1 . Evening Post , 2 November 1 90 1 , p . 1 9 . Friedlaender, I sraeL "The Jewish Encyclopedia." Ha-Shiloah 8 ( 1 90 1 ) : 2 5 4-6 1 . Hebrew Standard ( New York) , 28 October 1 904 , p . 1 2 . jChr, 2 3 February 1 90 1 , pp . 1 8- 1 9 ; 3 1 M ay 1 90 1 ; I I July 1 90 2 , p . 1 3 ; and 26 December 1 902 , p. 1 8 . jCom , 5 July 1 90 1 , pp . 1 -4 ; 1 2 July 1 90 1 , pp . 1 - 5 ; and 1 9 July 1 90 1 , pp . 2- 7 . jExp , 1 8 January, 1 90 1 , p . 8 ; and 1 9 July 1 907 . Krauss , Samuel . "Eine neue Encyclopiidie ." Yeshurun 8 ( 1 902) : 3 3 2 - 3 4 , 344-46 . Levy, Louis. "Une Encyclopedie Juive ." DUniveTS Israelite, 9 August 1 90 1 , pp . 660-6 1 . Menorah: A Monthly Magazine jor the Jewish Home 24 ( 1 898) : 334- 3 6 ; 3 0 ( 1 90 1 ) : 1 23 - 2 4 ; 3 1 ( 1 90 1 ) : 1 23 - 2 4 ; 39 ( 1 905) : 1 1 3 - 1 8 ; a n d 39 ( 1 905) : 1 50-5 1 . Nation , 3 1 October, 1 90 1 , p p . 3 4 1 -42 ; and 2 October 1 902 , p . 2 7 2 . New York Times , 2 2 M ay 1 90 1 , p . 9 ; 2 0 July, 1 90 1 , p . 1 1 ; 1 6 Augu st 1 902 , p . 5 5 9 ; 2 February 1 904, p . 1 2 5 ; and 2 6 M arch 1 90 4 , p . 207 . Opinions oj the Press on the jewish Encyclopedia . [ New York , 1 90 1 ? ] . Opinions oj the Worldj Press o n Volume I oj the Funk & Wagnalls jewish Encyclo pedia . [ New York, 1 90 1 ? ] . Peries , Felix . Judische Skizzen . Leipzig, 1 9 1 2 . RA , 1 5 June 1 90 1 , pp . 555 , 562-64; 2 7 July 1 90 1 , pp. 709- 1 0 ; 7 & 1 4 December, 1 90 1 , pp . 3 7 5 - 7 6 , 399-40 1 ; and 2 6 M arch 1 904, pp . 1 1 3- 1 6 . Revue des Etudes juives 43 : 2 9 1 ; 45 : 1 38 ; 46 : 282-83 ; and 48 : 287-88 . Sun , 6 October 1 90 1 , sec . 2 , p . 2 . Zeitschrijt jiir hebriiische Bibliographie 5 ( 1 90 1 ) : 1 1 5 - 1 6 .
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Abelow , Samuel P. "An Index to the Jewish Encyclopedia , Containing Refer ences to Articles that Deal with the H istory of the Jews in the U nited States," i n Index to the PAjHS , nos . 1 - 20 . N . p . , 1 9 1 4 . Adler, C yru s . "Address of the President ." PAJHS 9 ( 1 90 1 ) : 1 - 1 2 . . Cyrus Adler: Selected Letters . Edited by I ra Robinson . Philadelphia, 1 985 . . I Have Considered the Days . Philadelphia, 1 945 . . 'Jacob H . Schiff." AJYB 2 3 ( 1 92 1 -2 2 ) : 40-4 1 . AQ.ad Ha-Am (Asher Ginsberg) . Igrot A had Ha-Am. Vols . 2 & 3 . Jerusalem , 1 924. A H, 1 89 1 - 1 905 . AjYB 2 ( 1 900-0 1 ) : 3 6 ; 3 ( 1 90 1 - 2 ) : 205 - 8 ; and 4 ( 1 902-3) : 1 6- 1 7 . Bendavid , Isaac Besht . "Goldwin Smith and the Jews ." NAR 1 53 ( 1 89 1 ) : 257-7 1 . Ben-Horin , Meir. "Solomon Schechter to Judge Mayer Sulzberger. Part I I : Letters from the Seminary Period ( 1 902- 1 5) ." JSS 27 ( 1 965) : 75- 1 02 . A Brochure of Illustrious Jews and Jewesses . New York , n . d . C owen , Philip . Memories of a n Amencan Jew . New York, 1 93 2 . C roly, George . Tarry Thou Till I Come o r Salathiel, The Wandering Jew . New York, 1 90 1 . Daly, Charle s . The Settlement of the Jews in North A merica . Edited by M ax J . Kohler. New York, 1 893 . Dcinard , Ephrai m . Koheleth A merica: Catalogue of Hebrew Books Printed in America from 1 735-1 925 . S t . Louis, 1 92 6 . Dembit z , Lewis N . Jewish Services i n Synagogue and Home. Philadelphia, 1 898 . Deutsch , Gotthard . Philosophy ofJewish History . C incinnat i , 1 89 7 . . A Plan for Co-Operative Work in Collecting Material for Encyclopedia Studies in Jewish History and Literature. [C incinnati ] , 1 906 . ___ . Supplementary Explanation to the Plan . C incinnati , 1 90 7 . . Scrolls: Essays on Jewish History and Literature, and Kindred Subjects . 2 vols . C incinnat i , 1 9 1 7 . A Dictionary of the Bible. 4 vol s . New York , 1 899- 1 90 2 . Drachm an , Bernard . The Unfailing L ight: Memoirs of a n A merican Rabbi. New York, 1 948 . Dubnow , Simon . Bukh fun mayn lebn. Vol . 1 . Buenos Aire s , 1 962-63 . Eisenstei n , J . D . Otsar zikhronotai. New York, 1 92 9 . Encyclopedia Biblica . 4 vol s . N e w York , 1 899- 1 903 . Fishberg , Maurice . "The Jews : A Study o f Race and Envi ronment ." Popu lar Science Monthly , September 1 90 6 , pp . 2 5 7 - 6 7 ; November 1 906, ___
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p p . 44 1 - 5 0 ; December 1 906, p p . 502- 1 1 ; and January 1 90 7 , pp . 33-47 .
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SECONDAR Y SO UR CES Abrahams , Israel . "H . Graetz , the Jewish Historian ." JQR . Old series 4 ( 1 892) : 1 65-94. Appel , John J. "Hansen's Third-Generation 'Law' and the Origins of the American Jewish Historical Society." JSS 2 3 ( 1 96 1 ) : 3-20. B amberger, Bernard J. "Continuity and Discontinuity in Reform J uda ism ." CCA RJ 1 3 ( 1 966) : 20- 2 6 . . "Jacob Z . Lauterbach : An Informal Memoir." CCAR} 1 1 ( 1 963 ) : 3 -8 . ___
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Richman , Julia . "The Jewish Sunday School Movement in the United States." JQR 1 2 ( 1 900) : 5 79-83 . Ritterband, Paul and H arold S . Wechsler. ''Judaica in American Colleges and Universities ." In Ej Yearbook. Jerusalem , 1 9 7 7 - 7 8 . Robinso n , Ira. "Cyrus Adler, Bernard Revel and the Prehistory o f Orga nized Jewish Scholarship in the U nited States ." AjH 69 ( 1 980) : 497-505 . Rosenberg, Stuart E . "The Jewish Tidings and the Sunday Services Ques tion ." PAJHS 42 ( 1 95 3 ) : 3 7 1 -85 . Rosenblatt , Samuel . "Richard J . H . Gottheil in Memoriam ." Bulletin of the A merican Schools oj Oriental Research 64 ( 1 93 6) : 2-3 . Roth , Norman . "The Needs of Jewish Scholarship in America." judaism 2 7 ( 1 9 78) : 7 2 - 7 9 . Rypin s , Stanley. " Needed : A Revised Jewish Encyclopedia ." Menorah Journal 46 ( 1 958) : 65-83 . Samuel s , Robert L . "The Life and Work of Judah David Eisenstein as Reflected Primarily i n His Memoirs ." R abbinic thesis , HUC , 4 M arch 1 960 . Sarna, Jonathan D . "Anti-Semitism and American History." Commentary 7 1 (March 1 98 1 ) : 42-47 . ___ . "The Great American Jewish Awakening." Midstream 28 (October 1 982) : 30-34 . ___ . "The Jewish Way of C rime ." Commentary 78 (August 1 984) : 53-55 . ___ JPS' The A mericanization of Jewish Culture, 1888- 1 988. Philadel phia, 1 989 . ___ "New Light on the Pittsburgh Platform of 1 885 ." AjH 76 ( 1 98 7 ) : 358-68 . ___ , and Sarna, Nahum M . ''Jewish Bible Scholarship and Transla tions in the United States." In The Bible and Bibles in A merica , edited by Ernest S. Frerichs . Atlanta, 1 988 . Sarna, Nahum M . "Abraham Geiger and Biblical Scholarship ." I n New Perspectives on Abraham Geiger, edited by J akob J . Petuchowski . C in cinnat i , 1 9 7 5 . Schlesinger, Arthur M . " A C ritical Period in American Religion , 1 87 5- 1 900 ." Massachusetts Historical Society 64 ( 1 93 2 ) : 523-47 . Sch orsch , Ismar. "The Emergence of H istorical C onsciousness in M odern Judaism ." LBIYB 28 ( 1 983) : 4 1 3- 3 7 . ___ . "From Wolfenbuttel to WissenschaJt : The D ivergent Paths of I saak M arkus Jost and Leopold Zunz." LBIYB 22 ( 1 9 7 7 ) : 1 09-28 . ___ . "Ideology and H istory in the Age of Emancipation ." In Heinrich Graetz, The Structure ofJewish History and Other Essays , trans . , ed . , and intro . by Ismar Schorsch . New York , 1 9 7 5 . .
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___
Index
Abraham s , I s rael , 4 , :, 2 , 43 , 86
history of i n JE , 1 1 2 - 1 9 , 1 2 0 , 1 2 3 , t :l 2 , H i8 Amos Society, 2 3 , 2 4 . 2'1 anthropology, 1 , 5 5 , ZOO n 1 4 ; treatment 01 in JE, 8 2 , 1 0 7 - 1 1 2 , 1 1 7 , 1 2 3 , 1 95 n . l l , 200-20 1 , n . 1 5 Antisemitism , 4 , 5 , 6 , 9 , 1 1 , 1 5 , 1 6 , 2 7 , il4 , 1 65 , 202 n . 30 ; racial , 1 , 1 08 , 1 09 , 1 6 5 ; a n d h i gher biblical criticism , 2 , 1 0 . 4 1 , 9 2 , 1 3 7 ; i n America, 7 , 1 1 7 - 1 8 , 1 7 7 n . 2 1 , 2 0 2 , n . 40 ; Sinf(cr's response t o . 1 9- 2 0 , 2 2 , 2 5 , 2 8 ; 7 2 - 7 3 , 76- 7 7 , 1 93 n . 4 7 ; and F u n k , 7 2 - 7 3 , 76- 7 7 ; treatment of i n JE, 1 1 7 - 1 8 ; 1 2 3-26
accomplishments, Jewish , 8 1 , 9 7 , 9 8 ; treatment of i n Jf:, 1 08 , 1 09 , 1 J:l � 1 1 5 , 1 1 6 , 8 1 , 8 5 . 1 0 1 , 1 0 :1 , 1(i '> : and S i n �('J'. 2 1 , 29 , 3 0 , 3 1 , 3 5 . :Hi . 1i 2 - 7 !l . l iU n . · n : agrees t o p u b l i s h /f.', :{()-:ll , l i U , n . 44 ; c r i t i cized bv A m e rican
Funk
J e w i sh l e aders , 3 3 - :14 : and J e w i s h - C h r i s t i a n u n d e rstandi n g . 3 5 . 7 + . 9f)- Q 7 . q B ; a n d formation o f e d i t o ri ,tl
publishing
board , :J 7 , :l ') , 4 0 ; 44-49 , 1 84 - 8 5 n . 1 ;
Enqclopedie, 1 5 E n gland : rev i v a l o f .Jt'\\' i s h c u l t u re i n , 4 , 1 1 , 1 4 . 2 7 , 5 2 - 'l 4 .
'lO. 'l l , H i'l ,
1 80 n . 6
English language : s i g n i fjcan('(' o f. 1 , 4 , 5 - 6 . 1 2 , 1 3 , 1 5 . 2 7 . 2 H . 5 4 . :i 7 , 8 3 ,
and Adler, 4 0 ; 4 B , 5 1 - 5 2 ; 6 4 ; promotional l i t e ra t u re of, 4 9 - 5 0 , 64 , '1 6 - 9 9 ; h i res Jacobs ,
52-53 ,
5 4 ; and
p u b l i c a t i o n process, 5 8 - 5 9 , 9 5 , 1 9 2 n . :; 7 ;
8 ') - 8 6 , 1 0 1 , 1 1 2 , 1 1 9 , 1 2 1 , 1 3 5 , 1 60 ,
financial cuncern s , 60- 6 2 ; and
1 6 7 , 1 69 - 7 0 , 1 7 1 , 2 t :l n . 1 7
./ ewish-Christian m i strust , 6 2 - 6 3 ; 7 2 - 7 4 .
Essenes : t reatment o f i n JF , 1 4B , 1 49 . 1 5 1
Ethical C u l t u re Ill O VClIlc n t , H , 1 () e v o l u t i o n i s m . See D a rw i n islll
executive com m i t t e e , JE, 4 5 , 4 7 - 4 8 , 5 1 ,
5 7 , 6 2 , 69 , 1 24 , 1 48 ,
1 58
exile : treatment of i n ]E,
1 5 3 , 1 63
Federation of American Z i o n i s t s , 3 9 , 46 Feldman , Ega! . 1 2 6
Franc e , 2 , 1 9 - 2 0 , 2 5 , 2 6 - 2 7 , 3 8 , 1 2 5 - 2 6 ; t reatment o f i n ]E , 9 5 , 1 3 2 Franck, Adol p h e , 2 5
Frankd . Zachari a s , 2 , 3 , 6 , 46 , 1 L B . 1 2 (1 . 1 :\ 1
Furst , Julius, 1 3 1
Ge.fchichte derJuden (Gractz). See History of the
t:J ;
Ginzbcrf{, Lou i s , 1 , 5 5 , 6 2 , 6 8 , 6 9 , 7 5 , 7 6 , 77,
'lc"
1 2 '1 ,
I :JO .
1 32, 141,
205
n . 7 . 2 t :1 .
n . 1 7 ; and F u n k , 1 0 , 1 81 n 4 'i ; and S i n ger, 3 5 , 56; backf{rOllTl d and i n t e rests of, 56; and H i rsch . BB-WI : r('s i � n s .
89-90 ; and S . V . , " L a\\', C o d i fication of,"
"Cabala," and t re a t m e n t
o f A m e rican .J e", i s h h i s t o ry i n ]R , 1 1 6 , 1 1 7.
also Launching of a Great Work; jE A 7rfasure House; The ]E: A Guide to Its Contents, An A id to Its Use.
90 . 9 4 . 1 3 9 , 1 40 . 2 0 7 n . :; '> : and S . \ . ,
'>l>
Friedem\'ald. H e rb , 6 6 , 6 B , 69 , 7 1 , 7 7 , 8 9 , 1 00 , 1 5 7 .
board , 40-43 ; and J e w i s h scholarship i n
1 9 3 n . 6 1 ; background and i n terests of,
A m e r i c a , 1 1 , 1 6 7 ; a n d treatm e n t o f
2 9 - 3 0 , 1 8 3 n . 4 5 ; and S i n ge r, 2 9 - 3 1 . 6 3 .
Z i u n i s m i n ]E , 1 2 6 - 2 7 . 2 04 n . 68 , 2 1 1
6 6 -6 7 , 7 0 , 7 2 - 7 4 , 7 5 , 7 6- 7 7 , 1 46 ; and
n . 54
.J ewish-Christian u nderstan d i n g , 30, 4 2 ,
G. P. P u tnam's Sons. 6 7 . 7 0 . 7 1
5 0 . 7 2 . 7 4 . 96-9 7 , 9 8 , 1 46 , 1 65 , 1 83
Grae t z , Heinrich , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 6 , 1 2 , 4 2 , 6 6 ,
n . 46 : a�rt'l'S to p u b l i sh jE, 3 0 - 3 1 ; and
1 0 7 , 1 1 9 , 1 2 1 , 1 2 3 , 1 2 9 , 1 80 n . 6 ; History
Kohler, 42 . 1 5 0 , 1 86 n . 1 8 ; u n iversali s m
of the ]ews,
o f. 4 2 . 1 46 . 1 86 n . 1 8 ; and
n . 7 9 , 203 n . 5 6 , 2 0 5 n . S ; treatment of, i n
J e w i s h - C h r i s t i a n m i s t r u s t , 50, 6 3 ; 7 2 - 7 7 ;
3, 6, 1 2 , 107, 1 19,
t:J 2 ,
1 99
jE, 1 3 2
and Adler. 5 2 . 62. 63. 66 . 7 2 , 7 3 , 7 6 ;
Gran t , U lysses, S . , 7 , 1 1 7
a n d suspension u f p u b l i c a t i u n , 6 2 - 7 7 ;
Gree n s t u n e , J u l i u s H i l l e l . 1 5 9 . 2 1 0 n . 5 0
fi n a n c i a l n�()rgan izat i o n plan of, 6 5
C ros s , H e i n r ic h , 1 3 1
23 1
Index G uaran t o r s . JE. 6 5 . 6 '1 . 7 1 . 7 4 . 7 5 . 7 6 . 7 7 , Gu ggen h e i m , Daniel , 7 8 , 1 9 3 - 9 4 , n . 6 5 Ha,iJi slIl : treatment
of
in
lE, 1 2 1 o f i n JF .
121;
vicw o f Yiddish of, 1 :31 Hebrew U n i o n C ol l e g e , 8 , 2 1 , 2 2 , 3 5 , 4 2 . 5 6 , 7 0 , 7 8 , 9 0 , 92 , 1:J 6 , 1 48 , 1 6 1 ;
and
emergence of Jewish scholarshi p i n America, 5 , 1 2 , 1 3 , 1 7 1 Heilpri n . Michael, 1 3 H e n ry, P h i l i p S . . 7 8 , 1 9 3 - 9 4 . n . 6 :) H e rtzberg, A rt h u r, 1 2 6 H e rzl , Theodore , 3 3 , :) 9 ; t reatrnent of in ]10', 1 2 6 , 2 0 4 n . 6 5 , fiB
l 'IH - 9 9 n . 7 0 ; and enhanced
1 4 1 ; and t reat m e n t
BO
H i rs c h , E m i l G . , 1 2 B , 1 4 2 , 1 43 , 1 49 , I 'l l , 1 5 2 , 1 5 9 , 1 7 B n . :Hi , 1 8 7 n . 2 7 , 4 0 ; and S i n gn, 2 1 , 93 , 1 8 1 n . I O . 1 9 8 n . 5 7 : and treatment o f race i n Jf,·. 82. l i D , 1 9 5
of, 8 8 , attacked by Adler, 89 ,
n . l l : background and i nterests
1 9 6 - 9 7 11 . :> 4 , 1 9 7 , n . 3 6 ; and Schechter,
biblical criticism , 8 8 . treatment of Sabbath
i n ]E, 1 5 9
historiography, Jewish , 1 1 3 , 1 3 1 history : Wi.IJenschajt approach t o , 3 ; t reatment o f i n lE , 1 0 7 - 8 history, Jewish, 1 2 , 4 3 , 5 0 , 82 , 1 96 , n . 2 1 : treatment o f i n JE , 9 8 , 1 0 7 - H . Srr a/sil A m e rican J nvry : Eastern E u ropean
in ./f,·,
racl'
82,
1 0 Its
Contenls, A n A id to Its Use, 9 6 , 9 7 - 9 8 , 1 48 , 1 52 , 1 5 8 ; a n d treatment o f Sel i r;man- H ilton A ffair i n lE, 1 1 8 ; and t reatment o f moneyl e n d i n g i n ./E, 1 2 4 ; describes treatment of C h ristianity i n JE , 1 48 ; describes treatmen' o f Jl'wish ritual
3,
G,
1 58
137 6, 1 3 , 1 4. 4 1 . 4 7 , 5 6 , 72,
J astrow , Marcus,
7 5 , 9 1 , 1 5 7 , 1 8 4 - 8 '1 n . l , 1 89 n . n . 1 '1 '1 n . 1 4 ; and J e w i s h scholarship in Anl('rica. 11;
barkr;round
and interests o f, 4 5 - 4 6 ;
and t reatment o f Tal m u d i n ./f-', 5 7 , 83
J astrow , Morris,
1 3 , 44, 6 B , 7 0 , 7 5 , 7 6 ,
1 3 7 , 1 40 . 1 42 , 1 5 7 , 1 84 - W ) n . l :
background and interests of, 40-4 1 ; crit ical Bible scholarship and, 4 1 , 4R .
66.
5 7 - :) 8 , 8 8 ; resignation o f , 8 7 - 8 8
./f,' ..t
Guide to Its Contenl.l, A n A id to It.1 (he
lJ acobs) , 9 6 , 9 7 - 9 11 , 1 48 , 1 5 2 , 1 :) 8
lE. A Treasure Howe of Special Knowledge (Funk & Wagnalls), 9 6 - 9 7 Jellinek, Adolf.
1 9 . 25
.J e s u s . 2 3 , 3 0 , 7 2 ; treatment of i n ./f-', 1 48 , 1 'i 0 , 1 5 1 , 1 54 , 1 5 9 .J ewish C h a u t au q u a Society, 1 2 , 1 3 5
J e w ry ; antiSeIll i t i s rn ; Z i o n i s ITI
01 the JewI (Graetz),
of
1 09 - 1 1 0 : and The lE. A Guide
J aphe t , Sarah ,
H i l l d , 2 3 ; treatment of i n ]E, 1 2 9 ,
12, 107,
1 1 9 , 1 2 9 , 1 :1 2 , 1 9 9 n . 7 9 , 2 0 3 , n . :) 6 , 2 0 5
.Jewish-Chri s t i a n : understanding, 2:;.
:W.
:l 5 , 4 2 , 63 , 7 4 . 80-8 1 . 9 6 - 9 7 , 9 8 . 1 46 . 1 64 , 1 65 , 1 8 1 n . 1 8 . 1 83 n . 46 ; m i s t ru s t .
n.5
Hochschule
J-t ;"
editorial powers , 6 7 - 6 8 . 6'1. 7 1 . 7 2 , 8 7 ,
Judaism i n ./E,
H i gham . John , 7 H ildesheimer, Azriel ,
History
'i 4- ') 5 , 6 7 - 6 8 , 69 ,
i n JE. 1 5 2 ; describes treatment o f
Hess, Moses, 1 2 6
1 3 5 , 1 40 , 1 4:) : a n d
scholarshtp i n and Singer, 7 1 - 7 3 , 7 5 , 9 5 , Wi ;
and t reat m e n t o f Bible i n JE, 5 8 , 1 3 8 , 141 ,
H astlllgs , J a m e s , 1 5 , 1 3 8
9 1 - 9 2 , 9 3 , 9 4 ; and
J ew i s h
1 9 3 n . 6 1 : and
A m e r i c a ') 4 . 1 6 9 , 1 7 0 ;
H askalah , 1 , ;, ') : treatment
1 96 - 9 7 n . 3 4 ;
1 8 7 n 40 , 200 n . l 0 ; background and interests o f. ') 2 - 5 4 ; a n d Adln, 'd - 5 4 ,
7 8 , 1 0 2 - :1 , 1 9 1 n . 2 1 , l ' n - ') 4 , n . 6 5
fur die W i ssenschaft des
J u d e n t u m s . :, , 1 '1 . 3 8 , 8 8 H o ffm an n , !l,I\· i d . 1 b l , 2 0 7 . n . :; '1 Holdhei m , Samuel , 1 5 3 i l l u s t rations , JF, 2 B , 5 5 , 8 0 , 8 2 , 1 1 4
J acob , Benno, interests o f.
background and and treatment of
6 2 , 63 . 7 2 - 7 3 , 7 5 , 7 6- / i , 9 7 ; understan d i n g , treatment
o f i n lH,
./ewish Co ntrib ut io n.! 10 Cil/lizallon O acobs ) .
1 10
Jewish Publication
Society, 9. 1 4 , :; 2 . :) 4 .
3. 4. 167;
7 8 , 1 84 n . 63 ; goal s 01', 1 2 ;
1 4 1 -4 2 :
translation,
Bible i n J1o', 1 42 - 4 4 , 1 45 . 2 0 7 n . 3 9 J acobs , Joseph , 5 5 , 5 7 , 5 H , 6 9 , 7 3 , 7 5 , 7 6 . 7 7 , 9 4 , 1 1 2 , I I :) , 1 1 6 , 1 2 3 , 1 2 5 , 1 5 7 .
1 1 7,
1 19
Bible
1 2 , 28, :l l , 4 2 , 4 6 , 'n, 1 6:; ,
1 7 0 , 1 8 3 n . 5 1 , 1 89 n . 7 2 , 2 1 2 n . 6 3 ; and J e w i s h scholarsh ip in Anl('rica , 1 2 , 1 7 0 , 1 7 1 , 1 7 2 ; and S i n ger. 2 1 , 2 8 ; Sch Iff
232
The Emergence ojJewish Scholarship i n A merica
Library ofjewish Classics, 2 1 . 1 9 7 n . 3 6 ;
. Jewish Theology." 3 2 ; universalistic views
Legends of the jews, 8 9 , 1 69
of, 4 2 , 1 4 7 , 1 50-5 1 , 1 5 2 . 1 56 , 1 62 , 1 86 n . 1 8 ; joins the board , 4 2 ; and executive committee, 47-48, 1 48 , 1 58 - 5 9 ; and Toy, :; 1 ; and Ginzberg, 5 6 , 90 , 1 5 7 ; and Schechter 5 7 . 9 0 , 9 2 -9 3 . 1 58 ; and JE's significance . 8 4 . 9 4 , 96, 1 3 7 , 1 4 7 ; and biblical criticis m , 86, 88, 1 35 , 1 36 , 1 3 7 ; and H i rsch, 8 8 , 89, 1 3 5 , 1 5 1 , 1 5 2 , 1 78 n . :1 6 . 1 9 7 n . :lfi ; and Adler, 89, 92 , 9 3 ,
Jewish Publication Society, A merican , 6 Jewish Quarterly Review , 4, 1 4. 1 7 1 J e w i s h scholarshi p : i n England , 4 , 1 80 n . 6 . See also Engl a n d : revival o f Jewish c u l t u re m
Jewish scholarshi p : i n America, 5-6, 1 1 - 1 5 , 39, 46 , 54, 8 1 , 84-8 7 , 9 1 , 1 6 5 - 7 2 , 1 96 n . 2 1 J e w i s h Theological Seminary o f America. 2 1 . 7 8 . 8 3 , 9 0 . 9 1 . 9 2 , 9 3 , 9 4 . 1 64 , 2 0 7 n . :1-1 , 2 1 1 n . 6 1 , 6 2 ; a n d emergence of Jewish scholarship in America, 1 2 , 1 4 , 46, 5 4 , 1 69 , 1 7 1 Jewish Theology ( Koh l e r ) , 8 , 1 5 5 -5 7 , 209 n . :l4
1 0 7 - :; 8 , 1 64 . 2 1 2 n . 6 3 ; and treatment of Christianity i n JH, 1 48-.'i 1 , 208 n . l 0 ;
1 5 1 -55 , 1 6 2 ; and ]ewish Theology, 1 5 5- 5 7 ; moves to C incinnat i , 1 58-59 Kohler, Max ,J . , 1 2 , 1 1 3 , 1 1 4- 1 5 , 1 1 8 Koh u t , Alexander, 3 , 8, 1 3 and t reatment o f ,Judaisrn i n Jl':,
Jews' College , 3
Kohut , Rebecca. 0 0
1 8 2-83 n . 42 J udean Society, 1 2 . t:l , 84 Judai s m , 2 . 4 . ') , 1 3 , 1 6 . 2 6 , 2 7 , 3 1 , 3 3 , 43 , 5 3 , 5 4 , 8 0 , 8 1 , 9 4 , 9 8 , 9 9 , 1 2 8 , 1 34 , 1 3 6 , 1 6 5 , 1 6 7 , 1 69 , 1 82-83 n . 42 , 209 n . 34 . 209- 1 0 n . 3 7 ; treatment of i n JE,
Konversationslexicon . 1 5 , Korn , Bertram , I n
J o s t , I s s a k , 5 , J:l l ,
1 00
Landsberg, M ax , 1 40 La Vraie Parole. 2 0 . 2 7 Launching of a Great Work , 6 4 ,
1 72
1 6 . 8 9 . 1 5 1 - 6 4 . 2 1 1 n . 5 4 ; S i n ger's views
Lauterbach , J acob Zallel , background and
on, 2 3 - 2 4 , 2 5 , 2 8 - 2 9 , 34; C h rist i a n
interests of, 1 6 1 ; and treatm e n t of Judaism i n JE , 1 62 - 6 3 ; and Jewish scholarship i n America, 1 6 7 , 1 69 law, Jewish : treatment of i n jE, 1 6 , 8 3 , 1 2 2 , 1 49 . 1 5 2 , 1 53 - 5 5 , 1 5 6 , 1 62-63 . See also Talmud Lazare , Bernard , 1 2 5 Lazaru s , Emnla, 1 1 5
views of, 43-44, 50, 5 1 , 98, 1 6 7 ; and Kabbalah, t reatment of i n JE , 1 3 3 . See a/so Conservative J udaisnl ; American ; Reform Judais m ; Orthodnxy ; traditionalists, Jewish J udaism , American , 1 4 , 1 7 1 ; t reatment of i n JE. 1 1 8 - 1 9 J u d i sc h - theologisches Seminar, :3
Lazaru s , M o ri t z , 2 6 , 5 2 Leeser, I saac , 5 , 4 6 , 98
Kabbalah : treatment of i n JE, 1 2 2 , 1 3 3 Kah n , Zadoc, 2 5 , 2 6 , 1 8 2 . n . 3 4 Kali scher, Zvi . 1 26 Karpeles, Custav , 6 , 26 Kashru t . See d i e t a ry laws Kayserl i n g . Meyer, 3 2 . 1 6 7 . 2 0 1 n . 2 4 ; and t reatment of Jews i n the discovery of America in JE, 1 1 3 - 1 4 Kohler, Kaufm an n , 6 , 40, 43 , 44, 45 . 5 9 , 6 7 , 68, 69 . 7 5 , 7 7 , 89. 1 :1 1 , 1 58, 1 59 , 1 60 , 1 6 1 . 1 64 , 1 6 7 , 1 84 n . 59 , 63 , 1 84-85 n . l , 2 1 0 n . 44 , 49 ; backgro u n d and i n t e rests of, 8 - 9 , 1 0 ; views o f Judaisrn of, 9 , 1 0 . 1 4 7 , 2 0 9 n . : H . 209- 1 0 n . :1 7 ; a n d Jewish scholarship in America, 9 , 1 1 , 1 68 , 1 70 ; and Singer, 2 8 , 2 9 , 3 3 - 3 5 , 4 2 , 4 7 , 7 1 - 7 2 , 7 5 ; and "Encyclopedia o f
/,egends of Ihe Jews (Ginzherg), 89, 2 1 3 n . 1 7
Lev i , I srael , 9 5 , 1 98 , n . 64 Levi, Leo N . 7 4 , 7 6 , 7 7 Lewisoh n . Leonard , 7 8 . 1 93-94 n . 6 ,) . 1 99 n.85 L iber, Maurice , 1 3 1 , 2 0 5 n . 9 Loeb , Isidore , 2 5
McCurdy, J . Frederic . 1 :19 , 1 4 1 M agnus, Katie, 1 2 , I n , 1 1 6 , 1 1 7 , 203 n.51 Maimonides Col l e ge. 46 Maimonides Library. 2 7 . 1 8 2 n . :l 6 Malter, Henry, 1 7 1
Marcus , J acob Rader, 1 68 Margoli s . Max L . 1 70 . 1 7 1 M arkens . I saac, 1 1 3
Index �I;IITU S .
20 7 8 , 1 'J:j-94 n . 6 5 M a rx , Alexander, 1 7 1 �l endelsohn. Samuel . 8 3 ; background of, 1 9 '1 n . 1 + Mendes, Frederick d e Sola, 54- 5 5 , 5 9 , 68. 6 9 , 7 5 , 7 7 , I B3 - 8 4 n . :> ] , 1 84-85 n . l , I H5 n . 2 , I H 7 1) . 40 ; back�round and �l i c hacL
M ar s h all , L o u i s ,
i n t e rests of. 4 1 -42 ; resigns from board ,
5 5 , 8 i ; and treatment of A m e rican Judaism in JE , 1 1 8- 1 9 M essianic ideal . 2 3 , 1 56 ; treatment o f in .IE, 1 53 , 1 6:1 Meyer, M ichael
1 72 1 3 , 70
A.,
M i elziner, M o se s ,
Monatsschrift Iur Geschichte und Wissens(haji des Judentuml . :l . 4
Inoney, Jews and , 96; treatInent of in JE, 1 1 5 , 1 2 4 , 1 2 .1 , 202 n . :10 Montefiore . Claude , 4 . 1 8 2-83 n . 42 M oort' . George Foot , 44, 45 , 4 6 . 1 3 8 ; b ac k �round and interests of, 43-44; resigns from board , 5 1 ; a n d s i g n i ficance o f JE, 1 6 7 Morai s , Sabato, 1 3 - I 4 Muller, Joel , 2 6 M u n k , Solomon , 3 music, Jewish , 8 1 , 1. 1 2 , 209 n . 2 3 Natio ll , 2 , 5 , 7 , 1 � . 1 08 , 1 42 . I C> b , 1 63 N e u lIlark , David,
171
New A merican Cyclopedia , 1 5 N o rd a u , M ax ,
3 3 , 200-2 0 1 n . 1 S
.\'orlh A merIcan Reriew . 7 , 9 6
4 , 1 3 , 1 6 , 2 9 , 9 3 , 9R . 1 7 :, ; Reform Ju dais m and , a , 9- 1 1 ; treatment of in .IE, 1 1 1 , 1 c> 2 - 1 55 , I S 9-bO, 1 63
observanc e , Jewish ,
Open letter ta the Patron -Subscriber" af the Jewish Encydopedia , 6 1 Oppert , Jule s , 2 5 , 1 4 1 , 1 8 2 n . 2 9 Orthodoxy, 8, 42 , 5 6 , in , B4, 94. U S , 1 46 , 1 4 7 , 1 :> 5 , 1 5 7 , 2 1 1 n . 6 1 , 6 2 ; treatment of i n JE , 1 1 1 , I l a- 1 9 , 1 54 , 1 62-64 Otsac rilTa 'ei ( Eisenste i n ) , 8 3 , 8 4 , 1 66 , 1 99 n . 7'1 Outline.1 ofJewish Hi.ltory ( M agnus) , 1 2 , 1 n . 2(U n.51 patriutism , J e w i s h : treatment o f i n 1F,
1 1 5 - 1 6 , 1 25 9 3 , 1 4a-4'J ,
P a u l i n islll ,
208
n. 1 0
of i n JE , 1 3 0 , 1 4B , 1 49 , 1 :>4 p h i l a nth ropy Jewish . 7 8 ; treatment o f i n JE, 1 1 4 , 1 1 5 Philippines, 1 04, 200 n . 8 7 P hilippson , Ludwig, 5 P h ilipson , David , 9 , :) 6 , 1 59 p i l pu l : t reatment of in }/ of the A merican Jewish !lis/orical Saciety , 2 8 , / 1 3 Publishing: problems, JE, 89-90, 94-9 5 , 1 44-45 , 1 9 2 n . 3 7 , 1 98 n . 6 1 , 62 , 6 4 , 204 n . 6 5 , 2 1 0 n . 44 ; techniques, 1 90 n . 9 , 1 9 1 n . 1 6 . See also cos t ; distribution ; suspension ; Funk & \Va�nal l s ; G . P. Putnam's Sons; B rockhau s , F. A .
Rabbi I saac Elchanan Theological Seminary, 1 2 , 1 64 Rabbinerseminar fiir das Orthodoxe Judaism , 3 race , I , 7 , 8 4 , 200 n . 6 ; treatment of in }/0 racial anriscrnitism . See antisemitism R ai s i n , M ax , 1 66 R a sh i , 9 8 , 205 n . 9 ; treatment o f i n ]E , t:l! Rcf(mn Judaism : in America, 7 - 1 1 , 1 2 , 1 5 , 2 3 , :1 2 , 3 8 , 3 9 , 42 , 4 6 , 8 2 , 8 4 , 8 8 , '10 , 9 1 . 9 2 , 9 3 , 1 3 5 , 1 46 , 1 6 2 , 1 6 3 , 1 64 , 1 98 n . S 7 . 208 n . I O ; influence on J E , 45 , 46, 4 7 , 8 9 , 9 2 , 1 40 . 1 4 7 - 5 5 . 1 5 6-5 7 , 1 5 7 - 5 8 , 1 6 1 . treatment o f i n JE , 1 1 8 - 1 9 , 2 1 1 n . 54 R r{orm A dvacate, 2 1 , 88, 1 8 1 n . I O , 1 98 n . 5 7 Reinac h , Joseph , 1 2 5 , Rei nach , Theodore . 3 2 Renan , Ernest , 2 5 , 1 08 Reve l , Bernard , 2 1 1 n . 6 2 , 2 1 3 n . 2 3 revelati o n , d i v i n e , 4 1 , 1 :1 6 , 209- 1 0 n . 3 7 ; treatment o f i n }E, 1 5 4 , l fi2-63 ;
234
The Emergence ofJewish Scholarship in A merica
treatment of in
Jewish Theology
(Kohl e r ) ,
1 55 , 1 56
Silverm a n , Joseph, 8 5 S i n ger,Isidore, 2 , 3 2 , 3 7 , 3 8 , 4 2 , 4 4 , 4 7 ,
reviews , JE, 8 0 - 8 7 , 1 6 5 , 1 68 , 1 9 4 n . l revival , jewish : in Englan d , 4, 5 3 ; in the U . S . , 1 1 - 1 5 ; as goal ofJE, 26, 28, 4 7 , 84- 8 7 , 1 68 - 7 3
6 7 , 60 , 7 1 , 7 2 , 7 5 , 7 6 , 7 8 ; and H irsch ,
r i t u al s , jewish, 4 ; treatment o f i n JE, 1 1 1 ,
See
1 00- 1 0 1 , 1 04 , 1 45 , 1 6 5 , 1 80 n l , 6 , 1 8 3 n . 43 ; backgro u n d and interests of, 1 9- 2 4 ; and Adler, 2 1 , 2 3 , 2 8 , 3 9 - 4 0 , 4 8 ,
Revue des Etudes Juives, 9 5 1 1 8 , 1 49 , 1 5 2 , 1 5 8 .
48-49 , 5 2 , 5 5 , 5 6 , 5 7 , 6 0 , 6 1 , 8 6 , 9 5 ,
also
observance ,
Jewish
2 1 , 9 3 , 1 8 1 n . l O , 1 98 n . 5 7 ; views o n Judaism of, 23-24, 34, 1 8 1 n . l O ; u niversal i s m , J e w i s h , 2 3 , 2 9 , 42 , 1 46 ,
Rosenthal , Herman , 62, 6 8 , 6 9 , 7 7 ;
1 8 2 - 8 3 n . 4 2 , 1 84 n . 5 9 , 1 8 6 n . 1 8 ; and
background and interests of, 5 5 - 5 6 ; and
early plans for a jewish encyclopedi a ,
t reatment of Eastern E u ropean jewry i n
24-3 1 ; and Ahad Ha-Am , 27, 8 6 , 99,
JE, 1 2 0 - 2 3 , 1 2 4 , 203 n . 5 2 , 5 6 Rothschild , H o u s e of, 2 6
182 n . 3 5 ; and Funk, 29-3 1 , 63 , 66-6 7 , 7 0 , 7 2 - 7 4 , 7 5 , 7 6 - 7 7 ; and F u n k
Sabbath , 8 , 9 , 1 0 , 2 9 , 3 4 , 7 6 , 1 5 6 ; treatment o f i n JE , 1 1 1 , 1 5 9 , 1 60 Sac h s , M ichael , 3 , 4 6 , 1 2 9 Sadducee s : treat m e n t of i n JE , 1 5 7 s al e s : o fJE, 9 9 - 1 0 2
&
Wagnal l s , 2 9 , 3 0 , 3 1 , 3 5 , 3 6 , 6 2 - 7 8 , 1 83 n . 44 ; and Kohler, 2 9 , 3 3 - 3 5 , 4 2 , 4 7 , 7 1 , 7 2 , 7 5 , 1 86 n . 1 8 ; criticism of, 3 1 , 3 3 - 3 6 , 3 9 , 4 0 , 66-68 , 7 1 - 7 4 , 7 6 , 86 ; and subscribers, 3 1 , 4 0 , 59; and Deutsch , 3 3 , 3 4 , 3 5 , 48-49 , 6 2 - 6 3 , 6 6 , 7 5 ; and
Salom o n , Haym , 1 1 5 Sanhedrin : treatment of in JE, 1 3 0 , 2 0 5 n.5
Jewish-Christian understan d i n g , 42 , 5 0 , 6 3 , 7 4 , 9 6 - 9 7 , 98 , 1 45 , 1 6 5 ; and Jewish-Christian mistrust, 50, 6 2 - 6 3 ;
Sarna, Nahu m , 1 3 6 Schechter, Solomo n , 4 , 1 4 , 3 2 , 4 2 , 7 5 , 1 04 , 1 64 , 1 84-85 n . 1 . , 1 8 7 n . 40 , 1 89 n . 7 2 , 1 98 n . 5 7 , 2 1 1 n . 6 1 , 6 2 ; agrees t o j o i n board , 5 7 - 5 8 , 9 0 - 9 1 ; and biblical criticism , 5 7 - 5 8 , 9 2 , 9 4 , 1 4 1 , 1 44 ; and Morris Jastrow , 5 8 ; background and i nterests of, 9 0 -9 1 ; and Jewish scholarship i n America, 9 1 , 1 69 , 1 7 0 ,
7 2 - 7 7 , 9 7 , 1 93 n . 4 7 ; and jacobs, 5 4 - 5 5 , 6 7 - 6 8 , 7 1 - 7 3 , 7 5 ; and suspension of publicatio n , 6 2 - 7 7 ; and guarantors , 7 1 , 7 4 - 7 6 , 7 8 ; and jewish scholarship i n America, 8 7 ; attacks Schechter, 9 3 - 9 4 S m i t h , Goldwi n , 7 sociology: treatment of i n JE , 1 , 2 6 , 1 0 7- 1 1 7 , 1 23
1 7 1 ; and H i rsch , 9 1 , 9 3 - 9 4 ; attacks
Solis-Cohe n , Solom o n , 1 1
Reform 9 1 - 9 2 , 2 0 8 n . I O ; and Kohler,
Speyer, j a m e s , 7 8 , 1 9 3 -94 n . 6 5
9 2 - 9 3 ; 1 5 7 - 5 8 ; and Adler, 9 2 , 1 5 7 , 1 5 8 ;
Stein schneider, M o r i t z , 5 , 2 5 , 5 2 , 5 7 , 8 6 ,
and S i n ger, 9 3 - 9 4 ; attacked by Eisenstei n , 94; resigns from board , 9 4 ;
1 2 8 , 1 3 1 , 1 68 Steinthal , H e i n rich , 2 6
a n d process o f publicat i o n , 94-95 ; and
Stocker, Adolf, 7
significance of JE, 1 68
S t rac k , Herman , 1 2 4
Schiff, j aco b , 2 8 , 6 2 , 6 5 , 7 6 , 7 8 , 1 0 2 - 4 , 1 93 - 9 4 n . 6 5 , 2 0 0 n . 8 7 Schmi d t , Nathaniel , 1 40
subscribers, 2 1 ; JE , 3 1 , 4 0 , 4 4 , 5 9 , 6 1 , 6 2 ,
Seligman , Jose p h , 7 , 1 1 8 Seligman - H ilton Affair, 7 , 2 0 2 n . 40 , 4 1 ; treatment of in JE, 1 1 8
6 3 , 6 4 , 6 5 , 7 5 , 7 8 , 99- 1 0 2 , 1 6 5 subscription selli n g , 1 90 n . 9 Sulzberger, C y r u s , 7 1 , 7 8 , 1 02 -0 3 , 1 93 - 9 4
Seligso h n , M a x , 1 44 - 4 5 Sephardic jewry, 3 , 1 1 4 ; treat m e n t of i n
n . 65 Sulzberger, Davi d , 1 3
JE, 1 3 0 - 3 1 s i g n i ficance : ofJE, 8 4 , 9 4 , 9 6 , 9 9 , 1 3 7 , 1 4 7 , 1 65- 7 3 .
Strau s , I s idore , 6 4 , 65 , 7 0 , 1 9 3 - 9 4 n . 65 Strau s , Oscar, 2 8 , 6 4 , 7 0 , 1 1 3 , 2 0 1 n . 2 4
See
also Jewish
i n A m e r i c a ; revival , Jewish
scholars h i p :
Sulzberger, M ay e r, 1 1 , 2 8 , 4 0 , 5 3 , 7 1 , 7 6 , 7 8 , 89, 92 S u n day-Sabbath , 1 0 , 8 8 , 1 78 n . 3 6
Index s u s p c n s i o n : "I /F p u b l i (;ui ' ' ' L
H7,
62-77,
illi ,
89
w('alt h , J",v i s h : treatment of i n ]F, 1 1 4- 1 5 We i s s , I saa( H i rsch , We izman n , C h ai m ,
Szol d , Benj a m i n , 1 3 Swld , Henrietta, 1 1 3 ,
2 I:l
n. 1 7
42, I HII
9 1 . 1 28 n.6
\\'ellhau s(,[l , J u l i u s , 1 3 5 , 1 4 1 , 1 6 1 Wi(,[1