The Eighth Land: The Polynesian Discovery and Settlement of Easter Island 9780824887186

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The Eighth Land

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A page from Rapanui Manuscript E—the traditions of Pua Ara Hoa

The Eighth Land The Polynesian Discovery and Settlement of Easter Island THOMAS S. BARTHEL

Translatedfrom the German by Anneliese Martin

The University Press of Hawaii Honolulu

Originally published as Das A chteLand, copyright © 1974 by Klaus Renner Verlag, Munich English translation copyright © 1978 by The University Press of Hawaii All rights reserved. No part of this work may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying and recording, or by any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher.

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data Barthel, Thomas S The eighth land.

1923-

Translation of Das achte Land. Bibliography: p. Includes index. 1. Easter Island—History. 2. Polynesians in Easter Island—History. 3. HotuMatu'a, Easter Island Chief. I. Title. F3169.B3713 996'. 18 78-21945 ISBN 0-8248-0553-4

In Memoriom

Father Sebastian Englert

evaru kainga etahi i ravaa ko te pito o te kainga ehitu i roto i te nehunehu kapuapua i te pei ana ka ngaro ro era evaru kaukau eko ravaa "Acht Länder gibt es Eines ist aufgefunden worden Nämlich das Stückchen vom Erdreich Sieben bleiben drinnen Im nebelhaften Zwielicht Bei der schnellen Fahrt Wenn (die Insel) einmal verlorengegangen ist Können zahllose Bootsmannschaften sie nicht wiederfinden"

Contents

Abbreviations Preface

viii

ix

1.

The First Inhabitants of Easter Island

1

2.

Earlier History in the Old Homeland

9

3.

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka 4.

The Explorers

28

54

5.

The Voyage of H otu Matua

98

6.

The Arrival of Hotu Matua

156

9.

7.

Conflict with Oroi

189

8.

Conflict with Vakai

208

The Death of Hotu Matua 10.

The Stone Figures

Appendix I. Appendix II.

218

241

Origin of Manuscript E

287

Text of Manuscript E

301

Bibliography Index

365

357

Abbreviations

Major Sources (for full citations see the Bibliography) HM ME NAI NA II PH RM TP

Englert, La Tierra de Hotu Matu 'a (1948) Metraux, Ethnology of Easter Island (1940) Heyerdahl and Ferdon, Archaeology of Easter Island. Reports of the Norwegian Archaeological Expedition . . . Vol. 1 (1961) Heyerdahl and Ferdon, Reports of the Norwegian Archaelogical Expedition . . . Vol. 2(1965) Thomson, "Te Pito Te Henua, or Easter Island" (1891) Routledge, The Mystery of Easter Island (1919) Englert, Tradiciones de la Isla de Pascua (1939)

Single-letter abbreviations A-F refer to Rapanui manuscripts (see Appendixes) Single-letter abbreviations J, L, M, R, and T designate genealogies: J, Jaussen; L, Lanyon-Orgill; M, Metraux; R, Roussel; T, Thomson. Br, Gr, and Kr are abbreviations for Rongorongo texts; see Barr e l ' s standard catalog (Barthel 1958). Polynesian Languages EPN. East Polynesian FIJ. Fijian FUT. Futuan HAW. Hawaiian MAO. Maori MGV. Mangarevan MQS. Marquesan PPN. Proto Polynesian RAP. Rapanui

RAR. ROT. SAM. TAH. TOK. TON. TUA. UVE. WPN.

Rarotongan Rotuman Samoan Tahitian Tokelauan Tongan Tuamotuan Uvean West Polynesian

Preface

During a term as visiting scientist at the State University of Chile, I had the opportunity to go to Easter Island to study the island culture from July 4, 1957 to February 1, 1958. So far, the results of these field studies have been only partially published as a series of essays from 1958 to 1963. The establishment of a Department of Ethnology at the University of Tübingen and extensive research in the field of Pre-Columbian Studies delayed my planned contributions to research about Easter Island, but finally, a sabbatical leave enabled me to finish work on the ethnohistorical data and present them in the form of this book. Further volumes are planned. My visit came at a time when Easter Island was still relatively isolated, prior to the opening of air routes and frequent ship calls. In the midst of accelerating cultural change, several families of the village had attempted to preserve vestiges of the Polynesian pattern of values typical of the island and had regained and maintained an active interest in knowledge of their own past. Contrary to my expectations, the field work consisted for the most part of discussions about a "memory culture." The oral traditions of the Easter Islanders, passed down from generation to generation, culminated in instructions given to a group of old men who were youths in pre-missionary times (about 1860). These korohua, or "old ones" as they are called in this book, were the last to experience the Polynesian culture of Easter Island intact. In the early years of the twentieth century, in the drab isolation of the leper station north of the village of Hangaroa, a tiny group of these "old ones" guarded their memories of the traditional history of the voyage of the immigrants and their settling in this "eighth land," and the systematization in code of the ancient knowledge.

x

Preface

A written record of the old traditions was set down in Rapanui (the Rapanui manuscripts), but was kept secret from outsiders until recently. One of these manuscripts, containing accounts of the "old ones," proved to be of inestimable value as a guide during my discussions with informants. I am thus able to present the history of discovery and settlement of the island—the most distant Polynesian land—from the unique perspective of the Easter Islanders themselves. My translation and explanation of the secret Rapanui manuscript casts new light on many questions concerning the roots of Easter Island culture. Moreover, this study should enrich Polynesian research in particular and ethnoscience in general with new methods of analysis. The traditions of Púa Ara Hoa should also be of value for the further decipherment of the inscribed tablets (kohau rongorongo) from Easter Island. The number of key informants was limited. I did not intend to obtain a quantitative sampling of a functioning village community of the 800 Easter Islanders but to gain a "look into the past" by the cooperation of those few informants who were considered to have knowledge of the past in any one field. The willingness of Leonardo Pakarati (born in 1912) to spend three months with me, discussing all the well-known and little-known traditional accounts, turned out to be the most effective help. Ambiguous terminology, social roles, and institutions within the Easter Island culture as it may have been around the middle of the nineteenth century, were discussed with Timoteo Pakarati and Victoria Atan, Santiago Pakarati and Amelia Tepano, the brothers Mateo Hereveri and Gabriel Hereveri, and, last but not least, Victoria Rapahango. In the beginning, the information was relayed in Spanish; later it was predominantly in Rapanui. Living in the village greatly enhanced contacts of trust. Although I am most grateful to the Easter Islanders, both the ones named and the many not mentioned by name, as whose historian I came to regard myself, I also would like to mention at the same time my now deceased friend and teacher, Father Sebastian Englert. As the foremost expert of the language and ways of thinking of his parishioners, as the moral authority of the island, and as a scholar of integrity in missionary's clothes, his help and advice gave me great support.

Preface xi The preparation, execution, and evaluation of the GermanChilean Easter Island Expedition of 1957-1958 was made possible and supported by institutions and individuals to whom I wish to express my gratitude. My trip to Chile was financed by the German Ibero-American Foundation (Hamburg) and supported through a grant of the German Society for the Encouragement of Scientific Research. Adolf Meyer-Abich and Juan Gomez Millas, at that time chancellor of the State University of Chile, arranged for my activities as a visiting scientist. My institutional base in Santiago was the Centro de Estudios Antropológicos, whose director, Luis Sandoval, and several of his colleagues gave me a warm welcome. I would like to especially thank Gustavo Peña and Ingeborg Lindberg de Klohn. The Easter Island expedition would not have been possible without the generous cooperation of the Chilean Navy. My thanks to Admiral Don Francisco O'Ryan for special permission to travel on board the vessel Esmeralda from Antofagasta to Hangaroa, and to the island's governor, Capitán Valenzuela, for his understanding and support of my work among the Easter Islanders. My companion, Ruperto Vargas Diaz, who conducted his own research for the Centro de Estudios Antropológicos in the field of legal ethnology in Hangaroa and in archeology in the wider Easter Island area, solved the difficult logistical problems. Of my Chilean discussion partners I would like to mention with gratitude Fritz Felbermayer, Greta Mostny, and Ottmar Wilhelm. My mentors in the field of Easter Island research were Robert Heine-Geldern and Alfred Métraux. To them and to the many not mentioned, my sincere thanks.

1. The First Inhabitants of Easter Island

The isolated location of Easter Island in the South Pacific makes its discovery during pre-European times appear to be an accidental event. The skeptical student of Oceania of our day hopes for concrete evidence about the early settlers through lucky archeological findings. The Easter Islanders themselves regard their ancient origins and the beginning of their island existence differently. To them, the great migration across the ocean, with its antecedent history, its execution, and the beginning of an established order in the new homeland, was not a mere accident, but the final realization of a dream. The early phase, marked by planning, is followed by the logical unfolding of the biography of the first ruler. The indigenous traditional accounts treat the short initial phase in the greatest detail, and after that shed light only on widely separated episodes. The Hotu Matua cycle, which is the main subject of this book, has been indispensable to the self-image of the Easter Islanders, at least during the last epoch of their island's history (1722-1862), since in the midst of the turmoil during the late military phase the sense of community in the early period continued to be stressed. At the same time, this theme provided a background for the ideology of the island king who had lost his political powers. We still do not know to what extent the immigration theme has been canonized in the Rongorongo texts. So far, the tablet fragments, preserved by sheer chance, offer only a few substantial clues to which motifs can be linked. Our sources consist of the oral traditions, the words of the "old ones," as we find them in the ethnographic collections of foreigners and in the writings of Easter Islanders.

2

The First Inhabitants of Easter Island

They mirror a final synthesis of the various streams of traditions. They were narrated when there were hardly any listeners left. They represent remembered knowledge among a poor and decimated population. Even though the cycle of the great immigration dominates this book, we should not close our ears to the persistent voices of those sources that recall an even earlier chapter in the history of Easter Island (Barthel 1960:232-240). There are recurring hints that there were already people on the island when Hotu Matua's emissaries arrived in their boat. The traditions are very meager, but to some extent they support each other. Tradition 1

After naming the topographical features of Easter Island with names from their land of origin, the emissaries went from the west coast up to the rim of the crater Rano Kau, where Kuukuu had started a yam plantation some time earlier. After they had departed from Pu Pakakina they reached Vai Marama and met a man. Ira asked, "How many are you?" He answered, "There were two of us." Ira continued asking, "Where is he (the other)?" To that he answered, "The one died." Again Ira asked, "Who has died?" He replied, "That was Te Ohiro A Te Runu." Ira asked anew, "And who are you?" He answered, "Nga Tavake A Te Rona." (E:46)

After this, the emissaries and Nga Tavake went to the yam plantation. The source mentions explicitly that this tradition (ki, "the speech") about Nga Tavake comes from the narrator Ika Hiva, that is, from a nobleman of the Miru tribe (see Appendix I). Nga Tavake is mentioned again later as a witness at the arrival of the royal double canoe (E:76). Tradition 2 There already was a man here when (the emissaries) Ira and Raparenga arrived with their companions. His name was Nga Tavake. Raparenga and his companions knew nothing about the origin of Nga Tavake. (TP:20, spelling corrections mine)

This version, which Englert received in 1936 from Mateo Hereveri, goes back to one of the "old ones."

The First Inhabitants

of Easter Island

3

Tradition 3 The same source of information, Hongi Atua Kava A ' Ure Auviri, Porotu, supplies the version of Gabriel Hereveri, recorded at about the same time: This island was once a great land. The reason it became so small is because Uoke lifted the earth with a (mighty) pole and then let it sink (into the sea). It was because of the very bad people of Te Pito O Te Henua that Uoke lifted the land (and let it crumble) until it became very small. From the uplifted Te Pito O Te Henua, (they) came to the landing site of Nga Tavake, to Te Ohiro. In Rotomea (near Mataveri) they disembarked and climbed up to stay at Vai Marama (a waterplace near Mataveri). During the next month, they moved on to Te Vare (on the slope of the crater Rano Kau). When they saw that the (land)-lifting Uoke also approached (their present) island, Nga Tavake spoke to Te Ohiro: "The land is sinking into the sea and we are lost!" But Te Ohiro warded off the danger with a magic chant. In Puku Puhipuhi, Uoke's pole broke, and, in this way, at least Nga Tavake's landing site remained (of the formerly great land). (TP:21-22) Tradition 4 A variation is contained in Ms. C (NA II: Figs. 137 and 138). My translation differs f r o m the interpretation of Fedorova (1965) in several points (NA 11:397-398). The tradition consists of two symmetrically arranged paragraphs composed as speeches. At first the emissary Kuukuu poses his question and " T e a v a k a " answers; then a dialogue between the immigrant king, Hotu M a t u a , and " T e a v a k a " takes place: Teavaka spoke: "This is a matter that concerns you, young man; this island was once a very great land." Kuukuu asked, "Why then did the land become so small?" — "The reason the land became so small is because it was lifted up with a (mighty) pole by Uvoke. From the uplifted Teavaka, (Uvoke) reached Te Ohiro, then Te Pito O Te Henua. It was at Puku Puhipuhi that the pole of Uvoke broke and thus the landing site of Teavaka was preserved." After King Hotu Matua had landed and taken up his abode, Kuukuu said [s/c At this point the emissary is already dead; read "Teavaka" instead], "This land was once very great." The stranger Teavaka said, "It sank into the sea." The stranger Teavaka

4

The First Inhabitants of Easter Island

said, "What remains is the landing site of Teavaka." Thereupon the king asked, "Why did the land sink into the sea?" — "It was lifted up by Uvoke with a (mighty) pole. From there, where it was lifted, from Teavaka, (Uvoke came) to Te Ohiro, then to Te Pito O Henua. It was at Puku Puhipuhi where the pole of Uvoke broke. The hole (?) is the size of the pole. The pole came from above." The king said to Teavaka, "It was not the pole (of Uvoke), stranger, that did this. It was a bolt of lightning [or, the impact of a meteor?] of Makemake which you have seen!" (C)

The mythology of the creation of the island, with the details already mentioned but without mention of an earlier population, is also attested by TP: 19. The meeting of the emissaries with a stranger is mentioned only as an insignificant episode by Routledge (RM:278, between Hangaroa and Orongo), Brown (1924:40-41, "Ratavake" in Mataveri, later on Motu-nui, remains on the island after the return of the emissaries to their homeland), and Metraux (ME:59 in Mataveri; ME:61 suggested that after the death of Kuukuu, the original number of six emissaries is to be restored; the field log contains the name "Ratavake" at the end of the list of emissaries!). Brown's data recall the episodes from Ms. E in the most concise form. All three sources agree that the area where contact was made was on the northern base of the crater Rano Kau, and all three authors used the same key informant, Juan Tepano. Finally, the occurrence of two names should be mentioned. A list of emissaries in Ms. C (NA II: Fig 150) includes a man called "Ko Pukupuku Gatavake" between Ira, the leader of the emissaries, and Kuukuu, the emissary who dies on Easter Island. Why Nga Tavake is characterized as "swollen" remains a mystery. A fragment of the traditional account of Hau Maka in Ms. A (NA II: Fig. 129) lists the three sons of Te Taanga as "Ga Tavake A Te Taaga, Te Ohiro A Te Taaga, (and) Hau A Te Taaga," which represents a mingling with the narrative of the formation of the three little islands (Motu Nui, Motu Iti, and Motu Kaokao). Furthermore, the scene of the action is the homeland of the emigrants, that is, Marae Renga. A comparative evaluation of the various sources reveals the basic structure of the Easter Islanders' concept of the beginning of their world. Creation and the primeval era are manifested in

The First Inhabitants of Easter Island

5

the figure of the giant Uoke, or Uvoke, who lifts the land with his mighty pole and then lets it sink into the sea until only Easter Island is left as a final fragment. In view of this mythological act, the well-known island name "Te Pito O Te Henua" should be translated as "the fragment of the earth" and not as "the navel of the earth," as is usually done. The tool of the creator of the island, presumably a gigantic digging stick (oka, TP: 19), breaks at "Puku Puhipuhi," an elevation on Easter Island south of La Perouse Bay, and there it leaves its traces. The mythologem of Uvoke clearly belongs to the first settlers of the island. The immigrant king, Hotu Matua, challenges Uvoke's powers with the power of his own creator-god, Makemake. The motif of the giant with the digging stick is also contained in the myth of Tangaroa-mea. Tangaroa's brother "Teko with the incredibly long legs" (Teko vae kumi) touches with gigantic steps several selected points on Easter Island, among them Puku Puhipuhi, "the place where Teko thrust down his pole" (te kona ko te veronga akaue o te teko, ME:310-311). Te Teko may be a later equivalent of Uvoke; the east Polynesian name denotes one who strides arrogantly. The motif of an island being formed from a greater land is widely dispersed throughout Polynesia (Kirtley 1971:63; A: 955.11) and does not require the assumption of a natural catastrophe for an explanation. A specific parallel can be established through the name Uoke, or Uvoke. A genealogy from Hiva-Oa in the southeastern Marquesas Island group names a mythical ancestor, Voke, as the father of the great islands Vevau and Havaii, Fiti and Tonatapu, Fititapu and Tehau (Handy 1923: 344). These island names point to west Polynesia as the region of origin of the Marquesan people. In west Polynesia one might also find the source of the name of the primeval creator of the island: in FIJ. voka means " t o slip, of the earth" (Capell 1957: 312 voka ni qele "landslide"), which would relate directly to Uvoke's activity with his digging stick (compare also TON. voke, Churchward 1959:541). In any case, the first people on the island can be differentiated chronologically. Te Ohiro supposedly died before the arrival of the emissaries, but the emissaries do establish contact with Nga Tavake—the only person who witnesses the arrival of Hotu Matua and the subsequent process of settlement. Nga Tavake

6

The First Inhabitants of Easter Island

seems to indicate the continuity of an earlier population group surviving the period of immigration. The functionally identical "Teavaka" must be considered to be either an incorrect form of "Tavake," the result of an error in copying, or to be connected in meaning in some unknown way. The name does not appear anywhere else. No possible distinction (tea vake "white boat"?; te ava ka "the ditch in which the fire is lit"?) is supported by other texts. The island itself was called "the landing site of the boat" of Nga Tavake or, of Teavaka, respectively, and the landing site is placed on the west coast. If one places all the locations named in these traditions on a map and adds the later topographical terms that contain the names of those first people, two zones stand out on Easter Island. One zone is adjacent to Rano Kau (where the contact between the emissaries and Nga Tavake took place), an area of optimal environmental conditions (fresh water, vegetation, and access to alternate fishing grounds, each according to wind conditions). As the tribal territory of the Haumoana, this zone later represented a certain political unit, too. From the archeological point of view, it is important because of its early structures at Vinapu (NA 1:93-180). The second zone lies in the northeastern part of the island. One of the names for the famous Poike ditch, where the final battle of the Hanau Eepe took place, is "long earth-oven of Tavake." Not far away to the west lies the elevation of Puku Puhipuhi, where Uvoke's land-lifting pole broke, and on the coast near Ahu Mahatua, there is known to be a perforated stone, Pu-o-Hiro (ME:310). In addition, there is "Hanga Ohiro," a bay west of Anakena, where, according to tradition, the immigrant queen, Ava Rei Pua, went ashore. For the second zone, too, access to alternate fishing grounds off the bays of La Perouse and Hotu Iti, as well as the freshwater supply from Rano Raraku, may have been decisive. The tribes who dominated the area politically after the Hanau Eepe did not belong to the nobility. Finally, attention should be given to the contrasting pair, Tavake vs. Te Ohiro, in one of the recitations (Barthel 1960: 854), which can be linked with the meanings "tropic bird vs. sea swallow" and "red vs. black," as well as "east vs. west" and "sun vs. moon." The connection to sea birds and colors could very well have heraldic meaning. "Ohiro" as the new moon

The First Inhabitants of Easter Island

7

(HM:311) would have to be located in the west, while "Ra Tavake" could be associated with the sun. Beyond the local framework, we find "Gatavake" as a local and a tribal name on the neighbor island Mangareva (Hiroa 1938:6 and Fig. 2, 142). A historical cross-connection is possible. At least the Mangarevean example appears to justify as an admissible hypothesis that "Nga Tavake" may stand both for an individual and for a social group. The discovery of Ms. E has made available additional genealogical data to support the theory of "previous inhabitants": Nga Tavake is mentioned as the son of Te Rona and Te Ohiro is mentioned as the son of Te Runu. These "father names" are not known from any other sources. Etymological considerations point in the following direction: RAP. rona means primarily "sign" (an individual sign in the Rongorongo script or a painted or carved sign made on a firm background, such as a petroglyph), but also "sculpture" (made from wood or stone, representing animals or hybrid creatures). "He who makes signs" might indicate an artistic activity or one related to the use of signs. RAP. runu indicates the activity of "welcoming, showing hospitality" (HM:496; Churchill 1912:253), so that in the case of the second "father name," we may be dealing with a role of original hospitality. Just as Te Ohiro precedes Nga Tavake in time, one ought to place "the host" (te runu) chronologically ahead of "the maker of signs" (te rona). Since these appear to be very ancient names, a look at other Polynesian languages seems to be warranted. Not much can be said about runu (lunu or nunu), while rona (lona) implies the idea of "maintaining a straight line" with ropes and nets and also the maintaining of a steady course (in MAO. and TUA.). "Te Rona" is the name of a star in TUA., which Makemson (1941:251) derives from the mythical figure of " R o n a , " who is connected with the moon and is considered to be the father of (the moon goddess) Hina (for this role in MAO., see Tregear 1891:423). From west Polynesia come totally different meanings. Interesting perhaps is FIJ. lona, " t o wonder what one is to eat, fasting for the dead." I would not exclude the possibility that the "father names" represent definite roles within the earliest history of the island, for if one consults the genealogies of other Polynesian islands for a comparison, one comes across an example in TUA., which

8

The First Inhabitants of Easter Island

Emory recorded (1940:70). Two ancestors appear far back in time—sixty generations before the year 1900!—as a male-female pair with the names Rona-ma-kai-taua and Rune-aitu. The addition of Rona and Rune (for experimental purposes, to be understood as the weakened equivalent of RAP. runu) may serve to illustrate the characteristics of a cannibal and a death spirit. However that may be, "Te Rona" and "Te Runu" are genuine Polynesian names, as are all other names that occur in the traditions of the first people on Easter Island. This must be emphasized, since proponents of the "American Indians in the Pacific" theory might be inclined to establish a connection between runa and the Quechua word for " m a n . " I take seriously the problem of a population present on Easter Island prior to the great immigration of Hotu Matua because archeological and linguistic findings speak for a much earlier time of settlement than the one based on other data (genealogies and the Rongorongo script, which was brought along), that is given for the arrival of Hotu Matua. The first settlers of Easter Island should not be thought of as the subject of legends of "original inhabitants," nor should they be dismissed from history on the level of a Menehune mythology. Based on the names, the crossconnection with Hiva Oa and Mangareva seems to mark a genuine migration in the middle of the first millennium after Christ.

2.

Earlier History in the Old Homeland

No other source reports the early history in the land of origin in as much detail as Ms. E. This tradition relates the following: Those were the noteworthy rulers (? ariki motongi): Oto Uta, Tangaroa A Oto Uta, Tiki Hati A Tangaroa, Roroi A Tiki Hati, Tuu Kuma A Roroi, Ataranga A Tuu Kuma, Harai A Ataranga, Taana A Harai, Matua A Taana, and Hotu A Matua. These ten kings belonged to Maori. Maori was the name of the country. Marae Renga was the name of the residence of the great king (ariki nui). Marae Tohia was the second residence of the king. The brothers of the first ruler (? ariki maahu) were Moe Hiva, Tuku Maura, Ngerani, Po, and Henga. King Oto Uta had five masters (maori): the first one was Moe Hiva; the second one, Tuku Maura; the third one, Ngerani; the fourth one, Po; and the fifth one, Henga. Moe Hiva was the master who taught knowledge of the ocean, who knew about the entire width of the ocean, clear up to where it ends (?). Of the four masters who instructed in the knowledge of the sun, the moon, the stars, and the sky, Tuku Maura was the first one; Ngerani, the second one; Po, the third one; and Henga, the fourth one. Moe Hiva sat down and thought intensely. Then he made a prediction for King Oto Uta. This was his prediction: "There will come a time when the land will sink into the sea." Moe Hiva was the first prophet (kohou tohu, literally, "staff of prophecy"); Tuku Maura was the second one; Ngerani, the third one; Po, the fourth one; and Henga, the fifth one. During the time of Roroi, the waves rose and the water (of the sea) flooded the land. It rose during the time of Tuu Kuma, during the time of Ataranga, during the time of Harai, during the time of Taana, during the time of Matua, and during the time of Hotu. During the time of Roroi, the water flooded the land and killed a great number of Roroi's people. The time of the rule of Tuu Kuma

10 Earlier History in the Old Homeland drew near. During the time of Tuu Kuma, Tuu Kuma spoke: "Because of (?) Roroi, misfortune has come to many of Tuu Kuma's people." During the time of Ataranga, the people built boats, put them into the water, went on board, and sailed off (across the sea) to find a land where people could (safely) live. During the time of Taana, Taana spoke to his three sons: "Untie your boat, fellows! Sail away and look for the land where the great king can live (safely in the future)!" The boat anchored in front of the three (islets) Motu Nui, Motu Iti, and Motu Kaokao. They had sailed away and had looked for the (new) land, but the boat did not return to its homeland, Maori. Many people perished during the time of Taana. Taana spoke to his assistants (titiro): "Pick up the keel and lay it down (at the building site) and construct a boat (miro), young men! The boat shall be for the people (mahingo) and also for the king, so that we can all set out and look around to see whether there isn't (somewhere) (the possibility of) escape for the people." They built the boat during the time of Taana. Thus, everything remained (in its place) until Taana died. Taana passed on his royal power to Matua. Matua established himself (as ruler). They built boats during the time of Hotu. (E: 1-5) Much shorter are the statements, based on the oral traditions of the "old ones," that Arturo Teao was able to make in 1936 at the leper station: The land of Hotu Matua, Hiva, was commonly called Maori. The residence of King Hotu Matua in Hiva was Marae Renga. The father of Hotu Matua was Taane Arai. . . . The residence of Queen Ava Rei Pua in Hiva was Marae Tohia. The king saw that the land was disappearing into the sea. It disappeared because of rising flood waters. The people perished. More and more people, women, children, and old people died. (TP: 23) This process continued up to the time of the emigration, when King Hotu Matua saw that most of the land had sunk into the sea and that only one side of the land remained—that was Maori (TP:43). A final echo of the same oral source is found in the written accounts of Gabriel Hereveri, which I was able to copy in August 1957 at the leper station. The so-called Ms. F contains a shortened list of the ancestors of Hotu Matua:

Earlier History in the Old Homeland

11

Oto Uta, Tangaroa A Oto Uta, Roroi A Tangaroa, Tuukuma A Roroi, Taana Harai A Tuukuma, Hotu Matua A Taana Harai belong to Maori.

This sequence of names is supposed to go back to Ure Vae Iku. If one compares the two lists (Barthel 1959:77-78), the device for obtaining the ideal numbers " t e n " (in Ms. E) and "six" (in Ms. F) becomes apparent. The longer list is the result of the artificial separation of "Taana/Harai" and "Hotu/Matua"; the shorter list omits the names "Tiki Hati" and "Ataranga" in the third and sixth positions. From both lists, a protolist of eight names of rulers in the land of origin can be reconstructed. The first three names are obviously those of gods who were declared ancestors. The sequence "Tangaroa" to "Tiki" represents a typical central Polynesian sequence. The earliest ariki motongi, Oto Uta, is not known to me from any other source. As far as the etymology of the name is concerned, HAW. oko "to move ahead of others: to be better than others" may provide a helpful hint. As for the position on the list, one would expect a figure such as Tane or Atea to be the father of Tangaroa. It is possible that there is a connection between Oto Uta, the archaic greeting otoroka (HM:480), and the call "Odorroga! Odorroga!," which was recorded at the time of discovery in 1722. Odorroga must have been Oto runga; "Oto is above" would have practically the same meaning as "Oto is inland." Perhaps the greeting contained a paraphrase of the name of the oldest ancestor. The second ariki motongi, Tangaroa, appears as the ancestor of Hotu Matua in a genealogy fragment (ME: 127). Another, "Tangaroa Tatarara," appears on the Thomson list of kings in the thirty-eighth position. Obviously, this is a transposed list of ancestors (Barthel 1961). The third ariki motongi, Tiki Hati, ("the sculpture ? is broken") should probably be emended to "Tiki Hatu" because "Tiki Te Hatu" ("Tiki the lord, or Tiki the stone") appears in the twentieth position in the Thomson list of kings in a context that suggests the ancient east Polynesian idea of the descent of the first man (also L:30). The name also appears several times in the so-called creation chant (PH:521-522; ME:321, 323). With the fourth ariki motongi, Roroi, under whose rule Moe

12 Earlier History in the Old Homeland Hiva's prophecy is fulfilled and the natural catastrophes begin, we leave the realm of mythology. Although this next historic name does not appear again in the same form, there are possible parallels to the fifth ariki motongi, Tuu Kuma. Thomson's list of kings shows a "Tukuma" followed by a series of names of "masters" (tuhunga) in the thirtysecond position of its transposed passage. The genealogy published by Lanyon-Orgill (1960), which is based on field reports, once thought lost, of the Routledge expedition, contains the reduplicated form "Tukumakuma" in the same context in the thirty-eighth position. At any rate, both ancestors are substantiated because they are also associated with the genealogies of early recorded sources from 1886 and 1914-1915. The name of the sixth ariki motongi, Ataranga, seems to have been used as an ancestral name (ingoa tupuna) by people during the time after the immigration of Hotu Matua. The recurring examples in practically all the lists of kings (Barthel 1961:140), acknowledge this later Ataranga as a son of Miru, who lived several generations after Hotu Matua. It is not known whether Ahu Ataranga on the southern part of the west coast was connected with the "Ataranga" of Easter Island or the one in the land of origin (HM:516). With Taana Harai, the seventh ruler in the protolist, we come to the father of Hotu Matua. The name is substantiated by Ms. A (NA II: Fig. 123) and Arturo Teao (variant "Taane Arai" TP:23). However, the lineage of Hotu Matua is open to question (see below). During my field work, questions about Taana yielded the following answer: Once he ruled a land called "Hiva" or "Ovakevake," where all spirits (akuaku) have their home. Through the power of his mana he learned of the location of Easter Island and sent his three sons across the sea to the island. When his three sons approached the cliff "Te Karikari" (on the outer rim of the crater Rano Kau), an evil sorcerer changed them into rocks. A jealous relative on the maternal side, " R i u , " caused this to happen. The three sons of " T a a n a " became the islets Motu Nui, Motu Iti, and Motu Kaokoa, which can be seen to this day. The similarity to Ms. E is unmistakeable. The three rocky islets off the cliffs of the southwestern part of Easter Island, once closely connected with the cult of the birdman, were considered

Earlier History in the Old Homeland

13

the landmark of Easter Island and were called ' 'the three sons of Te Taana, who are standing in the water" (ko nga hope tutuu vai a te taanga) (Ms. E; TP:24; and the faulty ME:58). If one assumes that the form handed down in the local name is the original one, "Te Taanga," then a sound change from " n g " to " n " has taken place in the other sources, as in fact can sometimes be observed in modern Rapanui. The artificially expanded list of rulers in Ms. E pushes the time of the unsuccessful voyage of the three sons much earlier than the time of Hotu Matua. According to the protolist, the search for a safe homeland must have taken place during the generation before Hotu Matua. In Ms. A, the sons of Te Taanga incorrectly bear the names of the first settlers of Easter Island. The confusion can be explained by the common theme of "search for an island" in the pre-Hotu Matua time. Nevertheless, the source cited is important because it confirms "Marae Renga" as the home of Te Taanga and one who is called "Hau Maka" as his brother (taina). So far, our analysis has been based exclusively upon statements from existing Rapanui texts. However, the early history in the homeland of the emigrants is also mentioned by two important authors who furnish additional data. These too we will have to examine carefully. I would like first to mention Routledge, whose information most nearly corresponds to Ms. E: The ancestors of the present inhabitants came, it is said, from two neighbouring islands known as Marae Renga and Marae Tohio. Here, on the death of the chief, Ko Riri-ka-atea, a struggle for supremacy arose between his two sons, Ko Te Ira-ka-atea and Hotu-matua, in which Hotu was defeated. (RM:277)

The names of the islands of origin are the same, or almost the same, as the ones already mentioned. "Rivalry between brothers" as motif for emigration would fit in perfectly with the Polynesian way of life, where the loser in a contest for land and status was forced to emigrate across the ocean. Also, the relationship between "Te Taanga" and "Hau Maka" in Ms. A corresponds to the rivalry theme. Hotu Matua's words at his arrival (RM:278) indicate that Routledge too must have heard of the motif of "the land-devouring sea." The actual difference is in the names of the relatives—"Riri

14 Earlier History in the Old Homeland Ka Atea" as the father of Hotu Matua and "Te Ira Ka Atea" as his brother. No other source confirms this relationship. Although Hotu Matua's legitimate birth is dubious, the "bastard motif" does not explain the name of the chief, which, literally translated, means "the one pale with anger." Whatever the relationship between Riri-ka-atea and Hotu Matua may have been (adopted father or foster father?), the former must have belonged to the generation immediately preceding the great migration. Most unusual is Metraux's attempted reconstruction, for which he uses elements of the creation chant. In this scheme, "Te Ririkatea" is the fourth offspring of Tike-te-hatu and a woman named Rurua-tiki-te-hatu (ME:321). However, this does not seem to reflect actual history. On the other hand, the utilization of lists of rulers is fully justified. I have shown, as the result of a special investigation (Barthel 1961), that the long genealogy L, recorded in 1914-1915 by the Routledge expedition, and the closely related genealogy T, which came into Thomson's possession through the intervention of Alexander Salmon, consists of three segments. The first segment (from Hotu Matua to Mahuta Ariki) includes the rulers of the island from the time of the immigration to that of a great military event. The third segment (from Haumoana to Ngaara) lists the rulers from the middle of the seventeenth century to the disintegration of the Easter Island culture. The inserted second segment (from divine beginnings to Riri Katea) has a mythological quality and seems to have originated elsewhere, not from the island; it could conceivably be regarded as a document from the homeland of the emigrants. Because of its "insertion" in the middle of the seventeenth century, one might also ask whether the "second segment" might not be a genealogy of the leaders of the Hanau Eepe, who at that time were destroyed by the Hanau Momoko, thus by the descendants of Hotu Matua. In this case, the assimilation of the ancestors of a defeated people into the list of rulers of the victors would be no more than a "feathering of one's bed with strange feathers," by which the authors of the "long" lists were able to compile an impressive list of rulers for the victors. There may be still another interpretation. If one links "Te Riri Katea" (T:43) at the end of the "second segment" with what Routledge has established about the father of Hotu Matua, then the scene of action for the preceding names would be Marae

Earlier History in the Old Homeland

15

Renga and Marae Tohio. This interpretation presents difficulties vis-à-vis the protolist gained from Mss. E and F because there are now more instances of deviation than of agreement. Genealogy L lists nineteen names for the "second segment," and genealogy T lists twenty-seven, of which fourteen agree. As opposed to Thomson's spelling (PH:534), in this list the obvious errors have been corrected and the most likely forms reconstructed: From List T 17. Atua Ure Rangi

18. Te Riri Tuu Kura 19. Korua Rongo 20. Tiki Te Hatu 21. UruKenu 22. Te Rurua Tiki Te Hatu 23. "NauTa Mahiki" 24. Te Rika Tea 25. Te Ria Kautahito 26. Ko Te Pu I Te Toki 27. Ko Te Hiti Rua Nea 28. Te Uruaki Kena 29. Tu Te Rei Manana 30. Ko Te Kura Tahonga 31. Taoraha Kaihahanga 32. Tukuma 33. Te Kahui Tuhunga 34. Te Tuhunga Nui 35. Te Tuhunga Roa 36. Te Tuhunga "Mare Ka] 37. Toati Rangi Hahe 38. Tangaroa Tatarara 39. Havini Koro 40. Puna Hako 41. Puna Ate Tuu 42. Puna Kai Te Vana 43. Te Riri Katea

From List L 26. Atuauraranga 27. Atuamata 28. Uremata 29. Koruarong(o) 30. Tiki Te Hatu 31. TikiTena 32. Urukenu 33. Te Rurua 34. Te Rikatea 35. TeTeratera 36. Te Riakautahito 37. Te Uruakena

38. Tukumakuma 40. Te Tuhunga Hanui 39. Te Tuhunga Haroa 41. Toati Rango 42. Havinivini 43. PunaHaka 44. Puna Atetuu

The "second segments" are placed almost exactly in the middle of the traditional lists of names. Genealogy T lists sixteen names before and fourteen names after the insertion; genealogy

16 Earlier History in the Old Homeland L lists twenty-four before and twenty-five after. Since certain names appear in both "long lists," one might suspect the existence of a protolist that covered the standard number of thirty generations. This standardization of length is characteristic of the modern "short" lists. At the beginning, there is a "god, who comes from heaven" (T:17), or a "god of the flaming light" (L:26), attributes that match those of the god Tane, or Atea. This is followed by "the wrath of the precious Tuu" (T:18), obviously a name for the Polynesian god of war (compare HAW. Ku-ula), and in a parallel position "Divine countenance (eyes)" (L:27), or "manly countenance (eyes)" (L:28), which also seems to refer to the god Tuu (compare RAP. Atua Mata Riri "god of the angry face," ME:320). "Rongo," the third member of the great Polynesian triad of gods, concludes the opening segment (T:19 and L:29). It is interesting to note that Tangaroa is absent from this crucial passage; T:38 may be related to the mythological motif in ME:311. After the enumeration of the three main gods, the theme of the first man follows: "Tiki the lord" (T:20and L:30), or "Tiki, who gives commands" (? or L:31 "Tiki, who is satisfied?", a possible translation from HAW.) has "Uru the husband" for a son (T:21 and L:32). This sequence coincides with the one established in other parts of eastern Polynesia (Hawaii, Tahiti, Chatham Islands), where the son of the first human pair, Tiki and Hina, was named Uru. If T:23 can be emended to read "Nana Mahaki," the parallel becomes even more obvious, since names such as "Nana," "Nanana," and similar ones immediately follow "Uru" (Stokes 1930). But other names are also very descriptive, such as "the pale phantom" (T:24 and L:34) or "he who is here and there" (L:35). "The frightening band of the ancient ones" (T:25 and L:36) closes with the name segment tahito, which again relates these lists to very early segments of Polynesian genealogies. While T:26-27 may have alluded to some kind of action, we come then to "first-born Kena" (T:28), a name that is interesting for two reasons: "Uruaki" is a typical western Polynesian term for the first born (Koskinen 1960:10), whereas "Te Kena" represents the most important line of the aristocratic Miru tribe. This part of the "second segment" seems to include genuine historic figures.

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T:29-30 introduces two terms for articles of adornment. Rei, the "curved ornaments," probably refers to a whale tooth and tahonga to wooden pendants (ME:233). Both are royal insignia. At the same time, they may contain allusions to names: "Manana" occurs in an obscure traditional fragment (PH:518, with an unreliable translation in 519) that deals with the taboo rules of Ariki, while "Tahonga" may be connected with the "Honga," a line of the Miru tribe that lived close to the "Te Kena" in the vicinity of Anakena. Obviously, this is an archaic "royal theme" that was continued by the rulers of Easter Island. The "spouting? whale" (T:31), which follows the royal insignia, calls to mind the whales found on the flat stone reliefs near ahu on the bay of Anakena. These are another peculiarity from the district of Ariki (NA 1:495). The next name represents the only immediate cross-connection to the "protolist from the land of origin." "Tukuma" (T:32) is the fifth king in Ms. E and the fourth in Ms. F, but neither predecessors nor successors can be found in lists T and L. The subsequent group of names of "masters," collectively and individually, constitutes a special subcategory. Supporting evidence for this group goes back to early missionary times when Jaussen received similar information (see Barthel 1959:72; references to their occurrence in the Metoro chants are in Barthel 1958:211). It should be pointed out that there are numerous additional examples of agreement between the "second segments" and the middle section of the Jaussen list (J:8-J:20 [Jaussen, 1886]), which are arranged in mixed blocks and are thus helpful in determining variations of names. With the name "Havini" and the "Puna"-(compounds), it becomes possible to establish contact with a genealogy from Hiva Oa (Handy 1923:344). This same document from the southeastern Marquesas Islands has already been mentioned in the discussion of the myth of the island-creating Uvoke. In the Marquesan list, "Havini" and the "Puna"-(compound) occur before the legendary first settler "Nuku"; that is, they do not fall within historical time. As far as mythical ancestors are concerned, "non-Marquesan" and "non-Easter Island" elements converge. In the "second segments," the great triad of gods is followed by the time of the first human beings which, in turn, is succeeded

18 Earlier History in the Old Homeland by a period of ghostly ancestors. There follows talk of a noble first-born and of royal insignia until finally (priestly) masters and other officials appear. This compositional scheme depicts a hierarchy, which, according to rank, descends to the world of historical man. The words and items used are Polynesian throughout. Thus, there is available a fair amount of useful material related to the early history away from the island. The titles ariki motongi and ariki maahu only occur in Ms. E, but they must have been important within the social organization in the homeland of the emigrants. While the ten ariki motongi represent a vertical sequence of sons, the five ariki maahu seem to have been a group of brothers of the first ruler. This, at any rate, is the explanation Victoria Rapahango gave me, possibly in agreement with RAP. maahu "older brother and his sons." A further contrast between the two groups arises from their functions: the ariki motongi were obviously political leaders, the ariki maahu more likely spiritual leaders. Perhaps the titles can be explained with TON. tongi "to engrave or carve, to cut notches or grooves or serrations or scallops in wood or cloth, etc." vs. TON. ahu, mahu "to be hard at it, to work hard and tiringly; [of places or people] to have plenty of food, to be well off for food." PPN *tongi "engrave" is limited in this special meaning to WPN. Were the ariki motongi kings in whose memory some type of "monuments," such as sculptures or reliefs, were created? Were the ariki maahu, on the other hand, leaders who brought about the prosperity of the land? If we limit ourselves to evidence from eastern Polynesia, then MGV. tongi "to bless, to praise," among others, and the title Tongo'iti "lord, prince," which is used in that area, can be used for an interpretation. As a rule, the Mangarevan hereditary nobility tongo(h)iti is distinguished from the commoners (h)urumanu, whose name also appears on Easter Island (Hiroa 1938: 142-145). The "praiseworthy" Ariki would naturally be the same as the Ariki "who have been preserved in monuments," if one is willing to combine MGV. and WPN. for a corresponding period of time. As for the ariki maahu, one may well ask whether these were not the Ariki "responsible for the places of worship (ahu)." The members of this group possessed the ability to prophecy and had special knowledge of nature, as priests are said to have.

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The names and the spheres of knowledge of the five maori of King Oto Uta reflect the following pattern: 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

"Sleeps in Hiva"? "Piles up for the flame"? ? "The one of the night" "The one who is red"?

(Moe Hiva) (Tuku Maura) (Ngerani) (Po) (Henga)

sea sun (day) moon (month) stars sky (dawn?)

Risky as it may be to etymologize Polynesian proper names, there nonetheless appears to exist a certain relationship (mnemotechnic?). The number "five" seems to be made up of the single Moe Hiva and a tetrade that stresses the contrast between "below" (sea) and "above" (heavenly phenomena). The "upper" tetrade seems to be organized into a directional scheme (noonevening-night-morning) that follows the course of the sun. The names of the five ariki maahu are absent from genealogies and registers of localities. We now come to Thomson (PH:527-528, 531), who in 1886 received certain statements from Salmon, on which the theory of an emigration from the Americas is based. Let us take a closer look at this source, of which there is only one long-winded English version in existence: 1. Nothing is said about the ancestors of Hotu Matua, except that his father was a mighty chief. The ancestral names that have so far been established are not modified by Thomson; on the other hand, Thomson's list of kings furnishes indirect proof for the name of the father, as established by Routledge. 2. Hotu Matua is supposed to have had a brother named "Machaa." During his courtship, "Machaa" outdoes Oroi ("the powerful chief of a neighboring clan") as a suitor. Oroi is betrayed, and "Machaa" and his bride flee with six selected companions. The wrath of Oroi is directed toward Hotu Matua, who, after extensive battles, is forced to flee across the sea. (The figure of "Oroi" is discussed in chapter 7.) Although the theme of jealousy as the primary cause for the emigration does not appear in any other source, it should not be excluded within the framework of Polynesian motives. The brother causes some difficulty since the spelling of his name is obviously incorrect ( " c h " does not occur in Polynesian words). Corrected ( " e " for " c " ) , the name would read "Maeha." In another context, the follow-

20 Earlier History in the Old Homeland ing explanation is given for the corrected name: prior to the emigration, yam roots and the secret of the names of the different varieties were stolen from King "Ko Ma'eha," a deed that a man named Teke commits for the benefit of Hotu Matua (TP:38-43). In Ms. E, Maeha appears as the victim of an even more extensive theft. In this version, he is the brother (taina) of Teke, who is the right-hand man of Hotu Matua. Both sources agree in many instances; however, Maeha ("machaa") is nowhere else substantiated as the brother of Hotu Matua. The motif of theft is a popular one in Polynesian tales. We should remember that "Maeha" and " O r o i " are Polynesian names, whose bearers are well-established in other traditions. As for the flight across the sea with the six companions, this incident seems to be confused with the expedition of the scouting party. 3. The description of the land of origin of the emigrants adds the "argument of the eastern direction," the name of a locality, and references to the climate. . . . Hotu-Matua and his followers came from a group of islands lying towards the rising sun, and the name of the land was Marae-toe-hau, the literal meaning of which is "the burial place." In this land, the climate was so intensely hot that the people sometimes died from the effects of the heat, and at certain seasons plants and growing things were scorched and shriveled up by the burning sun.

The description of the sea voyage also contains references to the direction ("steering toward the setting sun," "the setting sun was to be their compass," "King Hotu-Matua . . . came from the Land in the direction of the rising sun"). While Thomson linked the climatic references to a tropical setting (PH:531), he found no explanation for a land of origin to the east (PH:532). Heyerdahl, on the other hand, considers the information concerning direction, distance (a two month-long boat trip), and natural conditions to be proof that the eastern shore of South America was the home of the emigrants. Aside from Thomson, he cites Clark, who in 1882 had heard from Salmon that the emigrants who went ashore at Anakena on the northern coast had come from the east in two canoes (NA 1:33-34). He also cites Knoche, who during his visit in 1911 was told that the original discoverers had come from a land called "Wara-to-hiu"

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(Knoche 1912:873-874). Heyerdahl fails to mention that Knoche himself emphatically rejected America as the land of origin and that Knoche gave the following explanation for the easterly approach: In this context it should be mentioned that the arrival only appeared to be from the east because the western current, which brought the canoes to the island, flows initially along the south of Easter Island and beyond the island to the east. This island-circling current brought the canoes around the north of the island and into the east-west current of the trade winds. (Knoche 1925:307, 310; Knoche 1912:annotation 3)

Routledge emphasizes that she never heard of Hotu Matua's arrival as from the east; her informant, Kilimuti, did not know the place of origin. She mentions the direction in which the dying king gazed (to the west or, more precisely, to the southwest), and she cites Juan Tepano as source for the assumption that the first immigrants came originally from the Tuamotu Islands (RM:382). Heyerdahl does not attach any importance to this information because by the time Routledge arrived, "her native informants had forgotten all information pertaining to the distance and direction of Hotu Matua's land." With the rediscovery of the korohua traditions in Ms. E, information about the distance and the direction of the homeland of the emigrants known by those still living at the time of Knoche's visit has again become available for Easter Island research. The information Alexander Salmon gave to Clark and Thomson—which represents the basis of the America theory—is by no means unambiguous. This becomes apparent from his statements made during the visit of the gunboat Hyäne in September 1882. It might be useful to cite this report verbatim. Concerning the origin of the Rapanui people . . . the opinions of these people are divided. It is said that they came at an earlier time in a large canoe from Rapa, which is also called Oparo, an island of the Pou(t)motou group, and that they landed at Winapu, southeast of Ran(o) Kao. This island is located 1900 nautical miles to the west. Questioned about the point, Mr. Salmon remarked that there exists a tradition among the natives which says that they came in a large canoe with the trade winds from the Gallapagos Islands and that they landed in the north of the island near Ana-

22 Earlier History in the Old Homeland kena. He did not conceal that this tradition is at odds with the beliefs of other natives, who maintain that the immigration took place from the west and that perhaps an exact determination may not be possible . . . Mr. Salmon, himself a Tahitian and wellacquainted with the customs and practices of the Polynesians, remarked that, based on his conviction and knowledge, it was possible, and more than likely, that the first Rapanui people had come from the Pou(t)motou Islands . . . . (Geiseler 1883:43)

During the 1880s, the situation was confused, to say the least, since only 150 survivors lived on Easter Island. After the disintegration of the native culture, the many outside contacts with Peru, Mangareva, Rapa, and Tahiti had changed the traditional geographic horizon. Contradictions are hardly surprising during such a time of upheaval, but if we go back to early missionary times, the east theory disappears. Here is the information the British ship's surgeon, Palmer, received in 1868, presumably through the intervention of Roussel: We could learn very little of their antecedent history, and but little of their traditions. It is a current belief that [there have been] many generations since a large migration hitherwards took place from Aparo or Rapaiti, the leader of the swarm being Tu-ku-i-u, who after arrival, abode for some time near Otuiti, where he caused the images to be made . . . . (Palmer 1870:180)

This Rapaiti tradition can be considered a forerunner of the information of 1882. Metraux (ME:94-95), who researched the problem of the Rapa Iti traditions, remains openly skeptical. Jaussen (1893) seems to have been the first to record, as early as 1870, the name "Marae Renga" for the land of origin. I shall return later to the question of local place names. Metraux takes up the east theory and judges the ThomsonSalmon data "extremely questionable and undoubtedly of very recent date" (1957:225-227). Aside from discussions about the type of water vehicle used and the variety of cultivated plants, he elaborates on a segment of a tradition that indirectly informs about the direction of "Hiva." In the tradition of Nuku Kehu, Hotu Matua's master builder, "Hiva," where Nuku Kehu had left his wife, was likened to "the place of sunset" (TP:65, ka ngaro te raa i Hiva). The oral tradition in question goes back to one of the "old ones" via Mateo Hereveri and Aron Rapu. Of course, this evidence provides only a supporting argument, as

Earlier History in the Old Homeland

23

does the direction in which the dying Hotu Matua gazes (RM:280, "he looked over the islet of Motu Nui towards Marae Renga . . . and the cock crew in Marae Renga, and he heard it across the sea"). The interpretation of the "hot land of origin" as the Marquesas Islands, suggested by Brown (1924:44), is rejected by Heyerdahl (NA 1:42) with the argument that these islands do not experience seasonal fluctuations. However, a well-known authority, E. S. C. Handy, stresses the role played by drought and subsequent famine on some of the islands: Dryness amounts to dessication in times of drought . . . . the group is subject to severe droughts at times. A drought of four years duration has recently broken out in Hiva Oa, and not long ago there was one in Ua Pou that lasted seven years. The uncertainty of rainfall and these occasional droughts have affected directly the native culture. (Handy 1923:7-8)

The periods of drought had a direct effect on the number of inhabitants ("population . . . being reduced considerably at times of severe drought and famine—Garcia cites an historical instance," Handy 1923:10), and may have very well been the primary reason for the emigration. Within the Marquesas Islands, western Hiva Oa, Ua Huka, western Nuku Hiva, and last but not least Ua Pou were subject to droughts. Two further categories of evidence are useful in determining the land of origin: the names of plants and animals brought along by the emigrants and the names of places. I shall come back to plant and animal species in chapter 5. At this point, I would only like to mention that even Thomson (PH:526) lists almost exclusively cultivated plants from Oceania, and that yams played an important role in the homeland of the emigrants. As for the place names used by the immigrants, those names attached to specific localities have to be distinguished from the general naming of places in a new land. Names of specific localities can be arranged in two groups, in both cases listed in chronological order of their sources: (a) Marae Renga Jaussen (1893:241); information received around 1870. Manuscript E; information going back to at least 1911— 1912. Routledge (RM:227); information received 1914-1915.

24 Earlier History in the Old Homeland Estella (1920:25); information received around 1918. Englert (TP:23); after Arturo Teao (information from the leper station). Mêtraux (ME:56); information received in 1934 from Juan Tepano. (b) Sequence of Variations "Marae Hea Tau"? (Jaussen manuscript 1886:168; Barthel 1958:210) because of parallel use of "Hiva"; information from around 1870. "MaraeToe Hau"

(PH:527); information from 1886 from Salmon.

'Wara-to-hiu"

(Knoche 1912:874); information from 1911. Incorrect for "Maraetohio."

"Marae Tohia"

(Ms. E) as "the second residence" of the king; information from at least 1911-1912.

"Marae Toiho"

(RM:277) as "the neighbor island of Marae Renga"; information received 1914-1915.

"Marae-toohio"

(Estella 1920:25); information received around 1918.

'Marae Tohia"

(TP:23) as "residence of Queen Ava Rei Pua." After Arturo Teao (information from the leper station). Later Englert (HM:22) corrects his earlier form to

"Marae Tohio" PPN *mala'e "meeting place" (Walsh and Biggs 1966:57) is the term used in many areas of eastern Polynesia (Society Islands, Cook Islands, Austral Islands, Tuamotu Archipelago, Mangareva, and some of the Marquesas Islands) for the place of worship. This word does not exist in RAP.; ahu and tahua are used in its place. For this reason, names for the places of worship in the homeland are conspicuous. "Marae Renga," the

Earlier History in the Old Homeland

25

"beautiful place of worship" (RAP.), "the yellow place of worship," or "the place of worship of the turmeric root," shows up with amazing consistency in all the important sources and indicates continued knowledge of the past since missionary times. This place of worship has been linked to Hotu Matua in several instances. The name of the second place of worship, aside from the questionable evidence in MS. 1886, represents variations of the root *to. "Tohio" is the metathesis of "Toiho," while "Tohia" is the passive of "Tohi" or "To." As is often the case with this author, Thomson's spelling presents certain difficulties. Assuming his spelling to be correct, going into TUA. "Toe Hau" would read "where the peace remains behind." This would accord with Hotu Matua's motive for the emigration, because after Maeha, Oroi, and he have left their homeland, the main instigators of the fighting are gone. Allowing for incorrect spelling and possible emendations ("e" to " i " and " a " to "o"), a link can be established to Routledge's "Toiho." Be that as it may, Thomson's literal translation "the burial place" can at best explain "Marae" (compare TUA. "a burial ground, cemetery") but not the addition "Toe Hau." If one assumes an emendation to "Toi Hau" (compare MAO. toi "head"), then an important cult place celebrating primal origin may have been referred to. Especially interesting is Routledge's form "Toiho." Based on TAH. toihoiho "to be declining as the sun in the afternoon" (Davies 1851:278), one would expect the location of the place of worship to be in the west. An alternative to the ' 'place of worship of the descending [sun]" is the translation "place of worship that belongs to (the god) Iho" (compare Savage 1962:72 for RAR.) Stimson (1953:38-39) uses as a comparison a TUA. source (Fangatau) for a land called "Rangi Toiho," "abode-ofthe-gods-(in)-Toiho-land-of-the-setting-sun." This suggests "Te Iho O Te Rangi," one of the gods who, according to New Zealand tradition, was stolen from the temple of Rangiatea (Tregear 1891:394). This interpretation also speaks for a location of "Marae Toiho" to the west of Easter Island (and the Tuamotu Archipelago). The form of the name given by informants from the leper station also has the addition "Tohia," but the various possibilities in translating this word need not be elaborated at this point. The evidence linking the names of emigrants to strictly

26 Earlier History in the Old Homeland Polynesian place names is indisputable. This is also true of the more general names of the land of origin. "Hiva" is mentioned as the larger geographical unit to which both cult places belong (TP:23, general usage throughout; ME:65 and 67). In modern RAP., "Hiva" means the same as " a big country" and can even be applied to the South American continent. Englert (HM:1719) discusses the name in connection with the theory of a sunken continent and thereby continues a hypothesis formulated by Brown (1924). We should, however, eliminate the island of "Motu Motiro Hiva" (i.e., Sala-y-Gomez) from the discussion. This tiny island was known to Easter Islanders whose fishing boats had been blown off course and it is mentioned in several myths, but Sala-y-Gomez does not warrant serious consideration as the place of origin of an entire population. Rather, "Hiva" belongs within the framework of a number of Polynesian traditions—and the compilation of data would justify a monograph—dealing with special places of origin. Whole islands, localities, and even the ideas denoting a group of people bear the name "Hiva" or "Iva," either in its simple form or in a compound form. If we use Mangarevan traditions for comparison, we find "Hiva" located in the Marquesas group (Hiroa 1938:509), where to this day island names such as "Hiva O a " and "Nuku Hiva" exist. From the perspective of the Society Islands at the time of discovery by Europeans, islands whose name contained "Heeva" (i.e., "Hiva") were, in fact, concentrated in the northeastern quadrant (compare the map of Tupias, Sharp 1957:121). On the other hand, a "Hiva" plays a certain role on Raiatea itself. PPN *hiwa "black" denotes dark islands (of volcanic origin) as well as dark-skinned people or giants. Simple and compound forms of "Hiva" also occur in the religion of the Easter Islanders. The homeland "Hiva" was known not only for its size but also for its abundance of food, which is expressed in such figures of speech as ' 'Hiva, our land of abundant food" or "turtles and pigs were the food of Hiva" (TP:61-63). The name "Hiva" has been substantiated since missionary times (Barthel 1958:210; Roussel 1908:200 tagata hiva "étranger"). In Ms. E, "Maori" is used for "Hiva," while Arturo Teao uses "Maori" sometimes as a wider concept and sometimes as the remains of "Hiva." This appears to be the original, as yet

Earlier History in the Old Homeland

27

undifferentiated, use of the word for the rightful homeland of people who were born there. It is the Polynesian concept o f ' 'the land of the natives." The fact that the name indicates the west needs no further discussion. Two more names need to be mentioned. When we discussed spirits and ghosts (akuaku), Amelia Tepano explained that some did not originate on Easter Island but came from "Ovakevake." This "Ovakevake" was used interchangeably with "Hiva." Her source may have been the text of a legendary song that speaks of "Hiva" and "Vakevake" (Campbell 1971:93-94 and 428). The term "Pare kanekane," which is also used parallel with "Hiva" (Campbell 1971:401; in his supplement to Barthel 1960, Recitation " v " ; and Campbell 1971:453), has been transmitted by sung texts only. If one draws on other Polynesian words, two explanations are suggested: (1) a westerly direction (RAR. parepare, SAM., TON. pale) or (2) a fortified place (TAH. pare "fort, castle, place of refuge"). "Pare kanekane" and "(O) Vakevake" express the same idea, because MGV. kane refers to the heat of the sun and TUA. vekaveka ("Vakevake" as metathesis!) refers to the burning rays of the sun. Since these terms are used as additions to " H i v a " throughout, the descriptions of the land of origin converge to make it a hot, sun-scorched land. This again agrees with Alexander Salmon's disputed description of Hotu Matua's homeland (see above). Assuming that the descriptions given above apply to "Hiva," they would then furnish the explanation for the information of 1886 that is still outstanding. Concerning the question whether it is possible to identify names of the land of origin in the Easter Island text, I would like to refer to my own contributions in this field (Barthel 1958, 1963, and 1963a), in which a connection between the emigrants and Huahine and Raiatea is discussed.

3.

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka

The actual discovery and settlement of Easter Island is anticipated on a visionary plane. In a dream, the future homeland is viewed and named. Ms. E provides the following verbatim description. Hau Maka had a dream. The dream soul of Hau Maka moved in the direction of the sun (i.e., toward the East). When, through the power of her mana, the dream soul had reached seven lands, she rested there and looked around carefully. The dream soul of Hau Maka said the following: "As yet, the land that stays in the dim twilight during the fast journey has not been reached." The dream soul of Hau Maka continued her journey and, thanks to her mana, reached another land. She descended on one of the small islets (off the coast). The dream soul of Hau Maka looked around and said, "These are his three young men." She named the three islets "the handsome youths of Te Taanga, who are standing in the water." The dream soul of Hau Maka continued her journey and went ashore on the (actual Easter) island. The dream soul saw the fish Mahore, who was in a (water) hole to spawn (?), and she named the place "Pu Mahore A Hau Maka O Hiva." The dream soul climbed up and reached the rim of the crater. As soon as the dream soul looked into the crater, she felt a gentle breeze coming toward her. She named the place "Poko Uri A Hau Maka O Hiva." The dream soul continued her search for a residence for King Matua. The dream soul of Hau Maka reached (the smaller crater) Manavai and named the place "Te Manavai A Hau Maka O Hiva." The dream soul went on and reached Te Kioe Uri. She named the place "Te Kioe Uri A Hau Maka O Hiva." The dream soul went on and came to Te Piringa Aniva. She named the place "Te Piringa Aniva

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka

29

A Hau Maka O Hiva." Again the dream soul went on her way and reached Te Pei. She named the place "Te Pei A Hau Maka O Hiva." The dream soul went on and came to Te Pou. She named the place "Te Pou A Hau Maka O Hiva." The dream soul went on and came to Hua Reva. She named the place "Hua Reva A Hau Maka O Hiva." The dream soul went on and came to Akahanga. She named the place "Akahanga A Hau Maka O Hiva." The dream soul went on. She was careless (?) and broke the kohe plant with her feet. She named the place "Hatinga Te Kohe A Hau Maka O Hiva." The dream soul went on and came to Roto Ire Are. She gave the name "Roto Ire Are A Hau Maka O Hiva." The dream soul went on and came to Tama. She named the place " T a m a , " an evil fish (he ika kino) with a very long nose (he ihu roroa). The dream soul went on and came to One Tea. She named the place "One Tea A Hau Maka O Hiva." She went on and reached Hanga Takaure. She named the place "Hanga Takaure A Hau Maka O Hiva." The dream soul moved upward and came to (the elevation of) Poike. She named the place "Poike A Hau Maka O Hiva." The dream soul continued to ascend and came to the top of the mountain, to Pua Katiki. She named the place "Pua Katiki A Hau Maka O Hiva." Everywhere, the dream soul looked around for a residence for the king. The dream soul went to Maunga Teatea and gave him the name "Maunga Teatea A Hau Maka O Hiva." The dream soul of Hau Maka looked around. From Maunga Teatea she looked to Rangi Meamea [i.e., Ovahe]. The dream soul spoke the following: "There it is—ho!—the place—ho!—for the king—ho!—to live (there in the future), for this is (indeed) Rangi Meamea." The dream soul descended and came to Mahatua. She named the place "Mahatua A Hau Maka O Hiva." The dream soul continued to look around for a residence for the king. Having reached Taharoa, she named the place "Taharoa A Hau Maka O Hiva." The dream soul moved along and reached Hanga Hoonu. She named the place "Hanga Hoonu A Hau Maka O Hiva." The dream soul came to Rangi Meamea and looked around searchingly. The dream soul spoke: "Here at last is level land where the king can live." She named the place "Rangi Meamea A Hau Maka O Hiva." The mountain she named "Peke Tau O Hiti A Hau Maka O Hiva." The dream soul moved along a curve from Peke Tau O Hiti to the mountain Hau Epa, which she named "Maunga Hau Epa A Hau Maka O Hiva." The dream soul went to the other side of the mountain Hau Epa. As soon as the dream soul looked around, she saw the sand (beach), which was very

30

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka

white and light. She remained there and explored everything. After she had looked around carefully, the dream soul of Hau Maka said, " A h ! This is the place that will serve as a residence for the king." She named the place "Oromanga A Hau Maka O H i v a " and also named the neighboring bay " H a n g a Moria One A Hau Maka O H i v a . " The dream soul stepped forth lightly and reached Papa O Pea. She carefully looked around for a place where the king could settle down after his arrival and gather his people around (? hakaheuru). Having assembled his people (?) and having come down, he would then go from Oromanga to Papa O Pea, so went the speech of the dream soul. She named the place " P a p a O Pea A Hau Maka O H i v a . " She then hastened her steps toward Ahu Akapu. There she looked again for a residence for the king. Again the dream soul of Hau Maka spoke: " M a y the king assemble his people (?) and may he come in the midst of his people from Oromanga to Papa O Pea. When the king of Papa O Pea has assembled his people (?) and has come to this place, he reaches Ahu Akapu. To stay there, to remain (for the rest of his life) at Ahu Akapu, the king will abdicate (?) as soon as he has become an old m a n . " She named the place " A h u Akapu A Hau Maka O H i v a . " The (entire) land she named " T e Pito O Te Kainga A Hau Maka O Hiva." The dream soul turned around and hurried back to Hiva, to its (Home)land, to Maori. She slipped into the (sleeping) body of Hau Maka, and the body of Hau Maka awakened. He arose and said full of amazement " A h " and thought about the dream. Hua Tava heard him saying " A h " and asked from the other end of the house, "What is it that amazes you s o ? " Hau Maka replied, " T h a t which amazes me is a d r e a m . " Then Hua Tava said, " H o w well you must have fared in this dream, oh companion! Tell me about your d r e a m . " Hau Maka told about his dream: " I was sleeping, and this is what happened: My dream soul moved on, and, through the power of her mana, my dream soul reached seven lands, which were lying in the midst of a dim twilight. My dream soul looked around searchingly, but these lands were not very good at all. In the midst of dim twilight there is Te Pei, the residence. Not even eight groups of people [i.e., countless boat crews] can find the small piece (of land?) again once it has been lost. But one (can) take possession of the eighth land: (It lies) 'on high,' (it) juts out (on the horizon), and its contours stand out against the (rising) sun [i.e., in the east]. My dream soul surveyed the land carefully and (also) gave it a name. Likewise, the future residence of the king and all other (places) were named. The name (ingoa nui) for the whole land is 'Te Pito O Te Kainga A Hau M a k a ' . "

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka

31

The brother (taina) Hua Tava spoke: "Go and let King Hotu Matua know about your dream!" Hau Maka went to tell the king about the dream. When he arrived there, he told his dream. He described the dream in detail, including all lands his dream soul had seen. He omitted nothing whatsoever. After Hau Maka had spoken to King Hotu Matua, King Hotu Matua answered Hau Maka: "You fared well in your dream, little king (ariki iti)l Now go back and send me the young men!" (E:6-13) N o other source contains so much detailed information. There are several interesting parallels to the oral tradition of Arturo Teao (TP:23-25), but this text is especially valuable because of its references to the location of Easter Island, as depicted in the dream. Routledge is the first one to mention specifically the visionary Hau Maka: Now there was on one of the islands [i.e., Marae Renga or Marae Tohio] a certain Haumaka, who had tatooed Hotu, and received from him in return a present of mother-of-pearl which had been given to Hotu's father by an individual called Tuhu-patoea. Tuhu had seen that the men who went down to get pearls were eaten by a big fish, so he invented a net by which the precious shell could be obtained without risk, and the pearl so procured he had presented to his chief, Ko Riri. This man, Haumaka, had a dream, and during it his spirit went to a far country, and when he awoke he told six men whose names are given, to go and seek for it; they were to look for a land where there were three islets and a big hole, also a long and beautiful road. (RM:277-278) Another description of Hau Maka is given by Brown who received his information from Juan Tepano in 1922. . . . the king of Marae Renga, called Haumaka, had a similar dream (moe mata) descriptive of the islet which Hotu Matua was to make for and of the bay where he should land. When he awoke he sent off six men . . . to spy out the land for the great pioneer. (Brown 1924:40) TP:23 also shows that Hau Maka must have held a high rank (Ko Hau Maka, Ariki). However, he did not have the same position as Hotu Matua himself, who called him "little king" (ariki iti) and gave him instructions (E:14). The unique relationship between Hau Maka and Hotu Matua is obviously based on the

32

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka

tatooing that had taken place. If one draws on the customs of other Polynesian islands for comparison, the Marquesans come to mind, among whom tatooing was the prerogative of the son of the chief. The tatoo master had the right to demand a handsome reward, such as a precious headdress (von den Steinen 1925:59 ff., 85). In the homeland of the emigrants, the reward consisted of a mother-of-pearl ornament, which was handed over to the tatoo master by the father of the tatooed. The precious object that was the generous reward for the tatoos of Hotu Matua has its own special history. Short segments from two native manuscripts can be used to support the statements made by Routledge. Ko Tuu pa toe'o Ko te ruku o te rei o kope roa Maaku hura Maaku mau Maaku tito Maaku tongi Kia Ene Kia Tuu Tai a Ene Kia Ruhi Kia Take (Ms. F, Gabriel Hereveri)

Ko Tuupato eo

Ko te hura maaku mau Ko te hura matitotito Ko te hura matogitogi Ko Ene Ko Tuutai Ko Takahiti Ko Ruhi (Ms. E: 16, according to Hau Maka)

We seem to be dealing with a recitation or perhaps even the magic incantation of a master in charge of the nets. Tu'u Pato Eo, as the name can be reconstructed from all three versions, means "the diver of the ornament of the tall youth." His invention is the net called hura (HM:443 "una red pequeña en forma de embudo que se amarra en la punta de un palo"; ME 185 incorrectly kupenga ura). The master of the nets boasts how the net works for him: "the fish nibbles on the bait," tito; "the fish pulls more vigorously," tongi; "the fish is caught," ma'u. I am not familiar with the following four names, but perhaps it is no coincidence that in TUA. ene (definition 1) means " t o make a fish net." At any rate, the extent to which Ms. E and Ms. F agree leads one to believe that Routledge's information, which was published in only a drastically shortened version, represents genuine knowledge of the past, which the "old ones" had retained.

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka

33

Much can be said about Hau Maka's relationship with his kin. According to E: 13, he had a younger brother (taina) named Hua Tava. This name is indirectly substantiated by TP:24. Both lived in the same house, but their decendents were of two distinct families (erua paenga). Two of Hau Maka's sons and five of Hua Tava's sons made up the crew of the explorer canoe (see chapter 4), and they are specifically referred to as "royal children and noblemen" (nga poki ariki, ariki paka). On the other hand, a tradition fragment from Ms. A (NA II:Figs. 129-130) puts Hau Maka into a different context. This source was not translated by Fedorova (NA 11:395-401). The passage that we are concerned with reads: A quarrel had broken out between Te Taanga and his younger brother (taina), Hau Maka, during which Hau Maka's head was split with a stone. Te Taanga packed up and set out for Marae Renga. There all the followers (mahingo) had lived together. Earlier they had all lived together, but then the descendents (ure) of Te Taanga and Hau Maka went their separate ways. (NA II:Fig. 129)

It is difficult to reconcile this information with the other traditions. The problem begins with the "split head." If the quarrel between the two brothers led to Hau Maka's death, then Hau Maka's dream must have occurred earlier. But the subsequent text of Ms. A states that Te Taanga later charged his three sons (Nga Tavake, Te Ohiro, and Hau) with the construction of a canoe. On the other hand, we know from Ms. E that the three sons of Te Taanga were turned into the three islets off the southwestern cape of Easter Island and thus served as a landmark for all newcomers, including the dream soul of Hau Maka! Thus, the three sons of Te Taanga, who were lost during the exploratory journey, must belong to an earlier generation. If Hau Maka survived his injuries, he cannot be associated with Marae Renga, because this is where Te Taanga moved his residence. The only thing Te Taanga and Hau Maka seem to have in common is the fact that their sons went on an exploratory voyage across the sea. Failure of the sons of Te Taanga and success of the sons of Hau Maka almost looks like "punishment" and "reward" in the wake of the conflict between two kinsmen. Englert's assumption that Te Taanga was the son of Hau Maka (TP:23, Comment 3; HM:23) is based on a misunderstanding. In this case, as in the case of all the place names, the

34

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka

addition "a Hau Maka" means only that this name was given by the dream soul of Hau Maka and in no way indicates descent. It so happens that Te Taanga is associated with the names of the three islets (because of his sons). Aside from his dream voyage, during which he traces the contours of the future homeland as in a preview, Hau Maka is not connected with the actual events on Easter Island. His advice given to the explorers is advice given to kinsmen. In fact, neither Hau Maka nor Hua Tava leaves the homeland. E: 16 mentions Hau Maka only one more time in connection with the master of the nets, Tuu Pato Eo. My last summary of research on Easter Island script (Barthel 1963:416-417) takes up the possibility of a connection between Hau Maka and a line of Rongorongo script on the tablet "Aruku Kurenga." Important information about the location of Easter Island is given in archaic language, but at last a fairly accurate translation has been worked out, thanks to the efforts of Father Englert and Leonardo Pakarati. By collating all the references (E:6, 12, 51, 52, 86; TP:25, 30, 36), the following information can be obtained: 1. Easter Island (te pito o te kainga) is the last of all known islands. Seven lands lie before it, but these do not recommend themselves for settlement. Easter Island is the "eighth land" (he varu kainga). Actually, we are dealing here with a figure of speech because "seven" and "eight" used as qualifying quantities play a traditional role in Oceania (Barthel 1962a). While the number seven is known as a topos in MQS., HAW., and MAO., the topos of the number eight goes far beyond eastern Polynesia (MQS., HAW., TAH.) In TON., the number eight is "a conventional term signifying many or a well-balanced number" (McKern 1929:17), and on Malaita in the southern Solomon Islands, the physical world in its entirety is referred to as "eight islands" (walu malau) (Ivens 1927:400). The number eight not only means "many" but also denotes perfection. Thus, when Easter Island was called "an eighth land," the expression contained first of all the idea of a "last" island—an island farthest away from the rest of the islands that make up the oceanic world. At the same time, the expression indicated a special posi-

The Dream Voyage ofHau Maka

35

tion among the other islands. The idea of groups of seven, which are surpassed by an eighth element, seems to belong to the cosmology of Asian high cultures. For example, there are seven planets circling the world axis, which represents the eighth, and therefore central, position. 2. The search of the dream soul for a future homeland is complicated by the fact that she can see the islands only in a "dim twilight" (te nehunehu kapuapua). Leonardo Pakarati explained this situation with the expression that follows in the text (/ tepei "during the fast journey"). He said the dream soul had built up so much speed (as if gliding down a grassy slope with a sled, RAP. pei) that she could see the land below her only in a blur. This interpretation by a modern Easter Islander is still moot, however. On other Polynesian islands, pei (or pehi) is the name of a game of skill that involves throwing. In MAO. it can mean "earth; clump of earth," which may be a possible translation when there is talk of a "clump of earth as residence" (ko te pei te nohonga) or of "Te Pei," which can be lost and found. Te Pei is also the name of a place on the southern shore of Easter Island. The six references in the text do not allow for a general definition, but perhaps an expression from Mangaia can provide some insight: "Hina alone keeps seven, yes eight balls in motion" (Pei aea i te pei itu, i te pei varu, e Ina e, Tregear 1891: 596). Here, an outstanding achievement is characterized by the ability to extend control beyond seven to eight. The expression "dim twilight" shows up in a slightly altered form in the recitations (ko te ehuehu, ko te kapuapua, " . . . the gray smoke, . . . that which is hazy," Barthel 1960:855 and 842; "Es la hora de la penumbra y hay neblina suave," Campbell 1971:404 and 419) and, in this context at least, seems to refer to a natural phenomenon. 3. Once (Easter Island has been) lost (ana ka ngaro ro era), not even countless canoe crews can find it again. "Eight groups of people" (evaru kaukau) is a figure of speech (HM:495) used here in contrast to the "eighth land." Not even a whole fleet of canoes will be able to discover the last and most distant island of the world a second time. 4. How can one find this eighth land and take possession of it? Here is the verbatim description of its location:

36 i runga e tau e revareva ro a i roto i te raa

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka (It is located) "above"; it juts out (on the horizon); (its contours) stand out (permanently) in the midst of the (rising) sun. (E:12)

According to Arturo Teao, Hau Maka described the location of the island in the following way: he kainga i roto i te raa i runga

La isla sol adentro arriba! (TP:25)

To this Englert comments in a footnote: La expresión "sol adentro, arriba" significa sin duda, "hacia el este," subir desde el suroeste (donde el sol se pone y se baja tras el mar) hacia el sol oriente. Iroto i te raa es, literalmente traducido, "dentro del sol." (TP:25)

In 1957, I also was given "el este" as translation for "i roto i te raa." This indication of direction is further substantiated by the parallel use of "above" (i runga). In eastern Polynesia, the trade winds blow from "above" (runga) to "below" (raro) (Williamson 1933,1:295, after Smith 1910); at the same time, the contrast between "above" and "below" corresponds to the contrast between East and West. Davies (1851:221) lists for TAH. raro "towards the west or sun-set, the east is reckoned nia, or above, and the west raro, or below, in speaking of places," and Savage (1962:319) translates runga "east, towards the rising sun, to windward, eastward," while TUA. runga "easterly southeasterly; to the east; southeast when preceded by a directive" (Stimson and Marshall 1964:469) expands the direction toward the south, which then corresponds more closely to the MAO. meaning of the word. In TAH. and RAR., sunrise is always "above." Significantly, the TUA. variant of a "southeasterly direction" would in this case indicate the actual location of Easter Island relative to central Polynesia. The above description of the location of Easter Island substantiates the spatial relationship between the old and the new homeland of the emigrants of Hotu Matua. The RAP. texts lead one to believe that in Salmon's earlier statements only the pair of directional indicators had been

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka

37

confused: it should be sunset for the home of the emigrants and sunrise as their goal. In this book, I attempt to establish the proper relationship. This description of the silhouette of an island corresponds accurately to the view the visitor has when he approaches Easter Island by ship and sees, for the first time, the horizon cut by the contours of the island. The dream soul of Hau Maka gave names to many places on Easter Island, all with the addition "belonging to (a) Hau Maka from (o) Hiva." In all, there are twenty-eight names, many more than those listed by Arturo Teao. The starting point of all lists of names, attributed directly or indirectly to Hau Maka, are the three islets off the southwestern cape of Easter Island; this is traditionally the place where Hotu Matua later arrives in his double canoe. Historically, the channel between Orongo and Motu Nui was the center of the cult of the birdman, and the annual race from Orongo to Motu Nui was the high point in the life of the Easter Islanders during pre-missionary times. From there, the path of the dream soul leads to the cliffs below the lowest edge of the rim of the crater Te Karikari, reaches Rano Kau, which is given the name "dark abyss" (poko uri), passes the side crater Manavai and the place of the "dark rat" (kioe uri) in the hinterland of Vinapu, and finally follows the whole southeastern shoreline. With the aid of my key informant, I was also able to chart the less well known places. The dream soul names "Te Piringa Aniva," east of Hanga Pau Kura, "Te Pei," a few hundred meters farther on and across from Motu Roa, and "Te P o u , " east of Vaihu. The names "Huareva" and "Akahanga" are well known and are used in pairs in two recitations (Barthel 1960:843 f and g; Campbell 1971:411). From this point on, the distances become greater. It takes nearly an hour on foot to reach Hatinga Te Kohe (near Ahu Mahanga, south of Cerro Toatoa) from Akahanga. The name "Breaking of the kohe plant," which is used in the same or nearly the same form in all of the traditions, must refer to a special event. *Kofe is the name for bamboo on most Polynesian islands, but today on Easter Island kohe is the name of a fern that grows near the beach. Roto Iri Are is an adjacent cape to the south; it is also the name for the fishing

38

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka

grounds off the cape. Further to the east, there is Tama, whose addition "an evil fish with a long nose" is explained by Juan Tepano to mean " a shark" (he niuhi ME:58) and may be connected with the youngest son of Hotu Matua (TP:54). The dream soul passes the "white sand" (one tea) without paying attention to the crater and quarry of Rano Raraku, of outstanding importance in the history of Easter Island. Then the dream soul passes the "bay of flies" (hanga takaura), east of Hanga Nui, and climbs up to the barren height of Poike (compare MAO. poike "place aloft") with the summits Pua Katiki and the "white mountain" (maunga teatea). The latter is a side crater in the northern flank of Poike. Poike is the turning point of the journey. After heading west, the explorers survey the northern shore as a residence for the king. Well-known places along this shore, such as Mahatua, Taharoa, and the "bay of turtles" are rejected. Not until the dream soul reaches the "reddish sky" (rangi meamea), which is today called Ovahe, does the land become suitable for settlement. The main requirements are level land and a safe place for the canoes to land (maara, HM:465). Protected by the heights of Peke Tau O Hiti, today called Cerro Puharoa, and Hau Epa (see NA 1:277), the final goal of the dream voyage turns out to be the best landing site and the finest beach on Easter Island. Oromaga is the eastern part of the beach of Anakena; the bay of Moria One is the western part. While the dream soul seems to be conducting an inventory of two-thirds of the shoreline, which refers to the terrain and the existence of plants and animals, she moves on to an anticipated "political level" once the future residence of the king has been located on the bay of Anakena. The last third of the shore of Easter Island, the future home of the aristocratic Miru tribe and of the western federation Ko Tu'u, who grouped themselves around the Miru, is no longer surveyed and named one place at a time. Only two localities are mentioned: Papa O Pea and Ahu Akapu. Metraux received the following information about the first place: " . . . the young princes were raised in a village Papao-pea, near Ahu Ohau, not far from Ahu-te-peu"(ME:132). About the second place he writes in a different context: "According to a tradition which I was unable to check, each new king went to live at Ahu-a-kapu, near Tahai on the west coast.

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39

Later, when he had yielded his authority to his son, he went to ahu Tahai and then to Anakena where he spent his last years" (ME: 132). Our sources show that Ahu Akapu was the residence of the abdicated king. The area around Papa O Pea is substantiated in another context as the residence of the future king (Barthel 1963:412; Lavachery 1935:101-102), while all the available information points to Anakena as the residence of the ruling king of the island. The dream soul, therefore, is seeking out those three places in Miru territory where traditionally the king resided before, during, and after his reign. In connection with these three places, the king performs a task called hakaheuru (literally, "making something come about"). In RAP. this means "to mingle," and the action has to be related to the office of the king. Based on MAO. whakauru "to ally oneself to, to join," I thought of the assembling of the followers, as one would expect for the installation of the king or his moving to a new residence. Ahu Akapu, at the end of the list of place names, is the first reference to a particular cult place on Easter Island. This is of interest for two reasons: (1) the cult place is called ahu, as such places are customarily called on Easter Island, and not marae, the term used in the homeland of the emigrants, and (2) the cult place is located on the western shore, permitting an unobstructed view across the ocean in the direction of the homeland. As the residence of the abdicated king, Ahu Akapu serves as the connection to the land of the ancestors and the realm of the dead in the west. If one examines the list of place names of localities, it becomes apparent that they are grouped into pairs according to the proximity of location or the similarity of terrain. The twenty-eight names are arranged in fourteen pairs. The first step in the reconstruction of the compositional scheme shows the following groupings: 1. Nga Kope Ririva Tutuu Vai A Te Taanga 3. Te Poko Uri 5. Te Kioe Uri 7. TePei 9. Hua Reva 11. Hatinga Te Kohe

— 2. Te Pu Mahore — 4. — 6. — 8. —10. —12.

Te Manavai Te Piringa Aniva TePou Akahanga Roto Iri Are

40 13. 15. 17. 19. 21. 23. 25. 27.

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka

Tama Hanga Takaure (Maunga) Pua Katiki Mahatua Hanga Hoonu (Maunga) Peke Tau O Hiti Oromanga Papa O Pea

—14. —16. —18. —20. —22. —24. —26. —28.

One Tea Poike Maunga Teatea Taharoa Rangi Meamea Maunga Hau Epa Hanga Moria One Ahu Akapu

The vertical columns represent opposites according to their color attributes. If we consider only those color attributes that are listed twice, we come up with the contrasting pair uri (3 and 5) vs. tea(tea) (14 and 18). Dark vs. light (or black vs. white) is a contrast pair that was used poetically in eastern Polynesian figures of speech (so-called stereotype parallelism) and also found its way into the Easter Island script (Barthel 1963:39). The grouping according to colors definitely seems to be planned. The list of names of localities is divided into two subseries of unequal length. While the first twelve pairs (reading horizontally) are topographic stations along the dream soul's path in search of the future residence of the king, the last two pairs represent places of political importance (25 and 26 are the residences at Anakena of the current king; 27 and 28 are the residences of the future king and of the abdicated king). If one traces this path on a special map of Easter Island, the following pattern emerges, based on the direction in which the dream soul travels: eight pairs of names make up the stretch from west to east; one pair marks the segment from south to north; two pairs indicate the path from east to west; and, finally, another pair marks a second segment from south to north. In both cases, the (relative) "cross segments" (17 and 18, and 23 and 24) are pairs of mountains. The number eight, used to indicate the path from west to east, reminds us of the description of the dream voyage to Easter Island: the future homeland is the "eighth land," which stands out high against the eastern horizon, where the sun rises. With the eighth pair of names, the entire length of the island has been traversed at a place named after a high plateau (poike). The starting point in the west is associated with the three sons of Te Taanga, and, indeed, the first ones who came from the west and searched (in vain) for Easter Island were the sons of Te Taanga.

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka

41

Perhaps the eight pairs of names, which indicate the maximum expansion of the island (less than 25 km from Motu Nui to the eastern cape of Poike), were meant to recount the voyage across the sea. It is known that the Polynesians navigated by the stars. It is therefore not surprising that names of stars are directly and indirectly contained in some of the place names on the list. In two cases, there is direct agreement with the names of stars used by the Easter Islanders: compare he kope riva with name 1 nga kope ririva . . . and he pou "Sirius (alpha Canis major)" with name 8 te pou (Barthel 19626:2). In subsequent names there are similarities to other Polynesian names of stars: compare number 5 to TUA. na kiore; number 6 to TAH. pipiri ma, TUA. piringao-tautu; number 8 to MAO. poutu-te-rangi, TUA. pou-a-te-po; number 9 to MAO. karewa or marewa; number 11 to MAO. te kohi, and number 13 to MAO. a-tama-raku or ika-roa (Makemson 1941). The two RAP. names of stars delimit the first third of the way to the residence of the king. For all the names in the first third of the list, the use of the definite article (te, pi. nga) is characteristic. The last third of the way to Anakena is different from the preceding eight pairs of place names because of the difference in direction (south/north and east/west). This distribution of characteristics leads one to believe that the path of the dream soul with its twenty-four names is divided into three segments. Assuming such a division, it turns out that the real distance of each of the three segments (Motu Nui-Te Pou, Huareva-Poike, and Maunga Pua Katiki-Maunga Peke Tau O Hiti) is about the same —that is, approximately 10 km by air. We are now ready for the second step in the reconstruction of the compositional scheme of the list of names of localities. Eight names (four pairs) are written into each of three columns (I—III) so that each line (A-H) contains three names. The order in which the names are written in the vertical columns is based on the previous list. In this way, we obtain the roster shown in Table I. Our first task is to check the pairs for characteristics that are common to both localities. Number 1 indicates rocks in sea water; number 2 is a hole in a rock, filled with sea water. In the case of this pair, we are dealing with an inversion of the theme

42

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka TABLE I

I

il

m

Al B2 C3 D4 E5 F6 G7 H8

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

"sea water." Number 3 is the crater that is always filled with fresh water; number 4 is a side crater, occasionally filled with rain water. The general theme of the second pair is fresh water as a constant supply (the crater lake) and as a temporary supply (rainfall). The first parts of both pairs are far superior to the second parts, both in quantity and quality. The parallel pairs in the second column deal with plants. Based on their name components, number 9 is " f r u i t " (hua), linked with number 10 " r o o t " (aka); and number 11 is "bamboo(?)" (kohe), linked with number 12 "(sweet potatoes) dug out by women" (are). The first parts of the two pairs indicate plant growth above the ground, and the second parts indicate plant growth beneath the ground. Pair 9 and 10 has yet another common characteristic: wells were dug in both places at the well horizon of the shoreline (TP:55; HM:286), establishing a connection between the second column and the water theme of the first column. If we check pair 3 and 4, listed parallel to pair 11 and 12, for plant-related characteristics, we find an answer based on the vegetation of the island. Rano Kau was the place where reeds (ngaatu [Scirpus ripariusj) were harvested, providing essential raw material for houses, rafts, and utensils (ME: 160). The connection between the crater lake and the reeds is confirmed in a recitation (Barthel 1960:851) and in the oral traditions (ME:364). On the other hand, the manavai (HM:468) were used for the cultivation of paper mulberry trees (mahute [Broussonetia papyrifera]), which were needed for the production of barkcloth (HM:226). Therefore, the "fresh water pair" 3 and 4 is related to two other levels of information. The four pairs discussed so far show the following relationships: I A = (much) sea water

II A = (brackish water); fruit (above)

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka I B = (little) sea water I C = (much) fresh water; reeds I D = (little) fresh water; paper mulberry trees

43

II B = well (brackish water); root (below) II C = bamboo (? above) II D = sweet potatoes (below)

If we continue the comparison with lines C and D, we see that we are dealing with contrasting sex-related activities: working with reeds and bamboo(?) is a man's task; making tapa and digging out sweet potatoes is woman's work. If we transfer this information to lines A and B, the place names of A exhibit "masculine characteristics" (kope ririva "good young men" and a wordplay on hua reva "hanging fruit" as "uplifted son"). The place names of line B exhibit "feminine characteristics" (wordplay on pu mahore "hole filled with water on the rocky shore where the Mahore fish spawns" and pu mahora "gaping hole" as a sex symbol; wordplay on aka " r o o t , " compare HAW. a'a, used figuratively for "womb, offspring," RAR. aka "the branches and the collaterals of a family"). The relationship between the sexes "man vs. woman" ties in with the characteristics "above vs. below" and "much (big) vs. little (small)." We seem to be dealing with categories that suggest an elaborate system. We now turn to the next pair of the west-east direction, at the same time checking the names in columns II and III of the same line. In three instances, the first member of the pair indicates a relationship to animals (I E, rat; II E, shark; II G, flies), which leads us to expect a similar relationship for I G. Accordingly, "Te Pei" should probably read "Te Pe'i" (unfortunately, Ms. E does not indicate glottal stops). The pe'i is a large, tasty fish (Caranx cheilio, Fuentes 1960:290), caught in the deep waters of the fishing grounds (hakanononga). In one recitation, the pe'i is likened to the "great fish" (ika nui) and compared to the very popular tunafish (kahi) (Barthel 1960:848). This favorite food from the ocean is depicted in numerous petroglyphs. The relationship inherent in the local names reveal the following scheme: I E = rat, tasty nourishment, lives in the ground I G = pe'i, tasty food, lives in the depth of the ocean

I I E = shark, inedible, on ocean surface II G = flies, inedible, appear on the surface of the land

44

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka

The changes from column I to column II indicate a change in the quality of the animal protagonist. The contrast between land and sea is further differentiated into "below" (column I) and "above" (column II). The "evil fish with a long nose" (i.e., the shark) in 13 is also called " s o n " (tama), while ure in number 15 has the meaning "phallus, male relative." The famous fisherman and net maker Poie was praised as a "large fish, large Pe'i," which means that number 7 too has a masculine connotation. When it comes to the "dark rat" in number 5, we have to look for meaning on another level: the rat is the animal representation of the spirit (kuhane) of Hotu Matua (TP:59), which gives I E the covert meaning of "father" (matua). With this in mind, the naming of the " s o n " (tama) in II E of the same line can easily be understood. We are not dealing just with theoretical kinship terms but with the actual family ties between this son (who has the qualities of a shark) and Hotu Matua. Thus, II E stands for Hotu Iti, the youngest son of Hotu Matua, who after the death of his father inherited the region of Easter Island called Hotu Iti (TP:54). It should be pointed out that later in Ms. E the "flies" of II G are termed indispensible in the lives of the people (see below), a reference that should be viewed in connection with beliefs about the form of the human soul. The scheme behind the second part of the pairs discussed is not quite as recognizable, but this much can be said: pair 6 and 14 forms a contrast based on the colors aniva (going back to MAO. and TUA. "dark, black") vs. tea "light, white," while pair 8 and 16 should be checked for its spatial relationship (pou "post," compare also TAH. pou "to descend from a high place"; poike "height," compare also MGV. poike " t o be just seen above the horizon, to rise in connection with stars," Hiroa 1938:414). "Posts" (pou) played an important role in the construction of large houses (Barthel 19606 and 1962c), while the Poike peninsula was famous for the caves where children were secluded (HM:187). It is therefore possible that line I H-II H refers to cult-related activities. It is not possible to determine whether a wordplay with local names beginning with po ("night, underworld") was intended at the same time. The Poike peninsula has the most abundant deposits of kiea, an important red coloring substance (ME:236). If one substitutes "Poike," the place of the deposits, for the coloring substance and further as-

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka

45

sumes that "Te P o u " is a wordplay on "Te P o , " then all the second halves of the pairs can be arranged according to a color code. In two instances, a preliminary explanation has to do with the geography of the area: the fishpe'i out in the fishing grounds is linked with an observation point (pou) on the shore, where the fisherman can spot him (HM:487); and the shark is somehow linked with the white beach (one tea), a stretch of beach suitable for landing. For the time being, these connections remain obscure. The eight pairs of local names along the way from west to east form a pattern of fours, set off against each other symmetrically: "types of water" belong to "types of plants," just as "edible animals" belong to "inedible animals." Within the groups of four, we have the contrasts "seawater vs. fresh water," "edible land animals vs. edible sea animals," "plants above the ground vs. plants below the ground," and "inedible sea animals vs. inedible land animals." At the same time, a contrast between the sexes and the generations is alluded to. The remaining four pairs of local names on the way to the future residence of the king take a different direction, but they too are grouped into definite categories. The names of the pair of mountains, 17 and 18, imply color substances ("yellow root" pua renga and "chalk white" tea tea), while their topographical features suggest the contrast of crater and cone-shaped hill. Pair 19 and 20 has directions contained in its names ("backside" tua and "flank" taha). Pair 21 and 22 leads one to think of the contrast between "depth" (wordplay on hohonu) and "height" ("sky" rangi). Thus, both of the two pairs of the east-west direction have directional characteristics. It is difficult to interpret pair 23 and 24, which represents two mountains. The terracing of Maunga Hau Epa (this is the correct form, not "Auhepa") and obscure traditions (RM:295; Brown 1924:59, Maunga Hau Eepe) suggest that the place must have had special importance. We can now attempt a "line comparison" of the names in the last column with those in the first two columns: III A contains pua "flower," which is an old metaphor for "woman." Furthermore, in one recitation (Barthel 1960:847) this mountain is associated with "flat-nosed women." Qualifying "flower; woman" by katiki " a u r a " suggests a wordplay on Tiki, the first human being. Thus, the "personal" reference of line A can pos-

46

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka

sibly be extended beyond I and II. In line C, the plant-related connection from reeds (which grow in I) to bamboo (which is broken in II) can be extended because of a wordplay on ' 'Mahatua": TAH. maha "to be satiated, as with food and drink" as well as PPN *fatu' "to weave, to compose." Ill D calls to mind "tatooing" (ta). Line E is twice substantiated by the twenty-first name: the animal named there (hoonu "turtle") takes up an intermediary position between the land animal rat and the sea animal shark, since the turtle can live in both environments. Just as the " r a t " and the "shark" point beyond themselves (to Hotu Matua and Hotu Iti), so the turtle is more than just an animal. She is a spirit (kuhane, TP:28). This seems to refer to the leader of some social group. As far as the turtle's desirability as food is concerned, III E agrees with I E. In line F, the connection is based on a color code. With number 22, the reddish color (meamea) is added to the dark color (laniva) and the light color (tea). Columns I and II of line G represent an edible sea animal and an inedible land animal. The segment peke of place name 23 suggests (by way of MAO.) some type of insect (for example, pepeke "insect, beetle"; pekeriki "lice, vermin"; peketua "centipede"). In contrast to number 21, this might represent inedible food from the land. Half of the local names of column III have cross-connections with columns I and II; so far, it has not been possible to establish a complete, closed system. However, another observation of great importance should be discussed. The twelve pairs of local names that mark the way to the future residence of the king suggest that there is a chronological element present in this system, and, indeed, on a number of Polynesian islands the year was divided into twelve months. Of special interest is the coordinating of monthly constellations with the twelve calendrical units (Makemson 1941:100 for MAO., 143 for HAW.). Two sources show the twelve months expressed by twenty-four representative figures: On the first of the new year the Moriori launched a small canoe to Rongo, although they built and used only rude craft for their fishing excursions. The canoe was manned by twelve figures symbolizing the personifications of the twelve months. Sometimes twenty-four figures were place in the canoe, and Skinner interprets the additional twelve as representing the female counterparts of the months. (Makemson 1941:84; [italics mine])

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka

47

A curious diversion appears in the month list of the people of Porapora and Moorea in the Society Islands, which sheds light on the custom of the Moriori who sometimes placed 24 figures in the canoe which they dispatched seaward to the god Rongo on new years day. The names of the wives of the months are included, indicating that other Polynesians besides the Chatham Islanders personified the months. (Makemson 1941:102; list of months after Henry 1928; [italics mine])

In some instances, at least one segment of the pairs of local names could be considered "feminine." The practice of dividing the year into three parts, as the Marquesans are said to have done, lends further weight to our interpretation: The months were also personified by the Marquesans who claimed, as did the Moriori, that they were descendants of the Skyfather. Vatea, the Marquesan Sky-parent, became the father of the twelve months by three wives among whom they were evenly divided. (Makemson 1941:103; [italics mine])

The triple division of the Marquesan year yields the segments August-November, December-March, and April-July (Handy 1923:346). We should now examine the three columns of four pairs each to see whether they are related to the triple division of the year. The one name of a star on the list is Te Pou (number 8). On several eastern Polynesian islands, Te Pou is the name for Sirius, which would suggest a time during the winter season (MAO. takurua "winter" and "Sirius"; MQS. taku'ua "July/ August"). The preceding month, June, is several times referred to as "Pipiri," which recalls the name Te Piringa Aniva of the preceding pair of place names. The accumulation of attributes of darkness in the first column seems to indicate that it represents a relatively dark time of the year. Conversely, one would expect the greatest amount of light at name 18 (teatea "very light") and the greatest abundance of food at name 19 (maha "abundance, satiation"). This is the exact interval of six pairs or six months. A working hypothesis that the local names act as indicators for months by giving information about the stars and about seasonal activities would yield the chronological table shown as Table 2. Although this three-part division of the year coincides with the Marquesan model, it was arrived at through the use of different data (monthly constellations and color attributes). Amaz-

48

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka TABLE 2

I A 1

H A

'I

B2 A p n l C3 D4 M a y E5 . _ , June F6 G7 . . H 8 July

9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16

hi

August September October November

17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

December January February March

ingly, the two "mountain pairs" coincide with the months during which the summer solstice and the fall equinox occur. Perhaps from these mountains the other landmarks of the passing year were observed. As a final step, the actual names of the months used by the Easter Islanders are placed in the chronological framework. We are basing the substitution on the lists by Metraux and Englert (ME:51; HM:310), which are in agreement. Thomson's list is off by one month, and while the agreement between the RAP. names of months and the European months in Ms. A (NA I:Fig. 110) coincides with our time reference, two names (Tarahau/ tuaharo) are switched. In conclusion, it can be said that there is a parallel arrangement between the pairs of local names and the names of the months (Table 3). Now it becomes apparent how well the various relationships, based on common themes that had been recognized earlier, fit into the traditional scheme of months. The common theme of the first two pairs of local names is "water" (seawater vs. fresh water). Similarly, the first two months are characterized by an abundance of water (probably due to the weather during the early winter season). There is a phonological cross-connection between the place names 1 and 4 (. . . Tutuu Vai and Mangavai), referring to the seasonal term "winter" (Vai/u). The general theme of pair 5 and 6 is "plants." Both the fifth and the sixth month have "Hora" as part of their name, which is generally understood to be the RAP. form for "summer" (HM:441; ME:52 suggests "zephyr, light wind" for ora). However, based on its seasonal position, a different interpretation may be required. If we proceed from PPN *fola "spread," the "small unfolding" and the "large unfolding" can indicate a recognizable

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka

49

TABLE 3

il Al B2 C3 D4 E5 F6 G7 H8

Vaitu Nui

jQ Hora Iti

Vaitu Potu

I2

Tangaroa Uri

Maro Anakena

Hora Nui

15 DR u Ü 16

17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24

Koro Tuaharo Tehetu'upu Tarahau

change from winter to spring, based on an improvement in the weather (less cloudiness) and the renewal of vegetation (unfolding of plants). The plant-related theme of the four names that make up this group, together with the references to "fruit," "root," "the breaking of bamboo (?)," and "the digging (of sweet potatoes)" can be related, directly or indirectly, to the process of unfolding. The remaining months have individual names. Some place names can be more fully understood in terms of the names of the months they represent or in terms of the activities assigned to these months. The last month of the Easter Island year, "Maro" (Te Maro, He maro), refers to the feather garlands (maro) the people presented to the king, while the first month, "Anakena," has the same name as the royal residence, which was the scene of such offerings. "Maro" and "Anakena" are closely related, one preceding and one following the change from one year to another. There also seems to be a play on words between "Maro," the month of the winter solstice, and maru "shadow" as in MGV. (compare Hiroa 1938:415). Place names 5 and 6 can be decoded as follows: as a spirit in the form of a beast, "the dark rat" (te kioe uri) represents King Hotu Matua in his role as the recipient of gifts. When we began our field work, the only explanation we could get for RAP. aniva was that the word was somehow related to the ariki and that it was an archaic expression for "the countenance" (RAP. aringa). Further inquiries produced "people" (gente) as a more likely translation. "Te Piringa Aniva" meaning "the gathering of the people of the island," is an accurate description of the event at Anakena when the feather garlands and other gifts were offered to the king. At that time, the people from all regions of the island converged in two long lines

50

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on the royal residence, where they deposited their offerings. Aniva could refer to the faces of the people turned toward the king as well as to the people converging in these two long lines (picture of a "rainbow"? compare MAO. and Moriori; picture of the "Milky Way"? compare WPN. kaniva). At any rate, the event the names refer to is sufficiently understood. Place names 7 and 8 must be considered in connection with the royal residence and the new year: during the winter months, the (beautiful, tasty)pe'i fish, together with the equally desirable tunafish, were reserved for the king, while for the island population, catching these two fish was taboo. Whereas place name 7 (the first half of the month "Anakena") refers to a food taboo for commoners, place name 5 (the first half of the month "Maro") can also be interpreted as referring to a food taboo for the king because he was not allowed to eat rats (RM:242). Therefore, pair 3 and 4 contains the inversion of a food taboo: the eating of rats is taboo for the king because the rat is the theriomorphic representation of the king's spirit, but the rat is a popular food for the people. The people, on the other hand, are not allowed to eat the pe'i fish, but the ariki may do so. This shows that the consumption of highly valued animal food was restricted according to rank. Place names 6 and 8 indicate on one hand a local contrast (residence of the king vs. observation point for the fishing grounds) and on the other hand a social contrast (people vs. the king as "post," compare HAW. "main post," which is a metaphorical reference to a person on whom others depend for leadership, guidance, and help, Koskinen 1960:18, Note 7). Pair 5 and 6 refers to the division of labor between the sexes. The connection between place names 13 and 14 and the name of the month "Tangaroa Uri" is based, on one hand, on the analogy between a large predator fish and the god of the sea and, on the other hand, on the place (Hotu Iti) that is the setting for the only Easter Island myth involving Tangaroa (among others, ME:310). It is possible that the "white sand" (one tea) refers to a female partner of the " d a r k " Tangaroa. There is no adequate explanation for the name of the month "(Ko)Ruti," and therefore nothing can be added to the understanding of place names 15 and 16. Names 17 and 18 should be examined in connection with the "festival" (koro, ninth month in our scheme; actually December and month of the summer solstice).

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Both pua katiki "the flowers arranged like an aura (i.e., like a wreath)" and teatea "the very light" are characteristics of the participants of the festival, especially of the children old enough to be initiated, whose skin had been lightened by keeping them secluded in caves (ME: 104; RM:235). There is a certain phonological similarity between the name of the next month, "Tuaharo," and the parallel pair 19 and 20 (Mahatua and Taharoa). Similarly, "Tarahau," the name of the twelfth month, contains a segment of the last place name (Maunga Hau Epa). The name of the eleventh month is written in so many different ways ("Tetnupu," correct "Te Tuupu," PH:546; "Hehetuupu," ME:51; "Tehetu'u-pu," HM:310; "Kote hetu p u , " Ms. A; and "Tehe tuupu," own recording) that an accurate translation is not possible (for example, hetu'u pu "star hole, swirl of stars" and tehe tupu "healing of the circumcision" point to two entirely different systems of reference). The system discovered here, where twenty-four place names are handed down as the key to the twelve months of the year, is of special interest in the field of Oceanic cultures and calls for further comparative study. One final fact should be added: often Polynesian lists of months contain an additional thirteenth month. On our list, place names 25 and 26, which occur before and after the royal residence, could easily function as an "intercalary month." At the same time, the name of the royal residence would fix the intercalary time at the beginning of the year. It may be useful to include my own notations on the seasonal progression of traditional activities. According to the modern calendar, I am proceeding from January to December: 1. Tuaharo (January)

Fishing. Because of the strong sun very little planting is done.

2. Tehetu'upu (February)

Like the previous month. Some sweet potatoes are planted where there are a lot of stones (pu).

3. Tarahau (March)

Sweet potatoes are planted in the morning; fishing is done in the afternoon.

4. Vaitu Nui (April)

Planting of sweet potatoes.

5. Vaitu Potu (May)

Beginning of the cold season. N o more planting. Fishing is taboo, except for some fishing along the

52

The Dream Voyage of Hau Maka beach. Harvesting of paper mulberry trees (mahute). Making of tapa capes (nua).

6. Maro (June)

Because of the cold weather, nothing grows (tupu meme), and there is hardly any work done in the fields. Hens grow an abundance of feathers, which are used for the festivities. The time of the great festivities begins, also for the father-in-law (te ngongoro mo te hungavai). There is much singing (riu).

7. Anakena (July)

Same as the previous month.

8. Horalti (August)

Planting of plants growing above the ground (i.e., bananas, sugarcane, and all types of trees). Good time to fish for eel along the shore.

Planting of plants growing below the ground (i.e., 9. Hora Nui (September) sweet potatoes, yams, and taro). A fine spring month. 10. Tangaroa Uri (October)

Cleaning up of the fields. Fishing is no longer taboo. Festival of thanksgiving (hakakio) and presents of fowl.

11. Ko Ruti Cleaning of the banana plantations, but only in the (November) morning since the sun becomes too hot later in the day. Problems with drought. Good month for fishing and the construction of houses (because of the long days). 12. KoKoro (December)

Because of the increasing heat, work ceases in the fields. Time for fishing, recreation, and festivities. The new houses are occupied (reason for the festivities). Like the previous month, a good time for surfing (ngaru) on the beach of Hangaroa O Tai.

Some of the data listed furnish additional information for the model of time and space relationships (the relationship between local names and names of months) that we have discussed. The harvesting of the paper mulberry trees during the month "Vaitu Potu" agrees with the planting of mahute at Te Manavai, the place name that acts as a marker for this month. The fact that chickens have the most abundant feathers during the month "Maro" coincides with the gathering of the people and the of-

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53

fering of feather garlands to the king of the island. These two activities are encoded in place names 5 and 6, which, in turn, represent the month " M a r o . " The contrast between food grown above the ground and food grown below the ground, which distinguishes the activities of the month "Hora Iti" from those of the month "Hora Nui," has already been recognized in the contrast between the place names Hua Reva and Akahanga. And, finally, the importance of fishing during the months "Tuaharo" and "Tehetuupu" is emphasized by the fact that the corresponding place names (Mahatua and Taharoa on one hand, Rangi Meamea on the other) are the names of excellent fishing grounds off the northern shore of the island. One detail of the dream voyage of Hau Maka remains obscure, namely, " a long and beautiful road" as a landmark in addition to the three islets and the large (crater) hole (RM:278). Barring a misunderstanding (ara " r o a d " instead of maara "plain" for the royal residence), there may be a connection with the "Ara Mahiva" established by Routledge (RM: 198-199) as running along certain segments of the coast or with the cryptic notations by Thomson (PH:519, which is an unreliable translation of the fragmentary text 518).

4.

The Explorers

H a u M a k a ' s dream becomes reality t h r o u g h the exploits of a group of young men who arrive on the island as scouts prior t o the emigration. Again Ms. E offers the most detailed description. Matua spoke: "Instruct the young men how they must sail to see the (new home) land. It will be their task to remain (there) until next year and not hurry back here (immediately). When you speak to the young men, tell them that these orders are from me, the orders of King Matua. Tell them that they have only one year('s time) to finish building the canoe and to launch it. Tell them that it is up to them not to forget anything. Go and deliver the order!" This was the end of Matua's speech. Hau Maka arose and went to his house. When he arrived, he told Hua Tava of the conversation: "This is what the king said to me, so that I may go and instruct the young men." Hua Tava answered Hau Maka: "Since this is what the king told you, go and deliver (the order) to all; set out, look at the land, and find a place where the people (aniva) can live!" Hau Maka spoke to his first-born son Ira, to Raparenga, and also to the sons of Hua Tava—namely, Kuukuu A Hua Tava, Ringiringi A Hua Tava, Nonoma A Hua Tava, Uure A Hua Tava, and Makoi A Hua Tava. Hau Maka said to Ira: "Take the crew and launch your canoe; set sail and look for the land in the direction of the rising sun (a roto i te raa). When you sail and look in this direction, you will find it lying there, its contours will stand out 'on high' in the midst of the (rising) sun (i runga i roto i te raa) [i.e., in the east]." That was the first point. Hau Maka gave a complete description of all the things his dream soul had seen. At that, all of them said in amazement, "Ah! A h ! " He described everything in the smallest detail (? ka-paepae-tahi-ro), and not a single thing was left out [i.e., unmentioned]. That was the second point.

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All the young men got ready, launched the canoe, and anchored it out at sea. They took on yam roots, sweet potatoes, hard fruit (? makoi), and bananas. They stored all types of food in the canoe, and the canoe set sail. When Ira's canoe sailed off, members of two families were aboard—that is, in the first place, (those) of Hau Maka and, in the second place, (those) of Hua Tava. In the third place, Ira was the crew chief who went on the voyage. Hau Maka stayed behind with Tuu Pato Eo [i.e., the master of the nets]. On the twenty-fifth day of the first month ("Vaitu Nui"), Ira and Makoi set sail; on the first day of the month of June ("Maro"), the bow of Ira's canoe touched land again. Ira's canoe appeared on the distant horizon, came closer on its course, and sailed along, and finally (one) could see the (new home) land. The canoe reached the islets (off the coast), and Ira saw that there were three such islets. Ira said, "Hey you, crew of young men, the vision of Hau Maka, our father, which he revealed to me, has come true. There are 'the handsome sons of Te Taanga, who are standing in the water,' for this is the name that the dream soul of Hau Maka gave them. Unforgotten (? kai viri kai viri) are they, these three. And therefore this is the (right) land lying there; this is Te Pito O Te Kainga, which also received its name from the dream soul." The canoe continued its exploration and in a sweep sailed on to Hanga Te Pau. They went ashore and took the food with them. They pulled the canoe onto the beach and left it there. Ira sat down with all the other (companions) and spoke to Makoi: "You shall mark the land for me and make it known (by its names)!" After that, Ira spoke these words: "This is the digging stick (? ko koko), Kuukuu. You shall work the land for me and plant the yam roots!" Makoi named the place Hanga Te Pau, "the landing site of Ira." So that they would remember (7he aringa, literally, "as face"), the open side of Hanga Te Pau was given this name. Ira got up. They all climbed to the top of the hill. They climbed up on the tenth day of the month of June ("Maro"). They reached the side crater (te manavai) and looked around carefully. Makoi said, "This is the Manavai of Hau Maka." They climbed farther and reached the top. They saw the dark abyss and the large hole (of the crater Rano Kau). They all said, "Here it is, young men, the dark abyss of Hau Maka." They made camp and constructed a house. Kuukuu got up, worked the ground, and heaped up the earth for the yam roots. Makoi got up and began to familiarize himself with the (new) land. (This took place) on the fifteenth day of the month of June ("Maro"). He went toward the sheer face of the rocks (titi o te opata), was astonished (aaa), came up to the middle (of the

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outer rim of the crater), and stood at the very edge. He looked down and saw the " P u Mahore of Hau Maka" (on the coast) and said, "There it is, the hole of the mahore fish of Hau Maka!" He turned his face and looked toward the back [i.e., in the direction of the crater]. No sooner had he seen how the dark abyss opened up (below him), when a fragrant breeze came drifting by. Again Makoi said, "This is the dark abyss of Hau Maka." He turned around, walked on in utter amazement, and arrived at the house. He spoke to Ira, "Hey you, my friends! How forgetful we (truly) are. This place is adequate (? tau or "beautiful"), the dark abyss lies there peacefully!" Ira replied, "And what should that remind us of up here?" All arose and climbed up. They went on and arrived; they all had a good look (at the inside of the crater). They returned home and sat down. Night fell, and they went to sleep. When it grew light, Makoi arose again. He went off to further explore the area. He went along and came to the "dark rat." He looked around and said: "Here we are at the dark rat of Hau Maka." He gave it the name "Te Kioe Uri A Hau Maka." He went on and came to Te Piringa Aniva. When he arrived there, he looked around and gave the name "Te Piringa Aniva." He went on and came to Te Pei, looked around, and said, "Here it is!" So he gave the name "Te Pei A Hau Maka." He went on, all alone he went on, and came to Te Pou. When he arrived there, he looked around and again said, "Here it is!" and gave the name "Te Pou A Hau Maka." He sat down and rested. There was no bride-donor (tumu) to live with (? kia ora). He got up, the path went uphill, and he came (back) to the house. It was dark when he reached the house. When he came to the yam plantation of Kuukuu, he sat down. Night was falling. Ira asked Makoi the following question: "How did you fare when you wandered, when you went searching, when you found yourself on the path of the dream soul of the father?" Makoi replied, "There are indeed all those places. I did not forget them at all (? kai viri kai viri) when I saw them [text corrected, i-ui-nei\. I alone saw no fewer than four of my places, and I returned here only because night was falling." Then Ira spoke again: "How did you name them, last-born?" Makoi replied, "This is what happened, this is how I gave the names. I wrote (ta) 'Te Manavai A Hau Maka' on the surface of a banana leaf (kaka), and this is how I left it." This is how Makoi remembered it. No sooner had he said this, when Ira grew angry and quarrelled with Makoi. He said the following (to him): "You did not pay attention, last-born, and you did not give the (full) name. This is how it should be: the Manavai

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of Hau Maka of Hiva, in memory (mo aringa ora) of the father, of his dream soul." Makoi replied, "In Hiva the land belongs to him —this land here is mine, not his!" They stayed (there longer). On the fifth day of the month of July ("Anakena"), they all got up, went downhill, went on, and reached Hanga Te Pau. They took the provisions with them, carrying them on their shoulders, went on, and reached Te Pou. They made camp and slept in Te Pou on the tenth day of the month of July ("Anakena"). Then they all got up, carried the provisions on their shoulders, went straight ahead, and followed the path of the dream soul of Hau Maka. They came to Hua Reva and said, "This is Hua Reva A Hau Maka!" They went on and reached Akahanga, took a look at it and looked around. They said: "This is it!" and gave the name "Akahanga A Hau Maka." They went on and came to Hatinga Te Kohe and saw that in this place the kohe plant had been broken. They all said, "Here it is, the kohe plant, troop of young men!" This kohe plant had been broken by the feet of the dream soul and therefore they gave the name "Hatinga Te Kohe A Hau Maka." They went on and came to Roto Iri Are. Again they said, "Here it is, Roto Iri Are" and named (the place) "Roto Iri Are A Hau Maka." They went on and reached Tama. They looked around and said, "This is Tama." They gave the name "Tama, an evil fish (he ika kino), a very long nose (He ihu roroa)." Again they went on and came to One Tea. They saw it, looked around, and gave the name "One Tea A Hau Maka." Then they went on and came to Hanga Takaure. There they gave the name "Hanga Takaure A Hau Maka." They made camp and rested at the Bay of Flies for a week (etahi pohitu). On the eighteenth day of the month of July ("Anakena"), they went on from Hanga Takaure. They climbed uphill, went on, and reached Poike. When they arrived, they looked around and named (the place) "Poike A Hau Maka." They climbed up farther to Pua Katiki. When they arrived there, they looked around and named (the place) "Pua Katiki A Hau Maka." They came down from the height, from the mountain, from Pua Katiki, and reached Maunga Teatea. They looked around and gave the name "Maunga Teatea A Hau Maka." They all descended, they all came down from Pua Katiki. They reached Mahatua, saw it, looked around, and gave the name "Mahatua A Hau Maka." Then they went on and came to Taharoa. They saw it, looked around, and gave the name "Taharoa A Hau Maka." Again they went on and reached Hanga Hoonu. They saw it, looked around, and gave the name "Hanga Hoonu A Hau Maka." On the same day, when they had reached the Bay of Turtles,

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they made camp and rested. They all saw the fish that were there, that were present in large numbers—Ah! Then they all went into the water, moved toward the shore, and threw the fish (with their hands) onto the dry land. There were great numbers (? ka-mea-ro) of fish. There were tutuhi, paparava, and tahe mata pukupuku. Those were the three kinds of fish. After they had thrown the fish on the beach, Ira said, "Make a fire and prepare the fish!" When he saw that there was no fire, Ira said, "One of you go and bring the fire from Hanga Te Pau!" One of the young men went to the fire, took the fire and provisions (from the boat), turned around, and went back to Hanga Hoonu. When he arrived there, he sat down. They prepared the fish in the fire on the flat rocks, cooked them, and ate until they were completely satisfied. Then they gave the name "The rock, where (the fish) were prepared in the fire with makoi (fruit of Thespesia populnea?) belongs to Ira" (Te Papa Tunu Makoi A Ira). They remained in Hanga Hoonu for five days. On the twenty-third day of the month of July ("Anakena"), they reached Rangi Meamea. When they arrived there, they looked around and gave the name "Rangi Meamea A Hau Maka." They also named the mountain "Peke Tau O Hiti Hau Maka." They went around to the other side of the mountain Hau Epa, looked around, and gave the name "Hau Epa A Hau Maka." When he [i.e., Ira] saw that the beach was white and clean, he said, "Hey, you! Here is the plain where the king can live!" They stayed there and surveyed the plain with great care. Ira knew with certainty that it was very good. He named the bay "Hanga Moria One" and the plain "Oromanga." They all sat down and rested, when suddenly they saw that a turtle had reached the shore and had crawled up on the beach. He looked at it and said, "Hey, you! The turtle has come on land!" He said, "Let's go! Let's go back to the shore." They all went to pick up the turtle. Ira was the first one to try to lift the turtle—but she didn't move. Then Raparenga said, "You do not have the necessary ability. Get out of my way so that I can have a try!" Raparenga stepped up and tried to lift the turtle—but Raparenga could not move her. Now you spoke, Kuukuu: "You don't have the necessary ability, but I shall move this turtle. Get out of my way!" Kuukuu stepped up, picked up the turtle, using all his strength. After he had lifted the turtle a little bit, he pushed her up farther. No sooner had he pushed her up and lifted her completely off the ground when she struck Kuukuu with one fin. She struck downward and broke Kuukuu's spine. The turtle got up, went back into the (sea) water, and swam away.

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All the kinsmen spoke to you [i.e., Kuukuu]: "Even you did not prevail against the turtle!" They put the injured Kuukuu on a stretcher and carried him inland. They prepared a soft bed for him in the cave and let him rest there. They stayed there, rested, and lamented the severely injured Kuukuu. Kuukuu said, "Promise me, my friends, that you will not abandon me!" They all replied, "We could never abandon you!" They stayed twenty-seven days in Oromanga. Every time Kuukuu asked, "Where are you, friends?" they immediately replied in one voice, "Here we are!" They all sat down and thought. They had an idea, and Ira spoke, "Hey, you! Bring the round stones (from the shore) and pile them into six heaps of stones!" One of the youths said to Ira, "Why do we want to do that?" Ira replied, "So that we can all ask the stones to do something." They took (the material) for the stone heaps (pipi horeko) and piled up six heaps of stones at the outer edge of the cave. Then they all said to the stone heaps, "Whenever he calls, whenever he calls for us, let your voices rush (to him) instead of the six (of us) [i.e., the six stone heaps are supposed to be substitutes for the youths]." They all drew back to profit (from the deception) (? ki honui) and listened. A short while later, Kuukuu called. As soon as he had asked, "Where are you?" the voices of the stone heaps replied, "Here we are!" All (the youths) said, "Hey, you! That was well done!" He [i.e., Ira] said, "Let's go! We shall go to Papa O Pea." They all got up and moved on. On the twentieth day of the month of August ("Hora Iti") they went to Papa O Pea. They all went and came to Papa O Pea, looked around in Papa O Pea, and gave the name "Papa O Pea A Hau Maka." They stayed five days in Papa O Pea. On the twenty-sixth day of the month of August ("Hora Iti") they went from Papa O Pea to Aku Akapu. They all went and reached Aku Akapu. They looked around and gave the name "Aku Akapu A Hau Maka." They also saw (all of) Te Pito O Te Kainga, looked around, and gave (the whole island) the name "Te Pito O Te Kainga A Hau Maka." They made camp and rested at Ahu Akapu for two days. On the twenty-ninth day of the month of August ("Hora Iti") they went to Pu Pakakina. They arrived, remained there, and gave the name " P u Pakakina A Ira." They remained one month in Pu Pakakina. Ira said to Raparenga and Nonoma, "Go to Hanga Te Pau, you two companions, and bring the Makoi back [wordplay on "fruit of the tree" and "name of the explorer"?]. Ira further said to Raparenga, "When you have gone and arrived there, take the treasure wrapped in our mat, which is lying there. Your job

60 The Explorers when you open it is to (make sure) that the other fellow can't see you. Be very careful when you pick up (the treasure)!" The two left, arrived, took the provisions, turned around, went, and returned to Pu Pakakina and left the provisions there. Raparenga handed over the treasure (raakau) of Ira. They stayed, and another day dawned. Then Ira said, "Let's go! Let's go down to swim with the board, to ride the waves!" They all got up, climbed down, and arrived. They took off cape and loincloth (he hune i te hami). Then they all hurried and mounted the topside of a plank. They climbed on it, moved it, and reached the islets (motu, here, "cliffs off the shore"). They all formed a line and looked toward the waves. When the wave began to rise, when it began to move faster and faster, they all turned the lower part of their body (? tiaeve) and coasted on top of the wave toward the right side. Once they were underway (literally, "when the turtle was gone"), their eyes looked toward the land at an angle. Ira called out with a loud voice, "Our ride on the wave is to the right!" (Fast) as on a sled was the ride on the wave, and it brought them to the shore. The place where they landed was given the name "Hanga Roa." They all turned around and went back (to the starting place out at sea). Then the ride on the waves went in the direction of the left side, and they landed in Apina Iti. Again they all turned around and came back (to the starting point), and once again they rode in on the waves. They landed in Rio and gave the name "Hanga O Rio." They went on land, sat down, stretched out, and dried in the sun. Then they all went back again and arrived (out there), and once again they all rode on the waves toward the beach. Again and again (they did this). They went on land, turned around, and climbed up together to the cave Pu Pakakina. There they stayed. It grew light, and again Ira spoke. This is what he said: "Turn around, all of you, and go down to ride the waves (literally, 'to the turtle, to act like a turtle')." Five of them went down; only Ira did not go down to let himself be carried on a board by a wave. After the young kinsmen had gone down to surf, Ira got up, picked up the mat with the treasure, unfolded the mat, pulled out the motherof-pearl ornament (reipa), folded the mat again tightly, and left it on the ground. Ira got up, climbed up, went on, and reached Ruhi Hepii. He drilled a hole into the stone. After the hole was deep enough, he took the ornament (rei) and put it into the hole so that the shiny side (rapa) was turned outward. He gave the place the name "Ruhi Hepii." He turned around, climbed down, went on, and entered the cave Pu Pakakina. When he arrived there, he sat down. The young kinsmen arrived and rested.

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It grew light. On the second day, Ira said again, "Go back to riding the waves!" They all went back out there. Ira got up and again picked up the (second) ornament. He took it, went on, came to Apina Nui, drilled a hole into the stone, put the ornament in the hole, with the shiny side to the outside, and gave (the place) the name " P u . " He turned around, went on, and came to the cave Pu Pakakina. There he lay down. The young kinsmen arrived and also lay down. It grew light on the third day, and again Ira said, "Go back to swimming on a board, to riding the waves!" All went back out there, and Ira got up. He picked up two stone figures (moai maea) and two mother-of-pearl necklaces (tuitui reipa). The name of the first stone figure was Apina Iti, and the name of the second one was Rapa Kura. Ira took the figures and the ornaments, went on, and came to Apina Iti. He dug a pit, let the figure slide down into the pit, and covered it up with pebbles (kirikiri). The head remained completely free (? he puoko i hakapaka). He put the necklace around the neck of the figure and called the place "Apina Iti A Rapa Kura." Ira gave the stone figure the name "Hinariru," the name of the master, (son) of Tuu Hokorua, who had given the figure to Ira. He turned around, went on, and entered the cave Pu Pakakina and remained there. All the young men arrived and settled down (to sleep). It grew light on the fourth day, and they all got up (together). They climbed down, went on, and arrived at the bay. They hurried, went into the water, and reached the islet (off the shore). The wave began to move, and they all rode the wave (literally, "they turned their lower body into the position of a turtle, coasted like a sled, they all came in the position of a turtle"). Ira rode the waves toward the right side. He looked diagonally toward the land, looked in the direction of Ruhi Hepii, and the ornament of Ruhu Hepii shone brightly. He went back out into the sea, and the movement of the wave was toward the left side. Again he glanced, this time in the direction of Pu, and the ornament of Pu shone brightly. Again he went out into the sea. From the middle, the two necklaces around the neck of the two figurines shone (toward him). His ride on the wave ended in Rio, and therefore the name "Hanga O Rio" was given. Ira remained on shore, pondered, and said, "This is well done! Ruhi to the right, Pu to the left, and Hinariru Nui and Hinariru Iti in the middle." They all got up, climbed up, and entered into the cave. Ira said the following to Makoi: "You are the one who shall stay here. We, on the other hand, have to turn around." Makoi replied, "All right with me!" Then Ira continued to speak to Makoi: "Tomorrow, when it grows light, set out and

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name the places beginning with Apina." Makoi replied, "How shall I give the names?" Again Ira spoke, "In Hiva are the names that are to be taken to name (the places of the new land)." It grew light and Makoi got up. He set out and came to Apina. When he arrived there, he gave the name "This is Apina Iti, this is Rapa Kura." He went on and came to Hanga O Ua. He gave the name "This is Hanga O Ua of the beautiful wave (vave renga). "Makoi went on, giving names, until he had made a (complete) circle around both sides (of the island). In Apina Nui a stone (maea) was erected, saying that the naming was done on a (round) trip during a single day. (E: 14-38) (The list of the places named is discussed separately; see below.) After Makoi had rounded the island and given roughly sixty names, the narration of Ms. E continues. Ira had remained in Apina Nui and was there when Makoi returned. Ira gave the name "Apina Nui A Papa Nihoniho A Vere Nuanua A Papa O Rae" to the neck of the figure of Hinariru. Nothing at all was said, and thus the figure and the ornament remained a secret. The two turned around, went on, entered the cave, and remained there. Ira took the string (hau) for making string-figures (kaikai) in order to introduce Makoi to the game and help him gain knowledge of the content (urunga) of the stringfigures. Ira went through (the forms of) the string figures and showed them to Makoi. Ira said to Makoi, "Now you recite (? hoa mai) the verses (patautau) of these string figures" (E:42-43) (There follows another list of the localities named; see below.) Here ends the recitation.—On the first day of the month of September ("Hora Nui") they went up to the yam plantation of Kuukuu. (E:46) (There follows the episode with Nga Tavake, the representative of the original population; see above.) Ira said, "Let's go! Let's all go up to the dark abyss [i.e., the crater Rano Kau]!" Nga Tavake replied, "Let's go up there." They all went up to the yam plantation of Kuukuu. Once they had arrived there, Ira stayed for one month. (E:47 [Ika Hiva is cited as the source of this tradition].) Ira and all the others stayed there and cleaned up the yam plantation. They finished weeding the yam plantation. Another day dawned, and Ira said to Raparenga, "Come here, you, so that I

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can teach you a verse (ki)V' Raparenga came, and Ira taught him the verse. This was the verse he was taught: "There are eight lands. One has been discovered, namely, 'the little piece of earth* (te pito o te kainga). Seven (lands) (remain) in the midst of dim twilight during the fast journey (i tepei). Once lost [i.e., the eighth land], not even eight groups of people [i.e., countless boat crews] can find it again." And Ira continued his speech: "Ruhi to the right, Pu to the left, and Hinariru in the middle, mother-of-pearl necklace around the neck of the figure Hinariru." Raparenga said to Ira, "Where is the figure of Hinariru?" Ira replied to Raparenga, "Up there, on top of that flat rock (papa), at the place where we rode the waves." Raparenga said to Ira, "Let's return (there) to see (the figure)!" Ira replied, "Oh (no), let's leave it alone. When we ride the waves again, the wave will move quickly. If it moves to the right, the eye looks in the right direction and catches a glimpse of Ruhi Hepii. From there the ornament of Ruhi Hepii shines! Then one goes back out again, the wave moves to the left, the eye looks in the left direction, toward Pu. There the ornament of Pu shines forth! One repeats (riding the waves) toward the middle, the eye looks toward Papa O Rae. There the mother-of-pearl necklace of the figure Hinariru shines forth!" However, Uure was aware of the conversation between Ira and Raparenga; Uure overheard the conversation between Ira and Raparenga. Uure said to Makoi, "Tell me, are you the one who stays here?" Makoi replied, "Yes, I am the one who stays here." Then Uure said, "When you are resting, when you are about to fall asleep, snore loudly but at the same time pay close attention to what is being said. Act as though you were asleep when I ask the esteemed one (honui, i.e., Ira). Make loud snoring sounds with your lips when I ask Ira later in the evening." It grew dark; they all settled down and talked until late at night. Four fell asleep, while three stayed awake and talked among themselves. It was midnight, and Uure asked Ira, "What did you two talk about?" Ira answered Uure, "We did not talk at all!" Then Ira said to Uure, "See if the last-born is asleep!" Uure replied, "He is having a bad dream. He is lying there completely asleep; he and the other five (? koia korima) are snoring loudly." After Uure had kicked the leg of Makoi, Ira said again to Uure, "Look closely, watch carefully if he is really asleep [i.e., if he might be awake]." Uure replied, "Ah! he is snoring steadily!" Ira said to Uure, "The two of us talked about an ornament and a figure." Then Uure asked Ira, "Where are the ornament and the figure?" Ira replied, "Up there on the flat rock. Furthermore, (there is the secret of the) land. Seven

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(lands) (remain) in the midst of dim twilight during the fast voyage. Not even eight groups of people [i.e., countless boat crews] can find anything. Only one thing can be found, that is 'the fragment of earth' (tepito o te kainga), an eighth land.'' While Makoi listened to the speech of Ira, he absorbed the words completely. At the same time he gave off smacking and snoring noises. Again Uure asked Ira, "Where is it on the rock?" Ira replied to Uure, "Up on the flat rock in Hangaroa." Again Uure spoke, "Is it on the flat rock itself?" Ira replied, "To find it, one has to ride the waves." Then Uure asked, "Why (does one need) the wave?" Again Ira replied, "While riding the wave, if it moves to the right, the eye looks diagonally toward the right side, and the ornament of Ruhi shines forth. If the wave moves in the direction from where the shine comes (from the left), then the ornament of Pu shines forth. If the movement of the wave is toward the middle, then the mother-of-pearl necklace shines around the neck of the figure of Hinariru.—My father fished (? hakahi) the eighth land, that is, Te Pito O Te Kainga (like a fish), to own it (as a possession). Seven lands are lost in the midst of dim twilight. Once it is lost, eight groups of people [i.e., countless boat crews] can't find it again during the fast journey." Makoi absorbed the text to himself. Ira and the three were sleeping. Makoi said to Uure, "I have absorbed the speech completely, down to the last detail (? ku-paepae-tahi-mai-ana).'' Then Uure said to Makoi, "Keep the speech a secret—this is something that the (other) young men shall not find out." (E:47-53. For the informants subsequently named, see Appendix I) On two other occasions the explorers are mentioned again: once in connection with the arrival of the emigrants under Hotu Matua (E:75-77, see below) and then at the time of their return to the land of origin: Ira, Raparenga, Uure, Nonoma, and Ringiringi got up and left the "Dark abyss of Hau Maka" [i.e., Rano Kau], arrived at Hanga Te Pau, put the canoe into the water, and sailed off to Hiva, to Maori. Ira left on the twenty-fifth day of the month of October ("Tangaroa Uri"). When Ira's canoe reached the islets (off the southwestern coast), Makoi (who was staying behind) shouted the following (after him): "Eight lands (are there), one has been found (or, an eighth land has been found for the first time, evaru kainga katahi i ravaa), that is, Te Pito O Te Kainga. During the fast journey, one cannot find the seven lands in the midst of dim twilight. Once (Easter Island) has been lost, not even

The Explorers 65 eight groups of people [i.e., countless boat crews] can find (it) again.—Ruhi to the right, Pu to the left, necklace around the neck of the figure of Hinariru at Papa O Rae!" (E:86)

Even the most detailed accounts of the explorers published so far (ME:58-59 and TP:26-37), not to mention the short references by Thomson (PH:528), Routledge (RM:278), and Brown (1924:40-41) cannot be compared with this tradition. Any additional or divergent details from other sources are taken up when the material is discussed in detail. The explorers are the sons of brothers (men classified as brothers?): two are the sons of Hau Maka; five are the sons of Hua Tava. Ira and Raparenga, the sons of Hau Maka, have been the subject of traditional songs up to the present time because they searched for a residence (kimi te maara) for the emigrant king (Campbell 1971:186, 220). On the other hand, nothing is said of the sons of Hua Tava in popular traditions. Ira, the oldest son of Hau Maka, carries the added designation of "the first-born" and "the esteemed one," while Makoi (TP, Mako'i), the youngest son of Hua Tava, is addressed as "lastborn." The names of the seven explorers of Ms. E agree with the ones listed by Arturo Teao. We are, therefore, dealing with the same traditional content. Brown was told six names by Juan Tepano (partly misspelled were "Parenga," "Ringaringa," and "Moomona"; Makoi was missing altogether), but Metraux received only the first four from the same informant, together with the ambiguous reference to "Tavatava A Huatava," the first reference to the father Hua Tava. A somewhat confused list of names in Ms. C (NA II:Fig. 150) contains the names of three explorers and a reference to the representative of the original population ("Ko Pukupuku Ngatavake"), as well as the garbled family name "Ko Uhatava." According to the best sources (E; TP), there were seven explorers; according to the ethnographers who worked with Juan Tepano (Routledge, Brown, and Metraux), only six. This difference may be due to the desire for the magic number "six." Thomson refers to the "six chosen followers," but he is wrong about the name of the leader because "Machaa," corrected Maeha, has a totally different function. Furthermore, Thom-

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son's statement that the bride of the leader accompanied him is unlikely. It would have been contrary to the Polynesian custom of manning a canoe if the explorers, who were not supposed to establish a permanent settlement, had taken a woman along. In this case, there would have been eight people. The explorers played different roles, and their relationship was not free from tension: A certain antagonism between Ira and Makoi, the first-born of Hau Maka and the last-born of Hua Tava, permeates the whole account, and this rather tense atmosphere may well reflect the sociopsychological relationship between first-born and last-born within families of the village as it could be observed in 1957. Each of the two opponents practices deception (the piling up of the talking stone heaps and the eavesdropping of the conversation about the secrets): each is supported by a brother (Raparenga, or Uure) who acts as assistant and confidant. This symmetrical relationship lasts until most of the explorers return to the homeland, while Makoi remains in the new land. The discovery of the residence for the island king is paid for with a sacrifice: Kuukuu, the first-born son of Hua Tava, is defeated by a "turtle." This episode appears like a leitmotif through all the traditional versions since Thomson. An explanation is given in one tradition: The seven men looked and saw that the turtle had crawled on land in the bay (of Hanga Hoonu). It was a spirit (kuhane) and not a turtle. It was a spirit that already had followed them. The seven laughed and went on their way. When the turtle saw that the seven went on their way, the turtle followed them out to sea. . . . (After the discovery of Anakena), the turtle also arrived (on the beach) of Hiro Moko. . . . (After Kuukuu's defeat), the turtle hurried away and returned to Hiva. (TP:28-29)

Since "Hiva" was considered the home of all spirits, the place of the turtle's disappearance makes sense. But who or what is behind the "turtle" (honup. In the scheme of place names as designation for months (see Chapter 3), the turtle occurs on the same line as the " r a t " (representing Hotu Matua) and the "shark" (representing Hotu Iti). From this I assume that we are dealing with the symbol for a person or a group (of rank). In the oral traditions, as well as in the Rongorongo texts, the motif of the turtle is connected with the northeastern shore. In historic

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times, this was the territory of the Tupahotu and the Hitiuira, nonaristocratic tribes that are thought to be the descendants of the Hanau Eepe. If we interpret the spirit form of the "turtle" as a social emblem, then the athletic competition at Anakena takes on the appearance of a political rivalry—that is, a segment of the original population must have been competitors. Brown (1924:113) put special emphasis on the establishment of the pipi horeko, the stone piles that were painted white on top and that served as markers for tabooed areas (ME:327). The markers were placed for the first time after the conflict with the "turtle," and this action would have to be interpreted as the intentional demarcation of the territory of the (future) island king against some other group. The stone piles that "speak" to Kuukuu in order to deceive him are only part of the greater theme of substitute objects used to practice deception. These also occur in other places in the oral traditions of the Easter Islanders (compare ME:375 about the talking banana stalks). With the elimination of Kuukuu, Makoi achieves superior status among the sons of Hua Tava: the last-born now holds the rank of the first-born. Through the meeting with Nga Tavake, the representative of the original population in the area north of Rano Kau, the number of the explorers is once again complete. Not only are Kuukuu and Nga Tavake related as "loss" and "gain," but also they share the same economic function: it was Kuukuu's special mission to establish a yam plantation after the landing (in this role he represents the vital function of the good planter); Nga Tavake joined the explorers to work with them in the yam plantation of the dead Kuukuu (i.e., he closes the gap caused by the death of Kuukuu among the planters). The explorers reach Easter Island in a "canoe" (vaka). The name of their craft is given as Oraorangaru "saved from the billows" (Brown 1924:40) or Te Oraora-miro "the living-wood" (ME: 58). The Routledge reference "Each (man went) on a piece of wood" (RM:278) also seems to refer to the name of the canoe. As far back as 1934, the name was no longer understood. I favor the following explanation: The difficulty in interpreting the name of the canoe of the explorers arises from the name segment oraora. To begin with, the compound form oraora ngaru should be analyzed in comparison with other Polynesian compounds, such as MAO. pare-ngaru "that which fends off the

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waves" (i.e., the hull of the boat), TAH. tere-'aru "that which moves through the waves" (i.e., a boat in heavy seas), or HAW. he'e-nalu "that which coasts on the waves" (i.e., riding the waves on a board). There are several possible translations for oraora as the reduplication of ora. Te Oraora Miro can be translated as "the pieces of wood, tightly lashed together" (compare TAH. oraora "to set close together, to fit parts of a canoe") and be taken to refer to the method of construction of the explorer canoe, while Oraora Ngaru means "that which parts the water like a wedge," or "that which saves [one] from the waves, that which is stronger than the waves." The discovery of a petroglyph of a canoe at Pu Hakanini Mako'i on the western shore represents the first plausible archeological document of the explorer canoe with a crew of "roosters," that is, young men (Barthel 1962:126 ff.). The canoe has a high prow, crowned by the head of a bird (for the use of ornithomorphic sternposts, see Roussel, after ME:61). The crew is made up of two kinds of "roosters." Two roosters stand out because of the shape of their heads, while the three (or four?) others appear relatively inconspicuous. Their "feather crowns" (ha'u) are either an indication of rank or meant to be wordplay with the name of the man who sent the explorers, Hau Maka. The pair of "handsome roosters" appear to be the aristocratic brothers Ira and Raparenga, while the "more inconspicuous roosters" seem to be the sons of Hua Tava, and the smallest bird in the middle is probably the last-born, Mako'i. In any case, the canoe with the high stern is unmistakably a Polynesian canoe and not a South American raft. Another significant feature of the petroglyph is the wave in front of the bow (Barthel 1962:Illustration 4): the "wave" (ngaru) is part of the name of the explorer canoe! This connection between oral tradition and archeological evidence can be further extended to include the Rongorongo texts. The route taken by the explorer canoe follows the instructions that Hau Maka gave based on his dream vision. The goal lies in the east, in the direction of the rising sun, that is, "on high" between east and southeast, in the direction from which the trade winds blow. It is an "eighth land," that is, the most distant and most remote island (see chapter 3). Of special interest is the exact dating of the voyage: the explorers leave the land of origin on April 25, and they reach the new land on June 1. According to

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the account in Ms. E, the sea voyage lasted roughly five weeks. This period of time is well below the two months that Thomson (going in the opposite direction) attributes to the voyage (PH: 528). Of supreme importance are the wind factors during the winter months in question. In April 1722, Roggeveen encountered northwesterly and southwesterly winds in the area between Easter Island and the Tuamotu Archipelago, and in May westerly winds are prevalent (Heine-Geldern 1952:316). According to Schott, the frequency of westerly winds on Easter Island is 32 and 33 percent for the months of May and June, respectively (Heine-Geldern 1952:319), and Andrew Sharp stresses that "Westerlies are a feature of the meteorology of the Easter Island area at a certain time of the year" (1957:154; on the same subject, Knoche 1925:80). Five weeks would seem to be a sufficient amount of time to reach Easter Island from the eastern Polynesian islands in an outrigger canoe. In the RAP. inventory of terms for cardinal points, there are at least seven distinct names for winds from north to north/northwest to southwest (HM: 313). These may be of particular importance in navigating from the west. The canoe of the explorers lands on the shore below Vinapu at Hanga Te Pau. With prevailing winds from the west or northwest, this is indeed the most protected landing site, as I was able to observe in August 1957. The "extended list of place names" specifically mentions Hanga Te Pau A Ira [named by] Makoi as the "landing site" (te tomonga) of Ira. Hanga Te Pau is described as "the middle (literally, 'the zenith') of the land" (he tini o te kainga). On a map of Easter Island, a line from Hanga Te Pau (on the southern shore) to the royal residence Anakena (on the northern shore) would divide the island into two halves. By substituting Hanga Te Pau for the great archeological complex at Vinapu, one can relate (NA 1:94) its possible astronomic function (with regard to the solstice and the equinox) to the term he tini (HM:310). The landing site of the explorer canoe near Vinapu is obviously identical with Geiseler's information (1883: 43), according to which "they are supposed to have come long ago in a great canoe from Rapa, which is also called Oparo . . . and landed near Winapu." The distance of 1,900 nautical miles would require an average of 54 nautical miles (i.e., roughly 100 km) per day for a voyage of 35 days, which is well within the

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distance a Polynesian canoe can cover in a day's time. Information from the year 1882 mentions the landing of only a single canoe, which must be a reference to the arrival of the explorers and not to that of Hotu Matua, who came in a double canoe. Without trying to revive the old Rapa Iti theory, the region of the Austral Islands should not be dismissed as a possible starting point of the emigration. In this case Raivavae would suggest itself as the most likely place. The actual landing site of Ira is located a little farther to the east than the three islets off shore, which the dream soul of Hau Maka names first. According to the scheme of place names as designations for months, the first four place names, that is, the encoded months "Vaitu Nui" and "Vaitu Potu," are passed up for the time being. However, the dates of the voyage logically explain the skipping of the spatial distance, which represents the months April and May: since Ira's canoe does not land until the first of June, which is the beginning of the month "Maro," the landing site has to be in the "right" chronological sequence! Hanga Te Pau lies halfway between the places Kioe Uri and Piringa Aniva, both of which are also designations for the month of June. In this sense, Hanga Te Pau occupies the correct position in the time-space scheme. Instead of turning to the right (facing the land) in their search for the residence of the king, the explorers turn in the opposite direction. From a chronological point of view, this turning to the left signifies a going back to the two winter months that have passed. Considering the conditions in the new land, building a house on the rim of the crater and establishing a yam plantation are indeed suitable activities for the new settlers. Only when the economic base has been established on Easter Island do the explorers begin to trace Hau Maka's visionary trail. In this endeavor, the youngest of Hua Tava's sons stands out. Makoi's incursion (roughly 8 km to the east) is related to the four place names that correspond to the months of June and July, during which the change from one year to another and the royal ceremonies take place. He returns from "Te Pou," the most distant point of his excursion, when he recognizes that he lacks a partner for (his own, an independent?) life. The institution of tumu is no longer understood by present-day Easter Islanders. Originally, it seems to have been applied to those in a

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given group who gave away brides (ME: 122-123; notes based on my own fieldwork). Such marriage alliances were formed across tribal borders and constituted a form of insurance in times of need. After Makoi's return, the first conflict involving Ira occurs. It appears that naming a place with a person's name and his place of origin fulfilled a legal function because the deliberate omission of the place of origin seems to have rendered null and void the claim of ownership. Because he does not give the full name of the place of origin, Makoi offends Ira's father and the leader of the explorers. He states his own claim to land in the new homeland in a determined manner since he is the only explorer who will remain on the island and in a sense anticipates future developments. One interesting detail touches on the question of the Easter Island script. Makoi is called a scribe and is said to have inscribed the names of places into the surface of "kaka." Englert explains kaka as "las hojas del pl&tano que se despreden, al secarse de la corteza" (HM:456). This description agrees with the information attributed to old Te Haha, who had lived at the court of the island King Ngaara (RM:244, "outer sheaths of banana-stems"; compare also Barthel 1959a: 164-165). The process of inscribing is expressed by the term ta. While the Rongorongo signs (rona) are generally "carved out, incised" (motu), ta implies an incision ("cutting, beating") as well as the process of applying signs to the surface with the aid of a dye (a solution of soot?). It is in this latter sense that the modern word for "writing" is used. Regardless of the method used, the registering of place names presupposes a well-developed system of writing, capable of transforming spoken words into graphemes. Of great importance as an aid to memorization was the use of string-figures (kaikai) in learning recitations (patautau) (on the general subject, see Barthel 1960 and Campbell 1971). In this field, Ira is the teacher and Makoi the pupil. The actual naming of a new series of places is again done by the last-born. It seems that we are dealing with a regular "Easter Island intellectual" in the figure of Makoi. The explorers' route to the future royal residence repeats the path of the dream soul of Hau Maka. The actual naming of the places, aside from the first incursion by Makoi, begins with Hua

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Reva and Akahanga, that is, with the equivalents of August ("Hora Iti"), the eighth pair of place names. The mountain range they encounter before reaching Anakena limits the route in a manner that is interesting from a numerical point of view. Compared with Hau Maka's vision, the experience involving the abundance of fish at Hanga Hoonu is new. This explains the additional name "the basket (full of fish) between the thighs (which held the fish together)" (ko te kete kauhanga, TP:27). The fact that fire had to be brought from the explorer canoe on the other side of the island betrays a remarkable lack of knowledge of normal firemaking. There may also be a hidden allusion in the surname "Te Papa Tunu Makoi A Ira" (or ko te ahi tunu mako'i a Ira a Raparenga, TP:28), perhaps a wordplay with the material for the fire and the name of the last-born. Extended periods of rest are taken in Hanga Takaure (seven days) and in Hanga Hoonu (five days). Here the contrast between the "bay of flies" and the "bay of the turtle" represents the contrast between supernatural animals of the land and of the sea. Both resting places are followed by an "upper region" and two mountain summits. The parallel positioning of place names 15 and 20 and 21 and 26 corresponds chronologically to the juxtapositioning of two seasonal quarters of the year. Whatever purpose the path of the explorers may have had in relation to the time-space scheme of Hau Maka, a definite time schedule can be established for the explorers based on the traditions of Ms. E (Table 4). It is difficult to estimate accurately the length of a month. According to the European calendar, a month has thirty or thirty-one days; the synodical month (that was used by the Polynesians) has alternately twenty-nine and thirty days; and a traditional month, based on lunar nights, has thirty days (ME:50; Barthel 1958:242-247). Also, the time intervals are not consistent throughout. Whenever explicit mention is made of the time spent in a place, the actual dates are omitted. Toward the end of the calendar of dates, discrepancies occur: the "one month each" (etahi marama) as the duration of the stay at Pu Pakakina, or at the yam plantation, is incompatible with the established dates for the months "Hora Nui" and "Tangaroa Uri." The total amount of time taken up by the activities at Pu Pakakina (surfing, installing the ornaments and the stone figures, trip

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TABLE 4 Event

Departure of the explorers from Hiva Arrival at Hanga Te Pau Construction of house and yam plantation Makoi surveys the crater Departure from the house Arrival at Te Pou Rest at Hanga Takaure Departure from Hanga Takaure Rest at Hanga Hoonu Arrival at Rangi Meamea Stay at Oromanga Departure for Papa O Pea Stay at Papa O Pea Departure for Ahu Akapu Stay at Ahu Akapu Departure for Pu Pakakina Stay at Pu Pakakina Departure for yam plantation Stay at yam plantation Explorers greet Hotu Matua Departure of the explorers for Hiva

Date

4/25 (Vaitu Nui) 6/1 (Maro) 6/10 (Maro) 6/15 (Maro) 7/5 (Anakena) 7/10 (Anakena)

Duration

35 days 10 days 5 days 20 days 5 days 7 days

7/18 (Anakena) 5 days 7/23 (Anakena) 27 days 8/20 (Hora Iti) 5 days 8/26 (Hora Iti) 2 days 8/29 (Hora Iti) "one month" 9/1 (Hora Nui) "one month" 10/15 (Tangaroa Uri) 10/25 (Tangaroa Uri)

10 days

around the island, naming places) seems to have been five days. But five days is precisely the time span that recurs directly or indirectly in alternating positions on the calendar! It is exactly one-half year from the departure of the explorers from Hiva to their return to the homeland. Whatever method one uses to convert the six months into days (six synodical months = 177 days, six lunar months = 180, and six solar months = 182), there still appears to be an artificially constructed scheme. Arrival and departure are accompanied by intermediate stages that amount to ten days. In all, the actions of the explorers are fixed by fourteen dates, which can be arranged into seven pairs of dates. These seven pairs, whose number corresponds to the number of explorers, are made up of 35 + 5 + 5 +5 +5 + (corrected) 5 + 10 = 70 days or seven groups of ten days each. Half the time is taken up by the sea voyage, the other

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half by events on land. So far it is not known what coded information is concealed in this scheme. The explorers reach the royal residences (Oromanga and Hanga Moria One) in July ("Anakena"). The place name and the name of the month coincide in the designation of the royal residence at Anakena Bay. This appears to be the reason behind the naming of the royal residence. On this point, Ms. E contradicts Thomson's suggestion that the time of the arrival of the emigrants under King Hotu Matua and his queen was the reason for the place name: "The landing place was named Anakena in honor of the month of August, in which the island was discovered" (PH:527). Rather, the arrival of the explorers or even the episode with the "turtle" have to be regarded as the crucial event that caused "Anakena" to become fixed in time and space. After a short stay at Papa O Pea (the future residence of the king's successor) and Ahu Akapu (the future residence of the abdicated king), the explorers reached the region of Easter Island that the dream soul of Hau Maka did not view. This is the coastal area south of Hangaroa, a favorite place for surfing, as well as the starting point of many of the events in the oral traditions. We are now taken to a place whose importance for Easter Island has not yet been sufficiently explained. From this spot, Makoi circles the entire island with a second list of place names. At this place, Ira establishes a point of reference in the new land with the aid of objects secretly brought from Hiva. The "second list of place names" appears for the first time in Ms. E. The sequence of the places named runs opposite to Hau Maka's "first list of place names." Commencing on land at a point "that can send signals" out to sea, the path turns to the right along the coastline so that the ocean is always on the left. On the other hand, proceeding from the land of origin with the description of the route to the new land, Hau Maka's place names are intended to provide a route that starts from the ocean and along which the ocean is always to the right. We seem to be dealing here with two possible inversions; turning "toward the sea" vs. turning "toward the land," while maintaining the same general direction, which is described by the common Polynesian contrast pair tai vs. uta, or turning "toward the right" vs. turning "toward the left," facing in the same direction at the start. I

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suspect that the turning toward the right represented the superior principle, valid from the landing site of a canoe as well as from the placing of a stone after the exploration of the island, because of the general Polynesian evaluation of "right" as a positive quality. However, the question of a planned turning toward the opposite direction will require comparative studies of other Oceanic cultures. While the "first list of place names" is supposed to have been handed down explicitly in writing (ta ki runga ki te kaka), the "second list of place names" was passed on with the aid of a mnemonic device in the form of recitations (patautau) accompanied by the string-figures (kaikai). On both lists, the names of the localities recall the land of origin (Hiva), and the actual naming is done by the explorer who remains on the island. The "first list of place names," which has been handed down in writing, is based on a time-space code—that is, the calendar of the year, with its relationships with natural occurrences and social events—and stresses the sense of common purpose of all Easter Islanders, which is centered on the island king. The "second list of place names" is different not only because of the way it was handed down but also because of its content and its structure. Relatively few names on the two lists agree; the sizes are different, and additional information is inserted into the second list. The author of Ms. E made an attempt to number the place names from 1 to 60, but he made several mistakes: he corrected names in a continuous numbering, skipped over some numbers, and listed others twice. It is obvious that he was attempting to construct a list of sixty names to guarantee that those numbers considered important by the Easter Islanders—three, six, ten, and thirty (Barthel 1962a)—were accommodated. An (ideal) series of sixty would require certain key numbers for the various segments. Furthermore, based on the "first list of place names," it is apparent that the naming of places in pairs was of considerable importance. If the "second list of place names" was indeed intended to be a series of sixty, then one would have to look for a pattern of "thirty pairs of place names," or "six decades of place names," and so on. Text insertions in the second half of the list make a uniform grouping of names difficult, and at times it becomes necessary to rely on information from the "first list of place names" for identical names.

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As far as the spelling of the names is concerned, the first version of the "second list of place names" (E:39-42), aside from (incorrect) numbering, agrees to a large extent with the second version (E:43-46), which is in the form of a pa tautau. In some cases, variations may be due to faulty copying; these are given in parentheses. I am adding a few comments to each local name, including my own findings and cross-references to related literature. The text of the recitation (patautau) is given first and is used as the standard version. erua moai a tuu hokorua ko apina iti ko rapa kura

The "two (stone) figures" belonged in the land of origin to a master named Tuu Hokorua, who gave them to Ira to take along on the exploratory journey. Their names were "small sacrificial offering (?)" (compare apina "ofrecimiento") and "precious shine" (probably because of the decoration of the figure with the mother-of-pearl pendant). The name of the first figure is used as a place name (north of the cave of Pu Pakakina). An earlier passage in the text mentions the place name Ko Apina Iti Rapa Kura and links the stone figures with Hinariru A Tuu Hokokura. Later, the two sculptures are distinguished as Hinariru Nui and Hinariru Iti, that is, as "large" and "small." Perhaps this apparent contradiction means that in one instance we are dealing with the proper names of the objects and in another with the name of the owner. ko hanga ouoa vave renga

The correct name of the bay a short distance north of Apina Iti is Hanga O Ua. Since it is possible that " o " and " a " were confused in the process of copying or that the two letters were phonetically interchangeable, the localized version is acceptable. The reference to the "beautiful surf" is repeated later in connection with the similar sounding name Hanga Kuokuo. We may be dealing with either the description of a landmark or the name of an owner. ko hanga roa a tuki tukau

The name used today for the large village on the western shore applies, strictly speaking, to only one of the inlets of the bay. I

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was told that "Tuki Tukau" is the name of one of the cliffs in the ocean off Hanga Roa. There may be a connection with the TUA. title tukau " a social overlord, predominant chief; a great personage; a sea-captain, etc." There was a "Tuki," the ninth ariki maahu, on board the canoe that brought Hotu Matua to the island. okahu a uka ui hetuu

Okahu is located next to the cemetery of Hanga Roa (HM: 238). The place is famous because of the large Tupa structure, seen by Cook and by La Perouse (see also Thomson, PH:Fig. 9, the indication of the location is unreliable), which Metraux was still able to describe (ME: 189), and which was not destroyed until 1941, when the stones were needed to build a cemetery wall. Since neither the origin nor the function of the Tupa structure is known, the connection with the name "(marriageable) girl who looks at the stars" may point to a possible astronomical function. The second name is used as the name of a place closer to the ocean where the "old ones" are said to have observed the stars. This is the same place that was shown to Metraux as "thecave-where-stars-are-seen" (ana ui hetuu) and from which he received information about stars that bring danger (ME:52-53). This detail of the "second list of place names," which has remained unknown up to now, seems to support the ethnographic considerations mentioned above. The name calls to mind "the rock-for-seeing-stars" (ko te papa ui hetuu) on the eastern tip of Poike, where another observatory was located (RM:235). ra tahai a uo

We now come to a bay farther to the north where Ahu Tahai is located and the site of recent archeological investigations. I received the additional information "across from Ana O Tai" (compare PH:501). The name Tahai also occurs in southern New Zealand and in Vanua Levu. ahu akapu a mata kurakura

The name of the residence of the abdicated king is the first time a name from the "first list of place names" turns up. "Firered eyes" or "fire-red face" is substantiated as the name of a spirit (akuaku) in Ovahe (ME:318). Such names of spirits fre-

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quently refer to ancestors, who in the form of spirits have the task of defending against invaders the important places within the territory of a specific social group. The connection with Ovahe (formerly Rangi Meamea) may be due to the common ancestral territory of the Miru or of their line of kings. kihikihi rau mea a rapa rau renga

The ahu by the same name (Thomson, number 25) is located south of the leper station and is identical with Englert's ahu number 25. I was told that the additional name is the name of one of the ancestors of the Ika family (of the Miru tribe); however, the name is missing from their official genealogy (HM:66). The place name Kihikihi also occurs in New Zealand and on Mangaia. renga atini a toto renga

This is the area at the leper station where the nuns now live. vai amei a uhi (var., uki) kapokapo

The "watering place of the breadfruit tree (?)" is located toward the ocean from the leper station in an area that is supposed formerly to have been rich in archeological treasures. Although the breadfruit tree is not mentioned by the older authors and attempts to grow them have only recently been observed (NA 1:481), mei, the name for the tree, is of the greatest interest since it is linked to a range of distribution extending from Tonga and Micronesia to the Marquesas and Mangareva and on to the east (Barrau 1963:Fig. 3)! A further peculiarity is the connection with the name of a yam, if one prefers to follow the recitation. The alternate version uki kapokapo implies in TUA. "a group of peers, able to make progress in learning." rua ngau (var., angau) a nua ngirongiro

This place is located north of the preceding one. One possible translation for the additional name is "a used tapa cape." vaipoko a raa

(var., aa raa) mata turn

The "deep watering place" (wordplay, "fragrant watering place") is located a short distance south of Ahu Tepeu. Perhaps the additional name "sun with weeping eyes" is connected with

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the "weeping-eye" motif painted on dancing paddles. A red cavepainting on Motu Nui can be used for comparison (Lavachery 1939:Fig. 398; for Orongo, compare also NA I:Fig. 65 b and f)- The substitution of "sun"(ra'a) for "dancing paddle" (ao) can be readily explained because in the Polynesian languages both refer to the " d a y . " ko te hereke a kino ariki

Not far from Ahu Maitaki Te Moa is a taboo place called "festering wound, cracked skin" (hereke), because entering into the area was said to cause these diseases to the taboo breaker. The specific disease was considered the direct result of breaking the taboo. The additional name "royal evil" indicated the ability of the island king to inflict certain skin diseases (kino) on those guilty of breaking the taboo. I was shown a large rectangular stone slab above Ahu Maitaki Te Moa on the road to Hanga Oteo that was called "Te Hereke." Another informant indicated that the forbidden place was closer to Ahu Ohau (toward the south). Both names belong to the theme "punishment for breaking the taboo of a place ordered by the island king." Supposedly there is a connection with Thomson's number 13, Ahu Kinokino ("very evil cult place"). hatu ngoio a taotao ika

Located close to Ahu Vai Mata. There are supposed to be "remains of houses," most likely the foundations of hare paenga. The name, which in RAP. can be translated as "whistling stone," appears to have political connotations in TUA. The additional name "fish are prepared in the earth-oven" may be a euphemism for cannibalism. ara koreu a pari maehaeha

This is the name of an ahu and a cave east of Ana Heu, a center for Makemake petroglyphs. In Englert's inventory, number 50 is Ahu Aro Koreu. The additional name can be translated to mean "bright, foamy waves." hanga kuokuo a vave renga

This bay is located west of Hanga Oteo. The additional name "beautiful surf" was already used at the beginning of the list.

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opata roa a mana aia

East of Hanga Oteo is the "long ravine." The additional name ("mana belongs to him"?) is similar to the explanation given for the place Roro Hau. One is reminded of Manaia, which in MAO. is the famous motif for wood carvings and in SAM. is the title "the beautiful one" given to the favorite son of the chief (Krämer 1902, Vol. 1:479). vai tara kai uo a ngao roaroa a ngao tokotokoa

The correct name for this well-known and important watering place is "Vai Tara Kai Uawhich is located in the hills west of Anakena. So far, no explanation has been found for the additional names "a very long neck" and "a neck (as long as?) a pole." hia uka a hakairiiri a hakaturuturu

"Desire for a (marriageable) girl" is supposed to be the name of a ravine on the shore north of Vai Tara Kai Ua, and the name is supposed to have been linked to a legend. It is not known, though, to what action the additional name "to cause to rise, to cause to descend" refers. In an old song that I recorded, a "Mahiahia Uka" is mentioned. Also mentioned is Ahu Ature Hoa (compare Ahu Ature Huki in Anakena, HM:522). Ahu Ature Hoa is supposed to be the burial place of Vakai, the wife of the immigrant king (TP:52). hanga ohiro a pakipaki renga

This bay is located east of the ravine mentioned above and is also called Hanga Ohio. It is not known whether the name refers to a representative of the original population, "Te Ohiro," or to the deity "Hiro" (ME:310, 330). ko roto kahi a touo renga

Located on the shore east of Anakena. ko papa kahi a roro

The "flat rock of the tunafish" is supposedly located along the shore near Puna Hoa and decorated with a petroglyph (compare Lavachery 1939:37 and Fig. 116, a tunafish engraved on a slab of basalt near Maunga Te Puharoa?). An old woman,

The Explorers 81 "Reina Eva," (18457-1946) from the Hei family of the Marama tribe (HM:53, 56) seems to have made a claim to the land. The place name and the additional name are explained by a tradition in Ms. E (see below), which states that the sons of Roro were murdered by Oroi at that place. Therefore, the additional name should be regarded as a personal name. ko puna atuki a hauhau renga

This name refers to a water reservoir on the shore between Ovahe and Ahu Pito Te Kura. ko ehu ko mahatua a piki rangi a hakakihikihi mahina

Ehu and Mahatua are two adjoining places on the northeastern shore. Mahatua is the second name to turn up from the list of Hau Maka. There must have been a close link between the two places because one is connected with Ure A'Mahatua and the other with Ure A'(H)Angaehu (HM:266). We are now in the traditional territory of the Tupahotu. Translations of the additional names " t o ascend to the sky" and " t o make the moon silver [i.e., very beautiful]" seem to indicate a common theme. A chant (Campbell 1971:251) indicates that we are dealing with the common theme of a famous murder (Barthel 1959a: 169). ko maunga teatea a pua katiki

An important segment along the route of the "first list of place names" is now pursued from the opposite direction. Surprisingly, each of the two mountains is given a place name and sometimes an additional name. Perhaps the names of two spirits Nga Ihu More [and] Pua Katiki (those with the cut-off or flattened noses) (HM:429) offer an explanation, and the second name could also be understood as a personal name. Furthermore, the narration of Ure-A-Oho-Vehi (many versions, specifically ME:365-366; also the recitation in Barthel 1960:846-847) may contribute to a better understanding. We have now reached the eastern cross-section in the time-space scheme of Hau Maka. ko te hakarava a hakanohonoho

Te Hakarava is the slope from the Poike plateau down to the bay of Hanga Nui and the first place named on the southern shore. The addition " t o prepare a place to live for the many (?)"

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may be explained by the large number of people who once lived in the hinterland of Hanga Nui (Geiseler 1883:10). ko hanga nui a tepapa tata ika The "large bay" is the most important landing site on the southeastern shore of Easter Island. "The flat rock where the fish are washed" is located on the edge of Hanga Nui. This too may be a euphemism for the eating of vanquished enemies. The background for this assumption is furnished by the tradition of the great war between the tribal federations, during which widespread acts of cannibalism are said to have taken place in the area of Hanga Nui (ME:74 f f . ) . From an ecological point of view, Hanga Nui is especially valued as a excellent place for catching fish. ko tongariki a henga eha tunu kioe hakaputiti ai ka hakapunenenene henua mo opoopo o tau kioe Tongariki, the important cult place in the bay of Hanga Nui, which was permanently destroyed by the tidal wave of 1960, has an additional name that is difficult to understand. Henga ("the one who is red"?) was the fifth master of the ancient king Oto Uta.and, as such, responsible for matters relating to the sky (in its morning aspect?). "Four prepare the rat (to be eaten)" introduces an inserted text segment. Insertions of this kind will occur more frequently from now on. The rat is scorched (? hakaputiti) and then cleaned (? hakapunenenene). All this happens in a "land (where it is good) to eat this rat with smacking noises." This could mean a land where food is abundant, since the Polynesian rat was a favorite food (of the people) (ME: 19). Somewhat puzzling is the text of an ancient song with the line ko tongariki a papa tata ika (Campbell 1971:259, "Tongariki, donde se lavaban los cuerpos de las victimas"). Either we are dealing here with a contamination from the preceding additional names for Hanga Nui, or the symbol of the rat has the same meaning as the symbol of the fish ( " r a t " for those killed in a blood feud, compare the heva motif, and " f i s h " for those killed during battle?). Tongariki is mentioned in a recitation which is also related to the great war (Barthel 1960:847-848; also variant in Ms. C, NA II:Fig. 170; Campbell 1971:408) and therefore supports the general theme.

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ko te rano a raraku

The famous mountain of sculptors' workshops is given the name "the crater (lake)" and the personal addition Raraku ("to scratch [earth]," wordplay for the unearthing of the quarries?). In the traditions, Raraku plays an important role as the demonkiller who runs amuck (RM:238; ME:370). His link with the motif of the rat establishes a cross-connection to the preceding text. oparingi a uuri (var., ko oparingi a a uuri)

The variant was originally designated number 30, but was later crossed out. The valid version was later designated number 31. Oparingi is located a short distance south of Hanga Nui, which means that the sequence of names now goes back toward the shore. The additional name states that the adjacent stretch of shoreline is named Mata Uuri. motu humu koka a mare a kaoa (var., ko motu kumu koka a kaoa)

Here too, the variant was crossed out and the numbering changed from 31 to 32. The "islet of the cockroach-tattooing (?)" is located between Hanga Tuu Hata and Tama. The additional name may refer to asthma, which was thought to result from breaking the fishing taboo. hanga maihiku a papa

hakakiva

This large bay is located southeast of Cerro Toatoa. The additional name mentions a flat rock, which is either "smoothed out" or "kept secret." maunga toatoa a veri iri haere

This steep hill (illustration, HM:123) is a very striking landmark along the great road to Rano Raraku. The additional name is supposed to refer to a woman, and indeed "pretty" (veri) is a frequent component of women's names on Easter Island. Her "going u p " (iri haere) seems to be part of a mountain-climbing motif (of an unknown episode?). ko tepipi horeko a morokiroki

There are numerous stone piles on Easter Island that are used as taboo markers (pipi horeko). The markings mentioned here

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are said to have been located in the vicinity of Maunga Toatoa (compare TP:77, which gives an account of the flight of the sole surviving Ororoine of the Hanau Eepe to a house of the Hanau Momoko named "Ko Pipihoreko"). hanga tetenga a ure ngorongoro

This bay is located southwest of Cerro Toatoa. The name is used in the Marquesas Islands ("Hana Tetena" on Tahuata). The additional name "grunting phallus" may have referred to a man, unless this is an allusion to a feast of gratitude (ngongoro) by a male descendant (ure). ahu tutae a hare kavahia ka hakaruarua ka hakauaua tamai

The "ahu of excrements," number 196 in Englert's inventory, is located close to Runga Vae. The additional name "house in which one belches" remains obscure. The text insertion in the form of a command to "vomit" seems to be somehow connected with the additional name. The last word causes difficulty. My informant explained tamai with "como guerra," that is, he gave an explanation similar to the TAH. meaning of tama'i "war, misfortune." Without the glottal stop, which is not marked in Ms. E, the word brings to mind the west Polynesian (TON., UVE.) kinship term tamai "father, brother of the father." e tai e hia e e utae roie he toou unu (var., umu) ka tao ka maemae ro i kona era i kona era i oroi aau i ootu ai

We are dealing here with the contrasting pair "toward the sea" vs. "toward the land," which will be used on several other occasions. I was unable to locate the place called " H i a " along the shore. "Roi," which is located inland, seems to be related to "Oroi" because the Moai Oroi is located at the foot of Maunga Kahurea. The contrast in direction seems to be reaffirmed by the place names themselves. Based on the wider theme of "notbeing-fully-cooked-in-the-earth-oven," hia vs. roi can be translated as "desire" (for example, for food) vs. "saliva runs from

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the mouth" (RAP. ro'iro'i) or based on MAO. roiroi "halfcooked." The additional text continues: "Where is your earthoven (umu)? Cook it (in the earth-oven) until it is half-cooked in that place. In that place, in Oroi, I was cooked." It now becomes clear why there was talk of belching and vomiting: whatever was prepared in the earth-oven was only half-cooked and therefore indigestible. This appears to be a reference to the Oroi cycle (see below), parts of which were published by Routledge: When the corpse of Oroi was put in the oven to cook, it came to life again. So then they had to take him over to the other side of the island to where the ahu is called Oroi, and there he cooked quite satisfactorily, and they ate him. (RM:279)

The recitation deals in question-and-answer form with the fate of Oroi after Hotu Matua had prevailed over his adversary. "Oroi" is used as a local name for several places in the same area (Ahu Oroi is Englert's number 199; Moai Oroi; Cape Oroi). The topic of the "not fully cooked" is normally associated with the Tangaroa myth (ME:311 and other versions), but in that case the scene of action is the Hotu Iti area. akahanga a hare

hakamahangahanga

We now come to the most important place of the middle section of the southern shore. This place is also mentioned on the "first list of place names" and is connected with the Hotu Matua cycle. The additional name again refers to a "house." I was told that the addition hakamahangahanga means "ready to start," but I would suggest that the translation "to set traps" (Churchill 1912:221) is a better one since this would again refer to an episode of the Oroi cycle in which the archenemy Oroi sets a hidden trap for the island king. e raro e hua e a veri itiiti a hua e hakarevareva a toka mahina

Hua Reva, which is also on the "first list of place names" and which together with Akahanga constitutes the spatial code for the month "Hora Iti," is located (south)west of Anakena and thus, "below" (raro). The additional name "very tiny pretty one" refers to a girl; the other one, " f r u i t " (hua), may have referred to a son. The "vertical hanging" (Hakarevareva, TP:

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72, applied to the wooden Moai Kavakava figures) is linked with a cliff off Akahanga (toka mahina) where today the nanue fish is caught. There may be a connection with a narration (ME:372) or a recitation (Barthel 1960:843). rua hana a kiri kanakana

Both the place name and the additional name are unknown. e tai e puku hotake e a te tini i uta te hare rourou koveka

These names supposedly belong to the area east of Hanga Tee. Puku Hotake ("a small elevation"?) is located "toward the sea" while the house Rourou Koveka is located "inland in the direction of the middle." e tai e teho e ka tao taau ngu epoe kiko e ka tutu toou one

We have now reached the area of Vaihu. Although it says "toward the sea" in the introduction, "Tého" is really located in the hinterland. The first command of the additional text is ambiguous ("Cook your flying fish!" or "Renounce your egotism!" are the most likely translations) and could be a parallel to the second command ("Burn your soil!" or "Scourge your dirt!"). It is impossible to determine why "night" and "flesh" are mentioned. If the general theme is one of misfortune, then it is possible that we are dealing with something similar in meaning to MAO. atua po "niggard, churl" and (atua) kikokiko "malevolent demons causing sickness." "Egotism" (ngu) and "dirt" (oone) would fit in with this theme. I strongly suspect that this recitation has for a topic the fate of Poie, who was burnt alive (tutu ora) in the course of a blood feud (ME:84). vai ngaere a puku hehaheha

The original writing for number 43 was crossed out and the name was transferred to number 45. The "swampy (?) watering place" is located ahead of Vaihu. The additional name "laughter?) hill" is the name of a place west of Vaiha. This place was thought to be the dwelling place of spirits and not to be approached in the evening twilight. Puku Hehaheha may have

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been the name of a spirit (akuaku) who was feared because of his role as guardian of the tribal territory. At least, that is what my informant thought. e hue e renga havini e ka rangi atu koe kia nua kia motu roa ka vere mai taau taueve miritonu

Renga Havini is located on the shore directly across from the islet Motu Roa. As for the calabash (hue), there is the possibility of a connection with Poie (ME:377). Again the additional text contains commands: "Call out to the mother (over there), to Motu Roa! Tear out the closure of your earth-oven made from seaweeds!" These commands must have been components of a story. e tai e hare hakangaengae i te tahu hanga rikiriki

The "house that makes breathless" (or the "house where one nods to each other") is located "toward the sea." I was told that the exact location is in the area east of Hanga Pau Kura. The "very small bays" are supposed to be located west of Hanga Pau Kura. In a different combination, the words may indicate tending a fire (tahuhanga) or a small-sized fire (rikiriki). In this case, one would suspect a connection with the preceding motif of the earth-oven. Tuu Ko Ihu and the origin of the wooden figures may provide an alternate explanation: the "house where one nods to each other" suggests the reaction of the spirits who are eavesdropping and think they are unrecognized (TP:68), while the "little ones" may be the carved sculptures. hanga o maru a vave paupau

The "bay of the shadow" could not be located, nor is there any information about the additional name "twisted wave." e uta e maunga marengo e kaa hohora toou kahu ritorito ka romiromi mai

"Mount baldhead," which is located "inland," is the ancient name for the mountain listed as Cerro Orito on modern maps.

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This is the area where volcanic glass (obsidian) is mined, which was essential for fashioning the cutting edges of weapons (Barthel 1960:20). The additional text contains the following instruction: "Spread out your bright cape (haku)! Smooth out its wrinkles! (or, 'fold it up again'? romiromi, compare also TAH. 'to hide')" Perhaps this is an allusion to the story of the flying cape (ME:366-367) and therefore to Tuu Ko Ihu, who is said to have owned a kahu mea (TP:69). ko hanga te pau a ira he tini o te kainga a hanga te pau

Hanga Te Pau, in the vicinity of Vinapu, is the landing site of the explorer canoe under the leadership of the first-born, Ira. Thus, the original place of arrival is reached again, but this time by taking a totally different route. One of the attributes of Hanga Te Pau is the "middle (literally, 'zenith') of the land." It may be that this was the starting point for the bisection of the island. rano kau te taki toka hakapiri te vaenga te mukomuko

Rano Kau, the large crater in the southwest part of Easter Island, is listed here by its recent name and no longer by the visionary name "dark abyss of Hau Maka." Similarly, in the recitation, Rano Raraku has no longer been listed by its old name "fragrant mountain" (maunga eo). This seems to indicate that more recent references determined the place names in the "second list of place names." The first addition is ambiguous: "use of the residues" may refer to the freshwater reservoir during times of drought and "line of stones" to the man-made territorial markers. The further addition "it links the middle of the markers" (i.e., "staffs on top of the stone piles") seems to indicate that the second translation is the correct one. Along the northeastern rim of Rano Kau, there are indeed stone piles arranged in a straight line pointing toward the central elevations in the interior of the island. If the additional information given for Rano Kau was meant for the cult place Orongo, then the markers may have been connected thematically with the solar observatory in complex A (NA 1:223). mataveri o uta a harepaenga

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The additional name of the area of Mataveri, which is located north of Rano Kau and toward the interior, is "house with the stone foundation." Mataveri was closely connected with the birdman cult of Orongo. The house mentioned may have been one of the houses traditionally used for celebrations. The foundation of the house could still be seen after the collapse of the old island culture (ME:333; Brown 1924:114; RM:Fig. 25). The name Mataveri also occurs on Mo'orea in the Society Islands and on Kaua'i in the Hawaiian Islands. mataveri a tai a taura akavenga nuahine

This area of Mataveri is located toward the sea above the "cave where men are eaten" (ana kai tangata). The addition "old woman who carries her load on her back with a rope" may either refer to a mountain crag (ihu) in the area or to a ravine in whose flank a cave is supposed to be located. It is not known who the old woman (nuahine) was. Heyerdahl discovered the stone sculpture of a woman carrying a fish on her back (1957: between 224-225, third picture, bottom left). It is possible that the additional name of the sculpture refer to the same motif. vai rapa a hakaremereme

This watering place is located north of Ana Kai Tangata. The name "shimmering water" is reinforced by the addition "glitters (compare TAH. reme 'torch'), makes giddy." Perhaps we are dealing with the same motif as the one in ME:380. te vai rutu a koro rupa

The "watering place where the bird beats (the rhythm)" (wordplay, "where a certain chant is being recited") is located near Hanga Piko. A recitation provides the following information for the additional name: "In Koro Rupa is the house where one is made to laugh; in Kere Mea is the house where one is made fun o f " (Barthel 1960:851; Campbell 1971:400). There the rule of the new birdman was celebrated (compare koro "feast"). In RAP., koro rupa seems to have the same meaning as in TUA. kororupo, which describes a paradise. In the cosmology of the TUA., the name also referred to the entrance to the underworld. e haho e hivi e e runga e te puku ohu kahi e

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Hivi (maybe the same as hi ivi " t o fish with a hook made from bone"; compare the narrative ME:363) is "outside," and "the elevation from where (the catch of) the tunafish is announced" is " a b o v e . " This is a reference to a large boulder beside the place where the canoes docked in Hanga Piko. There the people waited for the canoes to return from the fishing grounds. hanga piko a hare rutu manu a ana onono a pu ngotangota "Curved b a y , " the well-known little harbor on the western shore, is linked with a "house where the bird beats (the rhythm), that is, where a certain chant is being recited." This establishes a cross-connection to the watering place by the same name and also to the "Koro R u p a " motif and the theme of the birdman cult. It also suggests the newly discovered petroglyphs from Hanga Piko (so far, only partially published by Barthel 1962:11lustration 2). Ana Onono is a cave well-suited as an overnight shelter; Pu Ngotangota is a coastal formation where seawater is allowed to flow in and out. The three additions, " h o u s e , " "cave," and " h o l e , " always describe an enclosed area. ata popohanga toou e to ata hero e "Yours is the morning shadow" refers to an area in Ata Hero where the house of Ricardo Hito is now located. ata ahiahi toou ehonue "Yours is the evening shadow" belongs to a " t u r t l e . " I could not obtain any information about the location, but I suspect that the "turtle" refers to a motif in the narration of Tuki Hakahevari (the turtle is carved in stone in a cave along the bay of Apina). The contrasting pair "morning shadow vs. evening shadow" establishes a definite spatial relationship. apina nui a papa nihoni(ho) a vere nuanua a papa o rae i te ngao o te moai o hinariru The above "second list of place names" begins in Apina Iti and ends in Apina Nui, therefore proceeding from " s m a l l " (iti)

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to "large" (nui). Three additional names occur: the "indented (?) rock" is now said to be called Papa Haoa, "Vere Nuanua" is supposed to have been a person, and the "rock of the first one" introduces the statement "around the neck of the figure Hinariru." This obviously refers to the mother-of-pearl ornament that was hung around the neck of the stone figure. When riding the waves, that is, coming from the sea, the "rock of the first one" is in the center of the field of vision and is marked by the figure with the ornament. The "first one" could refer to Ira, the first-born, or to the stone figure placed on the rock. The three additions "serrated rock," "hoed piece of land," and "rock of the first one" all refer to open areas. Locating the names on a good map of Easter Island, one quickly recognizes the omission of a number of names. Important cult places, such as Ahu Tepeu, Ahu Hekii, and Ahu Vinapu, are missing, as are Anakena, the royal residence, and Orongo, the center of the birdman cult. This might argue against a political or legal function of the list, even though the detailed listing of places suggests that they may be titles to land belonging to the immigrants and their descendants. Instead, it is remarkable how frequently those places are mentioned that play an important role in the history of the legends of Easter Island or establish links with the various mythical and magical motifs of the traditions. These allusions are especially obvious in some of the inserted passages. Real and imagined events from the history of the island are linked with traditional places in such a way that their naming evoked the stories in the minds of those who shared in their knowledge. The time covered begins with the immigration (the Oroi motif belongs to that period), continues through the subsequent centuries (the motif of Poie is part of that era), and ends in the late period (the motif of the birdman is an example of the late period). Of course, it is impossible to give exact dates for the numerous ahistorical motifs. The internal structure of the "second list of place names" is more obvious in the first than in the second half of the list. Particularly in the area of the southern shore, the normal pattern of information "place name belonging to [a] proper name" has been so obscured by additions that it is very difficult to distinguish one from the other. In four instances, the contrast "toward the sea" vs. "toward the land" (tai vs. uta) is emphasized

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in pairs of place names, and in each case, the name of a house is mentioned. Five insertions for places along the middle section of the southern shore contain instructions in the form of commands, which appear to be dramatic high points and punchlines from traditions and which are arranged in pairs on the basis of the action to which they refer. 1. ka hakaruarua ka hakauaua . . . 2. ka toa ka maemae ro . . . 3. ka toa . . . ka tutu . . . 4. ka rangi atu . . . ka vere mai . . . 5. ka hohora . . . ka romiromi mai. . . Other than a few segments in which the information is sparse and uncertain, the names of the list can be grouped into thirty pairs of place names. This number suggests that we are again dealing with a time-space model since there are thirty days in a month. Whereas the pairs of names of the first list were a code for the twelve months of the solar year, the pairs of names of the second list appear to be connected with the thirty nights of a synodic month. This assumption is in part substantiated by the fact that we are dealing with a sequence progressing in the opposite direction. The same directional contrast is exhibited by the sun and the moon, the astronomical representative of the year and of the month, respectively: the sun progresses from east to west, and the moon progresses from west to east. We know from the time-space model for the months that the name of the royal residence, Anakena, and the month by the same name signal the beginning of the new year. On the "second list of place names," twenty names (ten pairs) precede the Anakena area and forty names (twenty pairs) follow it. This indicates a division into thirds. Counting twenty names (ten pairs) from Anakena, one reaches the Akahanga/Huareva area. It was in this area that the immigrant king was buried (TP:57), and thus it is equal in rank and function to Anakena. At the end of the first and the second thirds (20) hanga ohiro a pakipaki renga (40). . . hua reva . . . a veri itiiti a hua there are allusions, in their names, to lunar nights: ohiro (HM:311, "luna nueva"; Hiro,ME:50, "new crescent moon")

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and " O h u a " or " H u a " are well-known designations of the RAP. calendar and other east Polynesian lists of lunar nights. According to the numbering by Metraux, " H i r o " and " H u a " are exactly ten positions apart (2 and 12); according to Englert, eight; the list of lunar nights on a Rongorongo tablet, however, shows " H u a " in the tenth position, following the dark nights (29 and 30) (Barthel 1958:243). The RAP. positioning of " 2 Hiro vs. 12 H u a " agrees with the list of other neighboring Polynesian islands: " H i r o " occurs in the second position in the Cook Islands, in Tongareva, in Tahiti, in the Austral Islands, and in the Tuamotu Archipelago; it is in the first position in New Zealand and in Hawaii, however (Hiroa 1938:407). " H u a " is in the twelfth position in Manihiki, in Tongareva, and in the Tuamotu Archipelago, whereas this night has been moved to the thirteenth position in six east Polynesian island groups. The revised list of Mangareva shows " H u a " in the fourteenth position (Hiroa 1938:406 and 404). Hanga Ohiro is located (north)west of Anakena, in the exact spot where the crescent of the new moon could be seen from the royal residence above the shore in the western sky. At this point, the place name and the phase of the moon coincide, and the beginning of the month is linked to the royal residence in much the same way as the beginning of the year on the "first list of place names." Thus, when the traditions tell that those versed in Rongorongo used to come to Anakena in the first quarter of the moon (RM:246), the accounts refer to the lunar time appropriate for such meetings, and the statement makes sense in terms of our lunar model. We will now attempt to correlate the thirty pairs of local names with the various ages of the moon, allowing a span of three nights for the moon ages (maximum moon age for " H i r o " is the second night; minimum moon age for " H u a " is the tenth night; probable moon age is based on " H i r o " when it first becomes visible). These correlations are presented in Table 5. Pair 25 and 26 can be filled either by moving Mahatua (from 24 to 25) or by separating Maunga Teatea from Puakatiki. The four pairs 41 to 48 can be shifted in several places by one position and are therefore left open. The correlation of the ages of the moon based on the "place of the new moon next to the royal residence" gives Apina Iti, where naming for the second list began and where the stone fig-

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The Explorers TABLE 5 Moon Age (counting from day 1)

Pairs of Place Names

(19) Hia Uka (21) Roto Kahi (23) Puna Atuki (25) (27) Hakarava (29) Tongariki (31) Oparingi (33) Hanga Maihiku (35) Pipi Horeko (37) Ahu Tutae (39) Akahanga (41) (43) (45) (47) (49) Hanga Te Pau (51) MataveriOUta (53) Vai Rapa (55) Hivi (57) Hanga Piko (59) Ata Ahiahi ( 1) Apina Iti ( 3) Hanga Roa ( 5) Tahai ( 7) Kihikihi Rau Mea ( 9) Vai AMei (11) RoroHau (13) Hereke (15) AraKoreu (17) OpataRoa

/ / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / / /

(20) (22) (24) (26) (28) (30) (32) (34) (36) (38) (40) (42) (44) (46) (48) (50) (52) (54) (56) (58) (60) ( 2) ( 4) ( 6) ( 8) (10) (12) (14) (16) (18)

Hanga Ohiro Papa Kahi Ehu Hanga Nui Rano Raraku Motu Humu Koka Maunga Toatoa Hanga Tetenga Oroi Hua Reva

Rano Kau Mataveri O Tai Vai Rutu Manu Puku Ohu Kahi Ata Popohanga Apina Nui Hanga O Ua Okahu Ahu Akapu Renga Atini Rúa Angau VaiPoko Hatu Ngoio Hanga Kuokuo Vai Tara KaiUa

3 0 -- 1 -- 2 1 -- 2 -- 3 2 - - 3 -- 4 3 - - 4 -- 5 4 - - 5 -- 6 5 - - 6 -- 7 6 - - 7 -- 8 7 - - 8 -- 9 8 -- 9 --10 9 - -10--11 10--11--12 11--12--13 12--13--14 13--14--15 14--15--16 15--16--17 16--17--18 17--18--19 18--19--20 19--20--21 2 0 --21--22 2 1 --22--23 2 2 --23--24 2 3 --24--25 2 4 --25--26 2 5 --26--27 2 6 --27--28 2 7 --28--29 2 8 --29--30 2 9 --30--31

ures are located, a moon age of 22, which puts it into the last quarter of the moon. As already mentioned, this phase of the moon was an auspicious time for gatherings. The additional names and the bits of information from the traditions can also be integrated into the model. Information about "surf" (addition 2, vave renga; addition 16, vave renga; addition 47 and 48, vave paupau) coincides with important phases of the moon (22 = last quarter, 29 = last appearance of the moon or beginning of the dark moon, 15 = full moon). The

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six names of "houses" (hare) occur among the names 37 to 57— that is, exclusively in the middle section of the month (moon age 10 to moon age 20). The twelve instances where "bays" (hanga) are mentioned are spread in groups of four, each over the three decades of the moon. The six "watering places" (vai) are concentrated in the second half of the month, and the three "mountains" (maurtga) are in the first half. The astronomical character of the second list is further reflected in the additional information for " m o o n " (mahina, in positions 24 and 25 and 40 and 41), "stars" (hetuu, in position 4), and " s u n " (raa, in position 12). Altogether, there can be scarcely any doubt that the sequence of names is based on an overall plan that encompasses various levels of reference. The distribution of narrative motifs into definite lunar nights, arranged into place names and additional names, may well have been based on a traditional narrative cycle. One can't help but notice that the western and southern shores are much more strongly rerpesented than the northern shore. There are twelve pairs of names each for the western shore (from Mataveri to Hatu Ngoio) and the southern shore (from Te Hakarava to Rano Kau, which obviously represents a fixed sequence: see ME:367), while only six pairs of names are left for the northern shore and the east cape (from Ara Koreu to Puakatiki). This distribution suggests that there were still other groupings of pairs of names, arranged according to various themes or according to the scheme for lunar nights. At any rate, the naming of places beginning in the southern segment of the western shore emphasizes the importance of that region of the island. Unfortunately, this is also the area of extensive development in modern times, and much of the evidence of the past has been disturbed or destroyed (HM:516-517), but we do know from the writings of the early explorers (Cook, La Perouse) how heavy the concentration of people and buildings in the area of Cook's Bay must have been. While the arrival from the sea provides a "natural" starting point for the first list, the second list is based on an "artificial" starting point on land. I shall take up the question of the stone figures that were brought along in Chapter 10. It should be pointed out here, however, that the placing of the mother-ofpearl ornaments on artificially created abutments is most un-

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usual. The two stones, Ruhi Hepii and Pu, which flank the pair of figures "on the right and on the left," function as beacons emitting their signals toward the sea. Late in the afternoon or toward evening, when the sun is in the west, the rays strike the ornaments and the reflected light can be seen by canoes approaching the shore. To this day, the Easter Islanders have a well-developed system of fixed points along the shore that helps fishing boats determine their position. Perhaps the "beacons" of Ruhi Hepii and Pu were intended to focus on a point out at sea to the west of Apina, since this is the best landing site for (European) ships. However, this explanation is unsatisfactory primarily because the shining ornaments were intended as guides to voyagers from Polynesia. I would rather suspect that Ruhi Hepii and Pu were designations for two stars, which were essential in determining the proper sea route from the land of origin to Easter Island. The information, which was projected westward by the two "beacons," only had to be applied to the proper season, and, with the help of the (heliacal) pattern of the rising stars, the route across the sea became fixed in the memory of the immigrants. Since "adornment" (rei) is sometimes part of the name of a star (RAP. tuhi rei and rei a tanga, Barthel 19626:3), it could be considered a likely astronomic indicator. Further support for the working hypothesis that the voyagers set their course by the stars is provided by the close association in the text of the stone figures and the cryptic information about the difficulty of finding Easter Island. This seems to have been the real secret that the two antagonistic groups of explorers tried to keep from each other. There remains one more incident worth mentioning in connection with what has been said before. Apina, where the "second list of place names" begins and ends and which is the point of departure for taking possession of the island and the point from which the sea route is fixed, also served as residence for the first missionary, Eugene Eyraud, who came to the island in 1864. La pequeña casa del Hermano estaba en una altura que se levanta sobre la caleta de Apina, porque hasta ahí habían conducido durante su ausencia, desde la playa de Hangaroa, sus cofres, materiales y demás efectos. Desde la pequeña altura de Apina se tiene una bonita vista sobre el mar. (Englert 1964:24-25)

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Was the place assigned to the lay brother because this was where the tyrannical Torometi lived and could therefore keep an eye on the newcomer, or was this traditionally the "spatial zero point" for all newcomers? Even before the immigration takes place, the new homeland has been catalogued. Two lists of place names, one a code for the months of the year and the other for the nights of the month, establish the relationship between nature and society, as well as the relationship among the people. Even before the curtain rises on the exploits of the immigrant king, events that will take place later have already been integrated into a time-space scheme that exists apart from history. The synthesis of accumulating events is telescoped from the beginning.

5. The Voyage of Hotu Matua

The scene of action changes, and events in the homeland are narrated. Following an account of the attempted land theft by the Hanau Eepe, the final preparations for emigration to Easter Island are described. During his reign, Matua took his royal powers (te pahera ariki) and passed them (on) to Hotu. Hotu A Matua became the ruler. During the reign of Matua, the Hanau Eepe came. They stole one side (etahi painga) of the land of the king of Hanau Momoko and moved the border from their side toward the side of the Hanau Momoko. Five hundred Hanau Eepe stole the land of the king of the Hanau Momoko. The Hanau Momoko saw that the Hanau Eepe were about to move the borderline (te titaa) from their side to the side of the Hanau Momoko. The assistant (titiro) of the king of the Hanau Momoko saw that the Hanau Eepe were stealing (the land). He went and reported it to the king. The king assigned six hundred men. King Matua said to his assistant and to his men, "Go and carry out this order! Seize them and bring (them) to me!" The men went on their way, reached the Hanau Eepe, and surrounded them. They came back to King Matua and handed the Hanau Eepe over to him. The king reproached the Hanau Eepe severely: "Who sent you out to steal the land?" The Hanau Eepe answered, "We ourselves did!" Then Hotu Matua spoke: "Oh you, why have you violated the borders of my land?" The Hanau Eepe answered, "There is not enough land to live on!" Thereupon the king called out to the Hanau Eepe, "Here I stand, and I tell all of you: I am taking you prisoners and I am locking you up in the house of prisoners (hare kopu) for fifty years!" Then the king called out to his men, "Seize all of them, and lock up all of the Hanau Eepe! Lock them up for good!'' Hotu's time came, and Matua spoke to Hotu: "Put the canoe

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(miro) into the water and sail to Te Pito O Te Kainga. For five months Ira has been searching for the land. Ira went away and did not return." Then Matua said to Hotu, "Launch the canoe, gather the people, and sail on board the canoe to Te Pito O Te Kainga. Sail on and let children be born by the many in Te Pito O Te Kainga [i.e., the number of your subjects will increase in the new homeland]. Not one thing shall remain behind [i.e., everything that is needed will be taken along] when you leave!" Hotu said to his assistants Teke and Oti, " G o and take banana shoots, taro seedlings, sections of sugarcane to be planted, yam roots, sweet potatoes with leaves (? rau kumara), hauhau trees, paper mulberry trees, sandalwood trees, toromiro trees, ferns (riku), rushes, yellow roots, tavari plants, moss (para), and ngaoho plants. Take all of these things [i.e., all varieties of plants] and also grass!" Then King Hotu said to Teke, "Don't forget the four-legged animals (manu vae eha "birds with four legs"), also pigs (? kekepu), chickens, and birds." Then King Matua said to Hotu, "You must not forget the flies when you take along (all the things that are necessary) and sail off. If you forget the flies, the multitude (piere) of the people will disappear. When you reach the land to which you are travelling, it will be over quickly (?) for the multitude of the people. When the flies die, the human population dies too." Then King Hotu said to Teke and Oti, "You two will forget what I have said [i.e., you will keep it a secret]?" Teke answered, "Yes!" Again King Matua spoke to Hotu: "When you leave you shall take the prisoners (tangata kopu) along to work the land!" Then Hotu said to Teke and Oti, "Gather your things together!" He also talked to the master shipbuilder (maori tuku miro), to Nuku Kehu, "Is the canoe ready to be launched?" Nuku Kehu replied, "Yes." Then the king said, "If the canoe is ready, then put it into the water!" Nuku Kehu said to all his assistants, "Let's go, let's put the canoe into the water because this is what the king has said." They took hold of the canoe and pushed it toward the water; it moved, and they pushed it out into the sea. Teke, Oti, and their assistants went on. Teke secretly told his assistants, "Later during the night you are to go (there) and dig up the yams of my (classificatory) brother (tangata taina) Maeha. When you have dug out all the big and small roots, so that nothing is left in the soil (Ikapaepae tahiro), then you shall break them up completely and rub the pieces in your hands. This way, when Maeha names them, I can find out the names of the various kinds of yams." Then Teke said to his assistants, "Work quickly until

100 The Voyage ofHotu Matua late at night (? or 'until it gets light,' ite ao ana), when you shall take the baskets and fill them up with the yams." To this they replied, "Agreed." Teke went away and came to the house of Maeha. There he lay down (?) as though he were going to sleep that night. It grew dark, and fifty men came to dig up the yams. They arrived, dug out the yam roots, and rubbed small pieces of them between their hands. Maeha heard something, namely the noise that the men made, and he said from the other side (of the house) to Teke, "Hey you! This is the first time that such a noise has been heard at night." Teke answered from his side (of the house), "My feet have made the noise that you heard." And he very carefully made a noise with his feet. It grew light, and Teke went out in the twilight to urinate. Then Teke called from the door, from outside, "Hey you! Hurry out to your yams!" The digging of the yams was over and the thieves had stolen the yams. Earlier Teke's men had placed his baskets in front of the house, every one of his baskets (? ka paepae tahi ro). Maeha came out of the house, saw the yam (plantation), and said, "The yams are gone because of the theft for the king." Maeha and Teke went out and inspected the yam (plantation). There it was, Teke's basket, which is used to store yams. He motioned to his assistants with his hand, "Come here and take the basket and put in the yams." Teke's assistants took the basket. Teke had told Oti about the secret in (words) [i.e., in amicable familiarity], had secretly talked to his assistants to dig out the yams. Teke said to Oti, "When you see that Maeha is coming out of the house and is walking over to the yam plantation, then two of you shall look around, enter into the house, and take the stone figure (moai maea) that is lying there. (Her) name is Te Takapau." After Maeha and Teke had reached the middle of the yam plantation, Oti and Parahenga went into the house, picked up the figure, put her on a stretcher (rango), and carried her on board the canoe. (There) they left her. When Maeha and Teke had reached the middle of the yam plantation, they examined the yams that the thieves had stolen. Maeha enumerated the names of all the (varieties of) yams: "This first one is TaraKura of Maeha and Teke." That's what it was (the variety of yam), that which was (being put) in the basket for the benefit of Teke, until the basket was completely filled with yams (ka titi ro). They tied up the first basket and continued in the same manner (? pera no pera no) until all (? ka paepae tahi ro) the baskets were filled with yams. (There follows a list of thirty-nine varieties of yams [Dioscorea sp.] that belong to Maeha and Teke.)

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Three hundred baskets of yams (came) from Maeha and Teke. Teke said to his assistants, " T a k e the baskets on board the canoe!" Then Teke said to Oti, " G o to your friend (hoou), to Pau [corrected for " B a u " ] and ask for sweet potatoes (kuma), which he is to supply. And take even more baskets along when you g o ! " Oti got up and left with all his companions. They took along a thousand baskets. They went and came to the house of Pau Nui and Pau Iti. Pau Nui and Pau Iti said, " W h a t do you people (mahingo) want(?), what is going o n ? " Oti said to Pau Nui and Pau Iti, " T h e king is sending me to get sweet potatoes, to bring them on board the canoe." Pau Nui went out, pulled the sweet potatoes out of the ground and threw them to the side. While doing that, he also enumerated the names of the sweet potatoes. (The list of varieties of sweet potatoes [Ipomoea batata] belonging to Pau and Oti contains twenty-one names.) A thousand baskets of sweet potatoes are from Pau and Oti. They tied up the baskets and Oti said to his assistants, "Take the baskets and bring them on board the canoe and leave them there." Teke said to Oti, "Send the men for banana shoots. They shall take all kinds of banana shoots from my banana plantation, also taro, all kinds of taro, futhermore ti [Cordyline fruticosa] and kape [Alocasia macrorrhizaj. Oti and all his assistants went away, arrived, and took some of the banana shoots as well as taro, ti, and kape. (The list of varieties of bananas [Musa sapientum] contains five names; the list of varieties of taro [Colocasia antiquorum] contains ten names. Bananas, taro, ti, and kape belong to Teke and Oti.) (There were) five hundred baskets of banana shoots, a thousand baskets of taro, fifty bundles of long ti roots, and ten baskets of little kape seedlings. They tied up the baskets carefully, and Oti said to his assistants, " T a k e all the baskets on board the canoe, as well as the bundles of ti roots!" The men picked up the baskets and brought them on board the canoe. They arrived and left them there. Then the men came back for the hauhau tree, the paper mulberry tree, and for all other things [i.e., plants]. Teke said to Oti, " G o and take the hauhau tree, the paper mulberry tree, rushes, tavari plants, uku koko grass, riku ferns, ngaoho plants, the toromiro tree, hiki kioe plants [Cyperus vegetus], the sandalwood tree, harahara plants, pua nakonako plants, nehenehe ferns, hua taru grass, poporo plants, bottle gourds (ipu ngutu), kohe plants,

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kavakava atua ferns, fragrant tuere heu grass, tureme grass [Dichelachne sciurea], matie grass, and the two kinds of cockroaches makere and hata." Oti and all his assistants went and took the hauhau tree with them. All kinds of things [i.e., plants] and insects were taken along. Hauhau tree [Triumfetta semitriloba], paper mulberry tree [Broussonetia papyriferaj, rushes fScirpus riparius var. paschalisj, tavari plant [Polygonum acuminatum], riku fern, ngao plant [Caesalpinia bonduc], sandalwood tree [Santalum], uku koko grass, nehenehe fern, poporo plant [Solanum forsteri], kavakava atua fern, kohe plant [today a fern, formerly possibly bamboo], [repetition of nehenehe, see above], yellow root [Curcuma longaj, harahara plant, hua taru grass [Chenopodium ambiguum], makere cockroach, and hata cockroach, matie grass, pua nakonako berries (and) bottle gourds. (All species listed belong to Oti.) Oti said to his assistants, "Take all the things [i.e., the plants] on board the canoe and leave them there!" The men took them, arrived, and left all of them on board the boat. Then Teke said to Oti, " G o to the sugarcane plantation and carefully break off pieces of cane. Not one variety shall be left [i.e., shall be omitted] when the pieces of sugarcane are taken along." Teke and Oti went with their assistants, entered into the sugarcane plantation, and broke off pieces everywhere. Teke said the names of all the different varieties of sugarcane. (The list of varieties of sugarcane [Saccharum officinarum] belonging to Teke and Oti contains seven names.) There were a thousand loads of sugarcane. Teke said to Oti, "Bring (that) on board the canoe!" The men picked up the sugarcane, came on board the canoe, and left it there. The men returned (to the other things) and took these too. Then King Hotu spoke to Teke, "Take along the four-legged animals (manu vae eha), the pigs (? kekepu), the sea swallows (manu tara), and the flies (takaure)!" King Hotu continued to speak to Teke: "The thing that you must not forget under any circumstances are the flies! The flies are creatures that must not be forgotten. If you forget the flies the multitude of the people will perish. But when you bring the flies on land, then there will be a great number of people (he piere tangata)!" Then Hotu said to Teke, "There shall be an equal number of people [i.e., of both sexes] when you take them aboard the canoe. The same (goes) for the four-legged animals, the pigs (?) and the chicken." Teke went with all of his assistants. They took the four-legged animals, male and female, fifty in all. (There were) fifty four-

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legged animals. They took all kinds of birds, male and female, a hundred pigs (?), 500 chickens, and five large calabashes (kaha) full of flies. They also took along twenty (birds) each: manu tara [Sternata lunataj, piriuriu, kava eoeo, te verovero, ka araara [i.e., the four growth stages of the sea swallow], kukuru toua, makohe [Fregata minor subsp.], kena [Sula dactylatra subsp.?], tavake [Phaeton sp.], ruru [Sula cyanops], taiko [corrected for taino, Pterodroma heraldica paschae], kumara [Oestrelata incerta or leucoptera ?], kiakia[Leucanus albus royanus], tuvi [i.e., tuvituvi, Procelsterna caerulea skottsbergi\, tuao [Anous stolidus unicolor], and tavi. (All the sea birds named belong to Teke and Oti.) Teke said to Oti, "Take all the big calabashes with the birds on board the canoe!" Oti and his assistants took all of them on board the canoe and left them there, the thirty big calabashes with the birds. The men returned and then Hotu said to Teke, "Take the people on board the canoe. Also remember the stone figure and take it on board the canoe." Teke went, brought the people, counted the men and also the women and the children. Two thousand (erua piere) men, women, and children made up the people (aniva) of Hotu. The men also (wanted to) take the figure on board the canoe [addition in parentheses: the name of the figure was Oto Uta], but they left the figure out in the bay. The people went on board the canoe, and bananas, yams, taro, sweet potatoes, chicken, and also pigs (?) and all kinds of shoots (huri) were added. Matua said to Hotu, "Take along the Hanau Eepe and let them work the land!" Hotu called out to Teke: "Go and bring the 500 prisoners on board the canoe!" He took all of them along, led them on board the canoe, and left them there. For six days (po ono), mats (moenga) were taken on board the canoe [i.e., the loading of the canoe took six days]. Hotu's canoe sailed from Maori to Te Pito O Te Kainga. It sailed on the second day of September (hora nui). The canoe of the king [ariki is used here incorrectly for tapairu "queen"], of Ava Rei Pua, also sailed on the other side. They had attached the canoe of Ava Rei Pua to the middle of the canoe of Hotu [i.e., a double canoe had been built for the long voyage across the sea]. (E:53-74) The question of the Hanau Eepe touches on a problem that will be discussed in Chapter 6. Hotu Matua's emigration to Easter Island does not merely represent the resettlement of a population, complete with definite roles and attributes, within eastern Polynesia, but it is explicitly equated in the native traditions with the introduction of plants and animals in the new land. As early as the first mis-

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sionary period, detailed accounts of the plants and animals that Hotu Matua had brought with him were given: pigs, chicken; taro, sweet potatoes, yams, bananas; the toromiro tree, ngaoho plants, the paper mulberry tree; sugarcane, "etc." were listed (Roussel 1926:357; ME:61). The informants deliberately omitted those plants and animals that were on the island prior to the immigration or those that were imported through other contacts. This first "catalog of essentials" lists, aside from the ngaoho plant, the most important inventory of plants cultivated on Easter Island. Because Roussel cut short the list with an "etc.," one can only guess whether he received information also about the less important species. Two decades later, Salmon gave Thomson a similar list of imports. The domestic animals were omitted, and as a luxury item tobacco had been added (wrongly, as Knoche has shown, 1919: 163, Footnote 9), but the most important items were there: sweet potatoes, yams, bananas, sugarcane, the paper mulberry tree, and the toromiro tree (PH:526, and in addition "the seeds of various plants"). A quarter of a century later, Knoche received an incomplete list—chickens, sweet potatoes, yams, taro, bananas, sugarcane, the paper mulberry tree, and the toromiro tree (Knoche 1919:162)—from one of the oldest inhabitants of the island. In 1911-1912, the botanist Fuentes and the meteorologist Martinez collected further ethnobotanical data, with special emphasis on the different varieties of cultivated plants (Martinez 1913). In 1922, Brown not only recieved the names of additional plants, such as ti and the hauhau tree, but also noted a general increase in the inventory. ("In fact, there is nothing that ever grew on the island but its introduction is credited by tradition to him" [Brown 1924:39].) Thus, the number of plants and animals that were supposed to have been brought along had increased until all animals and plants on Easter Island were included, as can be seen in Ms. E. The catalog of species began to take on the look of an encyclopedia. In 1934, when Juan Tepano worked with Metraux, he explicitly added five varieties of bananas, increased the rightful number of trees by two (marikuru [Sapindus saponaria] and makoi [Thespesia populnes]), added the bottle gourd (ipu), and at the same time smuggled a cat (kuri) and a dog (paihenga) on board the immigrant canoe (ME:60). The most important cultivated plants are named repeatedly, the less important ones only now and then. Plants and animals

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not typical of the island are usually mentioned only once. Since cultigens are superior indicators of interisland migrations and connections, the core group mentioned in the traditions is especially reliable in determining the place of origin of the immigrants. But aside from the question of external relationships, the catalog of species and varieties of Ms. E, with its wealth of taxonomic information, represents a valuable ethnobotanical and ethnozoological document. An analysis of this document is given in this chapter in connection with a longer discussion of the ethnobotany and ethnozoology of Easter Island. The plants and animals are not classified in Ms. E as independent components of nature but on the basis of a personal relationship between them and their owners. This is particularly obvious in the case of cultigens that come in many varieties. All plants and animals that were brought on board the canoe undergo a change of owner. This is indicated by naming the "original owner" (in first position, after the name of the species or variety), as well as the "new owner" (in second position). Specific transactions take place, revealing the nature of the relationship between the giver and the receiver, the nature of the exchange of ownership, and the type of cultigen involved in the exchange. Ownership is transferred among kinsmen, friends, and officials, and, with few exceptions, the transfer is accomplished on a voluntary basis. The instructions issued at the time of the emigration are passed down a definite chain of command: important information is handed down from (the abdicated) King Matua to his son (the ruling king), who in turn passes on his orders to Teke, an official (titiro "supervisor, assistant"). Teke might be regarded as "the right hand" of the immigrant king, in the land of origin as well as in the new land. His authority goes far beyond the narrow role of the king's supervisor of the plants, which was first formulated by Brown (1924:41) and which is reinforced by the episode involving the theft of the yams (TP:38-43). This same Teke is also in charge of such important matters as stone figures, prisoners of war, and fishing grounds. There is a second titiro by the name of Oti, but he obviously takes his orders from Teke. According to our source, a titiro (literally, "one who looks carefully and observes") had a hand in the planning and execution of the emigration and may have been the "prime minister"

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that Linton Palmer was referring to (1875:282; ME: 131). Nuku Kehu, the master shipbuilder (maori tuku miro) who later became a builder of houses (maori anga hare) on Easter Island (TP:64), was commissioned directly by the king without the intervention of an official. Minor figures, such as Pau (Nui and Iti) and Parahenga, appear only in subordinate and cooperative roles. The dramatic events immediately before the departure culminate in the deception and theft through which Teke gains for the emigrants possession of what must have been prized yams and their secret (?) names. The other known version of the episode comes from Arturo Teao and coincides so well with our version that one is justified in suspecting a common source. In Teao's version, the rank of the one deceived is that of a "king" (te ariki ko maeha), while Teke is only a "man" (tangata), who carries his two baskets with the various kinds of yams on board the canoe himself. According to Ms. E, such an action, "man deceiving king" is unthinkable. Rather, Teke, the right hand of the immigrant king, is a kinsman of Maeha, who is a younger brother or a cousin. As ariki, Maeha must have been of noble descent, a fact that establishes a similar background for Teke. Thomson completely misunderstood the role of his "Machaa." Valuable as the qualitative statements about plants and animals are, the quantitative statements about the amount of cargo taken on board is dubious. Based on these statements, the double-hulled canoe must have had an unbelievable capacity: 2,000 emigrants and 500 prisoners of war (as laborers) are said to have gone on board! Other sources are far more conservative: Roussel mentions 400 people per canoe. Thomson (a total of) 300 retainers, and Juan Tepano "hundreds and hundreds" (ka rau ka raw,ME:60), which would be in line with the two preceding sources. The inflation of numbers may be due to the incorrect addition of a decimal place, but even 200 plus 50 emigrants would have been an amazing number for a doublehulled canoe, and one-half or one-third of this seems far more likely. The enormous number of baskets, loads, bundles, and calabashes will probably have to be reduced in the same manner. However, the relative quantities, as well as the order in which first plants and then animals were brought on board the canoe, is of interest. The quantities are listed according to a quinary decimal system (5-10-50-100-500-1,000), and only in two in-

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stances is the traditional system of summing up apparent (30 calabashes of birds, 300 baskets of yams). All the various quantities can be arranged into the following scheme: 5 (calabashes of flies) 10 (baskets of Alocasia macrorrhiza) 30 (calabashes of birds) 50 (bundles of Cordylina fruticosa; four-legged animals) 100 (pigs?) 300 (baskets of yams) 500 (baskets of banana shoots; chickens) 1,000 (baskets of sweet potatoes; baskets of taro; loads of sugarcane)

The quantities of trees, wild plants, and cockroaches are not given. From a religious point of view, the high regard for flies, whose increase or reduction causes a similar increase or reduction in the size of the human population, is interesting, even more so because swarms of flies are often a real nuisance on Easter Island, something most visitors have commented on in vivid language. The explanation seems to be that there is a parallel relationship between flies and human souls, in this case, the souls of the unborn. There is widespread belief throughout Polynesia that insects are the embodiment of numinous beings, such as gods or the spirits of the dead, and this concept extends into Southeast Asia, where insects are seen as the embodiment of the soul. Steinmann cites evidence for Nias and Adonare, where small flies represent the souls of the dead or of a shaman (Steinmann 1941:175).

DISCUSSION OF THE ETHNOBOTANY OF EASTER ISLAND There is an important difference between the terminology of wild plants and that of cultivated plants. Whereas all wild plants —including trees, rare cultivated plants of earlier times, or recently imported cultivated plants—have only one name each for its kind, the differentiation for the most important cultivated plants of Polynesia is far more detailed and includes the naming of varieties or even more specific subgroups, which are beyond the scope of Western taxonomies. Five plants stand out because of their large number of varieties: yams, sweet potatoes, taro,

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sugarcane, and bananas (in descending order). In Ms. E, the sequence for the tuberous plants is the same, but the position of sugarcane and bananas is reversed. These five essential cultigens provided the basic vegetable diet for the people and were the most profitable crops of the planters. 1. Yams (uhi) The grouping of names of yam varieties in Ms. E is a starting point for discussion because this sequence was established sixty years ago by tradition-conscious islanders themselves. Lists published by other authors were used for comparison. The names are numbered consecutively, based on the total number of varieties. In Ms. E, the numbers 19 and 33 are omitted, which accounts for the fictitious total number of 41. An asterisk (*) indicates that the name was still known in the village of Hangaroa in 1957. 1. tara kura 2. tara rau renga 3. tara mahihi (*) 4. tara mai to 5. tara nohu 6. tara hetuke 7. tara mama (*) 8. tara titeve 9. tara moamoa tara 10. tara huehue (*) 11. makere 12. mariri 13. tonga (*) 14. pua rauoho uri (*) 15. pua rauoho tea (*) 16. pua rauoho mea (*) 17. pua rauoho para (*) 18. tupere ure (*) 19. ravi hakurakura (*) (corr.) 20. naku

21. takatore (*) 22. ravei (*) 23. papa uri 24. papa tea 25. papaki kahukahu (*) 26. papaki vehivehi 27. papaki papa kura (*) 28. mamari kioe (*) 29. tutae kioe (*) 30. kunekune (*) 31. tahe(*) 32. taha (con.) 33. apuka(*) 34. apuka heu (*) 35. tuituikoviro (*) 36. reiatea 37. reí a tanga 38. ravikana 39. ravipako

This list shows that certain names of varieties contain the same root words, and that these form subgroups. The only exception is number 19, which should be in the same subgroup as numbers 38 and 39. In Ms. E, this is the place where a number

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has been skipped. I suspect that the "list of varieties of yams" was originally made up of forty names. The initial group of ten names, all beginning with tara, is conspicuous because the number 10 was widely used in classifications and linguistically based on the decimal system. Other subgroups consist of four (pua rauoho), three (papaki), or two (papa, kioe, apuka, rei, ravi) names that partially agree. The list represents a tradition-conscious catalog of the varieties of yams brought to the island by the immigrants. At the same time, it is difficult to decide how many of the names that were in use in later times have been wrongly attributed to the immigrants. A shorter list by Englert (TP:39-42), based on the episode of the yam theft, agrees for the most part with this one; however, the eighteen names are listed in a different order. Variants are tupere uri (instead of "tupere ure"), onaku o te takatore (instead of "naku" and "takatore"), as well as apuka raurau (which completes the name "apuka" on our list). More extensive deviations occur in the detailed list by Martinez (1913:37), which was later used and modified, with variations in spelling, by Knoche (1919:181-182), Metraux (ME:155), and Fuentes (1960:875). The total number of forty-one names agrees with our inventory. Except for minor corrections in spelling, roughly one-third of the names agree on the two important lists. The subgroup tara is missing altogether, while the subgroup pua, with six names, heads the Martinez list. Again a standard number, this time 6, is at the beginning of the list. The following are additional or alternate names of varieties that were recorded by Martinez during the years 1911-1912. pua tiveka, pua aruaru, pua rona, pua vahi ihe, ihe ma taoraha (?) for: ihe mate o raa?), ihe mo tupa (?) (ihe mo tupu?) nahe, nahe mata a toka, nahe reherehe ravi (rauvi?), ravi uri, ravi tea tea hopopo (?), tea makona, tea nui veriaka tau, veripupuru moko haha tea, moko hiku keu tuke ipua kere (?) (take hipu makere?), tuke taro kura(?) (take ta kura?) (h)anau kaho (not ana o kehu) pana reref?)

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kukuru toua(?) mine ravei mangamanga

If one omits the questionable versions, roughly twenty names remain that should be added. This brings the list of yam varieties in the Easter Island culture of the nineteenth century to approximately sixty names. The subgroup ravi seems to have had four names: the subgrouppua as many as eight.

2. Sweet Potatoes (kumara) Despite the quantitative ratio between the amounts of yams and sweet potatoes raised, the number of varieties of sweet potatoes with distinct names is considerably lower than that of yams. The "immigrant list" shows twenty-one names but counts only up to number 20. The Easter Islanders I questioned were still familiar with about half of them (as indicated by an asterisk). The names that also appear in Ms. A (NA II:Fig. 131-132) are marked with the letter " A . " 1. hiva matua 2. hivapoki 3. renga moe tahi teatea (*, A) 4. renga moe tahi uriuri (*, A) 5. ureomo (*, A) 6. ree aniho (*, A) 7. haupu uriuri (*, var. A) 8. haupu teatea (var. A) 9. okeoke(*, A) 10. apuka 11. ure vai (A)

\2.paiki{*, A) 13. uriuri (A) 14. piu tahi 15. tuitui koviro 16. aro piro (*) 17. pekepeke mea (A) 18 .pekepeke uri 19. aringa rikiriki (*, A) 20. tua tea (*) 21. mamari kiakia (var. A)

Additional names are listed by Knoche (1919:83, after Martinez 1913:36), Mfctraux (ME: 154, compare Fuentes 1960:772), Englert (HM:464-465), and Ms. A: paka taero tipa tai paka

pita (A, there too as a variant) mari mamu (? mamari maul) rau miro punua makuto

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kauha tanga eti (? kava tanged!) kauha aka iroiro (? kava aka iroirol) apuka heu mine uka teatea (A) (see also uka tue!) renga vie (A, there too as a variant) puku

Following the definitive kumara group, Ms. A lists a special group that includes "he rau pita, he rau haupu, he rau renga vie." These names seem to refer to the leaves rather than to the tubers. Unlike the subgroups of varieties of yams, the names of sweet potatoes occur at the most in pairs. In all, there may have been thirty to thirty-five names of varieties of sweet potatoes. Compared with the well-developed terminology for yams, this is quite a change. Several names are used for both species. I shall return to this problem later.

3. Taro (taro) According to Englert (HM:35), modern Easter Islanders are familiar with more than twenty varieties of taro. Ms. E, on the other hand, lists only ten names: 1. ngeti uri (*) 2. ngeti tea (*) 3. ngaatu (*) 4. tuitui koviro 5. ketu anga mea (*)

6. ketu takaru 7. teatea (*) 8. ngu haha tea (*) 9. mango (*) 10. harahara rapuni (*)

More extensive lists are supplied by Metraux (ME: 155) and Knoche (1919:183-184, after Martinez 1913:37), while Brown (1924:180) lists only seven names and information about the properties of taro. The additional names are: ngeti para ketu turi ketu haatea (?) koro maruhi tutae korei (?) vaihi

vaihi iti veta (?) horehore tapatea tua koiro pia kiakia

There may well be a total of twenty names. Adding up all the

112 The Voyage of Hotu Matua special names for the three tuberous plants would yield a list of well over 100 names, even after omitting repeated names. 4. Sugarcane (toa) In the case of sugarcane, the sources are less numerous. The following names appear in the "immigrant list": 1. rangi koro vao (*) 2. tua mamari manu (*) 3. tua manu auau (*, A) 4. ruma (*, A)

5. tuitui koviro 6. vitiviti (A) 7. marikuru (*, A)

Knoche (1919:184, after Martinez 1913:36) offers the following additional names: tua mamari moa (see above) rangi (see above) kiata paoko (? paroko) harahara kopu

harahara vitiviti (see above) puru kana turi haro uo atu ureure (? ature ure)

There are roughly a dozen designated varieties of Saccharum officinarum. 5. Bananas (maika) Bananas have the smallest number of varieties. The immigrants are supposed to have brought with them the following: 1. koro tea (*, A) 2. hihi (*, A) 3. pukapuka (*, A)

4. pia (A) 5. nahoo (*, A) (also naho 'a, naue)

Additional sources list imported varieties of bananas but do not add much to the list (Knoche 1919:184, after Martinez 1913: 36; Brown 1924:183; ME:60; HM:276): pahu (variety no longer in existence) henua kie hiva (recently introduced) tamoa (introduced from Samoa) rio (ri'o ?) (introduced from Tahiti) urau ino (? pura hui nol porora ?) (introduced from Tahiti)

It appears that the planter of the old Easter Island culture was familiar with only about a half dozen varieties.

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Up to now, Knoche has been the only one to pay attention to the principles of classification used by the Easter Islanders to catalog their most important cultivated plants. Unfortunately, we cannot always be certain of the spelling of the names he starts out with (after Martinez 1913), and his attempts to determine the etymology of the names are often arbitrary. For example, he completely misunderstood the yam varieties numbered 11, 21, and 24, which he listed under the heading of "leaves used to cover houses." Nevertheless, he is credited with having recognized the basic principles used in naming tuberous plants— namely, the widespread use of concrete, objective comparisons for the total habit of the tuber; the relative lack of description based on color, texture, and consistency; and the almost complete absence of indications of origin and function. A critical analysis of the taxonomic data has to proceed from those RAP. forms whose spelling is reliable and whose etymology is substantiated. The following principles should be considered: (a) Simple description. This has to do with the way the tubers are positioned in the soil and in relation to each other, the way they are dug up, the texture of their surface, and their color. (b) Simple qualification. This has to do with properties of the skin ("poisonous," "salty") or of the pulp ("filling," "mealy"). Properties such as these are only rarely mentioned. (c) Comparison with other forms of plant life is also rare and occurs mainly in connection with taro and the names "rushes" (ngaatu) and "arrow root" (pia). (d) Comparison with members of the animal kingdom, on the other hand, must be considered highly characteristic. Names based on sea animals are in the majority. Aside from the primary references to fish and mollusks, secondary references to rats ("rat feces" and "rat eggs") and sea birds ("newborn bird" and "egg of the sea swallow") can be observed. (e) Anthropomorphic comparisons based on sex, age, or anatomy are very rare. Objects of the material culture are almost never used for comparison.

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The above categories show that the majority of explicable names of varieties can be understood in terms of theriomorphic comparisons and simple descriptions. The native terminology can also be used for two additional purposes: (1) to show whether there are any extrainsular connections for names of varieties, which might indicate past culturalhistorical ties, and (2) to gain a better understanding of the place that plants as the source of food occupied within the old Easter Island culture. It is possible to draw certain conclusions if the name contains geographic references (that is, information about the place of origin of the variety), of if the name is used for the same variety on other Polynesian islands. Thus, there is evidence in both cases: 1. The yam name uhi tonga, for example, points to western Polynesia. In Samoa, an imported variety of yam is called ufi tonga. The RAP. name refers to a subgroup of yams in the former homeland, but is still known today in the village of Hangaroa. This does not necessarily mean that the immigrants came from Tonga, but it does mean that some of them had knowledge of Tongan yams. The sweet potato names kumara hiva and kumara hiva poki contain the word "hiva," which is generally used today as a designation for the South American continent but formerly referred to the land of origin. The possible location of "Hiva" might be in the Marquesas group or in the Society Islands. 2. The yam name uhi vehivehi (TP:40) corresponds to the Tongan variety ufi vesivesi (Churchward 1959:568). This parallel supports my assumption that there were some western Polynesian varieties among those brought along by the immigrants. The yam name (h)anau kaho (ME: 155, after Martinez 1913: 37) brings us to the important Tongan myth of the birth (hanau) of the most esteemed variety of yam, kahokaho. We will take up this question later. The sweet potato name kumara makuto (ME: 154) agrees with a variety kumara makutu ("magical sweet potato") that is grown in New Zealand (Best 1925:55, no. 34). If Metraux's spelling of the kava- (tangeti or aka iroiro) varieties of sweet potatoes is correct, we are reminded of the MAO. name kawakawa, or kawakawa tawhiti, for the subgroup that grows on the east coast of New Zealand. The common point of origin for

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related varieties in RAP. and MAO. can only be central Polynesia. The name harahara, which is the Easter Island name for the most common variety of taro with large tubers, does not necessarily prove the existence of old connections with Mangareva, primarily because there is a distinct possibility that the MGV. variety 'ara'ara was imported in more recent times (Hiroa 1938: 213). It is conceivable that the Easter Islanders who followed Roussel to Mangareva after he failed to missionize the people took their native taro variety with them. In further comparing the names of taro varieties, we should also be aware that we are dealing with dry taro, while on most Polynesian islands wet taro was of greater importance. Very interesting are the banana names koro tea and pukapuka, both of which belong to the old east Polynesian vocabulary that connects Easter Island and Mangareva in characteristic isoglosses. Both varieties are considered old and are deliberately differentiated from modern imported varieties. Koro tea even occurs in a recitation (Barthel 1960:851). In conclusion, it can be stated that the RAP. names of some important varieties of cultivated plants do suggest culturalhistorical ties with islands located in the west: some varieties of yams point to the Samoa-Tonga area; some varieties of sweet potatoes suggest a relationship to the Maori; and some varieties of bananas point to the Marquesas group. The terminology of sugarcane and taro, on the other hand, does not contribute significantly to our understanding of cultural-historical ties. Generally speaking, the names of varieties are restricted to one species, and there are only occasional overlaps. Thus, the name tuitui koviro (literally, " a chain of newborn rats") is used for varieties of yams, sweet potatoes, taro, and sugarcane (Martinez 1919:36 shows only sweet potatoes). The current meaning of RAP. tuitui koviro as " a group of people who clasp hands to form a circle" is not much help. Aside from visualizing definite arrangements of the tubers or pieces of roots in the soil, it might be a good idea to consider the position of the name and the adjoining names on the various lists (varieties of yams, number 35; varieties of sweet potatoes, number 15; varieties of sugarcane, number 5; and varities of taro, number 4). It is in-

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teresting that both yams and sweet potatoes have the names apuka, apuka heu, and mine. I shall come back to this question when the relationship between these two tuberous plants is examined (see below). The taxonomy of bananas and sugarcane is relatively simple. For the taro names there are the following subgroups: ngeti (-uri, -tea, and -para) and ketu (-anga mea, -takaura, -turfl, and -haateal). Etymologically, ngeti cannot be derived from the RAP. vocabulary. Possible explanations might be SAM. ngeti "mollusk" or ngetingeti " f a t " and HAW. neki "great bulrush" or "full, crowded, packed." On the other hand, ketu is obviously connected with the basic east Polynesian concept of ketu, ketuketu, 'etu, and 'eku "to dig up the ground and tear out something by the roots (as the pigs do)." Different principles seem to underlie the naming of yams and sweet potatoes, the two species with the greatest number of varieties. The names of yams tend to be arranged in subgroups of six and ten, which are ideal numbers, while the names of varieties of sweet potatoes occur only in pairs. The difference becomes even more pronounced when typical comparisons are examined. Very often sea animals are used to depict varieties of yams. Of those examples that have been substantiated, I am mentioning only the fish species maito, nohu [Scorpaena histrio], titeve [Diodon hystrix], moamoa tara, and huehue. To this should be added hetuke ("sea urchin"), mama ("cup shell"), and papaki ("small octopus"). Perhaps the comparison with moko depends on a taxonomy that classifies the lizard as a sea animal. There are no maritime comparisons among the varieties of sweet potatoes; instead, there are names like "bird egg," "egg of the sea swallow," "newly hatched bird." Above all, the names of sweet potates contain feminine and sexual motifs, such as "feminine beauty" (renga vie, alternate translation, "feminine yellow root [a substance used as paint and as perfume],)" "fair-skinned marriageable girl" (uka teatea), "sucked phallus" (ure omo, see the chant in Campbell 1971: 178), and "semen" (ure vai) or "phallus that is tied together" (ure hai). Why is it that only the varieties of sweet potatoes contain such allusions? No other plant on Easter Island has terminology of this sort. Perhaps some of the old names of varieties are not based simply on realistic description and comparison but contain hidden references.

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Neither myths nor cults from Easter Island yields any information about the sweet potato, but if we direct our attention to New Zealand, where a wealth of material about the kumara is available (for example, Johansen 1958:112 ff.), we come across motifs that may help to explain the RAP. names of certain varieties of sweet potatoes. I am referring to the Pani myth, which deals with the birth of the various varieties of sweet potatoes as the children of a primordial mother, and to the theft of the first tubers, which Rongo carried from heaven hidden under his foreskin (Schmitz 1960:236). Based on this information, several of the older names on the Martinez list can be more readily understood. For example, okooko (this spelling according to Knoche rather than okeoke) may well correspond to the same MAO. word that means "to carry in the arms, or in the lap or fold of a garment," while RAP. ure hai "phallus that is tied together" seems to refer to the manner in which the theft of the first tubers was committed according to the Maori myth. This same myth also sheds light on the variety name aro piro, which is still in use. The New Zealand myth states explicitly that the varieties of sweet potatoes were born as children from the aro of Pani. Beyond the basic meaning of "front side," aro is used in several Polynesian languages as a euphemism for female genitals, for the abdomen, or for the intestines. Therefore, aro piro "smelling abdomen" could refer to the mythical place of origin or the birthplace of the sweet potato. The variety name puku also refers to the "belly," while names such as kauha "anus" refer to the process of defecation (compare sweet potatoes as excrements in HAW., Handy and Handy 1972:138). Further investigation shows that the enumeration of the names of varieities is by no means arbitrary but based, according to some inner principle, on the memorization of pairs. The same compositional scheme was used for the lists of place names. "Overt" sequences are marked by additional attributes that represent opposites (haupu uriuri vs. haupu teatea; hiva matua vs. hiva poki). "Covert" sequences, on the other hand, cannot be readily identified, since we cannot determine the inner relationship between the two names which in the traditions follow each other. Usually, such pairs can be made to yield their meaning only be considering the names of adjoining "overt" sequences or by looking at contractions of names (covert sequence naku/takatore, numbers 20/21 on the immigrant list; parallel

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contraction onaku o te takatore in TP:41; name for the stolen yam in the story of Manu Haarongo, Brown 1924:181; Knoche 1925:260-262; ME:374). We are already familiar with the process of taking lists apart and filling in other names, by which the genealogies of the Easter Islanders were expanded (Barthel 1961). Not every sequence of two different names is necessarily a "covert" sequence, but each case should be examined with this possibility in mind. For example, on the "immigrant list" of sweet potatoes there remain, aside from the "overt" sequences 1/2, 3/4, 7/8, and 17/18 the following adjoining names as potential "covert" sequences: 5/6 ure omo 9/10 okeoke 11/12 urevai 13/14 uriuri 15/16 tuituikoviro

ree aniho (same pair in Ms. A 12/13!) apuka paiki piu tahi aro piro

As a rule, the first column contains names that, in one form or another, represent allusions to the activities of a mythical god who steals sweet potatoes. In the second column are names, such as "smelling abdomen," that refer to the motif of a mythical birth through a goddess. In other words, there is reason to believe that in these "covert" sequences the first name has masculine and the second one feminine connotations. Two pairs of names of varieties of sweet potatoes in Ms. A are arranged in the same manner: 3/4 haupu 5/6 pita

renga vie ukateatea

We are obviously dealing here with the same compositional principle that underlies the Polynesian creation genealogies up to the grandiose enumeration of the Kumulipo: placing the name of the male partner ahead of the female one is a matter of tradition in Polynesia. The search for "covert" sequences with their male/female pair characteristics should begin with the original RAP. versions of lists of successive names; then, once substantiated points of departure have been established, material collected by Westerners can be used for comparison. The trouble with this material is that we cannot always be sure that the se-

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quence of names was received and written down as a unit. The names could have been collected piecemeal and then arranged into a list. With this in mind, we should consider another one of the early recorded pairs: ure hai / apuka eo (Knoche's version) or ure vai / apuka eu (Martinez's version)

There seem to be several possible ways of grouping namesreversal of the male/female sequence but close relationship of the names of different sexes; the naming of several male names as a unit, followed by the naming of several female names—but they seem to represent more or less degenerated versions of traditions. I am thinking of the change in the Martinez list uriuri (male) / aro piru (female) or the feminine pair renga vie / aro piru in the Englert list. It seems that, at least for the name apuka, with or without additions, a working hypothesis of an underlying feminine meaning can be established. This in turn gives us access to the meaning of certain yam varieties, since apuka occurs in the taxonomies of both yams and sweet potatoes and can act as a bridge between the two. As an example, we are using a pair of adjoining names of varieties from the Martinez list (spelling by Knoche): apuka eo / kunekune

If one looks beyond the local meaning in RAP. and uses other Polynesian idioms for comparison, kunekene becomes the key word. Kune refers to something "full, rounded" and as such to the visible condition of someone who is pregnant (compare MGV. kune "to conceive, to be pregnant"; MAO. kunekune "to be pregnant"; TUA. kune "a swelling, pregnancy"; FIJ. kunekune "to conceive in the womb, a state of pregnancy when it becomes perceptible"). If one substitutes the equivalents on the above sequence of names, we end up with the following: (feminine name ?) / pregnant

There is a similar but reversed sequence in Englert's list: kunekune / ravai / apuka heu / apuka raurau

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For a translation of ravei we have to go to MQS. avei "raser, toucher, rencontrer; être attaint, pris; convenir" or a separation rave-i "to fill completely." The equivalents would then be: pregnant / is full (?) / (two feminine names ?)

A third example is the sequence of numbers 30 to 34, listed in Ms. E: kunekune / tahe / taha / apuka / apuka heu

The key word "pregnant" is followed by tahe. Tahe (alternate form tehe) refers to the process and the place of flowing liquid. In a feminine context, the Polynesians understood this to mean either menstruation or abortion. Taha (basic meaning "side") can also mean " t o open, to slash open," and must in one way or another be related to the feminine names that follow. Finally, I would like to cite a fragment of a tradition that I received from the Pakarati family during my field work: tangata o te henua tumu uhi apuka heu he ravei o mahatua mo hangai o te mahingo

Man of the land original yam Apuka Heu is the fullness (?) of Mahatua to nourish the people.

Since tumu has several meanings ("marriage partner, the one who gives the bride away"), this may refer to a social obligation. At any rate, the yam variety apuka heu is said to be both ancient and nourishing and is accorded a position of importance. In conclusion, the following can be said: Whenever apuka occurs among the names of yam varieties, with or without additions, it is in close textual association with kunekune, which is a reference to pregnancy. In one case, there is talk of a complication {tahe "abortion"); in other instances, a state of fullness (? ravei) is mentioned. On the Martinez list, the additional attributes mangamanga or pako describe ravei as "fingerlike" (however, in TUA. mangamanga means " t o wish for, to desire eagerly, or to rob by violence") and relate it to the search for food (compare MGV. pako "to search for food in the time of famine"; MAO. "to glean, after a root crop has been lifted"). This is preceded by (h)anau kaho, which is a reference to the "birth" of a certain variety of yam. Although I cannot offer conclusive proof for the following as-

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sumption, it may nevertheless be worth mentioning. Tuberous plants, especialy yams but also sweet potatoes, are said to have been born of a female figure named "Apuka." As of now, there seem to be no other RAP. sources to substantiate this seemingly forgotten myth. This birth-giving " A p u k a " is sometimes described as "fragrant" (eo), sometimes as "covered with fine hair" (heu). The etymology of the name " A p u k a " is obscure (a possible link with the MAO. name of a fish hapuka is unlikely, especially since the alternate forms of the name are hapuku, hapu'u, and apuku). Knoche's suggested translation of apuka as "obstructing the path" is a risky connection with the word puka (Churchill 1912:243). A recently published chant, which links the sweet potato variety ure omo with an old woman a pua-tahai (Campbell 1971:178) is of interest because this may represent an alternate form (apu'a) of the name "Apuka." Comparative work on the Oceanic creation myths of cultigens holds the greatest promise for clarification. One lead that should be pursued is the Tongan idea of the birth of the first yams through a goddess. Aside from Collocott (1921:231) and Gifford (1924:163 ff.), Reiter should be consulted for information about the voracious birth-giving Faimalie: Et une chose qu'apporta Faimalie l'igname qu'elle avait avalée. . . . Et vint Faimalie, et s'en alla rester, dans les bois pour y enfanter les ignames. Et elle enfanta les ignames, le kahokaho son nom, l'igname chef de bonne et (elle enfanta) l'igname mamage, et l'igname kaumaile, et l'igname le tua, et aussi l'igname de levei. Ce sont les ignames chefs. Mais il y a beaucoup d'autres espèces d'ignames. . . . (Reiter 1934:513)

The characteristics "voraciousness" and "birth of tubers" go well with the previously mentioned sequence from the Martinez list. TON. kahokaho and levei seem to correspond to the RAP. varieties kaho and ravei (compare also FUT. laveisina "nom d'une espèce d'ignames!"). From this obscure background, we now proceed to the actual relationship between yams and sweet potatoes, as it existed in the old island culture. From a purely quantitative point of view, the sweet potatoes dominate completely. In 1957, sweet potatoes were still the "daily bread" of the people living in Hangaroa.

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Generations earlier, when the share of noninsular food, such as flour, was much smaller, the monotony of a daily diet of kumara must have been very keenly felt. Statements to that effect (Eyraud 1866:126; Geiseler 1883:37; ME:153) leave no doubt about this. On the other hand, I had yams only once during my stay (prepared with milk, like pudding). There is a scattering of wild yam plants along the steep slopes of Te Hakarava. Heyerdahl (NA 1:29) mentions the existence of a few more plants in Rano Kau, while Englert (HM:35) points out a former yam plantation near Vai Tara Kai Ua. The few yams that are still being raised around Hangaroa come from remaining stock that grows wild in protected areas outside the village reservation. Because of their taste, yams have not been popular with Easter Islanders for the last thirty to forty years. One might be inclined to accept Heyerdahl's verdict—"it (the yams) was never a favorite local food" (NA 1:29)—if there weren't strong indications that in earlier times the role of the yam was a totally different one. According to the accounts of eighteenth-century travelers, yams were at that time raised and consumed in much greater quantities. At the time of Roggeveen's visit to the island, yams, together with sugarcane, chicken, and bananas, were among the gifts brought by the natives, which would suggest that yams were not held in low esteem because of their taste (compare German translation of Roggeveen's log book by Schulze-Maizier 1926: 217). All the early visitors observed "fields" of yams, which indicates regular cultivation. Up to Knoche's visit in April 1911, yam cultivation was associated with the technique of heaping up the soil (Knoche 1919:175). Therefore, the decline in importance to the present low level must have taken place within the last half century. Sixty years ago, yams and taro were still "of great importance for the kanakas of Easter Island" (Knoche 1925:114), and a creation chant, which was known to the people of the generation before that, states: " E Toto discovered the sweet taste of the yam and made it the principal food of the people" (translation by Thomson PH:522; italics mine). All this serves to emphasize that even from an economic point of view, yams were not altogether unimportant. A totally different picture emerges when yams are examined for their cultural significance, because in the noneconomic area,

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sweet potatoes are always ranked after yams and fall far behind in importance. The following evidence substantiates the cultural relationship between the two tuberous plants. It may be useful to proceed from the premise summed up by Benjamin Stone in one sentence: "One indication of a cultural preoccupation with a phenomenon is the size of the vocabulary referring to it: (Barrau 1963:61). The Easter Island taxonomy for the total range of their most important food-producing plants is more than just an objective, scientific classification. It also reflects cultural considerations of varying degrees of intensity and contains references to autonomous cultural settings. We have already explored the principles underlying the naming of varieties based on characteristics typical of the species and noticed the differences between the names of yams and the names of sweet potatoes. There is also a distinct numerical difference in the naming of varieties. Names of yam varieties head the overall taxonomy of food-producing plants, followed in the second place by the names of sweet potato varieties. The ratio is 60:35 for the total number of names and 40:20 for the "immigrant lists." From this we can conclude that, regardless of the quantitative relationship between the two species, the "cultural yam inventory" was developed and handed down in much greater detail than that of the sweet potato. Whenever yams and sweet potatoes are mentioned together in early RAP. texts, uhi always precedes kumara. In a chant about the fertility-producing power of the island king, the following is said (PH:523, corrected by Metraux 1937:53): The yams, the taro, the sweet potatoes the king makes grow in the country.

(e uhi, e taro, e kumara to rau ariki i uta nei) and: Now he makes the yams, the sweet potatoes, the sugarcane, the shoots favorable to the country.

(anirato ka rata uhi, kumara, toa e mahua i uta nei) Unfortunately, the chant does not mention who was the progenitor of the yam and of the sweet potato. The text concludes with the words (PH:521, after correction, ME:322): what was left to be fed on the yams and the sweet potatoes

(eaha hangai e toe e uhi, e kumara)

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In the English version of the "Apai" tradition, names of yam plantations are listed before sweet potato fields as part of the description of a magical protection with the insignia of the feather god (PH:519). The corresponding RAP. text does not yield any useful information. I mention this example because it comes from the same early source in the year 1886. It is possible that the relationship uhi vs. kumara falls into the category of "stereotype parallelism," that is, the use of a pair of words in a fixed sequence, as it is used in Polynesian poetry. We need not be too concerned with sequences such as pu vs. pahu, or uri vs. tea, but rather with those that imply social gradations, such as ariki vs. tapairu. The last pair, which names the "king" before the "queen," was used by the same informant who named "yams" before "sweet potatoes." The question is whether this sequence represents a contrast in status between the "male" uhi and the "female" kumara. In recent native texts the old conventions of style have all but disappeared, and they are therefore of no help in determining the nature of the relationship between yams and sweet potatoes. Very instructive is the contrast between yams and sweet potatoes in traditions relating events in the land of origin just prior to the emigration to Easter Island. Teke, the right-hand man of the king, instigates the theft of the desired varieties of yams from the plantation of Ariki Maeha, and, through deception, he obtains the (obviously secret) names of the varieties. Apparently, someone had to be familiar with the names of the yam varieties before they could be of any use to the emigrants. This does not seem to have been the case with the sweet potatoes: the rightful owners, Pau Nui and Pau Iti, voluntarily surrender the various varieties of the food-producing plant and pass on the names willingly. Obviously, the evaluation of the two species is based on different sociological considerations. Immediately after landing, the explorers plant yams in the area of Rano Kau and then build a house near the yam plantation. All the traditions attribute the initial agricultural efforts of "preparing the ground" (keukeu), "breaking the ground" (oka), and "heaping up the soil" (puke) to Kuukuu, the firstborn of Hua Tava. Far from being a success, the first yam plantation does not prosper and is overrun by weeds. For this reason, the explorers tell Hotu Matua, who has arrived meanwhile, thai the island is a "bad land" (kainga kino). While sweet potatoes

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are never mentioned in connection with the explorers, yams are the first stock to be planted after the five-week voyage across the sea, and their successful growth is taken to be an indication of the quality of the new land. The motif of the yam theft is repeated in the local story of one "Manu Haarongo." From the three published versions, the following plot emerges (Brown 1924:181; Knoche 1925:260-262; ME:374): In Poike (Te Kohe; Kavakava Kioe or Ahu Rikiriki) there once lived a famous planter (Rapu). The only thing he didn't have were yams, because they were the exclusive property of the people of Hangaroa (Tahai). A frigate bird (Te Manu Haarongo) stole the yams from them, "because he is a good man, he distributed the yams to all the people of the island, so that instead of being a rare treat for the people of Hangaroa they became the most common and the most nourishing food in all of Rapa Nui." (Verbatim after Knoche 1925:262)

Aside from the emphasis on yams' nutritional value and the extent of their cultivation, the location of the yams is also revealing. Yams are said to be the property of the Easter Islanders of the western shore (also mentioned in a recitation, Barthel 1960: 852)—that is, to the people of the Miru tribe—while the inhabitants of the Poike and the east cape area, which is the territory of the Tupahotu tribe, at first do not seem to have had yams. Applied to an earlier time frame, the contrast in direction may have referred to the antagonism between the Hanau Momoko (in the west) and the Hanau Eepe (in the east); applied to a later time frame, it may have referred to the antagonism between nobility and commoners. A sociohistoric interpretation seems justified because the additional name of the yam-distributing frigate bird, "listening bird," may have been the name of a scout or a spy. Through theft and deceit, the once exclusive right to cultivate yams is usurped. The contrast between those who have yams and those who do not seems to imply a contrast in social rank, but it could also indicate that the different social groups owned different varieties of yams. Obviously, yams were included in the plant inventory of the people who came with Hotu Matua. Since none of the sources mentions the plant inventory of the original population, we have no way of knowing whether yams were part of that inventory too.

126 The Voyage of Hotu Matua Scattered ethnographic data since missionary times as well as my own fieldwork have led to these additional assessments of yams. Roussel was an eyewitness when the youthful island king Gregorio was presented with yams as the first fruit of the fields (Metraux 1937:54). This clearly indicated that yams cannot possibly have been considered insignificant or of little (nutritional) value. As a matter of fact, various food regulations show that the opposite must have been true. The children who were secluded were given sugarcane, bananas, fish, and small amounts of yams but no sweet potatoes because these were considered "too heavy" (Englert 1939:197, 208). Because they are easily digested, yams (and bananas) were considered a suitable diet for sick people (Englert 1939:215). Several of my informants agreed that in the old days yams were generally the food of warriors. Also, when earth-ovens were prepared, a significant activity that has both material and spiritual significance, yams were eaten with the fowl (moa). Finally, I would like to point out two taboos connected with yam fields. According to one of my informants, yam plantations were taboo to all women; according to another, only to menstruating women. It was feared that the breaking of this taboo would cause the yams to become sick and rot (kanekane o te uhi). The same disastrous consequences were thought to result if a fisherman entered the yam fields; for this reason, he had to wash himself with fresh water before entry. (Even today, after contact with bloody meat, for example, a person must wash himself before the meat rations are distributed among the people of the village.) Thus the "sickness" of the yams was thought to be caused by contact with menstruating women or freshly caught sea animals. Either there was some physiological connection between menstruation and raw fish (odor!) or we are dealing with two overlapping concepts. If we go back to the designation of yams as the food of warriors, then their protection from harmful influence by women makes perfectly good sense. The separation of yams and fish lies in the area of the concrete and not just in the name, as in the taxonomy of yam varieties. Even in a degenerate (kane) and rotten (momo) state, yams were still given special attention, as the following passage of an old recitation shows (Barthel 1960:847; in a different version, Campbell 1971:408; text variant in Ms. C, NA II:Fig. 170):

The Voyage of Hotu Matua Dug up for both of us for me and for my companion is a bundle of sick yams disintegrated into powder like dark soil shrivelled and mottled.

127

hai uhi kanekane momomomo te kere mea ko piti ko pata

Following the detailed description, the text mentions as the cause of the yams' ruin an evil female demon named Houhou Parera or Houhou Mairi, "who is man-crazy and has bleary and protruding eyes" (aiai mata puku mata revareva). "The old and useless yams" (te heipara uhi) are also mentioned in another recitation, but the context is not clear (Barthel 1960:853; Campbell 1971:401). The following scheme shows the various aspects of the overall relationship between the two tuberous plants: Yams

Sweet Potatoes

higher in rank property of the nobility obtained by means of theft and deceit conflict between brothers

lower in rank property of the common people given willingly in the spirit of cooperation exchange of gifts among friends and neighbors (hoou) food of warriors common fare yam fields taboo for fishersweet potato fields dug up men and menstruating women by women (are) spoilage caused by evil positive sex-related termifemale demon nology names of varieties contain names of varieties contain comparison with maritime comparison with seabird and creatures (that is, region rat (that is, regions of the air of the sea) and land) (mythical birth through "Apuka" ?) In Ms. E, the five cultigens with the greatest number of varieties are arranged into a scheme that appears to have lunar connotations: 39 (yams) + 21 (sweet potatoes) 5 (bananas) + 10 (taro) 7 (sugarcane)

= 60 = two months = 15 = half a month = 7 = quarter of a month

128 The Voyage ofHotu Matua The number of varieties of the first pair, whose dualism has already been discussed, totals two full months and may refer to the return of the same lunar phase. The same would be true assuming that originally there were forty varieties of yams and twenty varieties of sweet potatoes. A sum such as this one suggests the use of pairs of names similar to the ones of the "second list of place names." Taro and bananas, referred to jointly on previous occasions, make up the second pair, whose total number of varieties represents the equivalent of half a month and thus the change from dark of the moon to full moon. The two plants also share some common features, such as large leaves and flowers (compared with small leaves and flowers for yams and sweet potatoes). The reason why these two cultigens are listed as a pair is not readily apparent from the RAP. sources. The creation chant mentions yams and bananas in contiguous lines (ME:322) in connection with "blood" (toto) and "head" (puoko)-or four names (kino, naroko, nga oreno, and nga tokotoko rua papa) and two names (tupa iti and tupa nui). Based on the corrected numerical ratio of names of varieties we get: "yams : sweet potatoes : : taro : bananas"; based on the sequence of names, the second pair should be reversed. While taro does not seem to be linked to the traditions and beliefs of the Easter Islanders, bananas played a significant role in that field (ME:364, 375, and personal findings). Seen from this point of view, yams and bananas should be more closely related. Most likely "bananas" and "taro" can be integrated into the basic scheme of "yams" and "sweet potatoes." On the other hand, sugarcane, the number of whose varieties correspond to one lunar quarter, remains isolated at the end of the list. Its "parents" are named in the creation chant, but there is uncertainty about their names (father "Tahatoi" or "Te Hatu," mother "Katea pia iri roro" or "Te Api ai raro"? PH: 522; ME:321; Stimson 1953:41). The subsequent lines of the creation chant deal with the procreation of pia ("arrow root"), kape ("bitter taro"), and hue ("bottle gourd"). These may have constituted another subsystem. No mention is made of sugarcane when the fully loaded emigrant canoe is waiting for departure. The last time the most important cultigens are mentioned in the land of origin, the sequence is bananas—yams—taro— sweet potatoes. This does not represent a sequence based on the number of varieties but on meta-economic rank.

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Ms. E reveals yet another type of classification by listing ti [Cordylina fruticosa] and kape [Alocasia macrorrhiza] in addition to the taro varieties as voluntary gifts from the fields of Teke. We are dealing here with the contrast "sweet vs. bitter." The creation chant has this to say about the origin of these two plants: Ti by copulating with Ta (Tatooing) produced the ti (6. he ti ki ai ki roto ki a he ta ka pu te ti) Acridness by copulating with bad-taste produced the arum (23. mangeongeo ki ai ki roto he rakerake ka pu te kape) (ME:320-321)

In the first line, there is a reference to a former function of ti, because burnt ti leaves were used to produce the black dye for tatooing; in the second one, the reference is to the bad taste of so-called "bitter taro." In 1957, kape was still cultivated in much the same way as dry taro. It is a type of food to be eaten during times of famine. According to Fuentes (1960:856), the tubers had to be kept in the earth-oven for 15 (sic) days in order to eliminate some of the poisonous components. No subgroups, varieties, or species (huru) of other wild or cultivated plants are mentioned. The names in the most recent lists of plants still tend to be grouped in pairs. The plants that the immigrants are said to have brought from Hiva are listed as follows: 1. hauhau 2. mahute 3. ngaatu 4. tavari 5. uku koko 6. riku 7. ngaoho 8. toromiro 9. hikikioe 10. naunau 11. harahara 12. pua nakonako 13. nehenehe 14. hua taru 15. poporo 16. ipu ngutu 17. kohe

1. hauhau 2. mahute 3. ngaatu 4. tavari 5. riku 6. ngaoho 7. naunau 8. uku koko 9. nehenehe 10. poporo 11. kavakava atua 12. kohe 13. nehenehe 14. pua IS. harahara 16. hua taru 17. makere (insect)

130 18. 19. 20. 21.

kavakava atua tuere heu tureme matie

22. hata (insect) 23. makere (insect)

The Voyage of Hotu Matua 18. hata (insect) 19. tuere heu 20. tureme 21. matie 22. pua nakonako 23. ipu ngutu

The first list (E:69) is the more accurate one. The second one (E:68 bis) omits two names (toromiro and hiki kioe) and instead lists the reduplication nehenehe and pua. Almost all the names on the lists can be determined botanically, or their identity can at least be narrowed down based on their appearance and their function. The catalogue of names is of interest for a number of reasons. First, we can get a pretty good idea of the number of plants which, according to tradition, the immigrants are said to have brought to Easter Island. Then, aside from the number of plants, the order in which they are listed implies certain principles of classification. Finally, there are those plants that should be listed but are not: some of them are Polynesian plants mentioned in other sources, which suggests that they were known; some are modern imports, brought to the island by Europeans. We should first examine the positive inventory. The list is headed by two trees of high economic value: hauhau [Triumfetta semitriloba] and mahute [Broussonetia papyrifera]. Both were indispensable since all types of fasteners (lines, twine, cords, ropes, and rigging) and bark cloth (tapa) were made from them. Further down the list, the names of two additional trees, toromiro [Sophera toromiro] and naunau [Santalum], are mentioned separately. These trees had previously been mentioned together. The hard wood of the toromiro tree was the most important material for all kinds of wood work, from the construction of houses and of canoes to the manufacture of sculptures and other items. We do not know precisely for what purposes sandalwood was used. Forster brought a woman's hand with long nails, carved in sandalwood, with him to Europe (ME:269). During the birdman ceremonies at Orongo, a piece of sandalwood was tied to the arm with which the victorious birdman held up the egg of the sooty tern. It was tied to the arm with a piece of red tapa, and the award was made by a scribe (RM:262). The following passage from a recitation seems to allude to this action (Barthel 1960:854; Campbell 1971:404):

The Voyage of Hotu Matua 131 one single sandalwood tree belongs to Puku Naunau

(he naunau no ta puku naunau)

This passage is located between themes related to mourning and initiation motifs from Orongo. When casting a rain spell, the priest covered himself with sandalwood leaves (Brown 1924: 119), and pieces of sandalwood and broken coconuts were used to concoct a harmful spell, which was used by the king (RM: 143). Ahu Naunau is one of the most important cult places of the royal residence at Anakena (NA 1:207). Finally, Teke is said to have forgotten sandalwood at the time of emigration, and someone else had to be sent back to Marae Renga to bring it. This oversight is said to have been the cause of his fall from grace (Brown 1924:41). Statements like these seem to indicate that Routledge (RM:243) and Brown (1924:148) were right when they spoke of the sandalwood as a sacred tree, because whenever sandalwood is mentioned, it is in connection with objects, places, or actions of special importance. A number of trees that are mentioned by other sources are absent from the list. Neither makoi [Thespesia populnea] nor marikuru [Sapindus saponaria], which Juan Tepano lists among the species brought along by the immigrants, is mentioned. Economically, they are not as important as the two trees mentioned above. In the creation chant are allusions to the parents of mahute (in the fifth position, "Ngingi-e-ai" and "Humu-toti"), toromiro (in the twelfth position, "Atua-Metua" and "Vuhiatua"), and marikuru (in the fourteenth position, "Uru" and Tumu"). This establishes a definite connection between the species mentioned on the list and those not mentioned. The following line from the creation chant is of special importance: Parent-god by copulating with Angry-eel produced the coconut (11. atua metua ki ai ki roto kia riri tuna rai ka pu te nui)

This is not merely the reiteration of the well-known eel motif, associated with the creation of the coconut (ME:323, Kirtley 1967). Instead, the mythical origin of a tree that is known to have been brought to Easter Island is substantiated in typical Polynesian fashion. Heyerdahl's collected evidence (NA 1:30) clearly shows that coconut palms were present on the island prior to the arrival of missionaries. I have already shown that niu (Rongorongo 67) was firmly established in the Rongorongo

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texts (Barthel 1958:233-234). The grapheme for coconut palms and derived forms occurs quite often and applies to traditions from other islands as well as to local topics. Furthermore, graphemes for the breadfruit tree [Artocarpus incisa] and the pandanus tree [Pandanus odorotissimus] can be made out on the tablets (for RR:34, compare Barthel 1963:377). Because of the cool climate on Easter Island, it is difficult to grow breadfruit trees, as several futile attempts to cultivate them have shown. Knoche (1919:167) and Brown (1924:24) also mention the pandanus tree as an imported species, another species which does not thrive in the cool climate of Easter Island. The name hara was already mentioned by Roussel. It is possible that the reduplicated form harahara in the eleventh and fifteenth positions on our list refers to the same tree. Research of the script shows that the name of the breadfruit tree, called kuru or mei on neighboring islands, on Easter Island seems to have undergone a change to poporo, as it did in New Zealand. In this type of change, the name of one plant is substituted for another one without any apparent connection between the two plants. In light of these findings, it seems more likely that the opening line of the creation chant, which names the parents "Atua-Matariri" (god "angry face," that is, Tu) and "(Ta)poro" refer to the breadfruit tree and not to the unimportant poporo [Solanum nigrum]. Also of interest are the species pua [Curcuma longa], in the fourteenth position of the second list, and ipu ngutu. Yellow root, identified since the eighteenth century, was very popular because of its color, taste, and fragrance. Originally, it was called renga (ME:236-237). The Rongorongo sign 77, which reads renga "yellow root," also conveys the meaning "yellow, pretty." Yellow root tied to a pole was one of the gifts offered to the island king (RM:243). The oral traditions (Brown 1924:168) attribute the origin of yellow root to a pair of birds (according to Metraux manu keukeu renga) and to the special knowledge of an old woman. The location for this is Rano Aroi, or rather Rano Raraku. Significantly, the second volcano is referred to on this occasion as "fragrant mountain" (maunga eo, ME:369). In the cycle of Ure, the trickster changes into a talking yellow root (ME:365). The bottle gourd is in this case not listed by its correct name

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hue [Lagenaria vulgaris] but referred to as "beaked calabash" (ipu ngutu)—that is, the name describes the function of the bottle gourd, since they were indispensable as receptacles in the old island culture. It is hard to say how many varieties there were at one time, because the terminology recorded by Roussel (see also Knoche 1919:167) refers mainly to the functions of the bottle gourd (ME: 157). Why ipu ngutu is used on this list instead of hue remains unexplained. In the twenty-fourth line of the creation chant, hue is mentioned as the product of the copulation of "Hue(?)" and " P a n a . " In the Rongorongo script there is one grapheme for "calabash" (ipu, Rongorongo sign 74) and another one for bottle gourd (hue, Rongorongo sign 124), meaning a climbing plant that bears fruit. In one version of the creation myth, a water-filled calabash was used in the procreative efforts of Makemake. It turned out to be unsuccessful and produced only skin abrasions (ME:314). It appears that in this version Makemake's partner and the product of the copulation were confused (Barthel 1957:64). On the other hand, there can be hardly any doubt about the role of hue in the anthropogony transmitted by the Rongorongo script (Barthel 1963a:76-77). Two names of plants absent from the list are kava and pia. While kava [Piper methysticum] is only mentioned in Rongorongo texts, pia "arrow root" [Tacca pinnatifida] was actually grown on Easter Island (ME: 158-159). Its mythical parents were supposedly "Ira-pupue" and "Ira-kaka," which Metraux translated as "irrigation" and "leaves." The translation is open to argument. Returning to the discussion of the plant inventory of the immigrant lists, the first pair of trees (hauhau and mahute), indispensable to the island's economy, are followed by a second pair of plants that share the same environment. They are ngaatu [Scirpus riparius] and tavari [Polygonum acuminatum]. Both grow in the crater lakes, used by the Easter Islanders for a variety of purposes. Rushes (SPAN, totora) were one of the most important raw materials on an island lacking an ample supply of wood. Made into mats, rushes served as beds, as packing material, and as material for the construction of huts and canoes, and they were used to make masks, hats, and many types of baskets. The planting of rushes in the crater lakes is supposed to have been the work of the culture hero Ure. Proceeding from Ana-

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kena, Ure planted the top part of the plant in Rano Aroi, the stem in Rano Raraku, and the bottom part in Rano Kau (ME:364). The introduction of the plant to the island is hailed as a highly valued gift. Amazingly, the creation chant mentions two sets of "parents" for ngaatu: there are "Uku" and "Roro" (thirtyfifth position) and "Kuhikia" and "Taurari" (thirty-sixth). Thomson translates the name of the "child" of the second pair as "small birds" (PH:522), but this would indicate that the second substantiation of ngaatu is based on a misconception. On the other hand, "Kuhikia" is mentioned in the following line as having indeed produced sea gulls as offspring. "Uku" either may be connected with RAP. uku koko, which on our lists is a variety of grass, or we have to go to other Polynesian languages to determine its meaning. For comparison, we should consider SAM. u'u "oil scented with flowers; to annoint with oil; to use leaves as soap; to smear the head, as with clay," TON. uku "to wash the head," and MAO. uku "white clay; wash, using clay for soap," all of which refer to a slippery substance used for personal hygiene. It is possible that the soft interior of rushes was associated with this substance. "Rori" on the other hand, may refer to an exterior quality of rushes, such as their flexibility (compare TUA. rorirori "pliant"; MAO. rori "bind"). The "parents" would in this case represent typical properties of the plant. This corresponds to the type of compositional scheme used in other instances. Tavari [Polygonum acuminatum] grows on the crater lakes in close association with rushes and seems to have been used for medicinal purposes. Scirpus riparius and Polygonum acuminatum, which are shown as a pair on our lists, also serve as prime evidence of the existence on Easter Island of a group of plants imported by man from South America (NA 1:520; Heyerdahl 1968:61-63). Cyperus vegetus and Lycium carolinianum are also said to belong to this group. Their RAP. names, hiki kioe and pua nakonako, are on our lists but without any apparent connection. During times of famine, the roots of hiki kioe were eaten and the stems were used for medicinal purposes. Pua nakonako is a wild shrub with edible berries. The remaining names of plants can be discussed quickly in the order in which they appear on the first list. Uku koko is the

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name of a dark type of grass, which in earlier times was used to make hats, and riku is a light green fern, whose roots were eaten in times of famine. Ngaoho [Caesalpinia bonduc] had many uses: the fibers were used as fasteners and the fruit as ornaments, and the plant also seems to have been used for medicinal purposes. Today quite a few ngaoho plants grow in Hanga Oteo. Nehenehe is a name for certain ferns, and hua taru has been identified as Chenopodium ambiguum. The story of Nune shows that the berries of poporo [Solanum fosteri] were an important source of food in times of famine. The juice of the berries was also used as a dye for tatooing. The plant was seen by the early as well as the more recent visitors to Easter Island. Kohe is a fern that grows close to the beach. Originally, the name may have been used for a variety of bamboo, which is now known by the TAH. name 'ohe and is still cultivated in a number of places. The creation chant names as the parents of kohe the third pair "Oevai" and "Kava-kohekohe." Another fern is kavakava atua. It too is used for medicinal purposes and was eaten during times of famine. The ferns nehe, riku, and kavakava atua are mentioned together in a strophe of the chant about the fertilizing power of the island king (PH:522, the wider topic is fish; Metraux 1937:52 with inaccurate translation). Finally, there is the sequence tuere heu, tureme, and matie, all of which are grasses. Tuere heu, a fragrant variety, and tureme [Dichelachne sciurea] are used as fodder. Matie is classified as Cynodon dactylon. The first pair of grasses is mentioned in the creation chant (eighth position) where "Heu" and "Vava" bring forth "Tureme." The insects listed in close association with the grasses were used as chicken feed. Added to the list should be para [Campylopus turficola], a moss mentioned earlier that was widely used as caulking for canoes. For the sake of completeness, several other plant names should be added, even though they are not mentioned in Ms. E. Tanoa [Ipomoea pes-caprae] was planted on tabooed areas and was occasionally eaten in times of famine. Herepo [Tetragonia expansaj was also eaten on occasion. Puringa [Verbena litoralis], which grows as a weed among sweet potatoes, is supposed to have been used in the treatment of leprosy (Knoche 1919:170). Kihikihi, a type of gray lichen [Lichenes], is even mentioned in the creation chant (second position, "Himahima marao" and

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"Kihi tupu henua" as parents). The following plants have not been identified so far: moki-oone, a creeping plant whose nuts were the first food of the explorers (PH:527); a moss named kapu'a (Fuentes 1960:756); and matu'a pua'a, a type of grass that grows in Rano Kau and was used for medicinal purposes. One recitation (Barthel 1960:847) distinguishes between grass growing inland (mauku uta) and grass growing along the beach (mauku tai), and the creation chant even lists " T u r a " and "Tei" as the parents of the grass of the inland region (seventh position). Several types of algae (rimu), such as auke, miritonu, and ringaringapea, are considered edible (ME: 161). The plant inventory of the immigrants is presented in two units: the king's instructions to his assistants account for fifteen names; the actions of his assistants account for thirty names. The doubling produces numbers reminiscent of the lunar cycle (fifteen is the number indicating full moon, thirty the number indicating new moon). A closer look at the two basic versions indicates the following scheme: in the first group there are five basic cultigens and ten additional names; in the second group there are seven basic cultigens and twenty-three additional names. There is obviously a time element involved in this scheme. We are already familiar with groups of five and ten based on the actions of the explorers. On a lunar calendar, " 7 " and " 2 3 " may be used to indicate the first and the last quarter of the moon. In the "extended version of the assistants" (E:69), two names of insects, which actually do not belong on a plant inventory, conclude the list; thus, ignoring the insects, the total number of plants comes to 28—that is, the number indicating the visible phase of the moon cycle. Table 6 shows the scheme as it evolves from the plant inventory: In column I are the seven basic food plants that changed owners at the time of the emigration. The column is made up of three pairs (A-B, C-D, and E-F) and toa, without a partner. In each pair, the name listed first is one that is higher in rank, more valuable, and more popular than the second one. All the plants in the other three columns belong to " O t i . " In column II are mainly plants from which textiles are made. Two pairs (A-B and C-D) are substantiated. Most of the plants in column III produce materials for construction or for woodworking, while those of column IV can be made into containers or used as receptacles.

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TABLE 6 I

A ( l ) uhi B (2) kumara C (3) maika D (4)taro E(5) ti F (6) kape G (7) loa

Ii

(8) hauhau (9) mahute (10) ngaatu (11) tavari (12) uku koko (13) riku (14) ngaoho

HI

(15) toromiro (16) hikikioe (17) naunau (18) harahara (19) pua nakonako (20) nehenehe

{2\)huataru

IV

(22) poporo (23) ipu ngutu (24) kohe (25) kavakava atua (26) tuere heu (27) tureme (28) matie

If one reduces locally used names to more general designations or to points of departure for those names that have undergone change (harahara for hara, pandanus; poporo for breadfruit tree; kohe for bamboo; kavakava atua for kava), the categories in columns III and IV become even more obvious. The already established roster of pairs can be used to gain an understanding of the horizontal lines of our scheme. As a point of departure, we can use the contrast IA vs. IB, because the many aspects of the contrast between yams and sweet potatoes have been well established. This contrast can be continued horizontally. The female characteristics of line B are unmistakable: IB represents the tubers dug up by women; IIB represents the tree used by women; IIIB, " t o carry a rat in the arms," refers to the female task of rearing children, as does the name IVB, "calabash with lips." We know from the Metoro chants (Barthel 1958:186) that small calabashes were equated with children. The normal designation for bottle gourd (hue) may have been replaced by a metaphor because it is more appropriate in terms of the structure of our scheme. The common topics of lines C and D are evident in all four columns. For line D there is a double code: ID "magic" (tarotaro), IID " t o soil" (RAR. tavari), HID "breaking of a taboo, infraction of rules" (TUA. harahara), and IVD "divine wrath" (literally, "bitter is the god") all have ritual connotations. On the other hand, IID "menstruation" (vari), HID "pandanus" (hara, for the female plait-work), and IVD " k a v a " (prepared by women) are all connected with the female sex. The "masculine" lines A and C consist for line A of "yams Triumfetta semitriloba, Sophora toromiro, and Solarium nigrum (originally breadfruit tree)" and for line C of "bananas, rushes, sandalwood, and fern (originally bamboo)." Aside from the fact that these

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plants play a definite role in masculine activities, there may have been an added level of meaning, referred to by wordplays. The full meaning of the roster presented here will not be understood until more research has been done, but the system of vertical and horizontal classification is not new and is basically in agreement with the one used for the two lists of place names. The chronological aspects (month of the year, nights of a lunar period) appear to be intentional on the "plant roster" as well as on the lists of place names. The division into quarters of a 28series can be applied to the main phases of the moon during the visible period as well as to a (reflex of the old world?) sidereal month. The separate subgroup (29 makere-30 hata) consists of the names of two types of cockroaches, but in related eastern Polynesian languages these names can also be explained on a different level. MAO. makere, among others, " t o die," and whata, among others, " t o be laid to rest on a platform," deserve special attention. The theme hinted at is one of death and burial. In our scheme they occur at just that time when the moon ' 'has died''! This lends further support to the lunar thesis.

DISCUSSION OF THE ETHNOZOOLOGY OF EASTER ISLAND In the old island culture, the utilization of animals was restricted to raising chickens, hunting sea birds and gathering their eggs, as well as catching all kinds of marine animals. Generally speaking, the zoological terminology can be divided into the two broad categories of "Rapanui ornithology" and "Rapanui ichthyology." The enumeration of imported species in Ms. E includes a detailed list of names of sea birds, which will be discussed below, while sea animals are understandably not mentioned. At the beginning of the list is a series of the three names manu vae eha, kekepu, and moa. "Four-legged bird" (manu vae eha) is a term used for fourlegged animals, specifically for sheep, which were unknown on Easter Island until the arrival of the missionaries. The expression seems to be borrowed from RAP., because it is mentioned in some archaic texts (Barthel 1959a:168 and footnote 51; NA II:Fig. 27; Campbell 1971:394 for the occurrence of the term in the "great old words" he timo te akoako; Barthel 1960:847 and

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footnote 20: Campbell 1971:409 in a recitation that may date from the eighteenth century). The term "four-legged bird" seems to have had a positive connotation, similar to here hua (literally, "the one who ties together the fruit"), which is a metaphor for a rich person. Chauvet (1935:explanation of Fig. 68) thinks there may be a connection between petroglyphs showing two merged sea birds and the "oiseau k quatre pattes" (manu-avae-e-moha). If this were true, we would be dealing with a fertility symbol. The name was used for sheep for a short time only. Roussel's vocabulary already indicates the TAH. name mamoe, which has been in use ever since and is used together with qualifying additions, such as mamoe hua for the ram, mamoe uha and mamoe wahine for the ewe, and mamoe tiko for the lamb. It is of course possible that during the period of transition, the name manu vai eha was used as a collective term for all four-legged animals or that it may have referred to extinct animals of the pre-missionary period. The history of the language does not lend much support to the first assumption. The following examples are intended to explain the principles used by the Easter Islanders in naming new animals. 1. The RAP. name for "cat" is kuri, the same common Polynesian term as the one used for "dog." There is no proof that there were ever dogs on Easter Island. If there were, they had become extinct prior to contact with Western travellers during the eighteenth century. However, the concept of a fourlegged animal by the name of kuri continued to exist in the linguistic inventory (textual evidence Campbell 1971:401; but see also Barthel 1960:854 and footnote 50), and during the missionary period it was transferred to the newly introduced feline species. Dogs that made their way to Easter Island were given the name paihenga, besides the onomatopoeic designation hauhau, which was given up again after a short period. Paihenga is a completely isolated word in Polynesia and was first substantiated by Thomson's word list (PH:548). There may be a very old linguistic connection to the central Solomon Islands, where pai is used as a name for dogs (Urban 1961:181, after Ray 1926: 520). Maybe the dogs of the Easter Islanders were "reddish" (henga). 2. Since the end of the nineteenth century, the RAP. name for "horse" has been hoi. Englert (HM:441) feels that this is a

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TAH. word, while Fuentes (1960:209) believes that the name is derived from the English word "horse." Churchill has already looked into the problem (1912:31). The TAH. dictionaries all list other words for "horse," and the English word is phonetically not really close enough to warrant serious consideration. The derivation kevare, from the French word cheval, was used for only a short time and has long since been forgotten. The islanders of the transitional period did coin a most descriptive name for the horse by referring to it as ika aringa koreva " a fish, that is, a smooth animal, with the (ugly) face of a Pseudomonocanthus paschalis." This name is formed according to the same principle as " a bird, that is, an animal with feathers that has four feet," which means a sheep. That term was used in a vision (urunga), attributed to the early missionary period (HM:510). 3. In RAP., cattle are referred to as puaka, while in modern times the TAH. termpua'a is used, which is the general Polynesian term for "pig." The naming of cattle is based on the same principle as the naming of the cat. A newly introduced fourlegged animal is given the name of a species that no longer exists, but whose remembered characteristics are similar to those of the new species. 4. The pig, which together with the dog must have become extinct very early, was given the name oru when it was introduced in recent times. It has been suggested that the name was meant to imitate the grunting of a pig, but I feel that the name could just as well be connected with oru "fat, filled up, thick, swollen," which has been substantiated in a number of Polynesian languages. We do not know for how long after the immigration the pig continued to play a role in Easter Island culture. The wellmeaning attempt by La Perouse to introduce pigs during his visit in 1786 failed. However, Metraux (ME: 19), referring to Behrens (1739:86), states that the islanders seemed to be familiar with pigs at the time La Perouse tried to introduce them to the island. Where osteological evidence is available (NA 1:262, 327), pig bones always show up late. Other attempts to find an answer are centered on an obscure RAP. word, which leads to discussion of the so-called " k e k e p u problem." In the available literature, the name is first mentioned in fragmentary form by Brown (1924:64), who received it from his chief informant, Juan Tepano. According to this

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source, at the time of the immigration, Hotu Matua brought with him an animal that had short front legs and fat, high buttocks, and generally resembled a pig. From the same source, Metraux (ME:60, 64) received the information that the kekeipu, or rather kekepu, together with chickens, dogs, and cats, was part of the animal inventory of the immigrants. It is said to have been similar to a pig or a cow. Metraux, on the other hand, thinks that the kekepu may have been a large type of turtle, which later disappeared from Easter Island. Englert adds another source with Arturo Teao's report about Tuu Ko Iho. In a scene reminiscent of Hamlet, this island hero addresses the stolen skull of the immigrant king: He aqui el diente que ha comida tortugas, que he comido avestruces del Continente, de nuestra tierra. (ka moe mai te niho kai honu, kai kepukepu o Hiva, o tomatou kainga) (TP: 62)

Here the animal kepukepu is identified as an "ostrich." Although Englert continued to think of the kepukepu (i.e., kekepu) as an ostrich (HM:460), there is no doubt that this interpretation is an error. This is also the opinion of Fuentes (1960: 227) who, like Metraux, thinks that the "animal with a long neck and a round body" is a sea turtle. Ms. E, the earliest source to deal with the problem, does not give an adequate description of the kekepu, and, based on rank and number, places it between the "four-legged animals" and the " f o w l . " My own inquiries resulted in the vague answer that kekepu meant " a very round animal" (compare MAO. kupere "fat"?). A satisfactory solution depends to a large degree on the proper interpretation of the archaic phrase niho kai honu, kai kepukepu. The context suggests that we are dealing with a special kind of food for Hotu Matua in the land of origin, which his "tooth" (niho, meaning "set of teeth") is allowed to eat. According to the rules of Polynesian composition, the association of honu/kepukepu can be considered either a parallel or a contrast. In the first case, this would mean equating kekepu with honu, which is the term for a sea turtle (opinion held by Metraux and Fuentes, see also Campbell 1971:198, "la tortuga de cuello largo"). In the second case, kepukepu would have been some type of food for the king, which is contrasted with the meat of

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the turtle. That the meat of the turtle was set aside for the king is substantiated by the Rongorongo texts and is in accordance with similar practices on other Polynesian islands. We can safely assume that kai kepukepu was a type of food reserved for the ariki, and, in considering the customary food of Polynesian nobility, the pig would be the most likely choice (Urban 1961:65). This brings up the question of why the pig was not referred to be its usual Polynesian name puaka. The reason may be that the simple term puaka could also be used as an invective (compare Savage 1962:270 for RAR.). Ms. E refers to the animals that were imported, and the oral traditions speak of a special type of food for the king. It could well be that a euphemism was used in order to avoid the potentially offensive term puaka. This is not an unusual procedure, and it has its counterpart in Samoa, where a pig is normally called pua'a, but in the presence of the chiefs, the term is changed to alou (Pratt 1878:115; also manu and vaongata, Violette 1879:364). I would therefore suggest that kekepu or kepukepu is a term from the chiefs' language, while the common expression puaka was part of the settlers' language. As an alternative, kekepu may have been the name of a variety of pigs, similar to the short-legged, very fat mo (so-called Chinese pigs) that were common throughout western Polynesia (SAM., FUT., UVE., TON., and ROT.). Roussel's information also favors the original importation of pigs by Hotu Matua; his list of imported plants and animals is headed by "pigs" (ME:61). Since there can be no doubt that all the imported items he listed belong to the pre-missionary period, his information about pigs carries a lot of weight, especially since the Easter Islanders of his time already excluded animals not imported by Hotu Matua. Whatever the case may be, the "early" pigs did not last very long and never became an economic factor in the old island culture. Within the limited framework of Polynesian domestic animals, manu vae eha and kekepu must have been dogs and pigs. Supposedly, 50 "four-legged birds" and 100 "fat animals" were taken on board ship. The ratio 1:2 is the same as that of "bananas" and " t a r o " (by quantity, as well as by variety). Several names of varieties of taro are related to activities of pigs, which establishes a cross-connection to the kekepu. While the dog and the pig existed only in the traditions as the

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shadows of the past, the domestic fowl (moa) that were brought along achieved a position of supreme importance. As a matter of fact, they dominated the island's economy to the point that one is tempted to speak of a prevailing "economy of fowl"! Their influence, in its many ramifications, touched every aspect of life of the Easter Islanders, including the socioeconomic and the ideologic. As the only permanent livestock, they were an essential part of the islanders' subsistence. All sources count moa [Gallus sp.] among the animals imported by Hotu Matua, and the terminology, including figurative terms, is solidly rooted in the Polynesian language. Moa means "fowl" in general as a generic term, but it also means "rooster." On the other hand, the name for " h e n " is formed by adding uha, the general Polynesian addition for female animals. Specific names are formed by adding attributes to moa—such as moa maanga and moa rikiriki for "chicken," moa tanga for "young hen or rooster," and moa toa for an especially splendid "rooster." There is an extensive terminology dealing with characteristics of the anatomy and the different types of plumage. It is also truly amazing to what extent types and scenes from the world of fowl were projected upon people and situations. Some examples of "zoomorphic patterns of speech" will serve to illustrate the point. An adopted child is a "chick that is being nourished" (maanga hangai). Formerly, a marriageable daughter, as well as a beloved wife, was called a " h e n " (uha). It was a mark of distinction for a grown son or a brave young man to be referred to as a "rooster" (moa). One of the Rongorongo tablets and a petroglyph (Barthel 1962) indicate that the group of explorers of the immigrant cycle were known as "roosters." The same figurative meaning is found in a fragment of the Metoro chants: e moa te erueru e moa te kapakapa e moa te herehua ka hora ka tetea

Oh rooster, who scratches diligently! Oh rooster, who beats his wings! Oh rooster, who ties up the fruit! Spread out! Have many descendants! (Barthel 1958:186)

The deeper meaning of this passage can be discovered by comparing it with the "great old words" (Barthel 1959a: 168). The "one who beats his wings" refers to the best person, and the

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"one who ties up the fruit" refers to the richest. The "one who scratches diligently" must be a person who is industrious, so that we can interpret the phrase as praise of a promising young man. The high esteem of the rooster is not confined to RAP.; rather, the metaphor of the rooster is common throughout eastern Polynesia. For example, in HAW. the expressions "rooster with sharp spurs" (moa kakala) and "fighting cock" (moa mahi) are used for victorious warriors, while in TAH. the same connection between fighting cocks and warriors is expressed by the terms moa pateatoto and moa taratua. The proverb ' 'man is like a stolen rooster" (moa toke he tangata) expresses the wise recognition that man's existence is precarious. On the other hand, the relationship between the island king and his people is compared to " a hen who calls her chicks" (he hakakuu ki te ariki), and the phrase used when a bride was handed over (nanangi reke) simply meant "marking the chicken's toe with the owner's brand." The Easter Island script alludes to other topics from the world of fowl (Barthel 1963:378). The oral traditions of the Easter Islanders also deal with the theme of domestic fowl—in a humorous vein is the story of the handsome rooster who was stolen by the master thief Mata Koiro, and on the mythical level is the cycle of Tuki Hakahevari who was sired by Tangaroa and a hen named uha a oro ngaru. Line 26 of the creation chant states that the moa were descended from parents named Huru Au and Hina Oioi. This same mythical mother Hina also produces, with another partner, the first lobster (uraura) and the first whale (taoraha). The contrasting of sea and land animals, related because of a common mother and separated because of different fathers, seems to suggest a system that at one time may have had social significance. The contrast between sea and land animals also is reminiscent of the rival roles of fowl and turtles in the traditions of the Tuamotu Archipelago (Urban 1961:151). Finally, the figure of "Hina Kauhara," who was called upon in a laying charm and who may have been the patroness of laying hens, should be mentioned. Formerly, a setting hen, as well as a laying hen, was referred to by the archaic term hina kauhara. Up to the present time, fertility spells for fowls have played an important role. Especially effective were the so-called "chicken skulls" (puoko moa)—that is, the skulls of dead chiefs, often marked by incisions, that were considered a source of mana.

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Their task is explained as follows: "The skulls of the chiefs are for the chicken, so that thousands may be born" fte puoko ariki mo te moa, mo topa o te piere) (Englert 1939:240). As long as the source of mana is kept in the house, the hens are impregnated (he rei te moa i te uha), they lay eggs (he ne'ine'i te uha i te mamari), and the chicks are hatched (he topa te maanga). After a period of time, the beneficial skull has to be removed, because otherwise the hens become exhausted from laying eggs. The laying charms took many forms, from Reimiro signs painted by aristocratic priests underneath the entrance to the henhouse to a variety of fertility-promoting stones with incisions (maea mo moa) or indentations (honga'a uha) in the shape of egg cups (RM:240, 242; ME:263-265; NA 1:452-453). Unfortunately, we know next to nothing about the accompanying verbal spells. Large numbers of fowl, especially white roosters, were used for magic purposes, and certain parts of the animal, such as the rump and the little feathers of the wings, were given special attention. A study of the elaborate scheme of gifts underlines the importance of moa as food and as gifts during the various stages of life. During the complex festivals given in honor of the memory of a deceased person, for instance, the number of chickens exchanged ran into the hundreds. Wealth in the old Easter Island society was conceivable only in terms of the number of chickens owned; special signs of ownership were developed to mark the animals, and burglarproof chicken houses (hare moa) and chicken caves (ana moa) were an integral part of every piece of property owned and worked by an extended family. Chickens played an important role even in death ceremonies. When a birdman (tangata manu) died, five roosters were tied to each leg, and so strong was the taboo attached to them that only another birdman could remove them (ME:339). One recitation mentions one black hen and one small red hen in connection with the placing of the corpse on the platform during the death ceremonies (Barthel 1960:854; or differently, Campbell 1971: 404). For further details regarding this theme, we are indebted to the Metoro chants: hupee hia ka tuu i te tonga

flooded with tears when the wooden platform has been erected

146 The Voyage of Hotu Matua i te tangata moe ki to vae ko te moa pu ko te moa tengetenge ko te moa uha pu

for the sleeping man [i.e., the dead one] on whose leg (are)

(Barthel 1958:180)

The three names mentioned at the end, which belong to chickens tied to the legs of the corpse, can be only partially interpreted. Moa uha pu seems to refer to a laying hen. Moa tengetenge is difficult to translate; my informants understood it to mean "un gallo que siempre se mueve." The same term appears in the Metoro chants parallel with a "bird who lifts himself toward the sky and the abundance of rain" (manu huki ki te rangi ma te ua roa) or to a "bird who inclines toward the stars" (ko te manu noi mat ki te hetu). This suggests the idea of a soul bird or a companion in the realm of the dead. Moa pu is mentioned in a different context, together with the red tapa that also plays a role in the death ceremonies. Furthermore, it should be mentioned that the dead person lying on the platform is compared to a "rooster, who flies toward the stars" (moa rere hetuu). Here the night sky is an allusion to the world beyond. Finally, having called on his protective spirits, Kuihi and Kuaha, the aged Hotu Matua heard in the hour of his death a rooster crow from the distant homeland. Thus, the most important animal of the old island culture is involved in every aspect of life right up to the hour of death and even then provided an (acoustic) bridge to the land of origin in the West. At this time, I would like to discuss two animal species not specifically mentioned on the immigrant lists. Among the small land animals, the rat and the lizard played an important role. The rat (kiore or kio'e [Rattus concolor or Mus maorij, NA 1:31) was the dark Polynesian rat (in recent times it has been replaced by the gray Norwegian rat) which was valued as a source of meat, whereas the lizard (moko), as a symbolic being, belonged to the sphere of art and religion. There can be no doubt that during pre-missionary times the rat was an important source of food. This is borne out in the little tale of Kava Komari and the rat (ME: 19), as well as by the (unfortunately in-

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complete) story of Oti and the rat at the end of Ms. E. In the story of Oti, the rapacious rat is disguised as an old woman (nuahine), who has a "basket in her mouth" (i te haha te taropa) and a "digging stick in her anus" (i te mangungu te oka). The answer to the riddle "What is this old woman?" is the rat who carries a stolen sweet potato in her mouth and possesses an evilsmelling tail (Barthel 1961:28). The tale of Oti is interesting because it tells of the attempt to keep rats as "domestic animals." Oti, the second assistant of Hotu Matua, dug a deep pit and threw a pregnant rat into it then regularly fed her and her offspring with sweet potatoes. Soon he had many rats, which he could kill and cook in the earth-oven whenever he pleased, and he became very famous because of it. However the experiment may have ended, rats continued to be valued for their meat. According to Brown (1924:23, 177), bundles of dead rats were considered valuable barter objects, but this certainly does not imply a regular "rat currency." If there can be talk of any kind of widely used currency, it would have to be chickens. Nevertheless, the report substantiates the high esteem for rat meat, which can only be understood in terms of the scarcity of meat sources during pre-missionary times. Rats were taboo as food for the island king and perhaps for the aristocratic Miru in general, probably because the rat was believed to be the incarnation of the spirit (kuhane) of the dead Hotu Matua. On the other hand, women were permitted to eat rats. One more reason why rats were valued was because the sinews of their tails were used by medicine men to sew up wounds. Finally, in the realm of beliefs, the rat figured in the heva custom. If a kinsman had been murdered and the murderer was still at large, the avenger, in a state of rage, took a rat between his teeth and began the search for the murderer. Only when he had found out the name of the murderer did he let the rat, which by that time might be in a state of decomposition, fall to the ground and went and avenged the killing (HM:438-439). Among the small stone sculptures there are several representations of rats and of heva scenes, and in the Rongorongo script the rat has its own grapheme (Rongorongo sign 432; erroneous assumption NA 11:380). Rabbits imported during the missionary period were called "foreign rat" (kiore hiva). Since the turn of the century, the

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word rapiti, based on "rabbit," has replaced the older name. Both terms continue to be used separately, in MQS. as "French rat" (kioeferari) and in TAH. as rapeti (Fuentes 1960:309). The lizard [Ablepharus boutonii] and the gecko [Lepidoactilus lugubris], distinguished as moko uruuru kahu and moko ehuehu, are small, harmless animals that live in houses or in the open fields of Easter Island. However, the Rongorongo texts, as well as the oral traditions, indicate that the moko were also considered to be fear-inspiring creatures from the dark regions of the underworld and therefore closely connected with death. The contrast between "dark lizard" (moko uri, mokomoko uri) and "light lizard" (moko tea, mokomoko tea) goes back to a mythical motif from the Tuamotu Archipelago. I am referring to a segment of the Apai chant, which follows the song of the "bad spider" (nanai kino) and deals with the lamentations (tangi) of a lizard pair (PH:518). Spirits (Mokomoko A Pua Pau, Mokomoko Puapua, and Moko Piki) as well as people (Moko, Moko Arangi, and Teke Mata Moko) had names with the moko component, and the Rongorongo script shows that a number of words are derived from the basic form moko (Rongorongo 760). Wood carvings of moko demons with the head of a lizard and an anthropromorphic body (Brown 1924:134; Chauvet 1935:Fig. 106-108; Métraux 1957a:Plate 32) were used as dance paraphernalia for satirical chants (Barthel 1962c:660) and also for apotropaic purposes, in which case they were positioned at either side of the entrance to a house (Brown 1924:134; ME:265). From the Metoro chants and from the short explanation by Jaussen (Barthel 1958:216) we learn of the old custom tanu i te tau moko, which means "the (annual) burial of a lizard." This festival took place at a certain time of the year, when "un corail, pierre de défunt lézard" was buried. This also marked the beginning of a time of recitations and prayers (Barthel 1958:216). It is said that the Tuamotu islanders used to bury a wood carving of a moko to drive away the evil spirit of the same name (Burrows 1933:23). A similar idea may have prompted the Easter Islanders to bury a lizard. By doing so they hoped to ward off harmful influences from the underworld. These data fit in perfectly with what is known of the lizard demonology of eastern Polynesia (see, for MAO., Hiroa 1950:460; for TAH., Henry 1928:383;

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for MQS., von den Steinen 1925:52-53, 1928:102-109; for HAW., Beckwith 1940, and Malo 1951:83; in general, Handy 1927:128, and Nevermann 1961). The last group of animal imports are the sea birds—animals that are not domesticated. A list of sixteen names but only twelve species constitutes the ornithology of Easter Island. These were brought to the island, twenty each, in thirty large calabashes. (These numbers are general terms of quantity that cannot be accurately determined.) The sea birds were assigned to the king's assistants as their property. Our source disagrees with the myth of the origin of the sea birds, but actually it is meant only as an inventory that can be memorized, similar to the one of the wild plants. Most of the species have been classified. Occasional differences, based on Lavachery (1939) or Fuentes (1960), are indicated. 1. manu tara 2. pi riuriu 3. kavaeoeo 4. te verovero 5. kaaraara 6. kukuru toua 7. makohe 8. kena 9. tavake 10.ruru 11. taiko 12. kumara 13. kiakia 14. tuvi 15. tuao 16. tavi

Sterna lunata (Sterna fuscata, sooty tern; Sterna hirundo)

Fregata minor (subsp.?) Sula dactylatra (subsp.?) Phaeton sp. Sula cyanops (Sula dactylatra) Pterodroma heraldica paschae Oestrelata incerta or leucoptera Leucanous albus royanus (Gygis alba?, fairy tern) Procelsterna caerula skottsbergi (Procelsterna albivitta) A nous stolidus unicolor

The list is headed by the sooty tern, a type of sea swallow, around which revolved the birdman cult of the Motu NuiOrongo area. Some of the best depictions of the sooty tern are

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the colorful cave paintings of Ana Kai Tangata. The arrival and the nesting of these birds at the beginning of the southern spring was the high point of the year. So great was the interest in the bird manu tara that separate names were given to the various stages of his growth: pi(u) riuriu, kava eoeo, te verovero, and ka araara (numbers 2 through 6) are onomatopoeic names based on the characteristic bird call of each stage. At one time these names, indicating the stages of development of the sooty tern, were popular childrens' names (RM:262). They seem to be listed in the "Great Tradition" (Barthel 1963:379). The sea bird named kukuru toua, which follows the sooty tern sequence, has not been identified so far (Fuentes 1960:239). The addition toua indicates the color of the egg yolk, while the first word seems to indicate the Polynesian word for pigeon (MQS. kuku; MAO., RAR., TUA., kukupa; TAH. 'u'upa; MGV. kukuororangi; TON. kulukulu). In a recitation, the following is said about this bird: ka riti te hupee

How it flows from the nose when he cries (paringi te matavai) (y derrama lágrimas) o te kukuru toua of the yellow Kukuru eve pepepepe with the very short tail. (Barthel 1960:854; addition by Campbell 1971:404)

The Metoro chants contain two additional fragments: kua hupe ma te maitaki kua rere te manu vae oho ku pepepepe te manu kukurutou eaha te huri o te manu kukurutou ko te manu eve pepepepe (Barthel 1958:177, 188)

While the spelling of the name is slightly different, in this instance too, the very short tail (eve pepepepe) is mentioned. The bird in question might conceivably be Diomedea melanophrys, an albatross with black lids, or even Diomedea chlororhynchos, the yellow-beaked albatross. In this case, kukuru toua would describe the peculiar shape of the beak (compare the "tubular noses" of petrels) and its yellow color, while eve pepepepe seems to refer to the relatively short tail of the powerful bird. If this

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identification is correct, then the albatross is ranked after the sooty tern, who is the object of a cult, but ahead of the frigate bird; and because of his size, the albatross precedes the following enumeration of sea birds. The frigate bird, makohe, follows the albatross. The name belongs to the EPN. vocabulary (TUA. makohe, MGV. and MQS. mokohe), and the qualities of this proud and powerful bird are sometimes expressed in adjectives (compare TAH. ma'ohe "elegant, pretty," HAW. ma'ohe'ohe "straight and tall, as of fine physique"). The frigate bird was the emblem of the Miru tribe and as such the emblem (or maybe even totem?) of nobility in general. Petroglyphs of the frigate bird in the Rano Raraku area appear almost intrusive, like a triumphant sign of victory (of the Hanau Momoko over the Hanau Eepe?). In the Rongorongo script, the equivalent of frigate bird, "precious bird" (manu kura), is frequently used. The word kura seems to refer to the red laryngeal sack of the frigate bird. Kena, the name for the booby, is also an eastern Polynesian name. Line 18 of the creation chant lists as the mythical parents of kena "Vie Moko" and "Vie Tea" (PH:520). The "lizard woman" (vie moko) and her younger sister the "booby woman" (vie kena) were considered the originators of tatooing (ME: 367-368). The "white booby woman" (vie kena tea), together with other deities, protected the eggs of sea birds (RM:260). She might even be considered to be the female counterpart of the supreme god Makemake. In modern Hangaroa, vie kena tea is a term of endearment for a beloved wife whose well-rounded body and light skin is being praised. Tavake is the general Polynesian name for the tropic bird, whose red tail feathers were very popular. This name is closely connected with the original population. The next two names on the list are ruru and taiko (numbers 10 and 11). While those two represent two different species, it should be pointed out that the combined name ruru-taiko refers in MAO. to a black petrel [Procellariaparkinsoni]. There are no cultural data available for ruru, which seems to be derived from PPN. *lulu "owl," or for taiko (compare RAR. taiko "black petrel," MGV. tiaku "petrel?, omen of death"), but the textual association of taiko and spirits should be kept in mind (Campbell 1971:113). The transference of the name for sweet potatoes, kumara

152 The Voyage of Hotu Matua (number 12) to a sea bird [Oestrelata incerta or Oestrelata leucoptera] presents a problem of taxonomy. In a short recitation that accompanies the string game, the next bird on the list, kiakia (number 13), the white tern, is associated with the leaves of the sweet potato: kiakia kiakia tari rau kumara

The white terns carry the leaves of sweet potatoes in their beaks. (Barthel 1960:842; Campbell 1971:419)

The "egg of the white tern" (mamari kiakia) is the name of a variety of sweet potato. I suppose that the names kumara and kiakia are linked the same way as ruru and taiko. "Kiakia" seems to be another onomatopoeic name. The white tern appears to have had some cultural significance and seems to have had its habitat in the Rano Raraku area. Tuvi, also tuvituvi (number 14), is the local name for a gray tern. This bird is mentioned in a war chant: mata ui a tai a te manu iri hokotahi a rua tuvi

The eyes look out to the sea to the bird, who rises alone to the nesting place of the gray tern. (Barthel 1960:850)

The dark brown tern with a round tail is called tuao. It belongs to a group of four birds, mentioned together in a recitation in the following order (Barthel 1960:854): tavake tuao makohe kukuru toua

tropic bird dark brown tern frigate bird yellow-beaked albatross?

The order appears to correspond to a color scheme, which in turn may refer to the cardinal points of direction: mea (reddish) uri (dark) kura? (dark red) toua (yellow)

+ + + +

tua (backside) ohiro (new moon) mahaki ure motu nui

= = = =

east west north? south?

On the immigrant list the positions 9, 15, 7, and 6 are taken up by this tetrad. The existing irregularity (number 15) can be elimi-

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15 3

nated by putting tuao in the eighth position instead of kena, and by placing the booby into another position. The result is a reverse sequence. The list ends with the name tavi. I was told that tavi is a small, lead-colored bird that lives on the little islets (motu) off the coast. He is supposed to look like the tuvi, the gray tern, and owes his name to his call. With only one change (tuao taking the place of kena, which can then be moved into a different position), the list of sea birds can be arranged into pairs, and in turn some of these can be grouped into tetrads. Based on its importance in the realm of mythology, I am grouping the booby with the sooty tern. 1. manu tara (8.) kena 2,3,4,5. piu riuriu, kava eoeo, te verovero, ka araara 6,7,(15)9. kukuru toua, makohe, (tuao), tavake 10,11,12,12.10,11,12,13. ruru, taiko, kumara, kiakia 14. tuvi 16. tavi Each six names of birds flanks a core sequence, which seems to represent a genuine system of quadrants. The relationship between the names manu tara and piu, which head the list, and the dates established for the ceremonies of the birdman cult (RM: 264) suggest that we are again dealing with a time-space scheme. The point of departure as well as the climax has to be the Orongo complex. The final phase seems to fall into the Rano Raraku area, where the birdman resided at Orohie. One segment of the creation chant causes some difficulties: (36) God Kuhikia and goddess Taurari produced small birds. (37) God Kuhikia and goddess Ruperoa produced sea gulls. (38) God Taaria and goddess Taaria produced white gulls. (PH:522; attempted translation ME:322; italics mine) In the RAP. text, the equivalents of the italicized items are ngaatu ("reeds"), turi (Metraux accepted "sea gulls"), and taueehu?. The "reeds" of line 36 must be an error because "reeds" are already mentioned in line 35. Perhaps "Kuhikia" should be emended to kiakia, the name for the white tern. The female partner of line 37 is the pigeon, which is not mentioned on the immigrant list. Her offspring, turi, should perhaps be emended to tuvi, the name of the gray tern. The result of the

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copulation of line 38 also needs to be corrected, taueehu to taiho (i.e., taiko), or better yet to tavi ehu, "gray tavi." The following scheme would result after the emendations: (36) kiakia (?)

and "Taurari"

(37) kiakia (?) (38) "Taaria"

and rupe roa and "Taaria'> >

produce "small birds" produce tuvi (?) produce tavi ehu (?)

The pair tuvi/tavi fits in with the inland structure of the list of sea birds in Ms. E. This lends support to our effort to correct and reconstruct this particular segment of the creation chant. No tradition of the island mentions the name ngingi (or guigui) and rengurengu (or legulegu), which Knoche (1925:142) lists as names for a sea pigeon [Gygis alba] and a sea swallow [Anous caeruleus], Fuentes (1960:185) equates ngingi with the white tern, kiakia. The name kuia ("boobies"), used by Thomson (PH:548), should either be read kena, or it is another name for the booby (compare MAO., kuia "mother" with the mythical role of the RAP. vie kena). The economic value of the numerous sea birds is based on their eggs and on the use of their feathers. During the spring months, bird eggs (mamari) were a welcome addition to the menu. In November 1957,1 observed men and boys going out to the steep rock of Marotiri, the last extensive nesting ground for the sea birds, and returning with hundreds of bird eggs, which were immediately distributed in the village and consumed. While there are no longer rules limiting the number of eggs taken, such regulations must have existed in the old culture, at least in the Motu Nui area. According to the mythology, the sea birds came from Motu Matiro Hiva (i.e., Sala-y-Gomez), stirred up by the gods Makemake and Haua (Knoche 1925:259-260; ME:312313; Felbermayer 1971:111-113). Attempts by the birds to nest at various points along the southern shore never succeeded because time and again the people took away their eggs. The first protected place is Motu Nui, the "place without people, where it is good for the birds" (kona tangata kore oira i rivariva i te manu). The origin and the way of life of the sea birds, described in the myth, closely correspond to existing ecological conditions. While Makemake and Haua, together with their wives and servants, are primarily concerned with the protection

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of the eggs of the sooty tern (manu tara), "Hena Naku" is responsible for the feathers of the sea birds (Felbermayer 1971: 33-36; see Knoche 1925:254 with "Ena Naku" copied from PH: 519, "Era Nuku"; in the Apai text used as the source, the god is called "Era a Nuku.")- He is "the god of all sea birds" (he atua o te manu vaikava taatoa) or, more specifically, "the god of the plumage" (he atua o te huruhuru manu).

6.

The Arrival of Hotu Matua

After a sea voyage of six weeks, about which nothing is said, Hotu Matua and his people arrive at Easter Island. The canoes of A v a Rei Pua and of Hotu were seen near the (offshore) islets. On the fifteenth day of the month of October (tangaroa uri) the canoe of Hotu and the canoe of A v a Rei Pua landed. On the fifteenth day of the month of October (tangaroa uri), Nonoma left the house during the night to urinate outside. A t this point Ira called out to Nonoma, " L o o k at the canoe!" Nonoma ran, he quickly went to Te Hikinga Heru [a ravine in the side of the crater Rano Kau] and looked around. There he saw the double canoe way out near the (offshore) islets, and the two (hulls of the canoe) were lashed together. He ran and returned to the front of the house. He arrived and called into the house: " H e y you! This canoe has arrived during the night without our noticing i t ! " Ira asked Nonoma, "Where is the canoe, which you say is lying out there (in the water)?" Nonoma's voice came back: " I t is out there (in the water) close to the (offshore) islets! There it lies, and the two (hulls) are lashed together." The four of them [corrected for "the six of them"] went out and picked up leaves (on branches) to give signals. They picked them up, went and arrived at Te Hikinga and saw the canoe. Ira remained at the house after the four [corrected for "the six"] had gone to Te Hikinga Vae [sic]. The four sat down and pondered over the report (of the result of the exploration). Then the four said, "One has to get up and let the king know the news (about the conditions on Easter Island)!" Raparenga got up, picked up the leaves, took them in his hands, and waved, waved, waved, waved. This was seen by the man who understood signals; he looked down and called out the following to the king: "They are waving, they are signaling the following

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message: 'The land is bad; the shoots growing out of the ground cannot spread because the algae-like thicket is very long when it is pulled out, when it is ripped out' [this means that the runners of the yam roots that were planted are unable to prevail against the heavy weeds, which have to be pulled out continually]." King Hotu called to Tuki, "Signal and answer the following: The homeland is bad too, (because there) the flood brings destruction and the low tide brings relief [this is a reference to the losses caused in Hiva by the rising of the water, or rather, by the subsidence of the land]." (In the meantime) Ira and Nga Tavake had arrived. Tuki signaled and answered the message in this manner—he waved and waved. The signal arrived up (at the cliffs) where Raparenga was. He looked out and watched for it. Then the waving stopped (?). Ira asked, "Why did they send signals?" Raparenga replied, "Because we sent signals first." Ira said, "We have lost the bad news for you [which means, we have warned you in vain]." Ira said to Raparenga, "Give signals and tell this: If the canoe continues to the right side [of Easter Island, seen from Motu Nui], they should sail way out because of Tama, an evil fish with a very long nose [this is a wordplay with the place name on the southeastern shore, which 'demands bad victims because of its cliffs']." He waved, waved, waved, waved. The ones on board the boat saw Raparenga's waving and understood. The signals arrived on board the canoe; the waving arrived below [i.e., in the west]. The two hulls were no longer kept lashed together [i.e., they were separated for the rest of the journey]. Hotu called out to the canoe of the queen: "Steer the canoe to the left side when you sail in. Teke will jump over on board (your) canoe to work his mana when you sail through the fishing grounds!" Teke jumped on board the second canoe, (that) of the queen. The king's canoe sailed to the right, the queen's to the left. Honga worked his mana in the fishing grounds. (List of five fishing grounds that belong to Hotu and Honga.) Teke worked his mana in the fishing grounds to the left side. (List of nine fishing grounds that belong to Hotu and Teke.) The men on board the royal canoe looked out from Varinga Te Toremo (the northeastern cape of the Poike peninsula). There they saw the canoe of the queen, the canoe of Ava Rei Pua, as it reached Papa Te Kena (on the northern shore, east of Hanga Oteo). Honga came and gazed in the direction below [i.e., toward the west]. He called out to the noteworthy ruler (? ariki motongi) Hotu: "There is the canoe of the queen! It will be the first one to

15 8

The A rrival of Hotu Matua

land!" At this news King Hotu replied to Honga, "Recite (rutu) ("powerful incantations") as though the ten brothers of the chief (ariki maahu) were one whole (?)." The ten recited with all their might. This is what they recited: "Let all movement (? konekone) cease!" They recited and sailed on swiftly: Honga, Te Kena, Nuku Kehu, Nga Vavai, Oti, Tive [corrected for "Sive"], Ngehu, Hatu, Tuki, and Pu [corrected for " B u " ] . He worked mana in the fishing grounds. (Naming of two fishing grounds.) When Hotu's canoe had reached Taharoa, the vaginal fluid (of Hotu's pregnant wife) appeared. They sailed toward Hanga Hoonu, where the mucus [kovare seems to refer to the amniotic sac in this case] appeared. They sailed on and came to Rangi Meamea, where the amniotic fluid ran out and the contractions began. They anchored the canoe in the front part of the bay, in Hanga Rau. The canoe of Ava Rei Pua also arrived and anchored. After Hotu's canoe had anchored, the child of Vakai and Hotu appeared. It was Tuu Maheke, son of Hotu, a boy. After the canoe of Ava Rei Pua had also arrived and anchored, the child of Ava Rei Pua was born. It was a girl named Ava Rei Pua Poki. Honga asked the people on board the canoe of Ava Rei Pua, " W h a t kind of child was b o r n ? " They replied, " A girl was b o r n . " This is how Honga replied to the news—he shouted in a loud voice, "Let the queen land in the left side in the direction of Te Tahua! Leave the bay to the royal son, to Tuu Maheke!" The canoe sailed toward the beach and King Hotu, Vakai, and Tuu Maheke went on land. The assistant of the king acted as a midwife (?) for the pregnant woman [hanau tama is, in this case, more likely to mean mother of the child]. The canoe of the royal boy landed, and the assistant who acted as a midwife (?) took care of Queen Vakai. The child came down into the freshwater and was laid into a basin (taheta). The assistant who acted as a midwife (?) pressed out (of the body) the mucus (kovare, in this case amniotic membranes) and the coagulated blood (hatu kai), until the coagulated blood [i.e., the afterbirth] was all pressed out. They picked up the queen and the royal child and climbed up and moved on. They reached Oromanga [corrected for " O r o Ngatu"] and left the royal personages there. The men took their possessions on land, all their food supplies, down to the smallest items (? ka-paepae-tahi-ro-mai) and also the prisoners. The canoe of the queen also landed. It landed on the left side in the direction of Te Tahua and remained there and stayed. The place where the coagulated blood [i.e., the afterbirth] of

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Vakai had been pressed out was called "Hiro Moko." Vaka, the master in charge of tying the umbilical cord, came to tie the umbilical cord of Tuu Maheke. On his way (? ohohanga), Vaka had performed a ceremony (hakahiti) for the shadow (ata) of King Tuu Maheke. This is how the shadow of the king is constituted: ka ea te ata o te ariki te huhu kai rangi te vevero kai rangi tu kake kai rangi tu mani kai rangi

ata uri toou e te ariki e ata mea toou e te ariki e ata tea toou e te ariki e

May the shadow of the king arise! The feathered staffs do not (yet) call. The many spears do not (yet) call. One has been invested who rises and does not (yet) call. One has been invested with supernatural powers who does not (yet) call. The black shadow is yours, oh king! The red shadow be yours, oh king! The white shadow be yours, oh king!

Vaka came to tie the umbilical cord. He also performed the ceremony for the shadow of the king. Vaka A Para [corrected for "Bara"] tied the umbilical cord of Tuu Maheke. He finished the tying, turned around, and went to tie the umbilical cord of Ava Rei Pua Poki. He arrived, tied (the umbilical cord), and finished (his activity). After all the food supplies had been brought on land, the two rulers, the king and the queen said, "Drag the canoes on land and take them apart (so the wood can be used) to build houses and cover the roofs!" They dragged the two canoes on land and took them apart. After they had finished disassembling the canoes, Nuku covered all the houses. Teke says to Oto: "Distribute the seedlings among the people (mahingo)!" Oti took the seedlings that had been brought along and distributed them among the people. He distributed all kinds of seedlings. Everyone took his share of the plants that had been brought along. Then Teke called out to his retainers (aniva), "This is what you are to do. Do not light the earth-ovens. The shadow (ata) of the king, the flame (ura) of the king (may suffer harm) during the night if shortly before an earthoven has been lit." Each man went to his place and lived there. Hotu said to Teke, "Look around for a suitable area (maara) to

160 The Arrival of HotuMatua settle the Hanau Eepe and let them work the fields!" Teke took command of the Hanau Eepe and went with them to Poike. After he had settled them there, Teke said to the Hanau Eepe, "Settle here, work, and keep peace among yourselves (he mee o mahamaha kina); let this be the goal of every one of you!" Then Teke assumed royal powers (pahera ariki) and passed them on to Iko. Teke installed the king; Iko was (now) the king (ariki) of the Hanau Eepe. Teke called out to the men, "Iko is your king, oh people (mahingo)!" The Hanau Eepe remained there. Teke returned. (He) came to Oromanga [name corrected; alternative translation "Along came the adopted rat," kiore ma(a)nga]. That was Iko. Twenty-five years. (E:75-84)

According to this tradition, the voyage of the immigrants lasted from September 2 to October 15. The explorers' journey, on the other hand, was one week shorter and lasted from April 15 to June 1. The difference of one week may have been due to seasonal wind factors or to the type of vessel used. At any rate, the duration of the voyage falls far short of the 120 days that Thomson attributes to the journey (PH:526). Also, the month of the arrival is different. Our manuscript names the month "Tangaroa Uri," a month of the southern spring, while Salmon's informants mention "Anakena," which falls into the southern winter. The climatic conditions on Easter Island are quite different for the two seasons. Not only would the conditions for planting be different, but the habits of animals (arrival and nesting season of the sea birds and the beginning of the intensive fishing season) would also favor the arrival in spring of people who have to depend on the environment for sustenance. The detailed descriptions of the activities of the explorers have shown that in the time-space scheme the position of "Anakena" was fixed prior to the arrival of the island king. The explorers arrived during the month of "Maro," that is, at the beginning of that month during which, in later times, the population of the island brought feather garlands (maro) to the royal residence. This shows that their date of arrival has a hidden sociological meaning. Since Hotu Matua's arrival is connected with the month "Tangaroa Uri," it is safe to assume that there is some form of double meaning attached to his date of arrival, also. And, indeed, with "dark Tangaroa" we come across the potential name of a deity whose role within the old island

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culture has long been recognized (Scheffrahn 1965:57-61) and which will emerge even more clearly with further investigations. The connection between the immigrant king and the deity is of fundamental importance in understanding the Rongorongo texts as well as the religious role of the island king and the appearance of the name "Tangaroa" in the oral traditions. In the time-space scheme of the dream voyage, "Tangaroa Uri" includes the region of Hotu Iti, where Rano Raraku, the center of the stonecarving activities, is located. It is precisely at this point that an overall connection between the island king and the megalithic activities begins to emerge. The size and the names of the immigrant canoes are known only from other sources. Measurements of "90 feet long and 6 feet deep" (PH:528) seem reasonable in comparison with the dimensions of some of the famous canoes of New Zealand, where the length of the canoe "Tainui" was marked by stones as being 70 feet long, while the oral traditions speak of a length of 90 feet (Hiroa 1950:46). Twin-hulled canoes 27 meters in length would have been well within the normal dimensions of Polynesian voyaging canoes prior to the decline of the art of canoe building. Roussel's information about the configuration of the canoe— both sternposts rising high and forked astern—conform to Polynesian standards, while the absence of masts must have been due to the fact that the canoe was within sight of land and sails were no longer needed. The six weeks' journey itself would have taken place under full sail. During this time, the two canoes were "joined" (piri), which means they were lashed together to form one double-hulled canoe. The separation took place off Motu Nui, from where the two canoes continued their separate courses close to the cliff-threatened shore of both sides of the island. Routledge's informants still knew the names of the immigrant canoes (RM:278); they were given as "Oteka" and " O u a . " One Rongorongo text shows ua as the term used for two canoes, whilp RR:76 (phallus grapheme ure, used in this case for an old synonym teka; compare TUA. teka "penis of a turtle," HAW. ke'a "virile male") tends to confirm the oral tradition with a transpositional variant (Barthel 1962:134). The two immigrant canoes are commanded by different leaders. While all the traditions consistently name Hotu Matua as the leader of one canoe, they do not agree on the person who

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The A rrival of Hotu Matua TABLE 7

First Canoe " O t e k a " (= Rongorongo teka)

Second Canoe " O u a " (= Rongorongo ua)

RM:278

Hotu Matua and Vakai-a-hiva, his wife

Hinelilu and Avarepua, his wife

TP

Hotu Matua and Vakai A'Heva, his wife

Ava Reipua (ariki tamahahine), the younger sister (taina tamahahine) of Hotu Matua

ME

Hotu Matua

Tuu Ko Ihu

Hotu Matua

Tuukoihu (son-in-law of Hotu Matua) and Avaripua (sister of Hotu Matua)

Hotu Matua (ariki motongi; te ariki tamaaroa) and his wife Vakai

Ava Rei Pua (te ariki tamahahine)

Brown 1924:41

Ms. E

commanded the second canoe (ME:62-63). There are several references to people whose role during the sea voyage is uncertain. They, too, have to be taken into consideration. For practical purposes, the comparison begins with the source that furnishes the most complete information. See Table 7. The pair Hotu Matua and Vakai ("from Hiva") arrives on the first canoe, which rounds the right side of the island, and is the first one to reach the beach of the royal residence, where immediately after the arrival the son and successor of Hotu Matua is born. The events in the lives of the pair after the immigration have also entered into the traditions. Roussel must have been mistaken when he named Ava Rei Pua as the wife of Hotu Matua, the more so since his list of chiefs shows the name "Vakai" in the third position. The second canoe circles the island on the left side, reaches Anakena after being delayed by magic, and then witnesses the birth of only a girl. The only thing that can be said with certainty about this canoe is that the crucial figure on board was a woman of royal descent, named Ava Rei Pua. The difference in stature of the leaders of the canoes is underlined three times by such contrasts as "right vs. left," "first one vs. second one," and "(first-born) son vs. (second-born) daughter." As for the husband of Ava Rei Pua and the brother-in-law of the immigrant king, Metraux decides in favor of the culture

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hero "Tuu-ko-ihu," while Heyerdahl stresses the problematical role that Tuu-ko-ihu plays in the traditions and speculates that he may have been the leader of a second immigration from the west (NA 1:39-41). I agree with Heyerdahl that Juan Tepano, the key informant of both Brown and Metraux, has created for Tuu Ko Ihu a role of primary importance, which may not be in accordance with the facts. He is not mentioned at all in Ms. E. Routledge, who depended on Tepano's services as an interpreter but who also had access to the "old ones," gives this account: Amongst those who came in the boats was the ariki Tuukoihu, the maker of wooden images; two of his sons and two grandsons have given their names to four subdivisions of the Miru clan. (RM:279)

This piece of genealogical information becomes more readily understandable with the help of a table of names, which Routledge gave to Williamson for evaluation (1924, vol. 11:57): Tuukoihii [sic]

Kao

I

(3) Rauwai

Mataiva [sic]

I

(5) Toko-te-rangi

The founders of these four aristocratic lines appear consistently late in the genealogies of the island kings. Tuu Ko Ihu definitely belongs to the era after the interruption of the "racial war" and may have lived during the first half of the eighteenth century (Barthel 1959, 1961). Keeping in mind the traditional role of Tuu Ko Ihu as the inventor of the carved wooden figures (moai kavakava), the mentioning of his name in connection with the second canoe may be a substitution for Hinariru (or "Hinelilu"), because, according to Ms. E, the figure mentioned by Routledge's informants was a master of stone figures (moai maea). At any rate, the knowledge of sculpture was brought to Easter Island on the second canoe. This is further emphasized by the respective functions of the leaders of the canoes: the first canoe brings the island king to the new homeland; the second one brings a "master." Based on the stone figures that the explorers brought with them, Ms. E establishes Hinariru as the master in

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question, and Thomson shows him in the fifth position after Miru on his list of chiefs. Routledge, on the other hand, depicts "Hinelilu" as an intellectual, versed in writing, a maori rongorongo (RM:279). A similar relationship "king vs. master" can be deduced from the rediscovered geneology L list of chiefs, where none other than Tuu Ko Ihu is listed as the mahaki (junior) of a certain Tupa Ariki (Barthel 1961:134). The separation occurs along the older and the younger line and thus mirrors the relationship between Hotu Matua and his younger sister Ava Rei Pua. The "master" is subordinate to the "king," just as the younger sibling is subordinate to the first-born, which means that, in the final analysis, rank was based on the circumstances of birth. To be safe, Ava Rei Pua's husband, who is not mentioned in our source, will have to be classified simply as a maori (without further specification and without a personal name). Tuu Ko Ihu functions merely as an interchangeable part. The curious evaluation of him by Palmer and Gana, including the equation "Hatu or Tucuyo" by the second author (ME:63), remains a problem: "Tucuyo" is the equivalent of Tuu Ko Ihu; " H a t u " may be merely a reduction of Hotu (Matua), but it could also be the correct form of an individual name or of a title. Perhaps this question can be pursued further with the aid of the large body of data on lesser-known members aboard the immigrant canoe that is contained in Ms. E. Aside from Teke, the well-known right-hand man of the island king, and Vaka A Para, the master in charge of tieing the umbilical cord, a group of ten ariki maahu, all in the canoe of Hotu Matua, are carefully enumerated. Just as in the former homeland five ariki maahu assisted the supreme ruler Oto Uta, who held the title of ariki motongi, ten ariki maahu assist Hotu Matua, who, as the highest ruler of the new land, also holds the title of ariki motongi. Some members of this group must have been charged with special duties (Nuku Kehu was the master in charge of the construction of canoes and of houses; Oti was a knowledgeable planter; and Teke was the master in charge of signaling), and it is safe to assume that the rest of the group were charged with similar special duties. The group of ten may have been made up of five pairs or of two series of five: 1. Honga 3. Nuku Kehu

2. Te Kena 4. Nga Vavai

The A rrival of Hotu Matua 5. Oti 7. Ngehu 9. Tuki

165

6. Tive [corr. for "Sive"] 8. Hatu 10. Pu [corr. for "Bu"]

" H o n g a " and "Te Kena" appear to have been brothers, from whom the two highest lineages of the Miru tribe are descended (Williamson 1924, vol. 11:57 as sons of Tuparinga Anga; ME: 127 interjects Tuu Maheke as the supposed father, probably based on information by Victoria Rapahango; HM:166 lists Miru as the father as well as an older brother Ataranga; various lists of chiefs consistently include the sequence Honga-Te Kena among lineage names). According to Metraux, Anakena belongs to the " H o n g a " and Ovahe to the "Te Kena," which seems to imply a difference in rank ("large beach vs. small beach") and also calls to mind the directional contrast "west vs. east." From the aristocratic Victoria Rapahango, I learned that the rei miro was the insignia of the Honga, which clearly emphasizes their superior rank among the Miru. Since Honga not only heads the list of ariki maahu but is also capable of filling the fishing grounds on the "right side of the island" with his mana, his superior position either must date back to the time of the Hotu Matua immigration or has been projected back to this time. One almost gets the impression that those companions of the first island king who are mentioned by name enjoy a position of importance similar to that of the pilgrim fathers of the New England states! Among this very select group, one " H a t u " appears in the eighth position. The PPN name *Fatu " l o r d " or "stone" belongs to a Polynesian complex, which I have discussed in a different context (Barthel 1961a:259-264). The word hatu refers, on one hand, to a stone, either simply set or carved, which is considered to be the bearer of strength and a symbol of rightful ownership, and, on the other hand, to a representative of a group of kinsmen who possess special skills. Based on his name, the " H a t u " who immigrated may well have been a maori, similar to Tuu Ko Ihu. Significantly, the name hatu (Rongorongo 54) occurs again in a Rongorongo text (Bv3, Barthel 1958: 49) next to the sign for a double canoe (Rongorongo 100). In the list of chiefs, as well as in the creation chant, the name occurs as part of the name of the original man Tiki Te Hatu. It should be noted that the names of the last three ariki maahu, Hatu-Tuki-Pu also convey a sexual message ("the lord who

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copulated into the hole"), which in turn suggests the TikiMakemake motif. If my emendation of the sixth name, "Sive" to "Tive," is correct, then the group of ten may even contain the name of one specific deity (ME:315). Thus, there are among the ariki maahu several leads that point to meta-historic beginnings. It is not unusual for the founders of the oldest lineages to assume religious significance. The reunion between the explorers and the emigrants takes place at the very spot where the dream voyage of Hau Maka began and where, in historic times, the center of the cult of the birdman was located—that is, on the southwestern cape between the cliffs of Rano Kau and the offshore islet of Motu Nui. In the cult of the birdman, communication between a rocky promontory (rangi te manu) on Motu Nui and a cave (hakarongo manu) below Orongo was carried out by loud calls (ME:336). Some sources (ME:59; TP:34; RM:278) also refer to "calling" (rangi) as a means of communication at the arrival of the immigrant canoes. In Ms. E, on the other hand, the messages are transmitted by waving branches with leaves (raupa), and the royal canoe even carries a specialist, such as a signalman, " a man who knows how to send signals" (tangata hakamaa ki te rapu). I suspect that the informant of Ms. E may have been influenced by more recent signaling practices of foreign ships. On the other hand, the report of the explorers about the conditions of the new land, given either by Raparenga alone or by him and his older brother, sounds as archaic as Hotu Matua's reply about the conditions in the land they left. The general meaning of the exchange is quite clear; the difficulty in trying to interpret it comes from the use of figures of speech no longer fully understood by modern Easter Islanders. To begin with, an attempt is made to reconstruct the exact RAP. wording from the three sources available: Source 1—E:76 kainga kino kahukahu o heke

rimurimu mai te unu mai te unu

roroa

Das Land ist schlecht. Die aus der Erde wachsenden Sprossen können sich nicht ausbreiten, denn sehr lang ist das algenar tige Geflecht, wenn man es herauszieht, wenn man es ausreißt.

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Source 2—TP:33 kainga kino kahukahu oheke mai te unu kahukahu oheke mai te vere kahukahu oheke ka toe

Es isla mala maleza crece. Donde uno lo arranca maleza, donde uno lo desarraiga maleza, es lo que sobra.

Source 3—ME:59 kainga kino kahukahu o he ra mai te unu mai te unu mai te vere mai te vere

The land is bad; there are too many weeds. If it is cleaned, it would be cleaned; if it is weeded, it would be weeded.

This report by the explorers is followed by the answer of the immigrant king: Source 1—E:76 kainga kino hoki tai ua ka okooko taipapaku ka ora Source 2—TP:33 kainga kino hoki kahukahu oheke tai u 'a ka okooko taipapaku ka ora Source 3—ME:59 kainga kino hoki taipapaku ka rivariva tai ua ka okooko

Auch das Heimatland ist schlecht, (denn dort) bringt die Flut Vernichtung, die Ebbe Rettung. Nuestra tierra también es mala, hay también malezas. La marea alta arrasa con todo bajando la marea hay salvación. It is a bad land. When the tide is low, it is good; when the tide is high, it is covered.

It is obvious that the two statements are related to each other because they both begin with a reference to the "bad country," and they both have the same succinct arrangement of lines. Based on the three sources, the original version may have had the following form:

168 kainga kino kahukahuoheke rimurimu roroa mai te unu mai te vere ka toe

The A rrival of Hotu Matua kainga kino hoki tai ua ka okooko taipapaku kaora

For the translation, both RAP. dictionaries and those of related eastern Polynesian languages (especially TUA. and MAO.) were consulted. It soon became apparent that the text can be translated on various semantic levels. The reason for this is to be found in the figures of speech, faithfully handed down. It is one of the cardinal principles of Polynesian poetry to use the description of something concrete as a cover for various allusions. This principle is practiced here with great skill. Below are four possible translations of the report of the explorers and two of the answers of the king. Report of the explorers, first version: The land is bad. The growing shoots cannot spread. Too long is the tangle (of weeds) when one pulls it out, when one weeds it. Leave (this bad land) behind (you)!

(Compare MAO. kahu "young shoot, sprout," wakakahukahu " t o begin to grow, acquire size"; MAO. unu " t o draw, pull out"; RAR. unu " t o draw, to drag.") Report of the explorers, second version: The uterus is bad. The original yam cannot slide out because of the long seaweeds. Let's have a drink! Let's have a bit (of food)! Leave something behind!

(Compare RAP. kainga "matrix, uterus"; yam varieties RAP. papaki kahukahu and [h]anau kaho; TON. kahokaho "yam, a particularly good kind"; RAP. and MGV. unu " t o drink"; MQS. vere "morceau.")

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Report of the explorers, third version: The food is bad. The octopus is hiding in his ink. His tentacles sway like seaweeds when one tries to pull him (from his hiding place) when his tentacles are parting.

(Kainga means the act of eating in several Polynesian languages. According to information based on my own fieldwork, the meaning of kahukahu o heke is "when an octopus hides in his ink"; MQS. ve'eve'e "tentacules du heke"; MAO. toe "split, divide.") Report of the explorers, fourth version: A bad meal. The hymen will not be deflowered in the long tangle (of the pubic hair) when one thrusts back and forth. Let's have the fold (of the female genitals). Tear open (the hymen)!

(Compare TUA. kahukahu "the maidenhead, hymen"; MQS. kahukahu "membrane"; RAP. kai heke, as well as hakaheke "to deflower"; TUA. unu " t o move longitudinally," unuunu "to move vigorously back and forth"; TUA. verevere "pudenda, muliebra"; TUA. toe " t o tear, split.") Answer of the immigrant king, first version: The homeland is bad, too. The flood brings destruction. The low tide salvation.

(Translated completely from RAP.) Answer of the immigrant king, second version: From a bad homeland we have withdrawn. Bloody wrath. Fend off the spears! Wrath (that causes) corpses. Bring salvation!

(Compare MAO. tai "anger, rage, violence"; TUA. ua "blood"; MAO. okooko "parry spear thrust by clasping the spear in arms.")

170 The A rrival of Hotu Matua The first version of the explorers' report describes the real situation of the unsuccessful yam plantation (established by Kuukuu on the rim of Rano Kau) and has been recognized as such by previous authors (already Routledge has written, in RM:278, "for when they had planted yams, grass grew up"). The second version points to the mythical idea of the origin of the first yam and can be understood only because of the two names of varieties and their relationship to Tongan mythology, where the voracious female demon Faimalie gives birth to kohokoho, the most highly valued variety of yams. (The connection with the RAP. list of varieties was discussed by Martinez in Chapter 5.) The demand for food and drink may be an allusion to the voraciousness of the mother who gives birth to the yam. In the third version, the transition from land to sea is accomplished, as shown by the linking of the categories of yams and sea animals. The difficulty of raising yams is compared to the difficulty of catching an octopus who is hiding in his ink. The latter reference may be part of a fishing incantation (ME: 191): the common factor is that both the weeds and the octopus have to be pulled out by hand. The fourth version takes up the sexual connotation of heke by comparing the unsuccessful yam plantation to an unsuccessful sex act. There is also a hidden reference to the protracted birth mentioned in the second version. If the sequence of the different versions of translation is altered, it becomes apparent that the various steps form a complete cycle with the end connected to the beginning: 1. The sprouting shoots cannot spread out. 2. The octopus is hiding in his ink. 3. The hymen cannot be deflowered. 4. The original yam cannot slip out.

This type of transformation of four levels of reference presupposes a highly developed poetic style: 1. naturalistic description 2. comparison with a similar action in a different environment 3. transference to sexual behavior and frustration 4. elevation of biological events to a mythological plane

Thus, illo tempore is connected to the present time (the time of the episode), when a decision is demanded. The various levels of

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meaning verify Stimson's remarks about texts from the manuscript of Ra'ivavae: The venerated chants of the revered lore (vananga, ananga) can be translated in three distinct ways: (1) With the literal, usual meanings of the words; this form of rendering I call "exoteric." (2) With the poetic, philosophic or metaphorical meanings known only to the intellectuals (koroua) who had been formally instructed in the vananga; this form I call "esoteric" or "esoteric-philosophic.'' (3) With the literal, erotic meanings of the words, which I call "erotic" or "erotic-esoteric," for, as a matter of fact, this form, too, is esoteric, and known only to the initiated. (Steinson 1940:51)

Accordingly, the first version of the explorers' report could be called "exoteric," the second "erotic-esoteric," the third "esoteric-philosophic," and the fourth "erotic." Incidentally, the same scheme could be expanded to all of Polynesia. As for the two versions of the royal reply, which state why a return to the homeland is impossible in spite of the bad news about the new land, I can only offer one "exoteric" and one "esoteric-political" translation, but this does not mean that an "erotic translation" (compare TUA. ua "navel-string, umbilical cord"; TUA. oko mythological? "the phallus, vulva"; MAO. okooko "to carry in the arms") or a "mythological translation" (compare TUA. tai "to recite, to pronounce, declaim," fakatai "to recite a spell, perform a ritual over") of the text is not possible. The difference between an exoteric and an esoteric translation is the difference between the motives given for leaving the homeland: either the emigration took place as the result of a natural catastrophe or because of social necessity. In Ms. E (as in TP), the cause is a natural catastrophe, while Thomson cites an armed conflict (PH:528 "defeated in three great battles"). Perhaps the source of the contradiction about the "historic causes" for leaving the homeland is to be found in the ambiguity of a tradition, handed down faithfully through many generations. We simply have no way of finding out with certainty what took place. The report of the explorers and the reply of the immigrant king are an important exchange of information, which takes

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place at the most important center of the (later) Easter Island culture. They are closely related in their outer structure, through the use of reduplications, similar sound patterns, and commands, as well as in their inner structure. Taking into consideration the various levels of meaning, the scheme shown in Table 8 emerges. Both statements are part of an overall system that employs inversions and links directional contrasts with contrasts based on sex-typical activities. All sources agree that after the ocean voyage, the double canoe was separated and that each canoe sailed the distance from Motu Nui to Anakena along a different route. In reality, the route along the western and northern shore is at the most 25 km, while the route along the southern and eastern shore is roughly 40 km, which means that during a race the chances are not equal. Nor is the abundance of fish in the fishing grounds (hakanononga) along the two routes equal, because the fish are much more plentiful in the fishing grounds along the western shore. The island king emphasizes his claim to the fishing grounds of the "north-to-west route" by sending Teke, his closest assistant, on board the sister canoe. Teke transmits mana, which is needed to make the schools of fish thrive, to the fishing grounds mentioned by name, and by so doing fulfills the dual tasks of putting into effect the royal mana and of establishing the king's claim to the fishing grounds. Along the "south-toeast route" of the royal canoe, Honga, the first mentioned of the ariki maahu, takes over the same functions. In Ms. E, the list of names of the fishing grounds along the south-to-east route are numbered 1 to 5; those along the north-to-west route are numbered 1 to 9. The fishing grounds "Taharoa" and "Rangi Meamea," which Hotu Matua's canoe crosses later, are erroneously numbered 10 and 11; they should be added to the south-to-east route. The lists in Table 9 have been corrected. According to Englert's list and map (HM:261-262), seventeen hakanononga are known at the present time; Englert was able to learn the names of sixteen. The eleven names that agree with his names are marked with (E). He adds "Te Nuahine Rima Roa" (declared a modern designation by my informants, compare the story of the "old woman with the long arm," RM:232-233; ME:

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TABLE 8

Transformation Movement Action

Report of the Explorers

Reply of the Immigrant King

land > sea yams > octopus horizontal (in-out) procreation and birth (do not succeed) female related

sea > land tides > battle vertical (up-down) bloodshed and killing (do not succeed) male related

TABLE 9

South-to-East Route (Honga)

1 TeHina 2 Te Kana Haure 3 Koekoe 4 Otuu 5 Mahatua (6) Taharoa (7) Rangi Meamea

North-to-West Route (Teke)

(E)

(E) (E) (E)

1 Piro 2 Pura 3 Hatehate 4 Uto 5 Mata O Hotu 6 Te Punga Eha 7 Hatu 8 Piu 9 Hau Ngutu

(E) (E) (E) (E) (E) (E)

(E)

370-371) to the south-to-east route, along with "Te Taparoi," northeast of Poike, and "Ovahi" [sic]. "Te Nuahine Rima Roa" seems to coincide with the "Koekoe" of Ms. E, and "Ovahe" is identical with the older name "Rangi Meamea." Our list further shows "Te Kana Haure," a fishing ground in the bay of Vinapu. To the north-to-west route Englert adds "Te Akurenga," off the northern shore (northwest of Anakena); my informants were doubtful about this addition. He further adds a fishing ground west of Rano Kau, by the name of "Te Nua" to the traditional listing (between "Te Piro" and "Te Pura"). His hakanononga "with unknown name," which adjoins "Te Punga Ehu," may be identical with the " H a t u " of Ms. E. " P i u , " which is absent from Englert's list, is located north of Rumotu. His clockwise enumeration does not correspond to the traditional counterclockwise listing and to the usual separation into two segments and therefore seems to be based on a different scheme. Generally speaking, the hakanononga tend to be located one kilometer off the shore of Easter Island, and they are

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ideal areas for fishing tuna (kahi) and other large fish. The fishing boats can determine their position in relationship to the fishing grounds by using various points of reference along the shore. The last three fishing grounds that the royal canoe passes are located along the northeastern shore. Their names are familiar local names from other lists (compare numbers 19, Mahatua; 20, Tangaroa; and 22, Rangi Meamea from the dream voyage of Hau Maka, later repeated by the explorers). There does not seem to be a direct connection with the time-space scheme discussed earlier, but along several segments of the route of the sister canoe, the names seem to be grouped into pairs: 4, " f l o a t of the net" (uto) and 5, "mesh of the n e t " (mata); 6, " c o r a l " (punga) and 7, " s t o n e " (hatu). Do 6 and 7 refer to sinkers for nets? Of special interest is the initial sequence of four fishing grounds on Englert's list: l.TeHina 3.TeNua

2. TePiro 4. TePura

These names point to the mythical theme of the moon goddess (Hina) and the first mother (Nua). With the first woman, death and decay came into the world (compare HM:163 vivina, vivina, hakapiro e ahu e), which explains the name " t h e stinking" (Te Piro). " T h e (one who brings) shimmering light" (Te Pura) is a reference to the moon goddess when she first appears in the western sky. The same complex of beliefs becomes apparent when the stations along the two separate canoe routes are compared according to their positions. In this case the names are to be read across horizontally: Te Hina Te Kana Haure

Piro Pura

Again the moon goddess is referred to as "stinking," but this time the attribute "shimmering light" is added to another name. If one reads hauri (TAH. "stench, stink") instead of " H a u r e , " which is not substantiated anywhere, the result is "the stinking shimmer" (TUA. kana "bright, gleaming") or, rather, " t h e evil-smelling witch" (MAO. kana "bewitch"), which is obvious ly another description of the (first) mother. The moon goddess clearly occupies a central position with regard to the fishing

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grounds and, among other functions, seems to be in charge of fishing with nets (compare north-to-west route, numbers 4 to 7). Thus, the lists of the roughly sixteen hakanononga also contain hidden information, for which I have attempted to suggest some possible solutions. This completes the inventory of the island's resources. The race of the two canoes ends in favor of the immigrant king, but not without the help of a powerful incantation (rutu), performed by the ten ariki maahu. According to Routledge (RM:278), Metraux (ME:60), and Englert (TP:35), the word of Hotu Matua is enough to slow down the other canoe. In our source, the rhythm of the beats (rutu) may be intended to stimulate the crew to greater effort as they are paddling down the final stretch, but the words are important, too: ka hakamau te konekone! Metraux was given two possible translations for this command—"Make the paddles fixed (make them slow)" and "Hurry up in order to arrive first" (ME:63)—but for the original version, he chose "Stay your paddles!" (ME:60). Since I have been unable so far to find konekone in any of the Polynesian dictionaries, I can only offer a paraphrase as translation: "Bring the motion (?) to a halt!" Hakamau has several different meanings (compare SAM. fa'amau " t o make a stand in war"; HAW. hoo-mau "to persevere"; TUA. hakamau " t o be unwavering, unfaltering," hakamaunga " a place where the voyage terminates"). At any rate, the incantation brought about the desired result. At stake was not only which of the canoes would be the first to reach the sandy beach of Anakena but also which of the two pregnant women would be the first to give birth. The final phase of the immigration reaches its dramatic climax in the imminent delivery of Hotu Matua's wife (Vakai) on one hand and Hotu Matua's sister (Ava Rei Pua) on the other. Anyone familiar with the importance the Polynesians attach to the order of birth and the effect this has on rank can readily appreciate the struggle to give birth to the first-born. The first-born (of the royal family) in the new land must have held the highest position in all succeeding genealogies of aristocratic Easter Islanders. The various stages of his birth are described with clinical precision, based, it seems, on knowledge gained from the activities of obstetricians

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and masters in charge of cutting the umbilical cord. The physiological sequence of the birth is linked with well-known points along the northern shore: Taharoa Hanga Hoonu Rangi Meamea

vaginal fluid (haahaa roroa) (TP)

Hanga Rau Hiro Moko

birth (topa) afterbirth (hatu kai)

amniotic sac (? kovare) (TP)

amniotic fluid (ranu) labor pains

(tua toto)

Obviously Arturo Tepano was familiar with this tradition because he relates the beginning in the same precise terms. According to him, the amniotic fluid had already been discharged at Anakena. He does not give the name of the place of birth, but he does mention Hiro Moko, the place where the island king lands, and, by so doing, he reestablishes the connection with Ms. E (TP:35). The various stages of dilation preceeding the birth take place along stations 20, 21, and 22 of the dream voyage, and the fluids are discharged along the last two fishing grounds of the south-to-east route, the ones without attributes of ownership. All the lists of chiefs show Tuu Maheke, the first-born son of Hotu Matua, in the second position. There can be no doubt about his descent. Nevertheless, next to nothing is mentioned in the sources about his activities, except his being the source of a quarrel between his parents during his childhood and being named successor by his dying father. A "Heke" is mentioned in a Rongorongo text dealing with genealogical data (Barthel 1963a) and also in an obscure tradition (PH:518-519). Isolated reports that the first-born of Hotu Matua had returned to Hiva and grown old there in obscurity do not ring true (TP:58). Most of the lists agree on Miru as the successor of Tuu Maheke, which would make the founder of the aristocratic Miru tribe the grandson of the immigrant king. The child of Ava Rei Pua is not only born second but is also "only" a girl. This clearly emphasizes the difference in rank, as does the quality of the landing sites for the canoes. The victorious royal canoe lands at Hira Moko, or Hiro Moko, on the eastern side of the excellent sandy beach of Anakena. From there, the royal party proceeds to the residence at Oromanga,

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which represents the realization of the dream voyage of Hau Maka and the activities of the explorers. Because of supernatural interference, the sister canoe comes in second and has to land to the west at Te Tahua, where the shore is becoming increasingly more rocky, or even farther west (Hanga Ohiro, TP: 35; Hanga-o-hio, ME:60). It is an open question whether or not the selective contrast in local names, Hiro Moko vs. Hanga O Hiro, represents an extension of the contrast based on sex and rank or whether, in this case, a different system is in operation. Based on its place of birth and the landing site, the child of Ava Rei Pua, whose name is not mentioned, is related to that segment of the "second list of place names" that has to do with the moon. Figuratively speaking, the child of the sister of the immigrant king is associated with the narrow crescent of the new moon. This lunar motif recalls the lunar theme at the beginning of the list of fishing grounds, except that it has now been transferred from the sea to the solid ground of Easter Island. The landing site of the sister canoe is to "the left side" (rara maui), which applies only when facing the land from the shore, and it is the continuation of the "left-sided" north-to-west route followed by the canoe after the separation of the double canoe at Motu Nui. This suggests the existence of two competing routes between the traditional place of arrival off the shore of Easter Island (place of arrival of Hau Maka, the explorers, and the immigrants) and the envisioned goal on Easter Island. To the right of the three islets is the route which, on three different occasions, is taken by the male protagonists. The route to the left is reserved for the leading female figure and for localities named after lunar nights. Motu Nui and Anakena both show tangible signs of this division. The following observations were made by Routledge: " A line dividing the islet between Kotuu and Hotu Iti passed through the centre of the cave [i.e., the cave of the Hopu on Motu Nui], and also through another cave nearer the edge of the islet; in this latter, there was at one time a statue about 2 feet high known as Titahanga-o-te-henua, or the boundary of the land" (RM:261). (This figure is now in the Pitts Rivers Museum, Oxford; compare RM:Fig. 111.) In October 1957, I discovered on Motu Nui a set of simple stone markers in the shape of an (incomplete) T, overgrown by grass. The vertical line, of which 2 meters remain, points in the

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direction of 345°, which is roughly NNW, precisely along the southwestern shore of Rano Kau. The horizontal line, whose two segments of 230 cm and 200 cm, respectively, are separated by a gap of 30 cm, points in the direction of 62°, which is roughly ENE, precisely along the southern cape of Rano Kau. Both lines of vision correspond to the routes taken by the canoes and their respective commanders after they had been separated. Concerning the name of the sculpture in the "divided" cave, it should be pointed out that "boundary" is not necessarily the only translation for RAP. tita'a (HM:503). Another translation could be "passing on the side of the land" (compare TUA. titaha "to pass to one side, go by"; MAO. titaha "pass to one side"). Henua refers to Easter Island, while the passing on the sides (of the island) takes up the motif of the separated canoes and with it the assignment of fishing grounds. The border between Kotuu (the western federation of tribes) and Hotu Iti (the eastern federation of tribes), which is well marked on Motu Nui, has to be understood against this background. In the bay of Anakena, aside from the already mentioned contrast of the immigrant canoes, their leaders, and the two newborn children, an example of the partition is Ahu Ana Koiro Roa, half of which traditionally belonged to the Te Kena and the other half to the Honga (ME: 127). The relationship "Honga : TeKena : : Tuu : Hotu Iti" mirrors the relationship "older brother : younger brother : : west : east," and the separation that can be seen on Motu Nui is repeated in the area of the residence of the island king. Up until this century, the cutting of the umbilical cord of the newborn on Easter Island was the task of a specialist (maori hahau pito). On the occasion of the birth of a royal heir, a special ceremony was added, which so far has not been fully understood. Brown seems to have misunderstood his informant: "The leader bade his second make an ata, or sacred place; the navel-strings were cut and a pure performed" (1924:41). The same informant, Juan Tepano, gave Metraux the following information: "The messenger of Hotu-matua went to Tuuko-ihu to have him cut the navel cord and produce a charm (hakahiti i te ata) for the prince, Tuu-ma-heke. Tuu-ko-ihu

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came. He conducted the ritual, and the halo of royalty surmounted the prince (he hakahiti, he oho mai i te ata o te ariki he tuu ki runga ki te ariki) " (ME:60). Metraux points out in a footnote that in 1934 the Easter Islanders were no longer familiar with the meaning of the phrase hakahiti i te ata. He compares hakahiti i te ata " t o recite, to rise?" with MAO. whakawhiti " t o revive" and interprets ata "image reflection, red cloud" as a halo surrounding the head of the newborn king. Juan Tepano himself suggested the translation " t o make the red cloud rise in the sky." The important thing to remember is that the ceremony took place between the actual birth and the cutting of the umbilical cord. Englert was unable to find out anything about the procedure, but he was able to more closely define hakahiti (HM:446): hakahiti te kaikai is the showing of a figure of the string game at the end of a sequence of movements, while hakahiti i te ingoa is the glorification of the name (of a deity) and, as such, has religious connotations. In a fundamental work on Oceanic concepts of the soul, Fischer (1965:344-347) shows the wealth of meanings attached to the concept of ata and why it is extremely difficult to show in a translation which connotation, aside from the basic meaning " s h a d o w " was intended. Now, with Ms. E, at least the wording of the magic formula (or " p r a y e r " pure?) for the ata of the newborn is available for analysis. Leonardo Pakarati's help was invaluable in our attempts to formulate an interpretation of the recitation, which opens with an invitation, is followed by a unit of four lines, and ends with a threefold variation. The difficulty begins with the "exoteric" translation: huhu is a staff or branch whose surface has been changed or covered. Either the bark is removed (compare MAO. huhu) and the bare wood is given a dark stain, or the staff is completely wrapped with the fibrous bark of reeds (kiko ngaatu) and feathers or feather garlands are attached to them. Such feather standards were among the customary offerings presented to the island king (ME: 135) and are mentioned in the Rongorongo texts. Huhu is one of the four insignia and gifts (maro, huhu, tekateka, and mukomuko) brought to Anakena by the people during specific periods of time. RAP. vevero, literally " t o hasten the hurling of the lance" (HM:512) was only vaguely explained to me as "muchas cosas." The two following words, tukake and tumani, which are not listed in the RAP. dictionaries

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(tukaki is mentioned in ME:84) are said to be archaic expressions, meaning "mucha gente, una multitud de gente." The repetition of "not calling" (kai rangi) is said to mean that the four things listed are not yet there and not yet available to the future king. My key informant was able to furnish an "esoteric" translation for both the opening and the conclusion: the "ascent of the shadow of the king" was translated as "nació el rey," and the triple variation of colors was said to have been a riddle (piri) of the type used by the maori so that the uninitiated could not understand the meaning of the saying. The "dark shadow" (ata uri) was said to be "recién nacido," the "red shadow" (ata mea) "crescido, madurado," and the "white shadow" (ata tea) was said to refer to the king "cuando está grande." The change in color was generally said to indicate growth, just as the light at dawn increases the growth of plants and also of human beings. By drawing on other Polynesian languages, the content of the recitation can be further elaborated (compare TUA. huhu " t o assemble, gather together"; MAO. huhu "deprive of outer covering, make bare"; TUA. verovero "the red rays of the sun" but also "the umbilical cord, navel-string"; MGV. kake " a successor"; TUA. mani "one having magical powers"). For kai rangi there are two separate explanations: (1) TUA. kai " t o exult, arouse to enthusiasm" but also " t o reach, arrive at" and (2) TUA. rangi mythically, " a high, divine chief" but also "glans penis ejaculation." There is also MAO. kairangi "rainbow," figuratively "exalted chief," as well as the difficult theme of the MGV. island name kairangi and several references in the Rongorongo texts (Barthel 1958:328). To the following "exoteric translation": May the shadow of the king arise! The feathered staffs do not (yet) call. The many spears do not (yet) call. One has been invested who rises and does not (yet) call. One has been invested with supernatural powers who does not (yet) call. The black shadow is yours, oh king! The red shadow be yours, oh king! The white shadow be yours, oh king!

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this sketch of an "esoteric translation" can be added: The king has been born! Bare of all coverings is he who is lofty as a rainbow. Like the red rays of the sun the god king triumphs! Arrived has the successor, lofty as a rainbow; Arrived has the one full of mana, the lofty triumphs. Just now you have been born, oh king! You shall grow, oh king! You shall become great, oh king!

The possibility of a wordplay in TUA. with umbilical cord and glans penis makes it seem likely that a third level of translation, one with erotic connotations, may also have been intended. The functions of peace ("feather staffs") and of war ("spears") have been elevated to a cosmic level ("rainbow" and "rays of the sun"?); the upward motion, ascending toward the sky, is stressed, and further growth and development is likened to a color scale. The "shadow" (ata), together with the act of birth, is an integral part of the newborn. It may have been a very delicate "aura" that could be easily injured or destroyed. The parallel positioning, later in the text, of ata and ura also seems to indicate that the "shadow" was thought of as a faintly glowing light phenomenon. Open fire, lighting up the night, was considered damaging to this royal aura. According to an old custom, each earth-oven had to be extinguished before sundown; this seems to refer to the contrast between profane fire and the tabooed "radiance" of the royal son. The ata ceremony was performed by the master in charge of cutting the umbilical cord. The various sources are not in agreement on the name of this very important personality; Tuu Ko Ihu (ME:60), Riku Vai Kava Vai (TP:36, only ceremony of cutting the umbilical cord), and Vaka A Para (E:82-84) are mentioned. Whatever his name, he seems to have been a representative of the sister canoe, which implies that there were definite rules governing the election of such a master. With the ritual establishment of the royal child completed, the normal routine of the settlers in the new land can now begin. Once the cargo has been unloaded, the canoes are taken on land and disassembled. This measure was not meant to prevent the

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return to Hiva—the explorers return to their homeland ten days later—but the materials were needed to build houses. It is difficult to decide whether the motif "lack of lumber for construction" represents a projection of the "old ones" based on recent conditions or whether it refers to an ancient tradition about the lack of larger trees on Easter Island. A different source shows Nuku Kehu, the master in charge of the construction of houses (maori anga hare) and contemporary of Hotu Matua, involved in a somewhat pathetic episode (TP: 64-65). In addition, Ms. E reveals that he was in charge of the construction of canoes (maori tuku miro) in the homeland and that he covered the houses of the settlers with great skill. As the third of the ten ariki maahu, he must have held a high rank. The distributing of the seedlings (tahunga i te huri) is done by Oti, the second assistant of the king and the fifth of the ariki maahu. After each immigrant has received his share of the precious cultigens he goes to his future homestead. No mention is made of any explicit rule governing the settlement of the people throughout Easter Island, but it seems likely that coded titles to land found their way into the "second list of place names" ("after a short stay in Anakena to rest, the new settlers walked all over the island, and some established themselves at one place and others at another" ME:61). From an economic point of view, the first few months in the new homeland must have been difficult, at least until the first harvest. Thomson's version (PH:527) hints that a fair amount of foraging took place during this period of transition. No mention is made of further contacts with the original population on Easter Island. In a dialog in Ms. C, " T e a v a k a " (i.e., Nga tavake) is called a hoou, literally " a newcomer," which in RAP. is primarily used for a stranger but in the everyday language also refers to a friend. The most important cultural heritage, the Rongorongo script, which had been developed in Hiva, has already been mentioned in connection with the aristocratic explorers (see chapter 4). Thomson states that the immigrant king himself was versed in the script: The native traditions in regard to the incised tablets simply assert that Hotu Matua, the first king, possessed the knowledge of this written language, and brought with him to the island sixty-

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seven tablets containing allegories, traditions, genealogical tablets, and proverbs relating to the land from which he had migrated. (PH:514)

During historic times, the island king was indeed the highest authority responsible for training and examining those versed in the script. The fact that Routledge attributes to "Hinelilu" (i.e., Hinariru), the leader of the sister canoe, the skill of "writing Rongorongo on paper" (RM:279) indicates that the brother-inlaw of the immigrant king must have been a member of the nobility. The appearance of his name in the genealogy of chiefs (PH:534) confirms this assumption. There can be no doubt that knowledge of the classical Easter Island script was at one time the monopoly of a privileged few. It is hoped that further work on the Rongorongo texts will reveal what the tablets have to say about the arrival of Hotu Matua. So far, this final check of the immigrant traditions is still missing. Another group affected by the emigration and immigration are the Hanau Eepe, which touches on one of the most controversial aspects of the history of Easter Island. Several explanations have been offered for the conflict between the Hanau Momoko and the Hanau Eepe, most of them based on a twostrata theory, which takes into consideration anthropological or cultural aspects with added linguistic and demographic arguments. A thorough investigation of the conflict, which is not within the scope of this work, would have to begin with Bormida's critical evaluation of the known sources (1951), although not all the conclusions of the Argentine scientist are valid. Ms. E furnishes valuable supplemental information about the origin and the position of the Hanau Eepe but omits the otherwise welldocumented final battle between the two factions at the so-called Poike ditch. From the various references in Ms. E (E:53-55; E:73; E:85), the following information can be established: 1. The conflict between the Hanau Momoko and the Hanau Eepe started in the homeland during the reign of King Matua, one generation before the emigration to Easter Island. 2. The cause of the conflict was a quarrel over land. The Hanau Eepe, who "show u p " (ea), steal (toke) the land that

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belongs to Matua by moving (hakaneke) the borderline (titaa) over to the other side. This encroachment is not the result of outside instigation but takes place because "they do not have enough land to live o n " (he kainga kore mo noho). 3. The conflict is settled by force: 600 Hanau Momoko manage to surround the 500 Hanau Eepe and take them prisoners. The prisoners (tangata kopu) are locked up (puru) in the "house of prisoners" (hare kopu) for the next fifty years. 4. At the time of the emigration, King Hotu instructs his assistant Teke to take 500 prisoners on board the canoe. The Hanau Eepe are supposed to work the land (mo keukeu o tou kainga). They are taken along to provide a labor force. 5. After the arrival in the new land, Teke leads the Hanau Eepe to their territory in the Poike area. There he settles them (hakanoho) and instructs them to work (hakatuki) and to lead a peaceful life, and he explicitly invests a king (ariki) of the Hanau Eepe. He hands the royal power (pahera ariki) over to Iko and addresses the Hanau Eepe as "retainers" (te mahingo). In the text, Iko is given the laconic attribute "twenty-five years." The first point introduces a new element into the Hanau Eepe problem. According to all the other sources, the conflict takes place on Easter Island at a time well after the immigration of Hotu Matua. Here the traditional cause of the conflict—refusal to help build an ahu or, rather, clear the site of stones—is reduced to the motif of scarcity of land. There is at best a certain similarity in the reasons given for the conflict, namely that "it was the wish of the Hanau Eepe to make this land their own" (TP:73, te hanga o te hanau eepe moona te kainga nei). This supposed striving for supremacy was already mentioned by Knoche (1912:873) and Vives Solar (1920) speaks of a "border" between the two factions on Easter Island. Another new element is the sociological implication of the sequence of events: those who attempt to steal land are taken prisoners of war and are locked up; thus they constitute a labor force that can be used on Easter Island and are taken along. In the new land, the Hanau Eepe are given a separate territory to cultivate, and a state of peace is proclaimed. The relative isolation of this territory on the eastern part of the Poike peninsula fully agrees with the other sources. The Hanau Eepe are given

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status as a separate group, and royal power is conferred upon their leader Iko. This means that they, too, are under the rule of an ariki and thereby conform to the Hanau Momoko's model of government. The sequence of events and the roles associated with them actually represent the social advancement of the Hanau Eepe. The name of the king of the Hanau Eepe, Iko, is not very flattering. Since it is not listed in the RAP. dictionary (Churchill 1912:211 is a faulty listing and should read hiko), one has to go to MQS. iko "vers, ver, insectes" for the meaning of the name. Certainly a "king worm" would hold a less exalted position than the island king, who comes from among the Hanau Momoko! Another source mentions one Iko as "a king of the Hanau Eepe" (TP:74) during the time of the great conflict. His name is part of the local name "ditch of the worm" (ava o iko), the name of the ditch prepared by the Hanau Eepe for the destruction of the Hanau Momoko. Instead, the perpetrators themselves were annihilated in the ditch (TP:76). The immigration and the annihilation of the Hanau Eepe are separated by a long period of time—"centuries, centuries" (karau karau) of peaceful coexistence, according to Knoche (1912:876)—but Heyerdahl incorrectly understood this to mean 200 years (NA 1:37). For the correct linguistic usage see HM:257; there must have been a transposition of the name "Iko" in the two sources. It is also interesting to note that his name is mentioned for the first time in the new land, and he does not seem to have been a leader of the invading party in Hiva. Ms. E portrays the original relationship between the Hanau Eepe and the Hanau Momoko as one between vanquished and victors in the common homeland, which later (on Easter Island) turns into one of separate territories, with the Hanau Eepe being given their own leader. Neither racial nor cultural differences are mentioned. It is generally agreed that Hotu Matua's people were the Hanau Momoko. Figures such as "500 prisoners" or "50 years in prison" seem to be figures of speech rather than realistic descriptions. All this information points to the need for giving careful consideration to the controversial question of when the Hanau Eepe arrived on Easter Island. In this context it may be well to examine the tribal background of all those informants who have

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expressed themselves in favor of the simultaneous immigration of the Hanau Momoko and the Hanau Eepe: 1. "Tori Harakura," who is the source for the early history of Ms. E (E:53), belonged to the Tupahotu (HM:59), that tribe in the eastern part of Easter Island into which the Hanau Eepe were later assimilated. 2. Routledge's information comes from an old man named Keremuti, who was a Tupahotu (see Appendix I): According to Kilimuti, who was a recognized authority, and whose account of the landing has been followed, Hotu-matua and those in his boat were the Short Ears, Hinelilu and the crew of the second boat the Long Ears. When asked how it was that the two came together, he merely replied that it was in the same way as we ourselves had various nationalities on the yacht. (RM:281)

3. Speaking with Metraux, Juan Tepano also mentioned the simultaneous immigration. Again we are dealing with a member of the Tupahotu (HM:61). 4. The youngest proponent of this line of argument, Mariana Atan, who received her information from her grandmother, Margarita Nares (Bormida 1951:19), belongs not only to the tribe of the Tupahotu, but also to the one family considered the immediate descendants of the Hanau Eepe (HM: 125-127). For a cross-check, those sources that tell of a later arrival of the Hanau Eepe will have to be consulted. Looking over the relatively few concrete references, one notices that clear-cut information about a later time of arrival is quite rare. Information that the "Long Ears" had come into existence through the mana of the third island ruler (RM:282) does not contribute any more to a solution than the omission of a definite date (Knoche 1912: 873). Nor do Thomson (PH:528) and Vives Solar (1920) produce any definite dates. Actually, Arturo Teao (TP:73) is the only one who separates the immigration of the two groups by a period of time. According to him, the Hanau Momoko have priority. As a member of the Miru tribe, he is also the only informant to represent the aristocratic point of view. Based on his conceivably biased information, both Englert and Bormida have postulated a later immigration across the ocean of a group of newcomers without

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women, but Arturo Teao's information is not without ambiguities. He puts words such as "where do these men come from?" and "we have seen this land (first), our King Hotu Matua, a Hanau Momoko. You, the Hanau Eepe, do not have a king. We cannot give away our land!" into the mouths of the Hanau Momoko and only a few lines further down refers to the king (ariki) of the Hanau Eepe. Nowhere does he mention any of the verbs that are usually used to describe an ocean voyage (oho) or the landing (tomo) of the newly arrived group. Englert was aware of this inconsistency and in a footnote gives the verbatim translation of the crucial first sentence "Hotu Matua (lived) not when there were (i-ai-ai) the Hanau Eepe here in this land" (TP:73, Note 1). RAP. ai refers to the condition of being present, in existence, and not at all to some form of immigration. Based on the overall context of Arturo Teao's version, only the time of the conflict between the Hanau Momoko and the Hanau Eepe has been removed from the era of the Hotu Matua immigration. The naming of Tuu Ko Ihu as a contemporary does not provide the needed chronological support either— compare the (incomplete) considerations by Bórmida (1951:5457). It is merely the inevitable introduction of the only other island hero, comparable in stature to Hotu Matua. Similarly, the term ho'ou, used in the Ororoine episode for the Hanau Eepe refugee, does not necessarily have to be translated as "(novel) immigrado." In Ms. E, the same term is used to denote the relationship between the immigrant king Hotu Matua and the stone figure of the oldest ancestor, Oto Uta, in the sense of "colleague" and is interchangeable with mahaki. As a kinship term, ho'ou was explained to me as "concuñado," and it may have been used in this sense in TP:77, since the relationship between the Hanau Momoko (donors of women) and the Hanau Eepe (who supposedly don't have any women, TP:73) can be very well defined by this type of marriage relationship (see also HeineGeldern 1960). Thus, when a man wants to keep alive the "brother of his brother-in-law," it serves the purpose "para que tenga numerosa descendencia" (mo hakarahi o toona o te mahingo). All in all, Arturo Teao's version is not substantiated by the other sources, and because of his tribal background, it is obviously "biased" and designed to attribute a later date of arrival to the traditional competitors for control of the island.

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HotuMatua

There is no proof whatsoever that the Hanau Eepe came to Easter Island earlier than the Hanau Momoko (already established by Bôrmida 1951:53). The information available about a pre-Hotu Matua population has been summarized in the Chapter 1 and does not warrant the assumption of a link between this previously ignored original population and the Hanau Eepe.

7. The Conflict with Oroi

The first conflict encountered by the immigrant king is not the result of friction between his people and the "original population," as Schulze-Mazier (1926:128) suspected, but is the continuation of a rivalry that began in the land of origin. Ms. E relates the "quarrel between brothers"—the fight between Hotu Matua and Oroi—in the following account. Since the middle third of E:98 has been cut out, there is the possibility that the beginning of this text is missing. At the moment when (Rovi?) reached Motu O Roro [an islet off the northern shore, east of Anakena], there were six children lying with their faces down [i.e., on their stomachs]; six youths were warming themselves in the sun after a lot of diving. Rovi asked, "Will you get up, fellows?" But not one arose, not one got up. He went and (wanted to) wake them up, when he suddenly saw that the six children had been killed. Rovi looked closely (to see) how they had died. Suddenly he saw that the end of the intestine was protruding from the rectum and was actually hanging out. He loudly screamed the following toward the land: "Hahaki A Roro and his (brothers) Manu Kena A Roro, Te Paripari A Roro, Kai Tanoa A Roro, Eve Pipiro I Te Hiku Kioe A Roro, and Aro Nehehehe O Roro, are corpses. They have been killed by having their intestines torn out, you (people) on land!" Then the servant (tuura) of the king [i.e., Rovi] quickly ran toward the land, came ashore, and brought the news to King Matua. He arrived and told King Hotu about the dead. He came and reported the following: "Hahaki A Roro and his brothers are corpses—all six have been killed." King Hotu said to Roro, "Go and bring the corpses of the young men, which are on the islet, on Motu O Roro! Rovi, the servant of Tuu Maheke, has spoken (of them)." Roro went out with his young kinsmen, ten in all. They got there, jumped across (the

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water), and climbed up on the islet. They arrived and picked up the corpses and returned (again) to the land. They went ashore, picked up the dead, moved on, and arrived in front of the house. (There) they left (the dead). King Hotu arrived and asked, "How were these young men killed?" The voices of the protective spirits (atua akuaku) of Hotu, namely Kuihi and Kuaha, replied, "Oroi introduced the long, sharp antennae of the spiny lobster (vaero ura) (into the orifice) and then pulled out the intestines completely and left them hanging (out). This is how the victims (ika) were killed." Then Hotu started lamenting (tangi) the death of Hahaki A Roro and his brothers with these words: tute nui no mai koe e Oroi e mai hiva mai te kainga o kaua koro au e aku poki pei nui o te hakarava e ura nui o te mana vai koiro nui o te mana vai koreha nui o tea vai aro hurí

You alone have continued the great persecution, oh Oroi, from Hiva, from the (home)land, so that the father (?) would not achieve greatness. Woe my children (?)! Great pei fish of Te Hakarava! Great lobster of Te Manavai! Great moray of Te Manavai! Great eel of Tea Vai Aro Huri!

When the lament was finally over, they took them (the dead) and buried them in the burial place of Ahu Ature Hoa [i.e., in Anakena]. Now the people knew: (It was) Oroi's doing that Hahaki A Roro and his (brothers) had their intestines torn out. Then King Hotu grieved with the following (words): "Oroi had secretly hidden himself when he came (with us) on board the canoe to this place." (Insertion belonging to the story of Vakai, see below.) Another month went by, and he was full of longing for his adopted child, Veri Hina. King Hotu arose and went away. He came to the front of the house in Mahatua. He entered, greeted them, and wept (because of the reunion). He remained in the house (?) of his young son-in-law. It grew light, and King Hotu said the following to Veri Hina: "Keep your eyes on me, (you and) the son-in-law, as soon as I leave. If the terns fmanu tara)

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fly (high) above me (hiri), I shall continue to live. But if the terns dive (down) on me (vevero), then I have died. Then you (you and the son-in-law) shall go on your way!" To this Veri Hina replied, "Agreed, father, we both, (I and) the son-in-law, shall keep a lookout." The king went toward the sea [i.e., toward the southern shore]. When he reached Hatinga Te Kohe A Hau Maka, Oroi saw that the king had reached Hatinga Te Kohe. Oroi picked up the rope, took it, and came to the path (which the king had to pass). He made a loop (hakapu) in the rope, covered (the trap) with grass, and took the end of the rope into his hand. He went into a (grove of) sandalwood. He had hidden there so he could watch the arrival of the king and (at the moment when) the foot (of the king touched the loop) quickly pull the rope. Then Oroi would come out immediately and kill the king. The terns calmly circled above the king when he arrived. King Hotu came along and reached Te Tingaanga O Te Hereke [literally, "the meeting place of the dangerous one"?]. King Hotu looked down on the loop of the rope, which was open, as it was lying there, covered with grass. He moved his foot and stepped on the edge of the loop. King Oroi saw that the foot of King Hotu was in the loop and pulled the rope. King Hotu let himself fall to the ground (on purpose). But in doing so, King Hotu firmly stepped with his foot on the rope, which made it taut, so that Oroi would think the following: the foot of King Hotu has entered into (the loop of) the rope. Oroi came out of the sandalwood (grove?), ran very fast, and headed straight for the king to run him through with the needle-sharp bone dagger (ivi heheu). At that moment, the king cast a spell (tohu) on Oroi, namely: kikita kikita taviri tavara ki raro koe ka mate!

. . . Turn around as though gripped by a dizzy spell and fall to the ground. Die!

Screaming, Oroi fell to the ground, he who had set the trap, and he died. King Hotu got up, went over, and stood on the slain enemy. He rose to his full height and lamented with new dancing movements (? hoko hoou) in the following manner:

192 Conflict with Oroi tute nui no mai te taua aau e hokorua e mai hiva mai te kainga ana

The solitary pursuit to this place was your fight alone, oh cousin from Hiva, (begun) from the (homeland itself.

The king picked him up, dug a grave, and buried him. He buried Oroi in Tingaanga O Te Hereke. This is why the place was given the name "the meeting place of the dangerous one (?)" (Te Tingaanga O Te Hereke), the residence of king Oroi. This was the hiding place of the bad person (mee rakerake "the bad man"). The place where the bad person had been hiding was also called "where utter meanness is defeated (?)" (Te Kinoanga Nore, corrected more?). This speech [i.e., the tradition] of Oroi is within [i.e., in the memory of] Ika Hiva [see Appendix I]. After Oroi had been killed, the king returned to his land at Pau. He arrived and stayed there. (E:98-101,102-105) The first references to the Oroi theme are only short summaries of the content in translation (PH:527-528; RM:279). Metraux used these to compare them with the RAP. version he recorded in 1934 (ME:65-68). In the meantime, two more versions in the vernacular have been added: Arturo Teao's report, which Englert recorded in 1936 at the leper station (TP:46-48; in a slightly different translation, HM:48-49), and the tradition in Ms. E, transmitted by Ika Hiva. Both additional versions come from descendants of the aristocratic Miru tribe and, as such, are very valuable for an understanding of the royal point of view. Compared with the version by Juan Tepano, new details are mentioned, such as the names of the murdered children, the visit of the adopted daughter, and the bird omen, as well as the text of the magic spell which brought about the victory of the king over Oroi. Based on the available RAP. texts, one narration in translation (Felbermayer 1971:21-23, after Horacio Teao and Carolina Ika, again informants from the Miru tribe!) and the two earlier summaries, the following compositional scheme emerges: (a) Previous history of the conflict between Oroi and Hotu Matua in the former homeland (war or murder of children).

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(b) Secret immigration to Easter Island, hidden on board one of the immigrant canoes. (c) The murder of the children in the new land. = first climax (d) Hotu Matua visits his married adopted daughter and makes predictions about the meaning of the bird omen. =retarding interlude (e) Oroi sets a trap but is defeated by the power of the king's magic spell. = second climax (f) Oroi in the earth-oven. The core of the Oroi tradition, as related in Ms. E, consists of phases (c) to (e). The previous history (a) is usually hinted at while the events on Easter Island are taking place, and the change of location acts as a link between the conflict in the former homeland and the one in the new land. The epilog (f), so far only mentioned by Routledge (RM:279), is supported by a passage from the "second list of place names." This conclusion features a certain amount of cannibalistic irony by letting the slain Oroi come back to life in the earth-oven, and it brings to mind a similar motif, that of Tangaroa, who, in the disguise of a seal, refused to be cooked in the earth-oven and remained raw and inedible. As far as the plot is concerned, phase f could easily be omitted, especially since it is not clear what point the episode is supposed to convey. Both climaxes, the treacherous murder of the children and the killing of the murderer, are emphasized and enclosed by the fixed conventions of the lament (tangi) and the magic spell (tohu). It is possible that the king's remarks about the bird omen was once also a traditional chant. The fourth and the fifth line of the lament about the "great pursuit" (tute nui) are difficult to translate. o kau a koro au e aku poki

(or, o kaua koro?) (or, aue aaku poki?)

I have taken RAP. kau in the sense of "aumentar, multiplicarse; amplio, grande" (HM:458) and o to be a negative conjunction, but I would also like to point out the Polynesian formula of prohibition kaua " d o not," as well as the topic of a boundary line (compare TUA. kaua " t o enclose; palisade, fence, barrier"; TON. kaua "boundary fence," kaua-motua " a land-mark, a boundary fence"). The word koro (WPN. and

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RAR.) would also support the motif of a fortified place. An alternative translation of the fourth line would refer to the quarrel in the former homeland: o kaua koro

because of the establishment of a borderline by the father (less satisfactory: because of the fortification with palisades)

The problem with the fifth line is also the proper delination of words. Either this is a lament: aue aaku poki

Woe my children!

or the construction is the same as the paraphrased lament: aueatariki mee mana nuinui

Yo soy el hijo mayor tengo un poder muy grande. (TP: 48)

The translation may thus be understood as: au e akupoki

I am the child of the golden fish.

The aku fish, SPAN, dorado, is classified as Chrysophrys aurata. This name may be connected with the fishing ground Te Aku Renga, close to the bay of Anakena. As the "child of a fish," the figure of Hotu Matua would have to be reevaluated. The four sea animals (pei fish, lobster, moray, and eel) are all favored types of food. The names connected with them, Te Hakarava, Te Manavai, and Tea Vai Aro Huri, are all local names in the Anakena area, and later in Ms. E Aro Huri is mentioned as a short-term residence of Hotu Matua. While this is enough for an "exoteric translation," I suspect that, in this case too, there may be yet another level of meaning, especially since all the tasty sea animals mentioned occupy positions of special importance in the traditions of the island. The pei fish fCarnax cheilio] is mentioned in one recitation as a "big fish" (ika nui also means "great victim") and appears in a parallel position to the tunafish (Barthel 1960:848). The name is also used as an epithet for one of the heroes of the wars of the eighteenth century. In this semi-historic recitation, persecution, magic, and treachery play the same roles as in Hotu Matua's lament for his

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adversary Oroi. In another recitation, the story of Ko Tetu, Ko Te Ura Rarape Nui, the giant lobster, whose spiny antennae serve as Oroi's murder weapon, is closely connected with the supposed cause of the overthrow of the stone figures (Metraux 1957:167-169). Moray and eel are a pair of local names in the area of Hanga Paukura (Barthel 1960:853). ko te koiro a mata tokitoki ko te koreha a viriviri ngao

The two names "demanding, severe face" (compare TUA. toki " a request, demand"; HAW. ko'iko'i "hard, severe," ho'oko'iko'i " t o burden, oppress") and "breaking the neck" provide a somber setting. Thus, the enumeration of the sea animals is not arbitrary but also suggests a definite background. Even the additional names Te Hakarava and Te Manavai, which indicate the rise to the Poike plateau and a station along the path to the height of Rano Kau, and which occur separately in the two "lists of place names," also yield the additional meaning "he who provides the increase" (compare MAO. whakarawa "to increase"; RAR. akarava " t o make sufficient; to satisfy"; also HAW. ho'olawa "possessed of enough or ample knowledge, hence, wise, capable; strong man") and "he who gives mana" (wordplay with RAP. avai "dar, prestar, entregar, regalar"). These are the typical attributes of a king of the old Easter Island culture, which seems to indicate that the four sea animals express some of the characteristics of Hotu Matua. The expression "I am the child of the golden fish" fau e aku poki) becomes an expression of the immigrant king about himself and about his father and is closely connected with the paraphrased lament in Arturo Teao's version, which stresses the royal mana. The first fish name, pe'i, permits by way of MAO. pei " t o drive out, banish" a wordplay with the political process of banishment and exile. The name for lobster, ura, is identical with the word for "flame" or "the outbreak of anger." It can refer to either a royal attribute or a reaction to Oroi's crime. In RAP. the name for "eel," koreha, was also used as a metaphor for "corpse" (compare timo rara koreha, HM:503). The name for "moray," koiro, could be linked to TUA. iro "submissive, cowed," to TUA. hakairo " t o punish severely, to domineer," or to HAW. 'oilo "seedling; to germinate, sprout" and may be a

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wordplay. The order in which the four traditionally important sea animals are listed results in the sequence of (great) "banishment-wrath-punishment-death" and may describe the various stages of the conflict between Hotu Matua and Oroi. It is also possible that the four names had directional meaning. The two passages in Ms. E and the passage from Metraux (ME:66) show that the first three lines of the lament over the "great pursuit" constitute a closed unit and that there is little variation between the three versions: tute nui no mai koe e Oroi e mai hiva mai te kainga

tute nui no mai te taua aau ehokoruae mai hiva mai te kainga ana

tute nui no mai te taua ia koe e Oroi e mai hiva mai te kainga

The Metraux passage, which is listed last, may be the closest to the original version, but his translation ("You are going on with your fight, o Oroi, from abroad to here") is not very precise. Arturo Teao substituted a different verb for the opening (tute nui). The continuation of his paraphrase is valuable for understanding the conflict between Hotu Matua and Oroi, but it does not take into consideration the poetic pattern of the sea animals and their dual level of meaning (TP:48): ka mahani no mai koe mai hiva mai te kainga ku pae a te taua taina ina au eko ravaa e koe au e atariki mee mana nuinui ku avai mai a te taua matua i te po mooku o tooku rivariva o tooku maitaki oirá au i hakaariki ai e totaua matua mo roou o te mahingo akoe mee rakerake

Con tus mismas antiguas costumbres has venido del Continente, de nuestra tierra has empezado la pelea contra tu hermano. No me pillarás. Yo soy el hijo mayor, tengo un poder muy grande que me dió nuestro padre en una noche. Por ser yo bueno y limpio. Por eso me ha hecho rey nuestro padre para que yo cuide de las familias, pero tú eres malo.

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The emphasis on the great mana of the first-born in a way supports our esoteric version of "giving mana" (mana avai instead of manavai). According to Arturo Teao, Hotu Matua and Oroi had a common father, who chose Hotu Matua as his successor. The closing words "mean person," "bad m a n " attribute the same characteristics to the hostile brother, as does Ms. E. It is unusual that Oroi is referred to only by this name and no mention is made of his descent. One source (TP:46) lists him as the younger brother of Hotu Matua, after Honga and Te Kena. Their role as the first two ariki maahu and the founders of the Miru line has already been established (see chapter 6). Oroi, on the other hand, does not seem to have established the kind of status in the new land that would give him a place in the genealogies of Easter Islanders, although he seems to have held royal rank in the former homeland. Ms. E refers to him as an ariki; Juan Tepano calls him a king from Hiva, from Marae Renga (ME:67); and even in Thomson's confused summary, which is full of errors, he is referred to as ' 'a powerful chief of a neighboring clan" (PH:527). Whatever the actual cause for the rivalry may have been, the roots of the conflict between Hotu Matua and Oroi seem to go back to the former homeland. Oroi's posture on Easter Island is marked by secrecy and treachery. None of the sources describes him as a leader of warriors, and they all agree that his victims were defenseless children. Oroi lives in hiding and attacks only from behind. His conduct is characterized by the cruelty and treachery of a murderer. The method of killing he used, that of tearing out the intestines, is similar to the MQS. practice of kopu hiki, the "pulling out of the entrails of living victims by inserting in the orifice of the anus sticks of thorny kenae ('flamboyant')" (Handy 1912:138), which was used to cruelly torture and kill the victims of blood feuds. This ethnographic parallel to the practices of the Marquesans is remarkable and is further emphasized by the fact that in the Marquesas, as well as on Easter Island, victims were killed by being burnt alive (MQS. heaka tutupohue una vs. RAP. tutu ora, ME:84). Oroi chooses neither the open fight nor the weapons of the honest warrior—the war club for close combat and the lance to fight from a distance. Instead, he sets a trap and intends to finish his assault with a thrust of a needle-sharp bone dagger. Against this kind of attack only a powerful spell is effective. Hotu Matua recognizes the trap that has been set for him. To

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make sure that Oroi perishes in his own trap, he uses a powerful curse (tohu). The death-dealing words of the curse are very succinct and concentrated into a few short lines. There are three known versions of the tohu: kikita kikita taviri tavara ki raro koe ka mate!

Turn around as though gripped by a dizzy spell and fall to the ground. Die!

taviri taviri kiraro kiraro ka mate ka mate!

Vuelta, vuelta, hacia abajo, hacia abajo, muere, muere! (TP:48)

haka tekateka haka tekateka kahinga kiraro kahinga kiraro ka mate ro atu!

Turn, turn, down, down, die, die! (Felbermayer 1971:23)

The translation of Felbermayer's version does not present any difficulty. RAP. tekateka is a movement around one's own axis. The causative verb indicates Hotu Matua's ability to force his opponent into this (dizziness-causing) movement. This is followed by the command "fall down!" with the intended secondary meaning "give up the fight!" (HM:439) and the continuation "until you are quite dead." Aside from the reduplication, which gives the spell added emphasis, this version uses modern, everyday language, maybe because this spell is still used by modern Easter Islanders. Arturo Teao's version is merely a variation of the version in Ms. E. It is safe to assume that these two versions are closest to the original tohu. The archaic form taviri corresponds to the modern form hakatekateka. RAP. tavara, which is not listed in the dictionary, is either the equivalent of hinga or related to the eastern Polynesian word tavare "to deceive." One type of harmful spell (tarotaro) contains the command ka taviri, ka tavara ("he is staggering, he is falling," ME:326), which indicates that the magic formula continued to exist in harmful spells. The initial word kikita causes

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some difficulty. Here too, a modern spell, which Campbell recorded as part of a chant (1971:181), is helpful: tarotaro roa au ia koe ka kikikiki ka harara koe

Maledición larga para ti. Quédate tieso! Para siempre.

The reduplication of kiki takes on the meaning of "evil" (kikino). Kiki was the name of a mythical sorcerer of New Zealand (Tregear 1891:147), while the TUA. meaning of kikia " t o invoke by charm, incantation, magic ritual the protection or aid of supernatural beings, as the guardian spirits" seems to fit the situation, especially since Hotu Matua had to rely on the help of his two guardian spirits, Kuihi and Kuaha, to learn the identity of the murderer of the children. The HAW. counterpart of the word, 'i'ika, refers to contorted facial features or to flinching from pain, which might indicate Oroi's reaction to the powerful curse. It might also indicate that the two guardian spirits had a part in the spell. The overall structure of the tohu is such that the archaic words (as bearers of a secret?) are at the beginning, while the end is in everyday language. The killing of Oroi is the only killing undertaken by the immigrant king in the new land. It represents the protection of "domestic peace" on Easter Island. Even if the original struggle between the brothers was a struggle for political power, the traditions depict Oroi as an outsider and an enemy of the defenseless. Oroi as the cruel murderer and as the evil fiend is stylized as a heinous monster. He is the personification of evil, whose defeat by Hotu Matua demonstrates the supernatural powers of the island king. Perhaps the defeat of Oroi was also meant to impress upon future rivals that any attempt to usurp power was doomed to fail. The sanctions that await him who violates domestic peace are very clearly spelled out in the Oroi tradition. It is difficult to come up with a satisfactory explanation for the name of the antagonist, since oroi is not mentioned in the RAP. dictionaries. The name may be derived from TAH. oroi "dark, dismal," or HAW. oloi " t o run aground, to run over," but, on the other hand, there could also be some connection to loi, especially since the "second list of place names" contains a similar wordplay (roi vs. oroi). TON. loi has the meaning of

200 Conflict with Oroi "lie, deceit, forgery, and imitation"—all characteristics that very aptly describe Oroi's actions in the eyes of the king's followers. Loi (losi, lohi, rosi) is a typical western Polynesian word (TON., UVE., FUT., and ROT.), whose meaning becomes weaker in its eastward distribution (HAW. loi "to look over critically"; MAO. whakaroiroi "wandering, unstable, unsettled"). Only MQS. enana oioi tekao "menteur" still shows the original meaning. The name "O Roi" points to the Marquesan islands, just as Oroi's manner of killing his victims does. There is at least the possibility that the name of Hotu Matua's rival is only a functional description of a historic personality, who in reality had an entirely different name. Since the conflict with Oroi began in Hiva, the fraternal quarrel between Hotu Matua and "Ko Te Ira-ka-atea" for the succession of the deceased ruler "Ko Riri-ka-atea" (RM:277) comes to mind. According to Routledge, the defeat of Hotu Matua led to his emigration. It is therefore conceivable that behind the figure of Oroi is one of the followers of Ira Ka Atea. The locality of Oroi's deed on Easter Island presents a further problem. After the secret immigration, he moves to "the other side" of the island (TP:46)—that is, he goes from the area of Anakena on the northern shore to the southern shore. One source has him hiding at Hanga O Hoonu after the murder (ME: 66). The traditional scene of Oroi's ambush and his defeat is the area around Maunga Toatoa, Hanga Tetenga, and Ahu Oroi. This area was later the territory of the relatively small group of the Ure O Hei (HM:50). The climaxes of Oroi's activities, the murder of the children, and the attempted murder of the island king, take place at two locations that have the same spatial relationship to the royal residence: Roto Kahi (ME:66) is located east of Anakena and Te Tingaanga O Te Hereke is east of Akahanga, the second royal residence. The evil shows up along the periphery of the tabooed district of the island king, and, in a sense, the crime is committed "at the doorstep" of the royal district. The area where Oroi roams and has his base of operation is outside the traditional tribal territory of the Miru, with the tribes of the eastern part of the island. It is conceivable that the antagonism between the races (the Hanau Momoko vs. the Hanau Eepe) and the classes (nobility

Conflict with Oroi 201 vs. commoners), which came to a head during the later phases of the island's history has been projected onto the struggle between Hotu Matua and Oroi and has colored the traditions of the conflict. During the "struggle between brothers" (taua taina), the excesses that began in the former homeland are continued in the new land, and the "murder of the children by tearing out their entrails" (kume kume kokoma) is the continuation of an odious practice in the homeland. The identity of Oroi's victims varies according to the different sources. Some describe them as the children of Hotu Matua, who were murdered either in Hiva or near Anakena (RM:279; ME:66); others mention totally different names, at least for the Easter Island victims. Routledge was told that they were the five children of a man named "Aorka" [sic], who were murdered by Oroi in "Owaihi" (i.e., Ovahe). There are two possible ways to correct the corrupted family name: to Ao Ika ( " r " for "i"), or to Ao Reka or even Ao Rika (dropped vowel). The first emendation suggests the names of recent Easter Island families (Teao, Ika), who are descendants of the Miru tribe (HM:58, 66). The second emendation points to names on the lists of chiefs (Rekanu and Rikatea). I prefer the first correction, since it also allows the wordplay "victory (ao) over the/because of the murdered (ika)." Ms. E not only provides the name of the father, Roro, (literally, "brain"), but it also lists the names of the children, six in all, which is a stereotype rather than an actual number. The names of the children again make up a system that has at least two levels of meaning. 1. hahaki 2. manu kena 3. teparipari 4. kai tanoa 5. evepipiro i te hiku kioe 6. aro nehenehe

"shellfish, gathered by women" "booby" "stirred up water" ' 'Ipomoeapes-caprae as food'' "stinking anus at the tail of the rat" "pretty breast"

The fifth and sixth names are opposites (backside vs. front; stench vs. fragrance, RAP. nehe) and are obviously meant to be a pair. Likewise, the other names can be expected to form pairs (numbers 1 and 2, numbers 3 and 4).

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The exoteric translations deal with food that is gathered and have environmental and economic implications. The first two names are connected with the rocky shore and protruding cliffs and the food items that can be gathered there: 1. Hahaki (not "hahari" as in ME: 191) refers to women gathering food in the beach areas. They do this with the help of a pointed stick (ruruki, uuki), which is used to pry loose such shellfish as mama, pure, and so on (HM:264). This activity takes place during the day and is done by using the hands (compare MAO. whawhaki " t o pluck off, to tear off, gather"). It is a welcome addition to the daily diet, which is ranked along with such everyday food as sweet potatoes. 2. Manu kena (MQS. "fat bird") is the name for the booby fSula dactylatra]. Like the other sea birds, he nests on the small islets. In this case the activity of gathering must be the gathering of bird eggs, because the fatty and somewhat rancid-tasting meat of the sea birds was eaten only in times of need. The second pair of names is connected with the edge of the ocean and those segments of the beach that have a loose surface: 3. For local purposes, teparipari can be explained with RAP. hakapari (literally, "agitar el agua vadeando y moviéndola con los pies, produciendo ruido de olas," HM:540) as a term for a special kind of food gathering "entrar niños o mujeres en la noche vadeando al mar, cuando está baja, moviendo el agua con los pies y buscando pulpos y otros moluscos" (HM:264). This activity takes place during the night, and the feet are used instead of the hands, making it an inversion of hahaki! Usually the yield is octopus (heke), which moves out when the water is disturbed. Octopus is used only as a supplemental food (compare TUA. pari "dearth of food") because it is hard to digest (HM:278). 4. During times of need, the runners and the roots of the kai tanoa [Ipomoea pes-caprae] plant were used as food. It was also planted to mark off tabooed areas, such as the places where umbilical cords were buried. The third pair of names is connected with the outer edges of the freshwater lakes inside the large craters, as well as with areas on land whose special ecological characteristics are not yet properly understood:

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5. Evepipiro i te hiku kioe "the stinking anus at the tail of the rat" may contain a double allusion. The "tail of the rat" is also referred to as / te mangungu te oka "the digging stick in the anus," and the rat is understood to be an old woman (nuahine), who steals sweet potatoes and then drags them away in a basket that she carries in her teeth (i te haha te tarosa). Since in MAO. the meaning of ewe is "mother," the translation "stinking mother" could very well be connected with the motif of the "old woman." The theme in this case would be the theft of sweet potatoes as something done during times of need. On the other hand, there is also a possibility of a wordplay involving the "tail of the rat" and hiki kioe [Cyperus vegetus], which grows along the edge of the crater lakes and is gathered in times of need. In this case, "the stinking anus" may refer to some obscure property of a plant that is normally used for medicinal purposes. 6. Aro nehenehe, in modern RAP. "the pretty front side," seems to be a reference to the nehenehe fern. Supposedly, this plant too was used as food during times of need. Arranged by pairs, the following system of names emerges: hahaki te paripari eve pipiro i te hiku kioe

manu kena kai tanoa aro nehenehe

Reading the names across yields a new series of translations, such as "haha ki manu kena" ("to grope for the fat person," compare RAP. haha and HAW. haha " t o grope, feel, as with the hands"; MGV. kena " f a t " ; MQS. manu "individu") and te pari pari kai tanua ("an abundance has to be planted for times of need," compare TUA. pari "dearth of food"; MAO. pari tai "abundance"; TUA. tanua "planted"). The second level of interpretation touches on the esotericpolitical realm. On this level wordplays are important, some of them deriving their meaning from MQS. 1. The wordplay with haki (compare MAO. haki "expressing disgust, reviling"; MAO. whaki "reveal, disclose"; TAH. fa'i "to confess, reveal, divulge"; MQS. haki "denouncer, violer un secret"; HAW. ha'i " t o say, tell, confess") implies accusation of and repulsion felt for Oroi, who murdered the children. 2. There may be a wordplay with manu kena (MQS. manu

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"individu"; RAR. manu "applied to human beings, in a figurative sense"; MQS. kena "chaud, brûlant"; HAW. 'ena "red-hot, glowing," figuratively, "raging, angry"). The "hot bird" as the equivalent of an "angry person" seems to refer to Hotu Matua's reaction to the murder of the children. 3. The wordplay with paripari (MQS. pa(r)ipa(r)i "sale, malpropre, mauvais, désagréable"; TAH. pari "to accuse, blame," compare also TAH. pariri " t o be in a violent rage"; TUA. pari "to slander, speak ill of") is the continuation of the theme of number 1. This is either a denunciation of Oroi or the description of Hotu Matua's anger. 4. The name of the plant is phonetically identical with the eastern Polynesian name for the vessel in which kava is prepared. In the Easter Island script, tanoa (Rongorongo sign 24) is used to represent tanu " t o bury." Based on this, kai tanoa could mean either "not having been buried" (kai tanu) or "food for the ones that are buried." This again seems to refer to the murdered children. 5. In this case, the RAP. phrase hiku kioe derives its meaning from the MQS. language (MQS. kioe "être abandonné de son conjoint"; MQS. hiku, figuratively, "les enfants, les descendants") as "the children who have been abandoned." This could be a reproach for not having protected them sufficiently from the assault by Oroi, Eve pipiro could in this case refer to the "egotistic kin" (HAW. ewe "sprout; lineage, kin"; MQS. énana piô "un égoiste") or to the "protection that was refused" (MQS. piô "refuser"; RAP. eve, figuratively, "amparo"). 6. For the final name, aro nehenehe, I would like to suggest on the esoteric-political level the translation "great battle (breast to breast)" (TAH. aro " t o wage war, to fight as two armies"; MQS. nehenehe "grand, énorme"), that is, the final battle Hotu Matua wages against the murderer Oroi. The name of the father of the six children may also permit a wordplay (compare HAW. lolo "lying helpless" or "to punish," Tregear 1891:427). This may reflect the helplessness of the victims or may be a call for the punishment of the murderer. The names of the murdered children, it seems, indicate the feelings of Hotu Matua toward his adversary. The list does not seem to be made up of the names of individuals but shows signs of being a coded canon of revenge. The exoteric translation por-

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trays a situation of shortage, during which additional food has to be gathered. I do not believe that this represents a simple "foraging code," which divides the labor according to sex, age, and environmental conditions. Instead, everything points to the basic theme of hunger and times of need. Such a period of shortages was without a doubt the lot of the settlers until the first crops could be harvested. If this interpretation is correct, then the Oroi conflict must have taken place in the first few months after the immigration against the background of widespread shortages and the tensions arising from them. At that time, the living conditions on Easter Island must have been a far cry from those in the homeland, so aptly described by the name "where the hunger ends" (Oti Onge O Hiva, TP:51). The abundance of Hiva is followed by very difficult beginnings in the new land, which forced the settlers to go out and gather their meager food, and the enthusiasm of the emigrants at the time they were loading the canoes with a variety of food plants gives way to a general feeling of sorrow and anger, as portrayed by the names of the murdered children. In Mangareva the contrast between cultivated and wild plants (kaikai 'akariki "foods of kings or high chiefs" and kaikai a te onge "foods of the hungry") is synonymous with the contrast between those who own land and those who do not (Hiroa 1938:199). This may not have been the situation on Easter Island at the time of the immigration, but it does point out the value attached to food derived from cultivated plants as opposed to gathered food and confirms that the settlers were experiencing a (temporary) drop in the standard of living. I think it is quite possible that there is also a third and fourth level of translation, dealing with mythological and sexual matters, but there is not enough evidence for a systematic presentation. Compared to Hotu Matua's lament (tangi), which is made up of the names of large, tasty sea animals, the names of the murdered children enumerated by Rovi refer to food items that are gathered during times of need. The difference in the metamorphoric qualities of the two sets of names clearly points to two different social levels. Interspersed between the two climaxes of the tangi and the tohu is the slower episode of the visit to the adopted daughter.

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From a sociological point of view the episode is highly unlikely, since it implies that a member of the royal family is married to a man outside the tribal territory of the aristocratic tribe. A mixed marriage, involving nobility and commoners, would have been inconceivable prior to the arrival of the missionaries, and even then such a liaison would have presented a grave danger to the nonaristocratic partner (ME: 123). While the traditions generally speak only of the sons of Hotu Matua, a young woman is mentioned in connection with the Oroi episode. According to Routledge (RM:279) and Felbermayer (1971: 22), she is the daughter of Hotu Matua; according to Arturo Teao (TP:46 as poki hangai, maanga hangai) and Ms. E, she is his adopted daughter. Her husband (kenu) lives in the traditional tribal territory of the Tupahotu, in the eastern part of the island (Maunga Teatea or Mahatua, respectively) and is referred to in the traditions only by his first name, " R u k o " (Felbermayer 1971:22). The young woman whom Hotu Matua visits is called "Teatea" (TP:46; Felbermayer 1971:22) or "Veri Hina" (E:Tori 2). Names such as "the one who is very light" or "the one who is beautiful like the moon" are descriptive names and indicate that fair skin was considered the mark of beauty. As personalities, Hotu Matua's (adopted) daughter and his son-inlaw lack depth. It seems to be their function to act as passive observers of the bird omen and as witnesses of the defeat of Oroi. The birds involved in the omen are sooty terns (manu tara), the same sea birds that played a central role in the cult of the birdman. According to one source, they were tame birds which had been taught to speak by the king (TP:46 manu hangai, manu maa i te vananga); according to another, Hotu Matua used to carry a pair of tame birds on his shoulders (Felbermayer 1971: 22). The taming of birds not normally considered domestic birds is a common Polynesian practice: in Samoa, pigeons, parrots, and sultan hens are tamed; in Tonga, several species of birds, especially pigeons, are tamed; in Tahiti, parrots and pigeons; in Hawaii, especially crows; in Tokelau, pigeons and frigate birds; and in Futuna, pigeons (Urban 1961). Hotu Matua informs the two observers how the behavior of the two birds that accompany him will indicate the outcome of the battle with Oroi. The four lines in Ms. E may be the closest to the original version; Arturo

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Teao's version is close but not quite as concise, and Felbermayer's translation is much diluted: ana hiri no te manu tara irunga ia au e ora no ana aau ana vevero te manu tara irunga ia au ku mate ana aau

If the sooty terns hover over me, I shall continue to live; If the sooty terns swoop down on me, I have been killed.

(E:102) ana hiri mai te manu irunga ia au araro au ka oho nei arunga te manu ana vevero te manu ku mate a au ana noho mai te manu irunga ina au kai mate Que los pájaros se ciernen encima de mí, señal es que yo ando abajo y los pájaros arriba. Pero si los pájaros se lanzan abajo, entonces (quiere decir) que yo he muerto. Si los pájaros quedan arriba, yo no he muerto. (TP:47)

If you see that these [i.e., my birds] fly away, I am dead. If you don't see them, I have either not found Oroi or I have defeated him. (Felbermayer 1971:22) The principle underlying the construction of the four lines can be summed up with the following scheme: hiri: vevero : : ora : mate. The behavior of the sooty terns not only signals the outcome of the fight, but, by way of a wordplay, also says something about the weapons used by the two opponents. If Oroi were to succeed with his ambush, the piercing with a sharp weapon (vevero) would mean the death (mate) of the island king. Then the birds would swoop down (vevero) to the dead (mate) island king. But Hotu Matua stays alive and is saved (ora) because he uses a magic spell (compare TUA. hiri "to bewitch a place, path, so that when a certain person arrives he falls dead"; MAO. hirihiri "to repeat incantations over anyone to impart energy; a short invocation"). While he does so, (the birds) "circle" (hiri) over the scene, and the circling motion in turn establishes the connection to the tohu that ensures the victory of the island king over Oroi.

8. The Conflict with Vakai

The second conflict encountered by the immigrant king is a domestic quarrel between him and his wife Vakai. Again, the source of the conflict is to be found in an event that took place in Hiva; however, the discord does not prevent them from having a number of sons born to them. The only version available up to now (TP:49-52) follows the Oroi episode, while in Ms. E the quarrel over Tuu Maheke precedes the murder of the children by Oroi, and the birth of Tuu A Hotu Iti takes place before the visit to the adopted daughter. Although the various events are connected with each other, there can be no doubt that the conflict with Oroi occurred during the time of famine immediately after the immigration, while at the time of the quarrel with Vakai, the settlers had been on Easter Island for some time. The text has been handed down in three segments, which conclude the traditions of Ms. E. The name of the residence (maara noho) of the king, of Hotu, was Oromanga. The name of the place where the roof of the house had been covered by Nuku Keku was Hare Topa [sic] Tuu. Nuku Keku was also in charge of the feather garlands (maro), which served to mark the boundaries of the royal residence. He had pounded (the staffs with the feather garlands) into the ground. The middle (te tini) was located in front of the bay of Hanga Rua. The feather garlands went up, continued, and reached Puku Parari. They went up again and reached Puku O Heha. From Puku O Heha they formed (a line) to the side, to Aro Huri. From Aro Huri they turned again toward the sea and reached Maunga Koua, went down, went their way, and reached Hira Moko. (He) made a second line (? he rua taupa) of feather garlands. Hotu stayed in Hare Tupa Tuu. The servant (tuura) of Tuu Ma-

Conflict with Vakai 209 heke, namely Rovi, prepared the food for Tuu Maheke. Tuu Maheke stayed in Hare Tupa Tuu because of this servant, Rovi. The earth-oven, the lighting of fire (tumuteka; emendation te umu te ka), and the cooking (te tao) were the responsibilities of Rovi. When it was time to place (the food) into the earth-oven, to take out (the prepared food), and to take (the meal into the house) to the king, to Tuu Maheke, only Rovi was allowed to be there. He alone could supply the king, Tuu Maheke, with food. In this manner Tuu Maheke had reached (the age of) fifteen. Rovi took the eel trap. He picked it up and went to the sea to catch eel, which were supposed to be a side dish (inaki) for King Tuu Maheke's sweet potatoes. He stayed there and went about catching eels. But Rovi stayed late catching eels, and Tuu Maheke became hungry while he waited all by himself. Night came, and King Tuu Maheke remained without food. When King Tuu Maheke grew hungry, he sat down inside the house and cried. He was all alone in Hare Tupa Tuu because the mother (too) had gone away to dig up sweet potatoes, and cook them in the earth-oven, and roast them, and bring them to the king. Hotu saw Tuu Maheke's weeping. When the royal child (ariki poki) continued to cry, the father became angry because of the continued lamentation of King Tuu Maheke. King Hotu arose and went from his house to the front of the house of Tuu Maheke, which was a distance away. After he had waited there and observed the weeping of Tuu Maheke, the father called out the following, while the child continued to cry: "Be still, you bastard (morore), you crybaby (rava tangi) day after day! One could lose one's eyebrows [i.e., one gets a headache] from this eternal crying morning after morning (? apo apo apo)\" Tuu Maheke heard his father calling, and the child continued to cry. The father got up, went to his house, and stayed there. The mother came back from harvesting sweet potatoes. She came at the moment when the eyes of the king were still swollen from crying. The mother asked the child, "What is wrong, oh king, that you are crying and the eyes of the king are swollen from crying." The boy (kope) answered the following: "There is this person, and I am crying because of him. The bad man shouted at me [deletion] like this: 'Be still, you bastard, you crybaby! One gets a headache from your whining day after day.' That's how it was. After he had shouted at me like this, he returned to his house and stayed there." The mother got up, went away, arrived, and lit the earth-oven. She roasted the sweet potatoes, took a dish, picked up (the meal), came, and entered (the house of) King Tuu Maheke from the rear. Then she turned

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around, arrived, and placed the food into the earth-oven. She cooked it and finished the cooking in the earth-oven. The earthoven of Vakai and the cooking were finished when the servant of the king, namely Rovi, arrived. He went to his earth-oven and lit it (to be able) to prepare (food) for the king in it. Vakai arose, went away, arrived, and quarreled with Hotu in the following manner: "Why did you shout bad things at King Tuu Maheke? This is how it is—King Tuu Maheke is not a bastard!" Vakai added: "You yourself are a bastard and a scabby head (puoko havahava) of Tai A Mahia! Kokiri Tuu Hongohongo was your foster father [i.e., he raised you] back [i.e., in the west] in Oti Onge (literally, 'where the hunger ends') in Hiva, because he was told to do so by Taana A Harai!" To this speech King Hotu answered the following (analogous translation): "Oh little mother, why did you not tell me this in Hiva, in our homeland?" The woman arose, turned around, went back to her house, and stayed there. Hotu arose, moved (his residence) a short distance away, and settled down. He covered his (new) house. He finished building the house and covering the roof, and now he lived in Hare Pu Rangi. When another month had come, Vakai set out again. She went and entered into the house, into Hare Pu Rangi. She lived in the house of King Hotu, while Tuu Maheke stayed by himself in his own house, in Hare Tupa Tuu, with his servant Rovi. Hotu begot another child in Hare Pu Rangi. A boy was born. When he was born, he was given the name Miru, the great eye (mata nui, wordplay "great tribe") of Hotu A Matua. Hotu left (the house) Hare Pu Rangi to Vakai. (E:91-98) (Oroi theme inserted.) Again Vakai arose, went, and entered into the house of King Hotu, into (the house) Hare Moa Viviri. Again Hotu begot (a child). It grew for nine months, and then a boy was born. He was given the name Tuu A Hotu Iti [crossed out: ko te mata iti "the small eye," wordplay "the small tribe"] A Hotu. (E:101) (Oroi theme inserted.) (Story of Oti and the rat.) Again Hotu begot a child in Hare Moa Viviri. A boy was born, and he was given the name Hotu Iti A Hotu. Again Hotu arose, went up to Hare Moa Tataka, arrived, and stayed there. Vakai arose again, also went up to Hare Moa Tataka, arrived, and lived with the king in Hare Moa Tataka. Again King

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Hotu begot a child. A boy was born, and he was given the name Tuu Rano Kau. After this, the king went up to Aro Huri, arrived, and stayed there. Vakai also went up to Aro Huri, arrived, and stayed there. They lived in Aro Huri for three months. The king arose again and went up to Maunga Pua, arrived, and stayed there. Vakai also arose, went up, arrived, and stayed in Tavarivari A Umi. The queen also went up there. She arrived and she too stayed (there). (E:Tori 9-10) (End of the traditions in Ms. E.)

I am referring to Englert's text (TP:49-52) for the discussion of the material. The quarrel between the husband and the wife (first mentioned in RM:279) touches on a very sensitive aspect of royal honor, that of legitimate descent. Because of the belief that the rulers were directly descended from the gods, via the heroes, even the slightest suspicion cast on the king's background was reason for shame, if not for a reduction in status. Hotu Matua's harsh words for his crying son and successor were caused by a fit of anger. When he said "you are not a king" (tae koe he ariki, TP:49), he meant to reproach him for his crying rather than cast doubt on the integrity of his mother. The angry words (vananga rakerake, TP:50) are obviously standard epithets, and they hurt the royal heir deeply. morore rakerake puoko havahava

Bad bastard! Scabby head!

Tuu Maheke, the first-born in the new land, is ashamed and disturbed because suddenly he is said to be another man's child. He turns to his mother for reassurance. Vakai assures him that he is of legitimate descent, but she is so upset over the insult to her favorite son {ate, literally, "liver") that she reacts the way Easter Island women react to a domestic quarrel: she refuses to prepare her husband's food. Hotu Matua is aware of his precarious position. He did lose his temper and did fail to show the respect due to the first-born, and so he denies having said the incriminating words. But Vakai won't be put off. She spurts out the secret that she had carefully guarded up to that point. It is not Tuu Maheke who is illegitimate. Hotu Matua himself is the

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"bad bastard and scabby head" (compare RAP. morore with TUA. marore " t o stumble" and MAO. rore " t o deceive"; compare RAP. havahava with the basic Polynesian idea of hava " t o soil"—the greatest indignity that can happen to a royal head!). His procreator, with whom the unnamed mother of Hotu Matua is said to have committed adultery, is a certain "Tai Amahiro" (TP:51) or "Tai A Mahia." According to Englert, he is the brother of "Taane Arai" (i.e., Taana Harai). This is not confirmed by Arturo Teao's text nor by any of the sources I am familiar with. I rather suspect this is an additional explanation by the informant or even a guess by the translator. In Ms. E the name of the adulterer permits the wordplay " f r o m the sea came the breeze," which is a poetic term for an affair (and its consequences). In this case his real name would remain a secret. The illegitimate Hotu Matua is raised by a certain "Kohiri Tuu Hongohongo" or "Kokiri Tuu Hongohongo," who is not substantiated by any of the sources. His surname is not very flattering (compare TUA. hongohongo "stench of urine" and HAW. hohono "bad smelling"). Englert thinks that he is also a brother of "Taane Arai" (TP:51, footnote 4). For Hotu Matua this revelation is a tremendous blow: Why did you not tell me this when we still lived in the homeland? (That is) before I left Hiva for this land. If you had told me (sooner) that I am a bastard, I would not have come here from the homeland! (TP:51)

The revelation by Vakai casts an entirely new light on the traditional explanations given for the emigration. Instead of a series of natural disasters, the question of status suddenly enters into the discussion. The "bastard motif" really complicates the situation at the outset of the immigration. If it had been known that Hotu Matua was an illegitimate child, he would hardly have been chosen as the successor of the king and as the leader of the immigrants, nor could he have defended his right as the firstborn and the legitimate king against his adversary Oroi. The traditions picture the island king as completely overwhelmed by the degrading revelation, so much so that he cries from shame and hurriedly moves his residence. Unfortunately, we have no knowledge of the struggle that went on within the royal family in Hiva. Some of the rather

Conflict with Vakai 213 complicated issues have been discussed in Chapter 2. In addition, there is a Rongorongo tablet containing a genealogy, which I have discussed in a separate study (Barthel 1963a), that also touches on this subject. The tablet lists "the octopus" (heke, that is, Tuu Maheke) as the true son of "the rat" (kiore, that is, Hotu Matua), but the "rat" (the immigrant king himself) "was no descendant, who was begotten by the father" (kai uri ure)! At precisely the point where the oral traditions cast doubt on the legitimate descent of Hotu Matua, there is also a break in the written genealogy, which goes back to divine beginnings and to the first anthroprogeny. It is difficult to say why the various traditions have perpetuated the blemish of the illegitimate descent of the island king; it may have been an expression of political rivalries. But, whatever the purpose, the important point is that both the accurate oral traditions and one Rongorongo text mention the king's dubious descent. The scene is the residential area of the royal family at Anakena Bay. The description of the activities of the servant (tuura) provides interesting ethnographic information. This servant, whose name has been handed down in the traditions, is in charge of preparing meals in the earth-oven and serving them in the house of the successor of the king. This was probably done to ensure that the food taboo of the king was observed. On the other hand, the procurement of the food for Tuu Maheke was the chore of both Rovi, who catches eel, and Vakai, who digs out the sweet potatoes. These are routine, sex-specific chores, which are still handled in much the same way on Easter Island. The information about the boundaries and the residences of the royal district is interesting because the names mentioned can be located in most cases: (staffs with) feather garlands (maro) served as markers along the border. Englert received the following additional information: Nadie podía llegar a la residencia sagrada de Anakena sin permiso. Por eso había líneas divisorias para la demarcación del recinto sagrado; eran dos series de hitos o montículos de piedras que bajaban de una plataforma sobre Anakena, llamada Ahurunga; una de estas líneas llegaba hasta Hiro Moko, punta norte de la playa; la otra hasta Hanga Ohiro, punta sur. Sobre estos hitos ondulaban

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al viento los «maros», tiras volantes de plumas de aves, amarradas en varillas. (HM:47. See also the original text given by Mateo Hereveri, who follows Ika Hiva, Englert 1939:203-204.)

Each of the three points of demarcation mentioned has a special function. By order of the island king, the "upper cult place" (ahu runga) was set aside during beauty contests for well-tatooed children (humu rivariva). By contrast, the "lower cult place" (ahu raro), also referred to as "long eel" (tuna roa), was reserved for those children who did not distinguish themselves (Englert 1939:202; ME:134-135 inverted meaning). "Hiro Moko" is the landing site of the royal canoe and the place of birth of the first-born son of Hotu Matua. "Hanga Ohiro" is the landing site of the sister canoe and the place of birth of the daughter of Ava Rei Pua. Thus, the boundary along the shore represents points of historic and sex-specific importance, while the boundary along the interior of the land represents points having to do with achievement for both sexes at the time of maturity. In Ms. E, the border markings are somewhat different: 1. Hanga Rau 2. Puku Parari 3. Puku O Heha

4. Aro Huri 5. Maunga Koua 6. H i r a M o k o

The first place is the anchorage of Hotu Matua's canoe, the sixth place the landing site of the royal canoe and the birthplace of Tuu Maheke. This means that the line of feather garlands, which serves as a border marker, returns to the point of departure. Nothing is said about the area of the second canoe. I was unable to locate the two small elevations or rocks (puku) that mark the second and third points (compare MAO. parari "gully, ravine"; TUA. parari "broken to pieces"; HAW. heha "lazy, indolent"; TAH. hefa "squint, oblique"). The fourth place, "Aro Huri," is a small elevation in the flank of Maunga Koua, which is the name of the fifth place. These last two places were temporary residences of Hotu Matua after the births of his sons. I would not want to guess whether the names of these places along the borders of the tabooed royal precinct were also meant to convey some type of information: the use of the stereotyped

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TABLE 1 0 House

1. 2. 3. 4.

Hare Tupa Tuu Hare Pu Rangi Hare Moa Viviri Hare Moa Tataka

Son

1. 2. 3. 4.

Tuu Maheke Miru (Te Mata Nui) Tuu A Hotu Iti (Te Mata Iti) Tuu Rano Kau

number six points in that direction. By associating the royal anchorage at Hanga Rau with a "middle" (tini), a parallel can be established to the anchorage of Ira's canoe at Hanga Te Pau, where the "middle of the land" (he tini o te kainga) is explicitly mentioned. Suddenly, Anakena and Vinapu, landing site of the emigrants and landing site of the explorers, the royal residence on the northern shore and important archeological site on the southern shore, become places of equal stature. It should also be pointed out that the "second list of place names," which functions as a lunar calendar, starts the first half of the month in the area of Anakena and the second half in the area of Vinapu. This could mean that yet another, perhaps similar, system is at work here. The traditions show that the residences of the king were fairly flexible. The building of new "houses" was obviously the result of (male) births in the royal family. In each case, the house that was built last is left to the newborn son and his mother, together with a specific servant, while the king has a new and separate residence constructed for himself. Ms. E clearly demonstrates this procedure, which was followed in spite of Hotu Matua's quarrel with Vakai. In the text, four houses are associated with the four sons. Later residences of Hotu Matua have different names and are the scenes of different activities. The four sons and the four houses are coordinated as shown in Table 10. The first house is located in Oromanga. It is the residence (maara noho) of the immigrant king that was envisioned in the dream voyage and sought by the explorers. The second and the third house are also said to have been in Anakena, a short distance away ("60 meters," according to my informant). Supposedly, the same is true of the fourth house. It is difficult to translate the names of the houses. Below is an incomplete list of possible translations:

216 tupa tuu pu rangt moa viviri moa tataka

Conflict with Vakai 'the crab has arrived"; "the litter has arrived"; "a stone tower has been erected" "the shell trumpet calls"; "hole in the sky"; "royal tribe" "rooster who turn around"; "energetic son" "the roosters form a circle"; "son who departs (? RAR.)" or "son who doesn't fulfill the expectations (? MAO.)"; "son who unites many around himself"

It appears that the names of the houses of the four sons are arranged in pairs and express some characteristics of the descendents who live in them. Only Ms. E shows this type of connection. Arturo Teao mentions some of the names of the houses, but he does not associate them by name with the respective sons. According to him, "Hare Tupa Tuu" is the first residence of the king after the immigration (TP:44). After the quarrel with Vakai, Hotu Matua moves to "Hare Moa Viviri" and later to "Hare Moa Tataka." The second and the third residences are associated with successful agricultural activities (TP:51). Then this source deviates from Ms. E: the fourth residence is "Te Ngao O Te Honu," and the island king is accompanied to this place by a small adopted boy. The fifth residence is "Taro Tataka." In each case, the king is followed by Vakai. According to Leonardo Pakarati, "the neck of the turtle" was the birthplace of the youngest son, Tuu Hotu Iti. He has no information about the place called "taro is standing in a circle." Ms. E lists as the last residences "Aro Huri" (for three months), "Maunga P u a " (for three months), and "Tavarivari A Umi." As already mentioned, "Aro Huri" is a slight elevation in the flank of Maunga Koua, and it is the fourth point of demarcation along the border of the tabooed royal district. "Maunga P u a " is the old name for the mountain now called "Maunga Koua." It is the fifth point of demarcation along the border of the royal precinct. The last name could not be located. The four sons of Hotu Matua are the only descendants of the

Conflict with Vakai 217 royal line on Easter Island mentioned in Ms. E. Tuu Maheke and Miru regularly appear in the second and third position on the various lists of chiefs; Hotu Iti is sometimes mentioned (M: 21; L:14; R:7). Rano Kau is not substantiated by any of the sources (Barthel 1959, 1961). The story of the four sons of Hotu Matua continues in Chapter 9. As for Vakai, she continues to follow the island king until her death (TP:52). The last place is Akahanga, where she becomes ill and dies. She is buried at "Ahu Ature Hoa," which means she returns to the point of departure at Anakena (TP:52). Her burial place is the same cult place where the children who were murdered by Oroi were buried.

9.

The Death of Hotu Matua

Ms. E does not give an account of the final activities and the death of Hotu Matua; so for this information we have to go to Englert's texts (TP:53-63). Early in October 1957, Leonardo Pakarati wrote down for me a RAP. version, which agrees on many points with the traditions orally transmitted by Arturo Teao in 1936. It is hard to say whether my informant had read the Englert edition or whether he received his information by word of mouth. I am inclined to believe the former. We discussed several of the passages whose interpretation caused difficulties. Lengthy enumerations of local names along the routes travelled by the king have been shortened in the following translation. The vernacular contains amazingly few Tahitisms and is frequently modelled after old RAP. After the three children of Hotu A Matua had been born, they went with his wife, Vakai, to Te Ngao O Te Honu and lived there. The last child of Hotu A Matua, Tuu Hotu Iti, was born. Vakai laid down and died. The king wept for his wife. Then the lamenting ceased, and all the youths (RAP. tanga; or, "all those assembled," MAO. tanga) had the task of preparing the litter to carry the corpse. They lifted the corpse unto the litter. The men walked up and picked up the litter with the corpse. They carried it and went to Akahanga, to Ahu Ature Ho(a). They arrived and buried her. When that was over, Hotu A Matua sat down again to rest. Another month went by. He got up and went to Te Vai More Vae O Te Rahi, Maunga O Pipi, Vai Hiti Kiakia, Vai Kena Tea, Te Umu Roa Tavake, Ahu O Kena, Pui, Nga Moa Aito, Paka Atai, Manavai Te Retu, Tere Ue, Kahurea, Te Ava Ranga Uka, Ahu Kinokino, (and finally to) Akahanga. There the king and his people settled down. They stayed (there).

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Another year went by, and A Matua said, "I am going to (my) land, to Rano Kau, to live there." King A Matua started out with all his people and went from Akahanga to Rano Kau (by way of) Oone, Motu O Pope, Ana O Nero, Ana O Tako, Huareva, Te Ata, Pakaie, Puku Hotake, Manu Mea, Hanga Tee, Te Hare O Vai Hu, Puku Hehaheha, Atahu, Renga Havini, Motu Roa, Manu Kioe, Hanga Pua Kura, Te Piringa Aniva, Ahu O Ure, Te Hanga Parera, Koreha A Viriviri Ngao, and Papa Hirohiro—this is the way King Hotu A Matua went with his people. He sat out in the direction of Motu O Oki. He slept and went on to One Tea, Moai A Umu, Te Piko A Hau Toki, Te Aheru, Motu Hitara, Te Pahu, Papa Atua, Ahu Mataitai, Koro Aka, Hanga Te Pau, Vinapu, Hare Tae Hae, Te Manavai, (and finally to) Te Reinga Take. King A Matua sat down. Then the king knew (what would happen to him). He spoke to his sons and also to his people. He set out and arrived. King Hotu A Matua fitted the stone blocks together and said, "This is my last task, (because) I am dying." The name is "the fitted stone blocks (maea hono) of Hotu A Matua." The king went into his house and laid down. The first child of King A Matua, Tuu Maheke, came and went into the house. He came and kissed his father on the cheek. King Hotu A Matua asked, "Who are you?" The royal child replied, "It is I, the royal child, Tuu Maheke." King Hotu A Matua said, "Ah, I wish you luck, oh King, for your sand, very fine sand, fleas [in the sand]!" He went out, and the second child, Miru Te Mata Nui, entered into the house and kissed him on the cheek. A Matua asked, "Who are you?" He answered, "Miru Te Mata Nui." A Matua replied, "I wish you luck, oh Miru, oh Te Mata Nui, to protect your people!" He went out, and the third, Tuu Rano Kau, entered and kissed (his father). A Matua spoke: "I wish you luck for your pebbles of Hanga Te Pau, for your (crater) Rano Kau!" That was all, and he went out. The fourth child entered. Matua kissed him on both cheeks and asked, "Who are you?" He answered, "It is I, the lastborn (hangu potu), Te Mata O Tuu Hotu Iti." The king was glad and said, "You are a very strong child (poki hiohio), oh last-born, I wish you luck! Swift (?) is the great shark of Motu Toremo Hiva, of the homeland!" That was the end of King Hotu A Matua's speech to his children. The king arose from his sleeping mat and said to all the people: "Let us go to Orongo so that I can announce my death!" The king climbed on the rock and gazed in the direction of Hiva, the direction in which he had travelled (across the sea). Then the king said: "Here I am and I am speaking for the last time." The people (ma-

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The Death ofHotu Matua

hingo) listened as he spoke. The king called out to his guardian spirits (akuaku), Kuihi and Kuaha, in a loud voice: "Let the voice of the rooster of Ariana crow softly. The stem with many roots [i.e., the king] is entering!" The king fell down, and Hotu A Matua died. Then all the people began to lament with loud voices. The royal child, Tuu Maheke, picked up the litter and lifted (the dead) unto it. Tuu Maheke put his hand to the right side of the litter, and together the four children of Matua picked up the litter and carried it. He and his people formed a line and went to Akahanga to bury (the dead) in Hare O Ava. For when he was still in full possession of his vital forces, A Matua had instructed Tuu Maheke, the royal child, that he wished to be buried in Hare O Ava. They picked him up, went on their way, and came to Akahanga. They buried him in Hare O Ava. They dug a grave, dug it very deep, and lined it with stones (he paenga). When that was done, they lowered the dead into the grave. Tuu Maheke took it upon himself to cover the area where the head lay. Tuu Maheke said, "Don't cover the head with coarse soil (oone hiohio)." They finished the burial and sat down. Night came, midnight came, and Tuu Maheke said to his brother, the last-born: "You go and sleep. It is up to me to watch over the father." (He said) the same to the second, the third, and the last. When all had left, when all the brothers were asleep, Tuu Maheke came and cut off the head of Hotu A Matua. Then he again covered everything with soil. He hid (the head), took it, and went up. When he was inland, he put (the head) down at Te Avaava Maea. Another day dawned, and the men saw a dense swarm of flies pour forth and spread out like a whirlwind (ure tiatia moana) until it disappeared into the sky. Tuu Maheke understood. He went up and took the head, which was already stinking in the hole in which it had been hidden. He took it and washed it with fresh water. When it was clean, he took it and hid it anew. Another day came, and again Tuu Maheke came and saw that it was completely dried out (pakapaka). He took it, went away, and washed it with fresh water until (the head) was completely clean. Then he took it and painted it yellow (he pua hai pua renga) and wound a strip of barkcloth (nua) around it. He took it and hid it in the hole of a stone that was exactly the size of the head. He put it there, closed up the stone (from the outside), and left it there. There it stayed. Another year passed, and a man by the name of Ure Honu went to work in his banana plantation. He went and came to the last part, to the "head" [i.e., the upper part of the banana plantation], to the end of the banana plantation. The sun was standing just

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for Ure Honu to clean out the weeds from the banana plantalion. On the first day he hoed the weeds. That went on all day, and (hen evening came. Suddenly a rat came from the middle of the banana plantation. Ure Honu saw it and ran after it. But is disappeared and he could not catch it. On the second day of hoeing, the same thing happened with the rat. It ran away, and he could not catch it. On the third day, he reached the "head" of the bananas and finished the work in the plantation. Again the rat ran away, and Ure Honu followed it. It ran and slipped into the hole of a stone. He poked after it, lifted up the stone, and saw that the skull was (in the hole) of the stone. (The rat was) a spirit of the skull (he kuhane o tepuoko). Ure Honu was amazed and said, "How beautiful you are! In the 'head' of the new bananas is a skull, painted with yellow root and with a strip of barkcloth wound around it." Ure Honu stayed for a while, (then) he went away and covered the roof of his house in Vai Mata. It was a new house. He took the very large skull, which he had found at the "head" of the banana plantation, and hung it up in the new house. He tied it up in the framework of the roof (hahanga) and left it hanging there. right

Ure Honu sat out and caught eels, lobsters, and morays. He procured a great number (? he ika) of chickens, yams, and bananas and piled them up (hakatakataka) for the banquet to celebrate the new house. He sent a message to King Tuu Ko Ihu to come to the banquet for the new house in Vai Mata. A foster child (maanga hangai) of Ure Honu was the escort (hokorua) of the king at the banquet and brought the food for the king, who was in the house. The men too came in groups and ate outside. When Tuu Ko Ihu had finished his dinner, he rested. At that time he saw the skull hanging above, and the king was very much amazed. Tuu Ko Ihu knew that it was the skull of King Hotu A Matua, and he wept. This is how he lamented: "Here are the teeth that ate the turtles and pigs (? kekepu) of Hiva, of the homeland!" After Tuu Ko Ihu had reached up with his hands, he cut off the skull and put in into his basket. Out (went) the king, Tuu Ko Ihu, and ran to Ahu Tepeu. He had the skull with him. King Tuu Ko Ihu dug a hole, made it very deep, and let the skull slide into it. Then he cushioned the hole with grass and put barkcloth on top of it, covered it with a flat slab of stone (keho), and covered (everything) with soil. Finally, he put a very big stone on top of it, in the opening of the door, outside the house. Ure Honu looked around for his skull. It was no longer in the house. When he questioned those who knew, the foster child of Ure Honu said, "On the day on which the banquet for the new house was held, Tuu Ko Ihu saw the skull. He was very much

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Matua

moved and wept, 'Here are the teeth that ate the turtles and the pigs (? kekepu) of Hiva, of the homeland!' " When the foster child of Ure Honu had spoken, Ure Honu grew angry. He secretly called his people, a great number of men, to conduct a raid (he uma te taua). Ure set out and arrived in front of the house of Tuu Ko Ihu. Ure said to the king, "I (come) to you for my very large and very beautiful skull, which you took away on the day when the banquet for the new house was held. Where is the skull now?" (whereupon) Tuu Ko Ihu replied, "I don't know." When Tuu Ko Ihu came out and sat on the stone underneath which he had buried the skull, Ure Honu shot into the house like a lizard. He lifted up the one side of the house. Then Ure Honu let it fall down again; he had found nothing. Ure Honu called, "Dig up the ground and continue to search!" The search went on. They dug up the ground, and came to where the king was. The king (was still) sitting on the stone. They lifted the king off to the side and let him fall. They lifted up the stone, and the skull looked (at them) from below. They took it, and a great clamour began because the skull had been found. Ure Honu went around and was very satisfied. He took it and left with his people. Ure Honu knew that it was the skull of the king (puoko ariki).

Among Hotu Matua's last accomplishments were his attempts to dig wells (anga i te vai, TP:53) along the shore of Akahanga. My informant did not mention these endeavors, but since Easter Island has neither streams nor wells, the supply of fresh water, aside from the three crater lakes, presents a real problem (HM: 281-292). Recent trial excavations in the area of Akahanga have shown that this area was ideal for the establishment of wells. The dying king has his foster child bring him his last drink of water (vai maunga mo unu) from neighboring Huareva, a sure indication of the success of his last efforts to better the lot of the settlers (TP:55). After leaving the residence at Akahanga, Hotu Matua goes to the northern rim of the volcano Rano Kau. The list of place names given to me by my informant does not constitute a system of traditional knowledge but merely serves to identify all the many localities whose names Leonardo Pakarati learned from his father, Nicolas Pakarati, while riding with him through the area as a boy. The last house of the island king is called " K o Te Vare Te Reingataki" (TP:53) or, rather, "Te Rei Ngatake," which I feel should be spelled as "Te Reinga Take." I was told that "Te Vare" is a place directly on the rim of the crater (compare RAP. varevare "steep, rugged"), while " T e Rei

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Ngatake" is farther away on the outside. I strongly suspect that we are dealing with the well-known Polynesian term reinga, which indicates the "jumping-off place for the souls" (MAO. reinga wairua; Mangaia reinga vaerua, see Hiroa 1934:198-199). The fact that this is the final period of Hotu Matua's life and the location of his last residence at the edge of the crater, whose original name was "Poko Uri" (literally, "dark hole," wordplay with po kouri "black night, dark underworld"), reinforces this interpretation. According to Arturo Teao, the assumed "jumping-off place of the souls" in connected with "Taki"; according to Leonardo Pakarati, it is associated with "Take." Since one might expect a reference to one of the designations of the island king, take, whose meaning will be explained later, is the more likely of the two. In connection with the jumping-off place of the souls at the outset of their journey to the beyond, "Te Vare" may have been a term used to describe the condition of one who is dying (compare TUA. vare " t o lose consciousness"). "Maea Hono," the fitted stone blocks that can still be seen today, are located farther to the east, where a monolith (consisting of three pieces) without a trace of masonry work rises vertically from the surrounding bedrock, as if it were part of it. Some 20 meters to the northwest are the remains of a roughly oval, almost rectangular, outline of a house, measuring 550 x 250 cm. The outline is made up of uncut vertical stone slabs, 20 cm high and halfway buried in the ground. In the center of the house, the remains of an earth-oven can be recognized, but there are no fire marks to indicate that it was used. In the northern side there is an opening in the stone enclosure. A trial excavation, conducted in front of this opening toward the end of October 1957, revealed a stone at a shallow depth, whose outline reminded my companions of a "seal" fpakia). The stone, braced by two additional stones, one in the front and one in the back, was native rock (maea henua) and had a maximum length of 90 cm and a maximum width (at the "fins") of 40 cm. The "tail" was 25 cm wide, while its height varied between 20 and 25 cm. This conceivably zoomorphic representation had its nose pointed in the direction of 174°—that is, directly toward the interior of the outline of the house. There were no traces of masonry work, nor were there any obsidian chips (mataa), and the whole layout was covered with a thick layer of grass. If the stone was really meant

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Matua

to depict a "seal," it may have been, together with the empty earth-oven, an illustration of the Tangaroan myth (the god Tangaroa appears on Easter Island in the disguise of a seal and refuses to be cooked in the earth-oven, ME:310-311). Irrespective of their meaning, the meager archeological remains at "Maea Hono" do not belong to the classic inventory of boat-shaped houses on Easter Island. In this connection, it should also be pointed out that 50 meters to the north, below the rocks of the "Maea Hono complex," traces of two stone circles have been found on the gently sloping, grass-covered outer rim of Rano Kau. In both cases, uncut stones serve as a low enclosure. The larger, more northerly stone circle has a maximum diameter of 800 x 960 cm; the smaller, more southerly circle is 290 cm in diameter. At their closest point, the two stone circles are only 60 cm apart. Ten meters farther to the southeast are the remains of a stone oval with a diameter of 2 meters. This could possibly be a burial site. The center axis of the two stone circles points exactly in the direction of Maunga Tere Vaka, the highest mountain on Easter Island. There may be the remains of circular huts (hare takataka), which are important for the understanding of older Polynesian structures (Barthel 1959). Their function seems to have been related to the giving of festivals fkoro). It is amazing that the area of Hotu Matua's last residence, unlike Orongo on the opposite rim of Rano Kau, shows no traces of boat-shaped houses. There is also a line of stone markers close to Maea Hono, whose possible connection with the "second list of place names" has been discussed in Chapter 4. Two more locations close to the area of Hotu Matua's last residence should be mentioned: the water source "Vai A Tare" (HM:289), several hundred meters to the southeast of Maea Hono, and the peculiar terrace settlement "site E-21" (NA 1:313-321) in the northern interior of the crater, southwest (?) of Te Vare. As a source of drinking water, the spot mentioned, which is a deposit of rainwater in the rocks, was easier to reach by the residents of the Maea Hono complex than the crater lake, which could be reached only by first detouring to the west. The "water (place) of Tare" contains the name of an ancient deity, who together with Tive, was considered to be the son of Tiki and was responsible for the arrival of rain-laden clouds (Felbermayer 1971:31). Other sources claim that he was a benign spirit who

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appeared as a cloud of smoke and link him with Rapahango (HM:500; ME:317) or even suggest that he is identical with Makemake (Brown 1924:125). At any rate, the local name suggests that there may be some religious significance. Furthermore, the area "Vai A Tare" was one of the nesting grounds for the sea birds of the Makemake myth (ME:313; according to Knoche 1925:261, there the first egg from which a sooty tern [manu taraj hatched was spared). " T a r e " seems to have been a deity that the immigrants brought with them from the former homeland (compare RAR. tare " t o cause success"). The fact that this name appears in close association with one of the important stations of the Hotu Matua cycle seems to be more than mere coincidence. As far as "site E-21" is concerned, I did not personally visit this site and can only give the approximate location in relationship to the "jumping-off place" (te reinga) of Take. It is the only settlement in the interior of Rano Kau and is located on a cleared area of the slope, which is covered with rock debris. It consists of 6(!) sets of living quarters and has so far been investigated only superficially. It is possible that this site was used to supply the Maea Hono complex with food. According to a description by a member of the La Perouse expedition of 1786, at that time excellent banana plantations and stands of paper mulberry trees lined the banks of the crater lake. A number of recitations (Barthel 1960:847, recitation s, lines 31-32; 851, recitation v, line 4) allude to such banana plantations, and the words could refer to''site E-21." Go straight down to Taruturutu, Down to the crater lake, where the eyes look up to the rim of the crater. Hands clap for the gift of food and for the one who gives away the bride. The food for dinner is the pahika fish in the pahika cave. (Barthel 1960:852, verses 12-15)

Perhaps an analysis of the petroglyphs of that Rano Kau area, which have not been thoroughly investigated, will provide the answer to the question of the function of "site E-21." Prior to his death, Hotu Matua distributes the various areas of the new land among his sons. The earliest reference (PH:527)

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mentions the assembly of a council, made up of the highest ranking men, the regulation of the succession, based on primogeniture, and the following division of Easter Island among the six sons of the king (spelling corrected by me): 1. Tuu Maheke ("TuumaeHeke") 2. Miru("Meru") 3. Marama 4. Raa

5. Koro Orongo ("Koronaronga") 6. Hotu Iti

royal residence; from Anakena to the northwest as far as Maunga Teatea lands between Anakena and Hangaroa lands between Akahanga and Vinapu land lying to the northward and westward of Maunga Teatea, that is, Hanga Oteo ("Toe") lands between Anakena and Rano Raraku ("Roraku") eastern side of the island

Based on its location, the local name "Maunga Teatea" cannot refer to the side crater by the same name in the flank of Poike plateau but, rather, seems to refer to an elevation to the east of Maunga Tere Vake, since this is the area that becomes the property of Raa. Thomson's list of kings positively identifies three of Hotu Matua's sons: T2 = Tuu Maheke, T4 = Miru, and T7 = Raa. Aside from the two oldest sons, who appear in the same order on all the lists, the sons are ranked differently by the various sources. The earliest list by Roussel shows the most extensive agreement by naming Marama in the fourth position, Raa in the fifth position, and Hotu Iti in the seventh position, except that this list shows them in a line of descent, whereas, according to Thomson, they must have been a group of brothers. Other sources show Marama as a ruler during the first half of the eighteenth century, while Raa seems to be generally associated with the first generations after Hotu Matua (but compare ME: 121-122). Whenever Hotu Iti is shown as belonging to a later epoch it seems to be because of his attribute mata iti ("small tribe") in contrast to the western federation of tribes. The fifth son, Korona-ronga, presents a problem. Authors of the twentieth century usually refer to him as "Koro Orongo," but his original name may have simply been "Koro na Rongo," that is, "Koro belongs to Rongo." Tempting as it may be to identify him with "Korua Rongo" (T:19; L:29), in both cases

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the close association of this name with the mythical "Tiki Te Hatu" speaks against a historic name and for a designation of the deity "Rongo." Even less likely is a possible connection with "Koro Harua" (T:15; J:23; L:22). According to Routledge, the sons attempt to deceive the blind and dying king, but he foils their attempt by feeling their calves to convince himself of the identity of the speaker. Routledge does not offer any definite information about the number of sons. She names Marama, Koro Orongo, Nga Ure, Raa, and Hamea, "and the others," as well as Hotu Iti of Mata Iti and Ko Tuu of Mata Nui. According to her, the king bestows his blessings only on the pair mata iti/mata nui: You are Hotu-iti, of Mata-iti, and your descendants shall prosper and survive all others. You are Kotuu, of Mata-nui, and your descendants shall multiply like the shells of the sea, and the reeds of the crater, and the pebbles of the beach, but they shall die and shall not remain. (RM: 280)

These blessings contain phrases that are also used in the two RAP. versions. According to Arturo Teao (left-hand column) and Leonardo Pakarati (right-hand column), the last words of the king to his four sons are these: toTuuMaheke: one nui i anakena i toou kainga koura nui i toou kainga

toTuuMaheke: oneone hungahunga koura henua

to Miru Te Mata Nui: mo roou o toou mahingo

to Miru Te Mata Nui: mo roou toou mahingo

to Tuu Te Mata Nui: kikiri nui i hanga te pau pipi nui i te hue

to Tuu Rano Kau: kikiri o hanga te pau mo toou rano kau

to Hotu Iti Te Mata Iti: he niuhi tapaka 7 i motu toremo hiva i tou kainga

to Te Mata O Tuu Hotu Iti: he nuihi tapaka'i o motu toremo hiva o te kainga (TP:54-55)

The text recorded by Englert is more complete and may be closer to the original version. The Felbermayer version (1971:24)

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has completely lost any connection to the old system. Routledge's translations "shells of the sea" and "pebbles of the beach" correspond to RAP. pipi and kikiri and they refer, in both instances, to Tuu Te Mata Nui. Her "reeds of the crater" is missing from the RAP. version, but the expression must have referred to Rano Kau, which would explain the third name mentioned by Leonardo Pakarati. I would suggest changing this line to ngaatu nui i te rano kau. Reeds, as the landmark of this crater, are also mentioned in an old recitation (Barthel 1960: 851), while the sand of Anakena is associated with "the flea" in a battle chant: koura tere henua ahara ka topa ki raro toraua one hekaheka ngao varivari oneanakena

The flea, who runs on the ground until one day he falls down into the soft sand when his neck is broken (in the) sand (of) Anakena. (Barthel 1960:849)

These six lines elaborate the succinct blessing bestowed on Tuu Maheke, which refers to the "great sand of Anakena" and to the "large flea," and the "very fine sand and the fleas," respectively. My informant explained one hungahunga as "la arena es molida, blanda" and said koura henua is another expression for koura tere henva "la gente." "The flea who runs on the ground" is a RAP. metaphor for man and for the human existence (HM:464). It is not difficult to recognize the compositional scheme that underlies the words of the dying king to his four sons. In structure, as well as in content, his words to the first and the third son are related, and they form a contrasting pair, the contrast being based on the juxtapositioning of the landing site of the immigrant king (Anakena) and the landing site of the explorers (Hanga Te Pau) and the respective properties of these places ("sand" one vs. "pebbles" kikiri, and "flea" koura as a tiny creature living on land vs. "snail" pipi as a tiny creature living in the water). Since koura has metaphorical meaning, the same might be expected of pipi (compare pipi, the RAP. word for "bud").

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"Kikiri Roa" is the name of a cape, which those approaching the island from the west had to round before entering into the bay of Vinapu. It is therefore closely connected with the landing site of the explorers. The place name suggests the reference to kikiri nui, which the dying king addresses to his third son. There does not seem to be a place by the name of "Te Hue," the name for the bottle gourd, but a wordplay with RAP. hue "unirse, congregarse" would indicate an important meeting place (Vinapu?) on Easter Island. The first and third sons rule over important points along the northern and southern shore. Their domains can be said to represent the noon and the midnight sides of the island and, as such, are in contrast with each other. On the other hand, the words of the king to his second and fourth sons refer to contrasting types of behavior. It is Mini's task to watch over his people, while Hotu Iti is compared to a dangerous shark. My informant explained niuhi tapaka'i as "como diablo" and called it an attribute for an "hombre valiente." Englert was not familiar with the word, but I suspect that it is related to TON. tapakaki "to run swiftly," and I suggest the translation "swift (?) shark," which seems an appropriate metaphor for a brave man. The contrast between Miru and Hotu Iti could be summed up as (a) the contrast between the (north)western shore and the (south)eastern shore, (b) the contrast between the "big tribe" (mata nui) and the "small tribe" (mata iti), and (c) the contrast between the (peaceful) "watching over the people" and the (warlike) "behavior of the shark." This contrast already foreshadows the later rivalries between the western and the eastern tribal federations. No area is indicated for Miru, but it is well established that the traditional tribal territory of the Miru was on the (north and) western shore; so there can be no doubt that the area was given to Miru. The center of Hotu Iti's domain is inland from Hanga Nui—that is, the area between Ahu Tongariki and Rano Kau, which later became the center of the megalithic activities on Easter Island. His land is referred to as "Motu Toremo Hiva." Englert interpreted this as "un islote en Hiva," but my informant rejected this interpretation categorically. Instead, he suggested that "Motu Toremo Hiva" is a rock off the northeastern shore of Poike and that the area was notorious for its many

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sharks. Toremo may be the name of a large fish—'Taremo [Polyprion oxigeneisos] (Knoche 1925:147). It is possible that the blessings addressed to the "west-east pair" contain several wordplays (roou and rou "small fishing hook"; compare TUA. rou "to decline, sink as the sun," which may have been used to indicate the direction of the setting sun; RAP. toremo and PPN. *!emo " t o drown"; MAO. paremo "to disappear, go down," which may have been used to indicate the direction of the setting moon?). The meaning of the wordplays may have been that the region of the setting sun belonged to Miru and the region of the setting moon to Hotu Iti. The quarternary system, which divides the island into four quadrants, correlates the four royal sons with the path of the sun as it circles the island counterclockwise. The sequence of the sons is determined by their order of birth. To the first-born goes the region in which the noon sun reaches its zenith, a striking symbol for the highest ranking son; to the second-born goes the region of the setting sun. The name "Miru" may have been connected with the central Polynesian concept of a region of the dead to the west and its guardian. The third son inherits the midnight region, and the last-born inherits the eastern section. Since the last-born, a "good and strong child" (poki rivariva, poki hiohio), was closest to the father, the region of the rising sun is alotted to him, which gives this region special value. While the successor of the king is like "the sun at its highest point," the youngest son is like "the rising sun." One interesting aspect of the quarternary system is the fact that it imposes a fourfold division on the roughly triangular outline of Easter Island (a nearly rectangular triangle with a southwest-northeast hypotenuse). This must be the "four parts of the land" (ahaha aro o te henua, ME:67), mentioned in one of the oral traditions. To achieve this fourfold division, the triangle, which represents the real outline of Easter Island, has to be transformed into a model with four sides (compare MGV. aro ha "squared, four-faced"). On other Polynesian islands, the rectangular houses might serve as a model, but the houses on Easter Island do not fall into this category. The only square architectural layout is the inland plaza of Ahu number 2 in Vinapu (NA 1:117-119 and Fig. 127). A carbon-14 test puts the date for this unusual site at A.D. 757 ± 200, and the Norwegian archeo-

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logical expedition has classified it as "Early Period." Smith (1961; NA 1:218) has pointed out the possible connection between Vinapu and "cultural centers farther to the west" (i.e., the Society Islands, the Marquesas, and Mangareva). Because the ahu of Vinapu are all (roughly) oriented toward the rising sun of the solstice and the equinox (NA 1:94), it is safe to assume that the plaza, too, had some kind of solar function. The following information, gathered from various traditions, may help to define more closely the function of Vinapu. 1. Hanga Te Pau, the landing site of Ira and his band of explorers, is the natural anchorage for those approaching Vinapu by sea. The remarkable stone fronts of the ahu of Vinapu are all facing the sea. The explorers landed at Hanga Te Pau during the month " M a r o , " that is, June. 2. The cult place of Vinapu is located between the fifth and sixth segment of the dream voyage of Hau Maka. These segments, named "Te Kioe Uri" (inland from Vinapu) and "Te Piringa Aniva" (near Hanga Pau Kura) flank Vinapu from both the west and the east. The decoded meaning of the names "the dark rat" (i.e., the island king as the recipient of gifts) and "the gathering place of the island population" (for the purpose of presenting the island king with gifts) links them with the month "Maro," which is June. Thus, the last month of the Easter Island year is twice connected with Vinapu. Also, June is the month of the summer solstice, which again points to the possibility that the Vinapu complex was used for astronomical purposes. 3. On the "second list of place names," Hanga Te Pau is called "the middle (zenith) of the land" (he tini o te kainga). This may refer to a line bisecting the island, but it can just as easily mean the gathering of a great number (of islanders). The plaza (130 x 130 meters) would have been very well suited for this purpose. 4. The transformation of the "second list of place names" into a lunar calendar links Hanga Te Pau and Rano Kau. A similar linkage occurs in connection with the third son of Hotu Matua between the "pebbles of Hanga Te P a u " and his name "Tuu Rano Kau." There can be no doubt that Vinapu was dependent on the economic resources of the large crater. 5. In the "scheme of lunar nights," Hanga Te Pau introduces

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(lie sccond half of the month in contrast to Hanga Ohiro, which introduces the first half. That means that Vinapu and Anakena were calendary opposites. Based on the encoded information gained from numbers 1 and 2, " M a r o " (for the Vinapu area) is contrasted with "Anakena" (for the Anakena area)—or, to put it differently, the last month of the year is contrasted with the first month of the year. 6. The fact that the year ends at Vinapu and begins anew at Anakena may have meaning beyond the obvious transition of time and may also indicate a historic transition. The carbon-14 dating test assigned a much earlier date to Vinapu (ninth century) than to Anakena. This raises the question of an "original population," which, according to the traditions, lived along the northern rim of Rano Kau (i.e., inland from Vinapu) and their relationship to the explorers. 7. During his visit in 1886, Thomson wrote about the plaza: Immediately behind this platform [that is, Ahu Vinapu] a wall of earth encloses a piece of ground about 225 feet in diameter and circular in shape. This is believed to have been the theater of the native ceremonies, and perhaps the spot where the feasts were held. (PH:512-513)

Two names, he tini o te kainga ("a great number of people from the homeland") from the "second list of place names" and te hue ("the gathering"), a local name from the area of the third-born, tend to confirm the statement by Thomson, and so does a revealing passage about Vinapu in one of the traditions (ME:373; Knoche 1925:266). This passage deals with a festival (te koro o vinapu), during which a young woman appears, disguised as a bird (poki manu, Campbell 1971:224). She is the daughter of Uho, who had married Mahuna-te-raa ("sun with curly hair? hidden sun?") in the "land of the nocturnal eye" (henua mata po uri). But she longed for her homeland, the "land of the light and clear eye" (henua mata maeha) until she was able to return to it. Uho's journey across the sea began on the beach at Anakena, that is, the "opposite" place from Vinapu. In the foreign land Uho instructs her daughter how to transform herself into a bird. The tale is interesting because it is the only one with the motif of a solar marriage. As such, it is possibly connected with the solar orientation of the Vinapu com-

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plex. Futhermore, the RAP. text lists the contrasting qualities of the two regions as mata po uri vs. mata maeha. Transferred to the fourfold division of the island, the contrast of "night darkness" vs. "daylight" corresponds to the contrast between the region of the night, including the landing site of Ira, which belongs to the third son, and the region of the noon sun, including the landing site of Hotu Matua, which belongs to the first-born. This tale again emphasizes the contrasting values assigned to Anakena and Vinapu. According to an unpublished fragment by Arturo Teao, which was recorded by Englert in 1936, " U h o " was born in "Hare Tupa T u u , " that is, in the house of the firstborn. However, having been born in Anakena, she would not have gone on a journey across the sea upon being married, but would have left her home for a region on the other side of the island. Her husband, "Mahuna Te Raa," may have been a quasi-historic figure connected with the Vinapu complex. Since mata also refers to the political unit of a tribe on Easter Island, the metaphysical contrast arising from the fourfold division of the land also has its political counterpart in the form of four different tribal attributes: 1. mata maeha 2. mata nui 3. mata po uri 4. mata iti

for Tuu Maheke and Anakena for Miru for Tuu Rano Kau and Hanga TePau for Hotu Iti

The first pair (numbers 1 and 2) expresses positive qualities, the second (numbers 3 and 4) mostly negative ones. This again seems to foreshadow the later conflict between the tribal federations. Aside from the above-mentioned quarternary system, three zoomorphic systems of four are mentioned in Ms. E—E:72 names the four growth stages of the sooty tern; E:90 names four fish; and E:101 names four other sea animals. At least one recitation has a system of four sea animals that also seems to have directional meaning (Barthel 1960:854). This would suggest that systems of four had far greater meaning in the old culture of Easter Island than research into number symbolism has indicated so far (Barthel 1962c), and this phenomenon was not confined to Easter Island. Luomala noted about the traditions of the Tuamoto Archipelago:

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Four is the mystic number used by raconteurs to give a rhythmic quality to the narration. Four tribes are visited by the husbandseeking Hina; Maui has four brothers; he extinguishes four brands of Mahuika's fire and makes four ropes of his mother's hair to snare the sun. Four major adventures describe flighty Hina's affairs before she is reduced to domesticity. (Luomala 1949:188; italics mine)

The four strands of hair from the head of his mother Huahenga, which Maui fashions into ropes to snare the sun, seem to represent the four points of the globe: Hiti-ma-tu-verovero-i-ragi Tu-verovero-mate-i-toga Tu-verovero-mate-i-tokerau Tu-verovero-mate-i-havaiki

= Ascending-with-enduringrays-unto-the-heavens. = Enduring-rays-vanishingin-the-south. = Enduring-rays-vanishingin-the-north. = Enduring-rays-vanishingin-Havaiki. (Stimson 1937:26)

In this case, the sequence of the four points of the globe is east-south-north-west. They are arranged into two pairs, with pair 1 and 4 in contrast to pair 2 and 3. The last political deed of Hotu Matua is the division of the island among his sons; his last words are directed to the homeland. For this he goes to the southwest cape of Easter Island (to Orongo, "to the cliffs where the edge of the crater is narrowest," RM:280, i.e., to Te Karikari). This is the same place where he was greeted by the explorers. The following description of the death scene was given to Routledge by her informants: . . . and he looked over the islet of Motu Nui towards Marae Renga and called to four aku-aku in his old home across the sea, "Kuihi, Kuaha, Tongau, Opakako, make the cock crow for me," and the cock crew in Marae Renga, and he heard it across the sea; that was his death signal. (RM:280)

His gaze is fastened on the offshore islet where the doublehulled canoe had anchored after the voyage from Marae Renga. Thus the cycle closes. Hotu Matua's last words have been preserved to this day, and they have even found their way into

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modern songs (Campbell 1971:219-221). Nevertheless, it is difficult to understand their deeper meaning. For an analysis, the two basic versions by Arturo Teao and Leonardo Pakarati are used: 1. Arturo Teao (TP:55-56) The king called out to Hiva: EKuihi, eKuaha! Ka-hakao 'oa-itiiti-mai koe i te reo o te moa oArianga!

[Note by Englert: possibly ghosts] Haz cantar un poco el gallo de Ariange!

The cock crowed from Hiva until the voice of the cock reached this land. 0 'oa take heuheu

[Note by Englert: sound made by the rooster]

2. Leonardo Pakarati The king called out to his spirits Kuihi and Kuaha with a loud voice: ka hakao 'oa itiiti mai koe Let softly crow 1 te reo o te moa o ariana e the voice of the cock of ariana! o 'o take heuheu The stem with many roots is entering!

The older version is in the form of a dialog; the newer represents the last words of Hotu Matua. Ms. E classifies the spirits the king calls on as guardian spirits (atua akuaku), which warn the king of impending dangerous events and provide him with insights about their causes. "Kuihi" and "Kuaha" are an inseparable pair and are always addressed in the second-person singular. According to Gabriel Hereveri (Ms. F), they lived (nohonga) in "Te Reinga Take" and served Hotu Matua on Easter Island. Their names cannot be explained from RAP., but there are similar forms in other languages, especially MAO. (compare TAH. 'uihi "souffler, " M A O . kuihi "to speak in a low tone"; possible wordplay with MAO. ihi "power, authority, rank, essential force" = manal; TUA. ihi " t o bewitch"; MAO. ku " t o make a low, moaning sound"; MAO. waha "voice"). Perhaps Hotu Matua's guardian spirits were the personification of the power of murmured incantations. The two names added by Routledge, "Tongau" and "Opakako," are not men-

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tioned in any of the other sources as designations of either gods or spirits. Instead, a reading of to ngau o papaku would describe the relationship between the guardian spirits and the dying king. They "belong to the bite of the dying" (i.e., "they grieve for the dying?"), which seems appropriate under the circumstances. The dying king commands his guardian spirits in the old homeland to "let the cock of Ariange (or Ariana) crow." It seems that in this case ariana is not simply used as an adverb (compare TAH. aria ana "in a little time, shortly"). There are many possible translations for the root ari. Going back to the TON. suffix -ange, readings such as "where the pale light comes f r o m " or "where it is more pure" are possible. These may be attributes of the homeland (in the west). There may also be a connection with MAO. aria "the visible material emblem or representative of an atua or of a person of importance." In this case, the cock may have been the representative of either the royal family or of their guardian spirits. My informant described the last three words of the king as "good words" that are still spoken at the end (of life?). Depending on the version, the initial verb o'ao or o'o means "to crow" or "to enter." Both sources agree on the writing of the term take heu. According to Leonardo Pakarati, take means "un hombre grande como un tronco." He said that this is what the Easter Islanders called Father Englert. Take heuheu, literally, " a stem with fine hair," meaning a stem with many roots, seems to be an entirely appropriate metaphor for the island king, especially since his last residence is located in reinga take, that is, the "jumping-off place [of the soul] of Take." Among the Maori, one of the designations of rank for the leader of a tribe (ivi) or of a group (hapu) was take (compare PPN. *take "base, origin, cause"), and in MAO. take heuheu could be translated as "dispersed origin." This seems to be an appropriate expression to describe the proliferation of the royal family. In MQS. take meant, among others "the original name of the Polynesian nation. . . , the country whence they came was Take-heehee" (Tregear 1891:453), and the term occurs in early segments of mythical genealogies from Hiva Oa (several times, Te Take, Handy 1923:343; Take-o-ahee-Take, Tregear 1891:671). The idea of origin is also present in the TUA. term pu take "ancestor, progenitor, originator, etc." It would seem pretty

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certain that RAP. take or, rather, take heuheu, referred to the island king himself. There was a "rite of take" on Easter Island, but not much is known about it because it ceased to exist some thirty years before the arrival of the missionaries. Connected with the rite was a period of seclusion in a cave on Motu Nui, which may have lasted several months. We know that children were secluded. They were the so-called poki take, mentioned in the traditions (ME: 105), but it is possible that after the birth of his son a father was also secluded (RM:266). On the one hand, one has to consider that Motu Nui was the first landing place of the immigrants and thus connected with Hotu Matua; on the other hand, the information about the socalled poki take ("children of origin"?) is rather detailed (ME: 105). In this context, it should be pointed out that in TUA. take is the name of the white sea swallow and is sometimes used as a poetic name for a child. All take incidences are concentrated in the southwestern section of Easter Island along a line from Motu Nui through either Orongo or Te Karikari to Te Reinga Take, which may have been the line bisecting the island. The dead Hotu Matua is not taken to the royal residence at Anakena but to his last substantial land holdings along the middle segment of the southern shore. His burial place is not associated with an ahu, as might be expected, but is called "Hare O Ava." The description suggests that he was buried in a stonelined grave in the shape of a box. By linking "Akahanga," where he had the wells dug and was later buried, and "Huareva," where his last drink of water came from, with the death of the island king we get August ("Hora Iti") in the time-space scheme of the months and a lunar age of between 10 and 12 in the time-space scheme of the lunar nights as the time of death. Since the traditions mention no date, we have no way of verifying the reliability of the proposed calendrical allocations. The traditions do indicate that the island king and the island queen died at different times and were buried in separate locations. The continued effectiveness of the royal mana is the subject of the tradition about the fate of the royal skull. Twice Hotu Matua's skull is stolen, although the thefts are separated by a considerable period of time. Tuu Maheke, the first-born and successor of the king, secretly removes the head of the buried king and succeeds, after some experimenting (alternately wash-

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ing and drying, painting with the dye of the yellow root, wrapping it with barkcloth) in producing a lasting relic, which he hides in a safe place. The ones cheated are his brothers. Many generations later, a man f r o m the "clan of the turtle" (ure honu) accidentally discovers the skull but, in turn, has it stolen f r o m him by King Tuu Ko Ihu. This time the one cheated is the host of a banquet, given to celebrate the construction of a new house (compare transposed tale ME:349). Unlike Tuu Maheke, Tuu Ko Ihu gets caught, and the royal skull is returned to his (quasi) legitimate owner. The scheme of the narrative shows the following parallel sequences: A kahanga Burial in Hare O Ava. Tuu Maheke deceives his brothers; preserves the skull; hides the skull in Patunga. Skull accidentally discovered by Ure Honu. (Rat in the banana plantation.)

Vai Mata Dedication of the house in Hare Hoou. Tuu Ko Ihu deceives his host; weeps over the skull; hides the skull in' 'Hare Hakahaere i Te Moai" in "Tore Tahuna"; near Ahu Tepeu. Skull discovered after systematic search by Ure Honu.

The action moves f r o m the site of Hotu M a t u a ' s grave (on the southern shore) to a hiding place near the northwest cape ( " V a i P o k o , " TP:59, wordplay with puokol) and then temporarily to the residence of Tuu Ko Ihu on the western shore. The more recent action takes place well within Miru territory. The three key locations—Akahanga, Vai M a t a , and Ahu Tepeu—are all archeologically important cult centers. From this point of view alone it would be worthwhile to pursue the odyssey of the royal skull. Hotu Matua's skull (and the skulls of all chiefs?) is distinguished by its size and beauty. Its unique features are described by Arturo Teao with the following words, which he emphasized with gestures: ai te nuinui o tepuoko kotetu ka maitaki te puoko!

Así era el tamaño de calavera grande; qué calavera tan bonita! (TP: 60)

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Tuu Maheke and Tuu Ko Ihu, two outstanding figures in the history of the island, are linked by the royal skull and by similar actions (deceit, theft, and hiding). Still, they are two entirely different ariki. One is the legitimate heir of the royal power, while the other is downgraded as ariki ke. This, in essence, seems to be the political meaning of the tale. Ure Honu names "Miru Te Mata Nui" (TP:63) as the legitimate owner fhoa puoko) of the skull. The justification for this is obvious. According to the traditions, Tuu Maheke returned to Hiva. This meant that the second-born, Miru, (and his descendents) became the legitimate successor of the king. The fact that the people of Anakena support Ure Honu's claim against Tuu Ko Ihu means that the representatives of the Miru line from the traditional royal regions (Honga and Te Kena) moved against the leader of the line of Ahu Tepeu. It has already been shown in Chapter 6 that the ariki Tuu Ko Ihu was not a legitimate king but a nobleman of considerable ability. He was the younger brother (mahaki) of "Tupa Ariki" (Barthel 1961). Tuu Maheke's senior position is opposed by the junior position of Tuu Ko Ihu. The first one is successful in his dealings with the royal skull; the second one is not. The two protagonists are also linked by the term tupa (in Tuu Maheke's case, it is part of the name of his house "Hare Tupa Tuu"; in Tuu Ko Ihu's case, it is part of the name of his older brother "Tupa Ariki"). The parallel listing of the names "Miru Te Mata Nui" and "Tuu Ko Ihu" is based on the type of scheme underlying the intial sequence of segments I and III of the two most detailed lists of chiefs. Segment I begins after the break of the immigration, or, rather, the emigration from the old homeland, and segment III begins after the racial conflicts. They are listed in parallel positions: Ll.Tl L2, T2 L3.T3 L4,T4

Hotu Matua Tuu Maheke Nuku Miru

L45.T44 L46, T45 L47, T46 L48, T47

HauMoana Tupa Ariki Mahaki Tupa Ariki TuuKoIho

The difference in time may be roughly ten generations. In a parallel position with the immigrant king is the "lord of the oceans," after whom the tribe of the Haumoana in the southwest part of the island seems to have been named. Again, this

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The Death ofHotu

Matua

points to the contrast between Anakena and Vinapu, which seems to have been all pervasive. The son of the immigrant king and the son of the "lord of the oceans" are equal in rank, based on the principle of seniority. Their respective younger brothers, Miru and Tuu Ko Ihu, are the last ones to come in contact, legitimately or illegitimately, with the skull of the immigrant king. The sight of the skull of Hotu Matua produces strong emotions. When Tuu Ko Ihu recognizes the relic he bursts into tears and laments: te niho kai honu kai kekepu o hiva o te kainga

These teeth ate the turtles [and] ate the pigs (?) of Hiva of the homeland. (TP:61)

And when Ure Honu is once again in possession of the royal skull, he calls out to Tuu Ko Ihu the following words: e hoki ki Hiva ki tomatou kainga kai nui

He shall return to Hiva, to our homeland, where food is plentiful. (TP: 63)

Hotu Matua is inseparably linked with Hiva. The "proper" course of action would have been for Tuu Maheke to take the skull of his father with him when he returned to the homeland of the immigrants. The last items mentioned in the Hotu Matua cycle have a dual nature: The rat is the spirit form of Hotu Matua (kuhane), and the painted skull is the bearer of the royal mana (puoko kotetu). Together they are manifestations of the belief of later generations of Easter Islanders in the continuing presence of their emigrant king.

10. The Stone Figures

The fascination of Westerners with the Easter Island culture has its deepest roots in the existence of the great stone figures fmoai maea). Although there are many of them and more are being excavated, there are still very few ethnographic data to explain the remarkable phenomenon of these megalithic sculptures. In fact, so little is known about their origin, their development, their function, and their names that every new idea must be carefully examined for possible clues that may shed light on the mystery. Here, too, Ms. E has proven to be of great value. It contains the most detailed description available so far of the stone figures that the immigrants brought with them to Easter Island from their homeland. This provides a background for some of the local traditions that have been recorded over the years. At the time of the loading of the emigrant canoe, Hotu Matua ordered his assistant Teke to take a (stone) figure fmoai) named "Oto Uta" on board the canoe, along with the people (aniva) who were emigrating. However, the figure was left behind "out in the bay" (E:73). After the arrival in the new land, after disembarkation in the bay of Anakena, and after the return of the explorers to the homeland, our source continues with the following account. On the thirtieth day of the month of October ("Tangaroa Uri"), Hotu asked about the stone figure (moai maea) named Oto Uta. Hotu said to Teke, "Where is the figure Oto Uta [corrected in the manuscript for Hina Riru]?" Teke thought about the question and then said to Hotu, "It was left out in the bay." Hotu said to Pure O, to Pure Ki, and to Pure Vanagananga: "You fellows (kope), sail to the friend (hoou), to Oto Uta. Bring him here, he who is

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The Stone Figures

resting out in the bay. Move him carefully (? nee), you fellows, so that the king, that Oto Uta is not damaged!" Pure O, Pure Ki, and Pure Vanangananga took the canoe, put it into the water, and sailed to Hiva. The canoe of Pure O left on the fifth day of the month of November ( " R u t i " ) . After the canoe of Pure O had sailed and had anchored out in the bay, in Hanga Moria One, Pure saw the figure, which had been lying there all this time, and said to his younger brothers (ngaio taina), "Let's go my friends (hoa), let us break the neck of this mean one (or, ugly one, rakerake). Why should we return to that fragment of earth ( t e p i t o o tekainga, i.e., Easter Island)? Let us stay in our (home)land!" After the canoe of Pure O had departed, King Hotu contacted his guardian spirits (atua akuaku), namely, first, Kuihi and, second, Kuaha. Here the story of Kuihi and Kuaha is taken over by Ika Hiva [i.e., by another narrator, see Appendix II]. Pure O picked up a large round stone (pureva) and hit the top of the figure. Because of the stone, the neck of Oto Uta was broken. Then the wind started blowing, the billow rose, the waves broke, the rain started falling, the flame [i.e., lightning] shone brightly, and the thunder rolled. As soon as the wind started blowing, the waves broke, the rain fell, and the thunder rolled, King Hotu knew that Pure O had done harm to Oto Uta. Hotu spoke: "These fellows have done a mean thing to King Oto U t a ! " After the neck of Oto Uta had been broken, Kuihi and Kuaka arrived. They picked up the neck of King Oto Uta, took it, and brought it with them. They arrived out in the bay, in Hanga Rau. (There) Kuihi and Kuaha left (the fragment). After the neck of Oto Uta had been brought on land, out in the bay of Hanga Rau, the wind, the rain, the waves, and the thunder subsided. Kuihi and Kuaha arrived and told the king the following: "King Oto Uta is out in the bay of Hanga R a u . " Hotu said to his servant (tuura) Moa Kehu, " G o down to King Oto Uta and take him up out of the bay of Hanga R a u ! " Moa Kehu arose, went down, picked up (the fragment), and carried (it) on his shoulders to the house. There he left it for King Hotu. King Hotu sat down and wept over King Oto Uta. This is Hotu's lament (tanginga): ka hati toou ngao e oto uta e te ariki e mo tau papa rangaranga o haho i te tax mo tuu huehue rangaranga o haho i te tai mo tau hahave rere ai ka pae mo tau ngu rere ai ka pae mo te ika aringa riva nei he aku renga ai ka pae

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243

Broken is your neck, oh Oto Uta, oh king! Floating (?) like a raft (?) out at sea. To be erected for the drifting huehue (fish) out at sea. Able (?) to put an end to the flight of the flying fish hahave; Able (?) to put an end to the flight of the flying fish ngu; Put an end to this fish, a dorado, with the good face! (E:87-90) U p to now, the only known version of the tradition of the broken stone figure was the one by Arturo Teao. The version by Jóse Fati (Felbermayer 1971:19-20) largely agrees with it, except that in this version the king commands six servants to go back to " M a o r i . " My translation is from the Rapanui texts recorded by Englert: When the king had taken up residence in Anakena, in Hare Tupa Tuu, he said to the two men, "Return to Hiva, to the (home)land, to the stone figure (moai maea) and bring the figure back. It was left out in the bay. Be careful when you get to the bay that the companion (mahaki), the Tautó, the king, is not broken!" Two men sailed in the canoe. There were no waves; the water was not turbulent (pari); there was no wind. The men sailed and landed in Hiva. When they had landed there, they saw that the figure (moai) was standing upright (maroa) out in the bay. They broke the neck of the figure, of Tautó. At that, the waves broke, the wind blew, the rain fell, the thunder rolled, and a meteorite fell on this land. Hotu Matua knew what had happened and lamented, "Ah—broken is the neck of the figure, of the Tautó, of the king. You were not careful with the companion (mahaki)." (He) called to the servants (tangata vere taueve): " G o down and see the companion, who was brought on land, on the beach, the beach of Hiro Moko." The men went, arrived, and saw that (the figure) had landed on shore. They picked up the figure, the figure of Tautó. There was only a face (aringa) and a neck (ngao) [i.e., only the head of the figure was left]. They picked it up, went to the king, and handed (the fragment) over to the king, to Hotu Matua. The king wept because the body (hakari), the legs (vae), and the arms (rima) had been (left) in Hiva, in the (home)land. The king lamented, "(So) this is how you came from Hiva, from the land where there is an abundance of food, where the lips ooze with the waste (of the abundant food) (kainga kai nui ngutu oone)!" (TP:44-45) This version basically agrees with the theme of the one in Ms. E but has fewer details. The two men the king commissions to go

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back to the homeland have no names, the king's lament is missing, and the name of the stone figure is "Tauto," a form not used anywhere else. Details mentioned in this version but not in Ms. E include the calm state of the elements during the trio's voyage to Hiva, the landing of the fragment in "Hiro Moko," the birthplace of the king's successor, the precise description of what was left of the stone figure, and another metaphor for the homeland. This tradition of Ms. E also fits into the artificial time scheme that was established by the actions of the explorers during the crucial first year on Easter Island, discussed in Chapter 4. The motif of the forgotten stone figure follows five days after the last date of that scheme (the explorers leave for Hiva on October 25). Significantly, it follows five days later because Hotu Matua discovers the loss of the moai before the end of the month "Tangaroa Uri" (October 30) and commissions a strange trio to bring the statue of the (first) king, Oto Uta, to Easter Island. The length of the mysterious journey to Hiva is not known, but it is somehow linked to one day of the month "Ruti" (November 5). This date is also the final date mentioned in our source, which means that the seven pairs of dates given so far have an eighth pair added to them. We seem to be dealing with the same numerical principle of "from seven to eight" that underlies the discovery of Easter Island—seven lands are passed up until the eighth and final land is reached. In this case, a scheme emerges, made up of sixteen dates, which are arranged symmetrically to represent a set of months of the RAP. year. The names of seven months are mentioned, but nothing is said about the eighth month (May, "Vai Tu Potu"), during which the explorers sail from Hiva to Easter Island. The date of Hotu Matua's departure from Hiva (September 2) also seems to be of no consequence. Under the system, which was obviously intended only for those commissioned by the island king, seven pairs of dates are assigned to the explorers and the eighth pair to the trio. Hotu Matua's later actions on Easter Island are not dated at all. In the symmetrical scheme of dates, only the main component of the name of the RAP. month is important. Attributes, such as iti and nui, are omitted. The result is a group of six basic names of months, which are separated into two contrarotating halves. By adding the pairs of dates, a system emerges, which is based on the use of multiples of five:

The Stone Figures 245 Vaitu (I) Maro Maro Maro Anakena

(II)

(III)

April 25 35 days June 1 June 10 5 days June 15 July 5 5 days

Ruti Tangaroa Tangaroa Tangaroa Hora

(VI)

Anakena

July 10

Hora

Anakena

July 18

Hora

(IV)

Anakena

5 days

July 23

Nov. 5 (VIII) 5 days Oct. 30 Oct. 25 (VII) 10 days Oct. 15

(V)

Hora

30 days ("one month's stay") Aug. 29 or Sept. 1 Aug. 26 [sic] 5 days ("five days' stay") Aug. 20

The time periods between two dates are important. Where they are specifically mentioned in the text (V and VI), I assume they are more reliable than the other dates. In relating the final actions of the explorers toward the end of August, the authors obviously ran into trouble with their calculations, but it is easy to correct their errors without disturbing the system. The frequency ratio of the names of months ("Vaitu" vs. "Ruti" once; "Maro" vs. "Tangaroa" three times; "Anakena" vs. " H o r a " four times) is determined by putting the second half of the names in opposition to the first half. Another result of this procedure is the apparent linkage of two pairs each: I + II = 40 days III + IV = 10 days First half = 50 days made up of quarters with even values

VIII + VII = 15 days VI + V = 35 days Second half = 50 days made up of quarters with uneven values

The events behind this scheme are as follows: Time number I is the ocean voyage from Hiva to the landing site of the explorers at Hanga Te Pau; II is the land route taken by the explorers from Hanga Te Pau to the settlement (building of the house and establishment of the yam plantation) on Rano Kau. Number III is the land route from the settlement on Rano Kau to Te Pou; IV

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The Stone Figures

is the land route from Hanga Takaure to Oromanga, by way of Rangi Meamea. Thus, the first quarter covers the area from the homeland to the first settlement in the new land; the second quarter covers the area from the new settlement of the explorers to the future royal residence; the third and fourth quarters mark the opposite direction. Of the two possibilities for number VI ("one month's stay" at either Pu Papakina or the yam plantation at Rano Kau) the stay at Rano Kau seems the more likely one, since it provides the transitions to the next pair and also establishes a mirror image relationship to the first half. Below is the final outline that emerges from the fourfold division of the system, based on pairs of dates and points along the routes: First Quarter 1 + 11 = 40(8x5) for Vaitu, Maro from Hiva to Rano Kau

Fourth Quarter VII + VIII = 15(3x5) for Tangaroa, Ruti from Rano Kau to Hiva

Second Quarter III + IV = 10(2x5) for Anakena from Rano Kau to Anakena

Third Quarter V +VI = 35 (7x5) for Hora from Anakena to Rano Kau

The key role of Rano Kau as a way station between the old and the new royal residence is significant. This is where the first house is built, the first yam plantation established, the first written document used, the first contact established between the explorers and representatives of the original population; and this is where the newly arrived immigrants are given the first report about the conditions of the new land. The large crater in the southwest was, without doubt, the most suitable place for a permanent settlement on the relatively inhospitable island. The neighboring landing site of Hanga Te Pau (the place of arrival after the ocean voyage, starting point for the exploration of the new land, and place of departure for the return voyage across the ocean) also implies an old and very extensive cult complex at Vinapu. The fourfold division also easily applies to the cosmicpolitical organization of Easter Island based on the regions ruled by the four sons of the immigrant king: First Quarter (8 pentades) = southwest area

Fourth Quarter (3 pentades) = place of Hotu Matua's arrival

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247

= Tuu Rano Kau (third son)

= Tuu Maheke (first son)

Second Quarter (2 pentades) = route to the east = Hotu Iti (fourth son)

Third Quarter (7 pentades) = route to the west = Miru (second son)

The first chronological half is associated with the third and fourth sons; the second half with the second and first sons. The time sequence "in the year of the immigration" runs counter to the actual sequence of the four sons. If one wants to proceed from the traditional sequence of the four royal sons, the dates will have to be followed backward. Based on the four points of the globe, the time sequence of the year of the immigration turns out to be a "night side-morning side-evening side-noon side" sequence. It does not represent a cycle but, rather, the linking in pairs of "night and morning" vs. "evening and noon." The vertical order (two halves consisting of four pairs each, which account for ten pentades each) corresponds to the later political division, because during historical times the regions of the third and fourth sons in the south and east of Easter Island belonged to nonaristocratic tribes, whereas the regions of the second and first sons in the west and north were under the rule of the noble Miru tribe (and their lesser allies). In the horizontal system, the principle of opposites is even more pronounced because the reversal of the routes is added. There are many questions that need to be answered. One concerns the values of the pentades of the various quarters and whether they are symbolic numbers for groups or for their leaders. So far, the number symbolism encountered consisted of a seven vs. eight contrast between the east and the west, which was consistent with the old east Polynesian concept of the number seven and the recognition throughout Oceania of the importance of the number eight (Barthel 1962a). However, the pentade values of "eight for the southwest area and seven for the northwest area" are definitely not part of this scheme. As for the question of the meaning behind the sum of the pentades—"100" —and the division into "50 vs. 50," there is a possibility that a wordplay with rau was intended. Also, " 5 0 " and "100" were used as indications of quantity for the items brought along by the emigrant canoe. The question is, are these designations old, or are they based on recent experience? Perhaps the interval between the end and the beginning of the RAP. year should also be

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examined. The first quarter of the system of dates (from "Vaitu Nui" to "Maro") falls into the last quarter of the year, and the second and third quarter (from "Anakena" to "Hora Nui") fall into the first quarter of the year. The earliest monthly date occurs sixty-five days prior to the date for the beginning of the new year. This interval (based on a thirty-day month calculation) recurs several times between the activities of the explorers (June 15-August 20-0ctober 25). There is also no definite answer to the basic question as to whether the short "calendar of days and months" of the immigrant year was part of the old Easter Island culture or modelled after a foreign model, perhaps after the arrival of the missionaries and the subsequent availability of the Tahitian translation of the Bible. Statements such as "on the «th day of the «th month" do occur in the Old Testament (compare the first book of Moses, verses 7 and 8, which tells of the deluge), but these statements are usually connected with references to numbers of years. Judging from the oral traditions, the Easter Islanders did not reckon time by years, although there are records of grouping by decades in one type of old script (kohau ta'u). Since there seem to be no obvious connections to the fixed points of the solar system (solstice and equinox), this leaves the traditional lunar calendar as a source of reference. Taking the earliest date (the departure of the explorers from Hiva) as "zero point," its lunar phase is repeated at the time of arrival in Anakena eighty-eight days later. The "second list of place names" shows that the royal residence is connected with the beginning of the month and the phase of the new moon. By assigning a moon age of "first visibility" to July 23, it suddenly becomes evident why the stay in Oromanga lasted exactly twenty-seven days: this time period corresponds to the subsequent visibility of the moon during one lunation! The episode with Kuukuu and the turtle, therefore, took place as long as the moon was visible and the "twenty-seven days" indicated correspond to one sidereal month. This means that when the explorers arrived at the royal residence and when they left it, the moon stood close to the same star, once in the evening and once in the morning. The arrival of Hotu Matua is also determined by a "fixed sidereal point": the island king arrives on October 15, fifty-five days after the departure of the explorers from Anakena, which means two sidereal

The Stone Figures 249 months (fifty-four days and fifteen hours) later. Again the moon is associated with the same star, this time in the last quarter of the moon. The connection with the stellar positions of the moon, however, is valid only for the royal residence. There is a reversal of the lunar phases on June 10, halfway between Hiva and Anakena. This puts the building of the house and the establishment of the plantation on Rano Kau into the beginning of the second half of the month, which agrees with the system of lunar nights of the "second list of place names." In summary, the following connections emerge for the moon phases and moon stations: Departure from Hiva

(0 point) April 25 new moon (beginning of first half of month) Arrival at Rano Kau (+ 45) June 10 phase change (beginning of second half of month) Arrival at Anakena (+ 88) July 23 new moon (beginning of month) Departure from Anakena (+115) Aug. 20 old moon (end of visibility) Arrival at Hotu Matua (+170) Oct. 15 same sidereal position of moon as at Anakena

Based on a thirty-day month, the date of the new year of the immigrant year (July 1) falls into the first lunar quarter, the solstice occurs at the last visibility, and the equinox at the first visibility of the moon. By using the dates of the royal residence, some of the solar points of the year can be determined with the help of corresponding lunar phases. Again, those same three localities that emerged from the analysis of the quarters show up. The scheme of dates may have accommodated a number of subsystems. The theme of the "stone figures" falls into the third and fourth quarters, that is, the regions of the second and first sons. To put it differently, the tradition of the sculptures, imported from Hiva, is linked with the north and west part of Easter Is-

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The Stone Figures

land, the traditional territory of the aristocratic tribes. Thus, there is a distinct claim of priority over the great production center of stone figures at Rano Raraku, located in the eastern part of Easter Island in the center of the area inhabited by nonaristocratic tribes. This claim will have to be investigated further. In Ms. E, the stone figure belonging to the immigrant king has the name "Oto Uta." In the homeland, Oto Uta was the first of the ariki motongi, the father of Tangaroa, and the earliest ancestor of Hotu A Matua. He may be comparable in rank to the Polynesian deities Tane and Atea. The alternate designation "Tautó" appears to be a corruption. The island king calls the stone figure of his ancestor hoou, or mahaki, and both of these RAP. terms mean "colleague" (compañero). This seems to indicate that the figure was the image of the oldest ancestor rather than that of a deity. The stone figure must have been anthropomorphic with all its extremities intact, and it may have had an ugly (rakerake) exterior. It stood in Hiva at the entrance of the bay of Hanga Moria One, which is also the name of the western section of the bay of Anakena. On the "first list of place names," it is the goal of the search by the explorers and is linked with Oromanga. Loosely translated, the name means "bay of pebbles," but it can also be translated as the "wish for the protection of the land" (compare MAO. ría "screening, protecting"; HAW. one poetic name for "land"). It may be directly related to PPN. *mori "offer, offering, act of worship, remove tapu"; HAW. molia " t o set apart for the gods; to sacrifice or offer to the gods, to bless, etc."; and HAW. mólia ola "sacrifice and prayer for life and safety"—all of which are good similar terms and probably comparable to RAP. moria one "sacrifice and prayer for the land." The name of the locality where the ancestral figure was erected indicates its function as a protector. Judging from the cataclysmic motif in Ms. E, the protection sought must have been against the ravages of floods (tidal waves). This lends support to the suggestion by Moerenhout and Gill that stone figures marked the boundary between land and sea and were supposed to prevent floods (ME:307). Significantly, the name segment uta "inland" provides the contrast to sea (tai). According to our source, the upper fragment of the stone figure reaches Easter Island in the bay of Hanga Rau, the same place where the canoe of Hotu Matua

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251

landed and where his first son was born. The name permits a wordplay with rau "hundred." "One hundred" (days) make up the scheme of the eight pairs of dates, which also concludes with the arrival of Hotu Matua in the bay of Hanga Rau! The version by Arturo Teao mentions "Hiro Moko" instead of Hanga Rau. Hiro Moko is located in the eastern segment of the bay of Anakena and, aside from its role in connection with the birth of the oldest son (place of the afterbirth of Vakai), its name also has deeper meaning, especially in connection with MAO. In New Zealand, "Whiro," the god of the underworld is embodied in " M o k o " ("lizard") (Hiroa 1950:460 "it represents darkness and evil"). Originally, "Hiro Moko" may have indicated an underworld motif. Easter Island traditions, on the other hand, regard Hiro as the bringer of rain (ME:330), but this is also the function of "Hiva Kara Rere" (Felbermayer 1971:29-32). The transporting of the stone figure from Hiva is not a historically authentic voyage because all the protagonists are spirits. Kuihi and Kuaha, the guardian spirits of the immigrant king, who are at his side at crucial moments (Oroi conflict, hour of death), transport the (deliberately severed) head of the stone figure to the beach of the royal residence. From there, a servant of the king, who is mentioned by name, carries the fragment of Oto Uta to Hotu Matua's house. If the last segment of the tradition is to be taken literally, the stone ancestor's head did not weigh more than what a man can carry. The three "fellows" (kope), commissioned by the king to bring the figure of Oto Uta unharmed from Hiva, all have names of spirits (akuaku) that live in the sea near Vai Hu and Hanga Tee on the southern shore. My informants (Laura Hill and Vincente Pons) gave me the names of four spirits, "Pure Henguingui," "Pure Ki," "Pure O , " and "Pure Vanangananga," in connection with the traditional instruction to speak softly while gathering mussels at night on the beach (of the same coastal stretch). The instruction can be explained in the following way: pure means both "cowrie" (PPN. *pule "cowrie") and "prayer"—in the Easter Island script both are represented by Rongorongo 25—while the qualifying additions refer to various ways of speaking. RAP. henguingui is synonymous with MGV. henguingui " t o whisper, to speak low" and goes back to west Polynesian forms (SAM.

252

The Stone Figures

fenguingui " t o talk in a low tone"; UVE. fegui "murmurer"). In many of the Polynesian languages, ki is the spoken word; in some few, ki refers to the process of thinking; (MGV., MAO., HAW.) and in some instances, it indicates special noises (MQS. ki " t o whistle with two fingers"; SAM. 7 " t o call like a bird"; TON. ki " t o squeal"). Generally, o is the affirmative answer to the caller, while vanangananga indicates repeated speaking. The four spirits represent, on one hand, the sound scale of empty conch shells and, on the other hand, a classification of types of prayers. The names of the three king's emissaries, "Pure O , " "Pure Ki," and "Pure Vanangananga," can be analyzed on the following three levels: 1. With regard to the manner of speaking, as a "loud prayer" (compare TUA. o " t o shout loudly"), as a "prayer with distinct words," and as a "prayer spoken in a high voice," or, rather, a "prayer with constant repetitions." 2. With regard to the content, as a "prayer that is answered affirmatively," a "prayer directed to a definite recipient," and a "prayer by means of esoteric knowledge." 3. By going back to adjacent Polynesian idioms, as wordplays for topographic features of the area of the landing site. "Pure O " permits a wordplay with MAO. pureo (i.e., purero "that which sticks out of the water"), "Pure Ki" with MAO. pureki (i.e., purei "an isolated rock"), while "Pure Vanangananga" brings to mind TUA. vanavana "protuberance"; TAH. vanavana "rough, ragged." Put differently, the names of the three ghostly emissaries, which are actually forms of prayer, point to tangible objects in the environment, such as the cliffs and reefs in the water of the bay, which may have caused the damage done to the stone figure of the ancestor. The accident must have occurred where the otherwise sandy beach of the landing site is bordered by rocky promontories or where sections of the reef jut out of the water. If in our version "Pure O " is said to have used apureva (i.e., a large round stone) to sever the head of the stone figure, this must be a wordplay, intended to bring about the fourth pure association, which would complete the "pure tetrade" of spirits living in Vai Hu. Separating pureva into pure va indicates noisy talk (compare especially HAW. wa) or loud laughter (TON., UVE. va), both forms of expression that have very little in com-

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mon with "prayer" and may instead indicate the failure of the undertaking. "Pure Va" is, in this case, the opposite of "Pure Henguingui." The evidence cited may well be of a classificatory nature and should stimulate further discussion of the Polynesian concept of pure in order to expand the analysis begun by Koskinen (1967: 63-73). The " P u r e " group is not too different from the royal guardian spirits, whose names "Kuihi" and "Kuaha" indicate murmured incantations. It seems that the power of the spoken word brings about the events surrounding the stone figure of the ancestor. In a way, this agrees with the explanations that used to be given for the movement of the stone figures on Easter Island. It was said that the moai maea were moved by the power of the words of chiefs and priests (ivi atua) (ME:304). Naturally, this should not be applied to the actual technical process of moving the figures but, rather, taken as an indication of the ideological dimensions of such an undertaking. Maria, it seems, was an essential ingredient in the organization of work. The stone figure of the ancestor is destroyed by having its head severed from its torso, which means that the destruction is directed toward its neck, the most vulnerable area of such a sculpture. This kind of "decapitation" must have been the traditional form of figure mutilation, as indicated by the many fragments of small stone figures on Easter Island, whose heads are missing and whose torsos were then used in the building of platforms for other figures. One of the giant sculptures standing on the outer edge of Rano Raraku is a mute witness of this process of mutilation: Another excellent specimen (Fig. 16) of these remarkable figures stands near the last mentioned and shows tool-marks around the neck as though an effort had been made to cut the head off. The natives call this "hiara" and have a tradition to the effect that it belonged to a powerful clan who were finally defeated in war, and that their enemies had made an attempt to destroy the statue by cutting off the head. The story may be based only upon the mutilation, but the chances are that it is founded upon fact. (PH:495)

The name may have been hiava, literally, "headache (hi) because of a blow," or "because of the notch (ava)," obviously

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a very apt, descriptive term. The moai in question is moai number 292 on the Englert inventory, where its name is "Hi Ave." It seems to be identical with the "Ko Hiavi" in Geiseler's list of names (1883:8). As a rule, the stone figures were destroyed by toppling them. This "toppling of figures" (huri moai) represents the most distinctive feature of the final phase of the Easter Island culture (ME:87). The traditional causes of this will be explained later. It was easy enough to topple those statues standing on ahu, but the degree of damage was unpredictable. Often the sculptures did not break at all or they broke into several pieces, which is not the same as a well-executed "decapitation." According to the traditions, when the stone figure of Oto Uta had its head forcibly severed from its torso, the elements rose up in rage because of the sacrilege. The grouping of the elements suggests a definite scheme that must have been made up originally of four elements, whose force is expressed by alliterative verbs. Most likely the composition had the following form: he he he he

hu te tokerau hati te vave hoa te ua hatu te hatutiri

the wind blows the waves break the rain falls the thunder rolls

Wind and waves on one hand, and rain and thunder on the other combine to represent the turbulent sea and the thundering sky. Occasionally, the action is described by using related verbs ("the billow rose /ketu]" or "the rain came pelting down lava]"). The additions for lightning ("bright shines [nomo] the flame furaj") or meteorite ("a meteorite [homo] plunged Itopa]") are rare, and, since these terms do not occur anywhere else, they may be nothing more than embellishments by the narrator. I personally think that the formalized upheaval of the elements represents a topos in RAP. poetry. The "blow" (ava) to the stone figure, which "breaks" (hati) the neck, calls forth events connected with similar sounds: the rain pelts down (ava); the wave breaks (hati). Polynesian poetry frequently resorts to meteorological phenomena as means of description as shown by a comparison with MAO. chants (nga moteatea). In six laments (tangi) "lightning" (uira) is understood as a "sign of death" (tohu o mate) (Ngata 1959:14, 24, 139, 174; 1961:45, 119). Below are two characteristic segments:

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ka tangi te whaitiri, ka rapa te uira te tohu o Hoturoa i maunu atu ai (Ngata 1959:138-139) The thunder peals, the lightning flashes! A sign that he of Hoturoas line has gone.

taku koara te uira i te rangi; whakahoki rua ana i runga o Hakari; ko te tohu o te mate na, i euaete ua tata rahi ana ko te hua i te kamo taheke i runga ra (Ngata 1959:174-177) The portent I saw was the lightning in the sky, which flashes twice above Hakari; It was, alas, the omen of death! Pour down, O rain, in gusty squalls; Like the precious tears from mine eyes falling from above.

In the RAP. tradition, the "beheading" of the stone figure is obviously taken to be an act of "killing," which is signaled by a clap of thunder. Perhaps the pouring rain is meant to represent the "weeping" of those concerned about the fate of the figure. Here too, the MAO. tangi can be used for comparison. Hotu Matua immediately understands the meaning of the omen and breaks out into a lament (tangi, TP:44). The exact words of the lament for Oto Uta are given for the first time in Ms. E, and they are very difficult to translate. The text of the six lines proceeds from the actual events by referring to the broken neck of the stone figure of the ancestor. Oto Uta is called "the king." The next two lines begin with the statement "(on the surface) floats out at sea" (rangaranga o haho i te tai) and then continue with "like a plank" (papa) in one line and "like a certain kind of fish" (huehue) in the other. I have not identified the fish named RAP. huehue, but there are several similar fish names in other Polynesian languages (compare MGV. hue, TUA. hue "porcupine fish [Diodon hystrixj"; MQS. huehuekava "(poisonous) fish"; TAH. huehue "fish with good meat but poisonous roe"; RAR. ueue, MAO. hue, SAM. sue "globe fish (puffers), genera Tetraodon and Canthigaster, their skin is poisonous"). It appears that the fish in question is both prickly and (relatively) poisonous. Leonardo Pakarati thought that papa rangaranga in the second line was synonymous with pora " r a f t " and understood

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huehue rangaranga in the third line as "dejar muchas cosas flotando en el mar." In fact, there is a similar definition for huehue in MGV. (huehue, compare hue "to collect, to gather together"). On the other hand, the seemingly contradictory definitions of TUA. huehue "fright, fear, great dread; to be stirred up . . . excited, owing to some untoward or menacing event" and TAH. huehue "avoir peur" also have to be taken into consideration. In short, there are so many possible translations that a final decision is all but impossible. The last three lines are all related to the call to "put an end to" (ai ka pae) two species of flying fish (hahave and ngu), in lines three and four, which live in the coastal waters of Easter Island. The local names of both flying fish are unusual and permit at least one wordplay (ngu "recitar, cantando un texto" or "mostrarse egoista y cicatero"). The common PPN. term *malolo is not used. The recipient is obviously the "fish with the good face" (te ika aringa riva), which is aku renga [Chrysophrys aurataj. "Te Aku Renga" is also the name of a fishing ground off the coast of Anakena and therefore closely connected with the royal residence, which seems to indicate that the "golden fish" of the last line is likely to be an epithet for the king. Based on the meaning of pae in other Polynesian languages (TUA. pae "to be wrecked or stranded on shore"; MAO. pae "to be cast ashore, wrecked, stranded"; HAW. pae "to land, come ashore"; SAM. paepae "to be scattered about in great numbers, as . . . fish thrown upon a beach") the three fish mentioned in the last three lines have all "come ashore." The two varieties of flying fish have ended their flight (rere) on the beach, while the "golden fish" is probably none other than the fragment of the stone figure of the ancient king Oto Uta, which has also "come up on the beach." Thus the lament deals, on one hand, with the condition of the sculpture (broken neck, drifting on the surface of the sea, washed ashore) and, on the other hand, with its function (causing flying fish to land on the beach, thereby providing a rich catch). In short, the real value of the stone figure of the ancestor is in its ability to cast a spell on the fish. This interpretation is supported by the old fisherman Timoteo Pakarati, story of a stone named "Takapau Hakareva A Teka." This stone belonged to his grandfather, and, with its help, flying fish (hahave)

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could be made to land on the beach (Englert 1939:212). I shall come back to this tradition later on. If Oto Uta, the king in the form of a stone figure, possessed this kind of power, one of the translations of his name, "the first person who moved inland," takes on added meaning. His power over the (flying) fish may be due to the fact that he is the father of Tangaroa, the deity of the ocean and of the fish. Obviously, his magic power continues to reside in the fragment of the stone figure after it reaches Easter Island. The motif of breaking is taken up again in the name of Oto Uta's grandson, "Tiki Hati," which can be translated as "broken figure (in human form)." The theme of the stone figure of Oto Uta unites the first three ariki motongi (compare Chapter 2) into a meaningful complex and adds to the understanding of these mythical ancestors. Magic stones were also known on other east Polynesian islands and played an important role in the catching of fish. Anthropomorphic stone statues (tiki) were placed along the beaches of Hiva Oa to ensure success in the hunting of sea turtles (Handy 1923:174), and fish deities, carved from stone, were hidden in the ground (Handy 1923:165). Great power was ascribed to the mauri kohatu and the whatu kura of New Zealand. Some of them are objects that were brought along at the time of immigration, such as the famous Whatu-kura-a-Tangaroa, " a red rough-cut stone, said to have been brought to Aotearoa in New Zealand from Hawaii on board the canoe Tauira some 600 years ago" (Scheffrahn 1965:47, after Cowan 1930). In another tradition, a similar stone is regarded as a direct "ancestor" (Scheffrahn 1965:48, after Gudgeon 1906)! This makes the fragment of the stone figure of the ancestor Oto Uta, imported from Hiva, an integral part of an old east Polynesian conception. Because of the widespread use in old east Polynesia of spells and the existence of people and objects endowed with special powers, I suspect that parts of the lament of Hotu Matua are, in fact, successful fishing charms and as such belong in the realm of esoteric knowledge. The two stone figures brought to Easter Island by the explorers are also closely connected with recitations. On the one hand, their position serves as a signal across the ocean, in the direction of the homeland; on the other hand, it is the starting point of the

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"second list of place names," which is based on the trip around the island by the explorers and links the names along this route to a calendar of lunar nights. The two stone figures, Hinariru Nui and Hinariru Iti, were carved in Hiva by a master named Tuu Hokorua, and they were brought to the new land as part of the secret treasure of Ira, the leader of the explorers. They face the ocean, unlike the moai that were placed on the ahu along the shore, most of which face inland. Only a very small number, such as the ones of the inland ahu "Ative" or "Akivi," face toward the sea. On the other hand, this position is not uncommon among the statues at the foot of Rano Raraku. All the positions toward the sea and positions toward the land, keys to the ocean voyage and to the future division of land, are fixed in the traditions by exact "wording" (kupu), which means by letter-perfect "recitations" (patautau). The PPN. form *kupu "word, anything spoken" was first analyzed by Koskinen (1967:55, 56) in an attempt to find out whether it had the same meaning in eastern and western Polynesia. The RAP. example in Ms. E seems to fall into the TUA. category of kupuvananga "ancient esoteric lore," since it deals with ancient, secret, esoteric knowledge. The version below is reconstructed from the various sources: ko ruhi hepii ki te rara matau ko pu ki te rara maui ko hinariru nui hinariru iti ki te tini he tuitui reipa i te ngao o te moai o hinariru i papa o rae This is Ruhi Hepii to the right side; this is Pu to the left side; these are the big and the little Hinariru in the middle; there is a mother-of-pearl necklace around the neck of the figure of Hinariru at (the place of) the first rock.

The names "big Hinariru" and "little Hinariru" seem to indicate a difference in size of the two stone figures. They hold a center position, flanked on either side by the glistening ornaments that have been set into manmade holes in the surrounding rocks. Their mother-of-pearl necklaces further accentuate their central position in the complete system of attributes that shine and blink. Up to now, the only evidence for the custom of deco-

The Stone Figures 259 rating stone figures was the occasional red and white patterns (ME:Figs. 30, 31) painted in stripes (ME:294; NA 1:109) on their faces and necks as well as motifs of tatooing (Lavachery 1939: Fig. 209 f f . ) . There is a moai in the U.S. National Museum in Washington, D.C., which was removed from Easter Island by Thomson in 1886 (PH:Plate XXVIII for original position, listing of place of origin incorrect!). It has a breast ornament similar to the tuitui reipa of the tradition incised on its chest. The listing of "Anakena" as the place of origin is incorrect since this particular statue comes from Ahu A Pepe (northeast of Maunga Ana Marama; the figure was set at a right angle to Rano Raraku and faced the ocean of the northern and southern shore!). It was moved from the interior to the La Perouse Bay, where it was put aboard a ship (compare description by Cooke 1899:700; also local tradition). Published photographs of the front of the figure (Chauvet 1935:Fig. 39; better, Heyerdahl 1952:Plate XL) show three parallel lines coming down on both sides from a distinct notch in the throat to about the middle of the breastbone. Attached to them, a little outward from the center, is an oval disk with indications of rays. The shape of the pendant and the manner in which it is worn seem to indicate that it is an ornament similar to the mother-of-pearl disks worn by the inhabitants of neighboring Polynesian islands (Hiroa 1944: 438; for MQS., also Handy 1923:Fig. 24b). It should be noted that this is not a tongue- or leaf-shaped pendant (ME:Fig. 27), nor does it have the sickle-shaped outline of the well-known wooden rei miro (ME:Fig. 28). When I visited Ahu A Pepe in November 1957, I noticed that the torso of the broken moai number 153 also shows incised (double) lines, indicating a hanging ornament, but the shape of the pendant can no longer be determined. Although the shape of the mother-of-pearl pendants is in doubt, the tuitui reipa of the "figures of the explorers" seems to indicate that the custom of wearing such ornaments existed in the land of origin. It is quite possible that later on various forms of the rei (miro) were also used to decorate the statues, since it is an emblem signifying rank (royal insignia, ME: 132; emblem of the Honga line within the noble Miru tribe; used in the Easter Island "flag," Campbell 1971:121). Rei and moai occur together in a Rongorongo text (Gr7, Barthel 1958:58) that later on traces

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the descent of Tuu Maheke from the gods (Barthel 1963a) and, as such, is relevant to the immigration cycle. The mother-of-pearl pendants may also be lunar symbols since, on the "second list of place names," the adorned figures are in the important final quarter position on the lunar calendar. This calls to mind the statement by Young (1904) about the socalled rei-marama that "the shapes of the different crescents were meant to represent different phases of the luminary" (ME: 232). Because of the position of the young moon in the western sky, "crescent-shaped (or bright) ornaments" (rei marama) would be suitable adornments for stone figures in that particular location. The names "big Hinariru" and "little Hinariru" point to a master by the same name, whose identity has been previously established. The text of the recitation associates the two figures with apina iti and rapa kura, that is, "small sacrifice (?)" and "precious radiance." The first name is now strictly a geographic name, while the second name calls to mind the shiny mother-ofpearl pendant. It is well known that the moai of Easter Island had individual names, as did the stone figures of the Marquesans ("Each tiki had its name, in several cases . . . the name of the sculptor. . . . Other tikis were named in honor of chiefs" [von den Steinen 1928, vol. 11:78]). At the end of the "second list of place names," after the entire island has been rounded, beginning and ending at Apina Nui, the figure of Hinariru is mentioned a second time. Both the beginning and the end of this important patau tau are connected with the imported stone figures, giving them the rank and importance of foundation stones or cornerstones for the new land. According to a Polynesian custom, the (interisland) transfer of land was accompanied by the transfer of single (corner)stones from one of the cult places (marae), which served as a tangible "architectural" sign of the legal transfer of the claim. It may well be that the two stone figures of the explorers served the same purpose in the new land. This would also indicate that "Apina" held a position of special importance among the ahu of Easter Island and maybe even perpetuated an important name from the former homeland. In Ms. E, the conclusion of the process of naming places is indicated by the words "in Apina Nui a stone has been erected" (i hakatuu ai te maea).

The Stone Figures 261 The establishment of the fixed point on the western shore is described in connection with the cave Pu Pakakina. The name of this cave, which is located between Apina Nui and Apina Iti, means "hole from which something runs out" or "hole with (certain) noises" (compare also pakakina in TUA. and RAR.), and it is an important place in the traditions of Easter Island. In the so-called "great Ure Cycle"—Ure, the trickster, is a culture hero with features similar to Maui—the hero hides in this cave and makes "lots of noises" (that is, pakakina!). In order to create a rainfall (compare pakakina ki raro "to fall by drops"), he sings the words ua mata tahi, uka akoa (ME:364) over and over, each time adding more and more raindrops. The girl (uka) who provides the rain is none other than the moon goddess. Here again we are dealing with a lunar theme. If it is true that one man could carry both of them, the stone figures of the explorers can't have been very large. Apparently they did not have a flat base but were meant to be sunk into the ground. A pit (rua) was dug and lined with pebbles (kirikiri), which prevented the figure from shifting in the ground and, at the same time, permitted the absorption of rainwater after a heavy downpour. The head, the neck, and an undetermined part of the torso were above the ground. Since the mother-of-pearl pendants were hung around the neck, at least part of the thorax must have been visible. The details of the technique used to erect the two figures of the explorers suggest that it was basically the same as the one used to erect the moai at the foot of Rano Raraku, except that these statues were much larger. They are not at all like the stone figures on top of the ahu, but they seem to represent an entirely different aspect of the megalithic culture of Easter Island. Obviously, the two sculptures with ornaments in Apina have important implications for the stone figures of the sculptors' mountain, Rano Raraku. The traditions mention one other stone statue, supposedly the property of Maeha, which is stolen at the time of the emigration (compare Chapter 5). This event is linked to the theft of the yams, and, like that theft, it is initiated by Teke, the right-hand man of the immigrant king. Two men, Oti and Parahenga, force their way into Maeha's house and carry the stone figure on a litter (rango) onto the emigrant canoe. The tradition lists its name

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as "Te Takapau," and nothing more is said about it in Ms. E; fortunately, however, other versions continue the story, which involves several members of the Pakarati family. In 1936 Timoteo Pakarati gave the following account: Mi tío abuelo tenía una piedra (maea) que se llama Te Takapau Hakareva A Teka y que estaba en la tierra. Cuando quería ir a pescar peces voladores (ika hahave), destapaba la piedra, le daba vuelta hacia arriba (he hurí i te aro arunga); venían los peces hacia la costa y él los sacaba todos dejándolos en tierra he hakapae). Sólo los peces voladores venían a la costa. Cuando había gran cantidad de peces en la playa, daba otra vez vuelta a la piedra para abajo y la cubría (tanu). Con esto terminaba, ya no venían más los peces. (Englert 1939:212; spelling of names corrected by author) When Englert discovered that the story was about a stone sculpture, he corrected the earlier version (HM:268) by changing the name of the immigrant who supposedly brought the small moai from Hiva to "Teke" (from "Teka"), named Te Kohou as its last owner (compare genealogy HM:67), and let the theft of the figure take place on Easter Island ("Estaba primero en la casa de él [i.e., Teke], cerca de la playa de Hangaroa, fué robado y llegó finalmente a la región de Mahatua"). In October 1957, Leonardo Pakarati wrote down for me a detailed version of the tradition of Te Takapau Hakareva A Teke as he knew it. Following is the English translation of this version. In the olden days of the former tribes, Hotu A Matua brought the stone (maea) (which is called) Te Takapau, on land; from Hiva, from Maori (he came) to our homeland, to Te Pito O Te Henua. The stone came from Hanga Moria One Tea and remained in the house (named) Tokeu Takapau in the vicinity of Ahu A Rongo in Hangaroa O Tai. An old woman (nuahine), Tau Mahani, guarded the stone. (The following) is the habit of this old woman at nighttime: she gets up, takes a rope, and ties it around the neck, which has a notch (karikari) like a statue. This stone is Te Takapau Hakareva A Teke. At night, Tau Mahani then has to go to her house, where the old woman stays to sleep. Another year passes, and the king (ariki) speaks, the ariki of Akahanga at the far side (of the island) thinks; he mumbles to himself. He has remembered the stone that has come to Hangaroa. The king speaks to two strong young fellows (ngaio), whom he the

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ariki of Akahanga knows. He says to these young fellows: "Come here, companions (mahaki), get on your way so that you will reach the stone Te Takapau Hakareva A Teke at night. When you go, companions, Tau Mahani sleeps. When you take (patu) the rope (taura) from the neck, tie (it) again to a second stone so that it looks like the rope for the stone (hau maea), so that it looks heavy when (the other stone) is left behind. This shall be done for me at dawn, after the stone has been safely brought here, the one that makes abundant (maea kai) the yams, the bananas, the sugarcane, the sweet potatoes, and all kinds of fish. Move on with strength (? kia hio), companions, when you go!" The two young men set out from Akahanga and reach the stone during the night. After they have gone and arrived, they shorten (he potu mai) the rope over the stone [i.e., they pull itaway], make a loop (hahao) around another stone, and pull it very tight. Both pull (the stolen stone) out. Morning dawns, and they carry (the stolen stone) on their shoulders (amo). They quickly go (vae runga vae raro) up to Pu Marikiriki, to A Mara, to Te Rerenga Heva. After the two young men have gone so far, the two see how the flying fish (hahave) fly toward the stone. They say, "What power that is able to attract fish (we are bringing to the king)! (? kia hio ana oho kia te ika). They move to the side and climb up to Kai Heke. They turn (the stone) on its side (he patu mai), and the tunafish (kahi) flies to the stone. Then the two young men who have carried (the stone) on their shoulders say, "For the fish is the power, which we bring to the king (? kia a te ika kia hio ana oho)\" Now they know what power belongs to the stone (he mana o te maea), namely, to Te Takapau Hakareva A Teke. Both are amazed, both say it, both think about it . . . (? ro ia rua ana): "So this is what was said; for this the king has sent us to the stone, to Te Takapau Hakareva A Teke, (because) he knew it!" They hasten back to the king to hand over (the stone). (There follows enumeration of the places along this part of the trip: Hitirau, Te Kauanga, Hare O Viki, Vai Tapatea Mataengo, Te Oho O Te Vaka, Puku Ure Purei, Papa Marama, Pei, Te Ngao O Te Honu, Nga Toa Riki A Raraku, Te Miro Oone, Te Hau Pua Mea, Te Ei A Hina Kauhara, Te Rapa Tahi A Uka, Te Tokitoki, Ure Tau, Roie, Akahanga.) Tau Mahani wakes up and pulls on the stone; it moves slowly. She does the same thing again, pulling more vigorously; it moves a little more, and she realizes that the stone is light. She gets up, and the old woman sees that it is another stone. She wonders over and

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over—gone (away) is Te Takapau Hakareva A Teke! She becomes very quiet (? he mamumu)-, she gathers all her strength (he hakahiohio) and calls out in a loud voice to her guardian spirits (akuaku) at (the place) Puna A Pau: "Oh Te Ao, oh Te Amira! Gone (away) is Te Takapau Hakareva A Teke!" Three times she repeats this call. It is heard by the spirits, by Te Ao and Te Amira. They move (ao mai) toward Te Varivari, they move on to Te Takotako, to Punapau. There is not (a trace); nothing is there. They lie down (? moe) on the other path, (the one) to Too Rangi, to Ngori, to Rae Paoa, to Omo Anga, to Te Kauhanga O Varu. There is not (a trace); nothing is there. Then they begin to lament (he i), the two spirits (varua), Te Ao and Te Amira. They turn around and say to the old woman, they tell her, "(We) have accomplished absolutely nothing; silent (mou) is Te Takapau Hakareva A Teke." Tau Mahani is utterly amazed and stays (at her place) without having the stone any longer. The stone remains in Akahanga. Now there is a surplus (he topa te mau) in Akahanga of yams, bananas, sweet potatoes, sugarcane, and all sorts of food. Later, after another year passes, a respected man (tangata honui), who has a cave in which he raises chicken (ana hangai moa), sees what an abundance there is in Akahanga. He asks his friend, who says and explains to him, "There is a stone here that belongs to the king. Its abundance (mau) has come down upon the land. It is Te Takapau Hakareva A Teke who brings mana to these people." (The respected man) comes along and secretly tells his young men what he knows (of it), in order to (later) bring the stone to his landholdings to (increase his) food supply. After another year passes, they take, they steal this stone from Akahanga and carry it far away (? he ano heri). They come to Vai Puna Kore and throw it into the water(hole). There the stone remains, and now there is an abundance of food, of all kinds of food. Young men come along from the interior near Mahatua. They look around carefully and notice that there is an abundance of all kinds of food, that nobody lacks food. They are full of admiration and one says, "This stone is Te Takapau Hakareva A Teke!" They stay, and another month passes by. Two young men (kope) arrive from Mahatua. They steal the stone from the water(hole) Vai Tataku Po. They both carry it on their shoulders, and they go to Mahatua, to the house of Tama Horeko. The stone remains there until the year (of the two brothers) Te Kohou A Te Matangi A Ure Te Ono and Veri Heka. The stone was in Mahatua when Timoteo Pakarati grew up. One day, all the old

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men (korohua) went to Hanga Hoonu to catch eels for the feast (ngongoro) of Mary on August 15 [i.e., the Feast of the Assumption], They lay down to sleep. Then Te Kohou A Te Mantangi turned to Timoteo Pakarati: "Tomorrow let us both go to the landholdings in the hinterland of Mahatua." He answered, "I don't want to." It grew light, and a new day dawned. The old ones went to the ocean, and only the two companions (hokorua) remained behind. He said to Timoteo, "Let's go now, the two of us!" Timoteo Pakarati answered, "I will stay here with Papa Arone when they go fishing." (Te Kohou) was very much amazed: "Then you don't want to go? . . . " Te Kohou got up and went inland in the direction of a cave, in the direction of Ana Haruru. Then he came to Mahatua. He lifted up (he ketu) the stone, that is, (the stone) Te Takapau Hakareva A Teke. At that, the flying fish (hahave) flew toward the land and onto the beach. When Timoteo and all the old men looked, the flying fish had flown like birds toward the land. There was a great clamor, and Timoteo Pakarati saw that thousands upon thousands and ten thousands upon ten thousands (of flying fish) were stranded (pae) on the beach, ready to be picked up. Timoteo witnessed this from Hanga Hoonu, from the cave of Matia. He could see the entire length of (the shore) up to Motu Toremo Hiva (on one side) and Papa Te Kena (on the other side), where (the view) ends. This is the end of the story. An animatedly delivered version by Santiago Pakarati (recorded on tape in August 1957) is much shorter but basically agrees with the main trend of the action. There are several divergent and several additional details: the thieves are two young men from Anakena; they have heard of the stone, which is used to procure fish and other food; the stone's name is "Te Takapau Hakareva A Teka" (corrupted form of owner's name), and it is guarded by an old woman in Ahu O Rongo (HM:516, in the bay of Hangaroa); there is a hole in the neck of the stone (ngao maea), through which a rope is fastened which then goes into the house. Significant is the added information that this stone has "a ripe belly" (manava paka) like that of a pregnant woman (vie hanau tama). The nocturnal theft is accomplished with the aid of a carrying litter (rango), and the thieves' path leads them past localities northeast of Hangaroa beyond Te Kauhanga O Varu. When the old woman, who has been robbed, sends her guardian spirits to search for the culprits, they may not go beyond the last-mentioned place because on the other side lies territory that

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is guarded by different spirits (akuaku ke and toira hangu ke). At first the stone is hidden in the waterhole Vai Karanga, then later is taken to the house of Te Kohou in Mahatua. In order to benefit from the power of the stone, one has to know how to use it (he huru o te maea). Metraux was able to obtain an interesting piece of information, which deals with a different stone, but the function and the places seem to be the same as those discussed in connection with Te Takapau Hakareva A Teke: Near ahu Mahatua is a stone covered with engraved vulvas (komari), called Pu-o-Hiro (Trumpet-of-Hiro) because of a natural hole which can be blown through like a trumpet. Legend says that it stood formerly in Hangaroa and was brought to its present place by a raiding party of Tupa-hotu warriors. The shaking of this stone brought shoals of fish to the shore. (ME: 174)

With a little imagination, the photograph of the stone Pu-oHiro does seem to resemble the profile of a swollen abdomen, and the vulva incision seems to indicate a fertility function, but I don't believe that this is the actual "Te Takapau." Since the figure was brought from Hiva, it should be carved from rock of the homeland. Also, the figure is said to have been carefully buried by the last owners (my own search in Ana O Mu was unsuccessful, compare Barthel 1958a:225). The translation of the name presents the usual difficulties. Takapau, as well as the transposed form tapakau (TAH. tapa'au; HAW. kapa'au) was originally the Polynesian term for a mat made from woven coconut leaves. In RAP., takapau refers primarily to a large piece of barkcloth, which is used to wrap things, and, as such, is fairly close to the original meaning. But it can also refer to something that is swollen—surely an apt description of a pregnant woman!—or, rather, to a fold or to the vagina, which would establish a relationship to a female sculpture. The addition hakareva (RAP. " t o hang something up vertically") can be more adequately explained from MGV. (akareva "to carry from person to person or from place to place, to transport") and seems to refer to the turbulent history of the stone figure and the fact that it was stolen repeatedly. If, on the other hand, the name is taken to be an archaic expression, then a survey of some of the extended meanings of the

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term in other Polynesian languages may be instructive. On one hand, "the mat" served as a seat for people of high rank and could have thus become a title (TUA. tapakau, obsolete, " a supreme ruler, principal chief"; SAM. tapa'au "high chief, god"). On the other hand, "the mat" indicated a sacred place (HAW. kapa'au "raised place in the heiau where the visible gods were thought to dwell and where the images and offerings were placed"; MQS. tapakau "feuilles de cocotier tressés par les prêtres et que l'on place dans la case d'un défunt pour le représenter"), or it took on a comprehensive topographical character (TUA. tapakau, mythically, "the surface of the earth, including both land and water, believed to be the mat of the god Tane"). Even more revealing is the custom, practiced in New Zealand, of spreading out the mat (takapau) for a variety of tabooed ceremonies. In MAO., takapau hora nui referred to a birth that was the result of a legitimate marriage; MAO. takapau whara nui " a mat made from the scalps of defeated enemies" was used for the procreation of aristocratic priests. Therefore, "the mat" as a place for procreation and birth seems to very aptly describe the character of the stone figure of a pregnant woman. Here the MAO. meaning sheds light on the RAP. term. The fact that the use of a carrying litter (rango) is mentioned several times in connection with the transporting of the figure Te Takapau seems to indicate that it must have weighed more than one man could carry. The potency of the stone could be applied in two different areas: it could be used to promote the growth of food-producing plants and it could be used to attract fish to the shore. A comparison of the various sources shows that as "stone for food" (maea kai), its primary function was to promote the growth of the most important cultigens, such as Maeha's famous varieties of yams in the former homeland and various cultigens in the new land. Its usefulness in connection with flying fish seems to depend on the informant—the Pakaratis were a family of famous fishermen—and may be a function that has been transposed from the stone figure of Oto Uta. It is also possible that Te Takapau was the feminine counterpart of Oto Uta. Perhaps the stone sculpture of a pregnant woman was originally intended to increase the yield of the crops of the fields and the male sculpture the crops of the sea. It is further possible that

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the "upper fragment" of the male figure was intended to provide the contrast to the "lower fragment" of the female figure, both representing the potent physical characteristics of the two sexes (head vs. abdomen). During its turbulent history, the stone Te Takapau is transported from one place to another. Altogether it is kept in eight different places: 1. in Maeha's house in Hiva 2. at the landing site on Easter Island (Hanga Moria One Tea, i.e., Anakena) 3. in Tau Mahani's house near the ahu of Rongo in Hangaroa 4. in the royal plantations on Akahanga 5. in the waterhole Vai Puna Kore 6. in the waterhole Vai Tataku Po 7. in Tama Horeko's house in Mahatua 8. buried in the ground near Ana Haruru or Ana O Mu

This sequence represents yet another "seven-eight" pattern. Seven of the eight localities are on Easter Island, and these represent a directional sequence of north-west-south-east. Three separate houses are mentioned in the first position, but there is a strong likelihood that there was also a house listed in the fifth position. In this case, the pattern would be the customary pairing of local names. The house of the old woman in Hangaroa, "Hare Toke Takapau," which means "house of the theft of Takapau," is located in the vicinity of the ahu of Rongo, who as the deity is closely connected with cultivated plants. Again the locality seems to point to a wider context. The old woman belongs to the grandmother generation (nuahine, ruau). Her name is not mentioned by any of the other sources, but "Tau Mahani" could be related to PPN. *taumafa, since this term refers to "heaviness" (compare the bulky stone figure) or "abundance (of food)" (compare the food-producing power of the figure). The extended meaning of the word has been taken up by Koskinen (1967:74-79). While Ms. E gives the names of the protagonists connected with the early events in Hiva, the local tradition does not mention the names of concrete personalities until the arrival of the stone figure in Mahatua; those mentioned are the nineteenth-century ancestors of the Pakarati family. Very interesting is the fact that fishing charms

The Stone Figures 269 continued to be used long after the Easter Islanders had been converted to Christianity by the missionaries. There appears to exist a special relationship between the stone figures and the various pairs of guardian spirits. The fragment of the sculpture of Oto Uta is brought on land by the pair Kuihi and Kuaha, while the two spirits Te Ao and Te Amira try to trace the stolen figure Te Takapau. The latter two are unsuccessful because the territory in which they are permitted to operate is restricted to a stretch of land along the western shore and is limited inland by Te Kauhanga A Varu. Politically, this seems to correspond to the borderline between two groups of the Miru tribe. According to Ms. E, "Te Ao" (literally, "the large dancing paddle," but here possibly "the victory") and "Te Amira" ("he to whom honor is due?", compare MAO. whakamiramira "to treat with deference") belong to Teke, and their seat (pepe noho) was in Manavai Oho(o). Thus the guardian spirits and the stone figure share the same owner. If harm comes to his sculpture, the owner can call on his guardian spirits for assistance. Such an invocation demands the inner concentration of all the caller's strength (hakahiohio), and only then can he let out the mournful cry, which must be repeated three times and must include the names of the spirits and information about the task for which they are called. The motif of the imported stone figures must be separated from those traditions that contend that the carving of stone sculptures was invented on Easter Island. Usually this is done in an effort to explain the origin of the first stone figures at Rano Raraku. Below is one such version, which Mateo Hereveri wrote down for me in RAP. in January 1958: There was Hinariru, the master of sculpture (te maori o te moai), who worked (tuki) by himself, who worked on the first moai. Hinariru's child was born, it was a boy, and Hinariru was his name. Hinariru raised his child until he was grown, but he did not let him work in the fields and labor with difficulty, but instead raised him so that he became a respected man (tangata honui). When his time came, Hinariru died. Hinariru's child wept, "Oh father, I did not work the soil, you alone took care of me through your efforts, oh father!" Hinariru's child grieved for his father. The days went by. One night he had a dream (he moe i taana akuaku). He looked—there was the moai! For a long time he dreamed

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of the moai. He woke up, he thought, and he remembered it. He said, "Ah, this figure which I saw in my dream (i te varua) shall be a living face (mo aringa ora, i.e., a memorial). Hinariru's child took a stone (maea) and from it carved a statue in memory of his father (te moai mo aringa ora o toona matua). He brought it to the ahu and worked hard to place the moai on top of the ahu, the first ahu. This country was populated by ahu (i tuki ai o te kainga nei hai ahu nei), all the ahu were built by the people of this side (i hakaara ai te ahu ananake aro tangata nei), by the Ure O Koera, by the Ure I Toko Te Rangi, of the house of Miru, to which we [i.e., the family of the Hereveri] belong. The man from Hotu Iti went to work and fashioned the first figure (there), but this moai did not turn out well. This was the figure called "Tai Hare Atua." The men went to Hinariru, to the master sculptor, to see how a moai is made. When the two men were getting ready for the return trip to Hotu Iti, Hinariru said, "Come back one more time, my young companions (mahaki)!" The two talked to each other, and the thought came to them: "Now we are becoming his victims (ko taua te ika)." He called out (to them), "Down there we ourselves have the moai!" On the way the two pondered over the words "down there we have the moai." When they came to Ahu O Hei Para, one of them felt the need (he puku te tutae). He went off to the side and did his business (nenei). When he had finished he reached down with his hand to tie his loincloth. He looked down on his member (kinonga): "There it is, the neck (ngao) of the moai!" He named the place Pupu Purei [literally, "swollen glans penis"]. He went on, and when he met his companion he said, "It is true, the new thing for the moai is down there on both of us!" In Hotu Iti they hew (rotu) and sculpted (tuki) the statue, and it turned out well. Thus we have seen how a beginning was made by our ancestors. The basic outline of the second part of the tradition is generally known. The point of departure is always the misshapen stone figure Tai Hare Atua, moai number 266 on Englert's inventory, which is lying on its back at the foot of the southern slope of Rano Raraku. SkjOlsvold (1961) thinks "that inexperienced stone carvers had been at work" and does not take the traditional explanation seriously because this moai—as well as others lying among the debris from the stone carvers' workshops— "seem to be of relatively recent date" (NA 1:376). This theory should be taken up in connection with a detailed investigation of the Rano Raraku problem and is beyond the scope of this book,

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but this much can be said: the role of moai number 266 in the evolution of the great stone statues should not be underestimated. The absence of a neck and the peculiar chin-beard (NA I:Plate 49b) give this moai a highly unusual appearance, and the relatively advanced degree of weathering speaks against a decadent product of the late period. The tradition of Tai Hare Atua was first recorded by Routledge (RM:184, reported as the first figure; the name "Tai-hareatua" is the name of the sculptor who seeks advice in the area of Hangaroa near Rauwai-ika; the solution is "make your image like me," that is, in human shape), later elaborated by Metraux (ME:296-297; the name of the moai is "Tai-hare-atua"; two men seek advice in Apina-Nui; the solution "the neck of the images is with you" is understood while the men urinate in Ahu Ohau-para; the sight of the penis solves the problem with the neck—from this time on, figures turn out well), and finally published by Englert in what is considered to be the best and most detailed version (TP:79-82, informant Arturo Teao; HM: 90-91 is a summary, with some conclusions that are not necessarily convincing). Arturo Teao, who obtained his information from the old men at the leper station, adds the following details. The "Hanau Momoko" carved the moai. The first moai, Tai A Hare Atua, was carved by the "master of the Miru." This Miru A Hotu sends six young men to Te Veravera, to the house of Kave Heke, who belongs to the tribe of the Marama of the western tribal federation of the Tuu. The solution, again in the form of a cryptic saying, is the same. Miru A Hotu is referred to as ho'ou (meaning both "stranger" and "companion"), and he is linked with a certain Tangi Teako A Hotu. The stone carvers (tangata anga moai) are fashioning a male figure (moai tamaaroa) and a female figure (moai tamahahine), both of which turn out well but are carried away and thrown into the ocean. All the other moai are made after this time (the names of three sculptures are mentioned: Te Tokanga, Tonga Riki, and Piro Piro). The stone sculptures are carried to the local burial sites (ahu papaku) and are erected there to guard the burial chambers (mo tiaki o te avanga, compare the Marquesan statues which are used as "guards" tia'i, in the plantations [von den Steinen 1928, vol. 11:79]). The tradition is concluded with the words, "If Kave Heke had died, we would not have known how to carve stone

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figures." My own tape recordings of Leonardo Pakarati does not add anything new, aside from the detailed description of the trip across Easter Island and some explicit anatomical details (while urinating, the foreskin is pulled back, making visible "the neck" of the moai), which are emphasized by the local name Puku Ure Purei ("where the glans penis is swollen"). The name of the first great stone figure is mentioned by almost all the sources; however, Arturo Teao's form of the name, "Tai" of (a) "Hare Atua," deserves special attention because it refers to a relationship with a (literally) "house of the gods." There are several possible translations for tai, but in this particular case the translation "sea" does not seem to be indicated. Instead, I suggest three alternative possibilities: tai, meaning a "chant or a recitation" (RAP., TUA., compare also MGV. " a ceremony of benediction"); tai, meaning "race, class, family" (TUA.), or rather "contemporary, generation, race" (MQS.); and finally tai, meaning "anger, force" (MAO.). In view of the object, the second alternative makes the best sense. The meaning of the first alternative applies to the name of one of the personalities responsible for this figure. He is Tangi Teako A Hotu, and in RAP. his name means "the chant (the recitation) weeps (laments)" (tangi te ako). The question is how this first great stone sculpture was related to the "house of the gods"—as their descendant or through some magical incantation? Was there a special "temple" in Hotu Iti, connected with or responsible for the stone carving activities on Rano Raraku? Arturo Teao emphasizes the role of the nobility in the production of the moai by mentioning the "slender ones" (hanau momoko) as well as the name Miru A Hotu. Since this particular informant was a member of the Miru tribe, this may reflect his personal bias. Nevertheless, the accumulated information about the stone figures, brought by the immigrants from Hiva, also points to the western area of the island as the original center of megalithic activities. In all the sources, the secret of the proper way of carving a moai is guarded on the western shore (repeatedly named as Apina Nui), although the name of the master who knows the secret varies. The name given by Routledge, "Rauwai-ika," seems to refer to the "Rauwai" line of the Miru tribe, who had their landholdings on the western shore (ME: 126-127, after Williamson [1924, vol. 11:56], whose information

The Stone Figures 273 is based on the field report by Routledge). Since this particular master seems to have been the eighteenth-century descendent of Tuu Ko Ihu, he does not fit into the time frame of the tradition. Englert's "Kave Heke" is listed as a member of the Marama tribe, who often aligned themselves with the Miru and the western federation of the Tuu. There are at least three possible translations for the name. Literally, kave heke means the "tentacles of the octopus" (compare MGV. kave 'eke). Going back to MAO., the name permits the wordplay "to fetch something from the immigrant," which is exactly the type of activity assigned to Kave Heke by the tradition! Finally, based on its TUA. meaning, the name can be translated as "born to a relative of another tribe" (compare TUA. heke, among others, "to be begotten, born of"; kave, among others, "a consanguineous relative, descending from either one of two grandparents; not of the same tribe as oneself')- The action in this tradition apparently takes place between a member of the Miru tribe and a member of the Marama tribe, with both tribes maintaining a positive relationship with each other. The master stone carver on the western shore seems to be a functional figure, and, as such, his personal name has not been handed down in the tradition. On the other hand, the explicit mention of the name "Hinariru," which points to the original tradition of stone sculptures, underscores this assumption. As already mentioned, in Ms. E the stone figures brought along by the explorers are called "Hinariru Iti" and "Hinariru Nui," thereby establishing a connection to the master Hinariru, who was the son of Tuu Hokorua of Hiva. Early segments of the genealogies of chiefs show the name "Hinariru" (T:5, L:7) following "Miru" or "Hatamiru," respectively. Both these names belong to the early period following the settlement of the island by Hotu Matua. The "Miru A Hotu" of Arturo Teao's version, who is linked to the first sculptures at Rano Raraku, seems to belong to that same period. In other words, beginning with the importation of stone figures to Apina and the key name "Hinariru," the transmission of the art of stone carving proceeds from west to east into the territory of nonaristocratic tribes and on to the future production center at Rano Raraku. This process seems to have taken place shortly after the arrival of the settlers from Hiva. On the "second list of place names,

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"Apina Nui (number 60) and Rano Raraku (number 30) are exact opposites. The two localities crucial to the stone figures divide the whole cycle and correspond to a reversal of the lunar phase, such as "last quarter" vs. "first quarter." One could almost call the west-east line from Apina Nui to Rano Raraku a "moai axis," similar in importance to the north-south line from Anakena to Vinapu ("ahu axis?"). Just as the art of carving moai progresses from west to east, the attention shifts from the older landing site in the south to the newer one in the north. Mateo Hereveri's version is also written from the aristocratic perspective. Aside from his claim that "all the ahu" were built by members of the western tribes, the first part of the tradition also contains information that may shed light on the function of the moai. According to him, the invention of the stone sculptures is the result of a dream, which a son experiences after the shock of his father's death. But the dream is no ordinary dream, and the vision of the stone figure is possible only because of the efforts of guardian spirits (akuaku, varua). After the dream vision, the actual carving of the moai is merely a technical procedure. This explanation is similar to the one given for the invention of bone fishing hooks by the culture hero Ure (ME.-363) and the invention of the wooden female figure (moaipaapaa) by Tuu Ko Ihu and follows a set pattern. More specific is the statement about the function of the figure. It is intended to be a memorial, literally a "living face" (mo aringa ora) for the dead father, and, as such, it is erected on the first ahu. This would suggest that the so-called "ahu statues" are the stone images of actual ancestors, whose memory they are meant to perpetuate. According to Arturo Teao, they guarded (tiaki) burial chambers where the bones of the deceased were kept in what amounted to a secondary burial. The remembrance of the dead and the protection of their bones points to a continued relationship between the ancestors and the descendants within the various tribal groups. Juan Tepano explained "the living face" as the predominant function of the moai in a report that stresses the obligations of relatives and the socioeconomic ramifications of this custom (Englert 1939:238-239). His information about the hollowing out of the eye sockets of the stone figures (he hakapopoko te mata) to achieve the effect of the ' 'eyes of the dead" (papaku mata), which means that empty eye sockets were used to depict a dead person, is important for the classification of the stone figures:

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Cuando llevan el moai al ahu, excavan la órbita de los ojos, así como son los ojos de un esqueleto. Cuando no lo llevan al ahu, no excavan la órbita; pues Orohie no es ahu que exige que se excavan las órbitas; así no más dejan en pie la estatua, como recuerdo vivo. (Englert 1939:239)

Ahu Orohie, near the great statues at the foot of the southeastern slope of Rano Raraku, did not have any burial chambers but served as the isolated residence of the victorious birdman during the year of his reign (RM:263-265). Nearly all the moai on the ahu have empty eye sockets and must therefore be considered to be the images of dead ancestors, while the moai at Rano Raraku proper have their eyes intact and must therefore be considered to be the images of living people. It seems that the two classes of stone sculptures represent different stages of human existence, which were celebrated by the erection of these monuments. On one hand, moai with empty eye sockets were erected in memory of the dead on ahu affiliated with the various tribal groups throughout the island, whereas on the other hand, living moai, their eyes intact, were concentrated in the area of Rano Raraku. These seem to have been intended to commemorate events in the lives of select living people. The traditions do not offer any information about the nature of these events, and possible explanations will have to be discussed in a different context, but this much should be said: Juan Tepano's ethnographic information clearly contradicts the absurd theory of "blind" stone statues, which were given "deepset open eyes"—in other words, the ability to see—upon being placed on top of the ahu (NA 1:504). Actually, the exact opposite is true. Out of the workshops at Rano Raraku came "living" stone figures, which took up their positions at the foot of Rano Raraku or at certain points along the route of transportation, and only when they reached the place where the bones of the dead were kept, did the life cycle of the moai come to an end. At that point, the moai was given the papaku mata, and once it had the "eyes of the dead" it changed from a living moai to a dead one. In the case of the stone sculptures, the ability to see separated life from death. The etymology of the RAP. word moai causes considerable difficulty, as already noted by Brown (1924:131), who thought that the term might be explained by separating it into moa "sacred" and / "ancestry." The term could then be translated as

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"sacred to ancestors." All the known compound forms (moai maea, moai miro, moai kavakava, and moaipaapaa) refer to anthropomorphic figures displaying various stylistic characteristics, as indicated in the best RAP. dictionary (HM:472). At first Englert thought he could detect a glottal stop, which in 1939 made him list the word as mo'ai; he later abandoned this transcription in favor of the generally accepted form moai. A look at the meaning of this term in other Polynesian languages does not turn up any clues (compare HAW. moai "bending over, arching as a tree"; ROT. transposed ma'oi "big"). I suspect that the name of the anthropomorphic figures (moai) was based on their function and comes from mo ai, which means "for the progeny, for the descendents" (compare ai in eastern Polynesian languages, as well as TUA. aitanga "descendents, progeny" and MAO.). The name seems to sum up the basic function of the statues of the ancestors. The history of the great stone statues, which spans several hundred years, is abruptly brought to an end by the ' 'toppling of the images" during the late military phase. Information about this period is sparse because in the traditions the sudden cessation of all stone-carving activities and the toppling of the statues are not treated as historical events, but in typical Easter Island fashion are encoded in a tale, which might be aptly called "the catching of the giant lobster and the revenge of the old woman." Since the version I recorded from Leonardo Pakarati differs only in minor details, a synopsis of the various sources, including RAP. terms for key words and phrases, seems sufficient. (Sources for the complete story: RM:182, ME:88, Metraux 1957:167-169; for the first half only: Estella 1920:36-38, Brown 1924:185; for the second half only: ME:87, TP:81-82.) First half: Off the steep northwestern shore [name of the locality: Hanga Kikiri Mariu], divers discover the giant lobster Ko Tetu Ko Te Ura Rarape Nui in a hole in the ocean floor. This lobster has killed a number of divers by breaking their backs, and as a result, it is referred to as "the bad thing" (te mee rakerake) or as "the devil in the form of a lobster." The people of the coastal area [six local names: Ana Takipure, Ahu Tepeu, Te Pora, Hihina Tangi Kotea, Te Matariki, and Ana Kupenga; later ten local names: Ana Takipure, Rua Angau, Te Pora, Ana Roa, Ahu Tepeu, Here Tai

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Kotea, Te Puku Ruhi, Reru Ruruki, Ana Kupenga, and Mataki Te Moa] decide to avenge (ati) the dead divers. A special net is made, and the replica of a human figure is used for bait. According to two sources, the king supervises the making of the net and leads the group of avengers. One group of divers succeeds in outwitting the lobster, whose legs become entangled in the net and are broken one by one, thereby rendering the lobster helpless. The catch is dragged on land, where it is greeted by the people with the cry, " T h a t is Tetu; they have caught the lobster with the large belly!" Second half: The decision is made not to eat the giant lobster but instead take it to the stone carvers at Rano Raraku. This was in accordance with the general custom that the workingmen (tangata keukeu) contribute to the production of the moai by supplying the stone carvers with food and, specifically, with valuable seafood. They carry the catch on their shoulders (amo) or on a special carrying litter (rango) from the northwestern shore [near Ahu Maitaki Te Moa] clear across the interior of the island to Rano Raraku, where it is handed over to the respected men (tangata honui) for distribution. The distribution takes place in Hanga Nui or Orohie. The stone carvers (tangata anga moai) have their food prepared in the earth-oven of an old woman (nuahine or ruau), but this old woman is not just a cook but a sorceress (ivi atua) who has supernatural powers (mana) and can bring about the movement of the stone figures. The woman puts the giant lobster into the earthoven, but, since she wants to see her younger brothers, she asks the stone carvers to save her share of the unusual meal. However, the stone carvers forget the request and eat it all themselves. After the meal, they continue to work on the large sculpture Te Tokanga, which is supposed to be erected on Ahu Vinapu, on Ahu Mataitai. Face, neck, and arms of the statue are already completed, and preparations are made to separate the statue from its rock base when the old woman returns and demands her share of the lobster. Since there is nothing left for her, she becomes extremely angry (ku ate hopo ana te manava), begins to lament, and, in a loud voice, casts a spell over the stone statues. At that instant, all the moai topple, and, from that time forth, all work ceases and the apprentices scatter (he marere te pukuranga).

Essentially, the tradition reveals the following. It was nonadherence to the rules of distribution and the breach of mutual obligations between the skilled craftsmen and the supplies of food that closed down the workshops at Rano Raraku, and it was gross disregard for legitimate claims that finally brought to a

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complete halt a project that had been based on the cooperation of a great number of people. This explanation for the sudden cessation of the production of the moai is in line with what is known about the socioeconomic structure of the old Easter Island culture. Because of the stepped-up stone-carving activities at Rano Raraku during the late phases of the old Easter Island culture, an imbalance developed between the production of "nonessential goods"—from an economic point of view, the production of the large stone statues falls into this category— and the production of "essential goods," mainly food. A comparative analysis of the traditions reveals the historic configuration that led to the breakdown of the island-wide mechanism and sheds light on the ideological interpretations of this disintegration. According to the traditions, the residents of three areas are involved in the incident that precipitates the final phase of the old Easter Island culture: (1) The residents of the area between Ahu Tepeu and Ahu Maitaki Te Moa, who at considerable risk have caught an unusual "product of the ocean," decide not to eat it themselves but instead bring it to the stone carvers. The area where this takes place is in Miru territory. The tribal groups living there are not as high in rank as the Honga and the Te Kena of the northern shore, but in view of the importance of Ahu Tepeu, which has been traditionally associated with Tuu Ko Ihu, they must have been a political unit of island-wide reputation. (2) The residents of the Vinapu area, where Ahu Mataitai is located, appear to have been the ones who commissioned the huge stone statue "Te Tokanga" (Gunther 1954:96 cites the older references to this figure; NA 1:366 gives the measurements of moai number 247 as 21 meters long and 130 tons in weight). The name was first recorded as "ko teto kana"(Geiseler 1883:9) and, as such, is purely descriptive (HM:504 tokanga "el residuo de una cosa, lo que queda como resto, como parte estable"). The largest moai intended to leave the workshops is mentioned without name in the following tradition: There is a tradition to the effect that this [i.e., Ahu Tahiri, Thomson's platform number 109, after NA 1:96 identified as Ahu number 1 of Vinapu] was the last platform built on the island and was intended for the colossal image (70 feet) lying in the workshop

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011 the west side of the crater of Rano Roraka [sic]. The legend asserts that when the work upon the platform and the images had arrived at a certain stage, a great feast was held in honor of the event by the powerful tribe of Vinapu. The wife of the chief was of the Tongariki clan, and during the ceremonies this "lady" was slighted in the division of "long pig" . . . Upon this particular occasion . . . the favorite morsel . . . which belonged to the aforesaid female by reason of her rank, was given to another. The insulted individual immediately sought the protection of her own clan, who arose en masse to vindicate the Tongariki honor. Long and bloody wars followed. Image-builders and platform-makers were drawn into the conflict from all parts of the island, and, in a spirit of revenge, platforms were destroyed and images thrown down whenever opportunity offered. This is believed to have been the origin of the trouble which has laid waste the extraordinary works of this island. (PH:512)

The similarity of the theme of "insulting a woman of rank by refusing her the food to which she is entitled" is obvious. While the old woman of the "lobster tradition" is a witch, whose younger brothers live in the Rano Raraku area, the woman of the "Tahiri tradition" is the wife of a powerful chief, who is giving a feast at Vinapu. However, she is a member of the Tongariki tribe and has come to the Vinapu area after her marriage. Both women come from the Hotu Iti area, which means that an insult to them affects the same tribal group. In both cases, the insult is the same and, in both cases, it has dire consequences: the stone statues are thrown over and all stone-carving activities come to a halt. Island-wide wars and total destruction follow. The incident seems to be the continuation of the old rivalry between the two largest cult complexes of the southern shore—Ahu Vinapu vs. Ahu Tongariki—which basically correspond to the difference between the regions of the third and fourth sons of the immigrant king (see Chapter 9). In later times, Ahu Vinapu belonged to the tribe of the "Haumoana" (ME:8), and their neighbors were the Marama and the Ngatimo. In the genealogies, the name "Haumoana" introduces the third segment of the island's history and can be dated to the second half of the seventeenth century (Barthel 1961:136-137), which coincides with the break in the history that separates the peaceful time of cultural achievement from the destruction and the decadence of the late military phase. Obviously, a huge project such as the production

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of the moai, which was based on the island-wide cooperation of large numbers of people, could not survive the turmoil of war. The immediate cause of the conflict, the insult to a high-ranking woman, which is a valid cause by Easter Island standards, only served to trigger the release of the built-up tensions and hostilities that were the inevitable result of the imbalance described above. (3) The residents of the Rano Raraku area are either skilled craftsmen or they supply these men with food. Politically, the people living around Ahu Tongariki, who later became known as the Tupahotu, were rather important since, aside from being food suppliers, they also had a monopoly on the moai. Added to this, in their role of tumu they supplied the Vinapu tribe with women. In each version they are insulted—by way of a highranking female member of their tribe—because the rules of distribution are violated. The three regions mentioned correspond to three of the four quadrants that result from the fourfold division of the island among the royal sons (western, southern, and eastern regions corresponding, respectively, to the second, third, and fourth sons of the immigrant king). The noon region is omitted, unless the naming of the king in connection with the catching of the giant lobster constitutes an association with this region. The west-east antagonism that has plagued the island since the war between the Hanau Momoko and the Hanau Eepe is the subject of another version of the "lobster tradition," which was recorded in 1911 by Knoche and Martinez: Both the Long Ears and the Short Ears came in canoes; the Long Ears made the figures, the Short Ears the platforms. The Long Ears had no king, the Short Ears had one by the name of Poeu Marengo, which means Baldhead. Later, Widie-Widie, queen of the Short Ears had the statues thrown over because the Long Ears denied her a piece of lobster. The Long Ears and the Short Ears both wanted to rule the island. Finally, the Short Ears thoroughly defeated the Long Ears and burnt all the Long Ears on the Poike mountain between two earth walls, which were filled with wood. (Knoche 1912:873; Knoche 1925:239-240)

The so-called "Long Ears" and "Short Ears," which should correctly be called "stocky ones" and "slender ones" (hanau

The Stone Figures 281 eepe and hanau momoko), are here distinguished from each other both culturally (moai vs. ahu) and politically (no ariki vs. ariki). The Hanau Eepe problem has been discussed in Chapter 6. A king by the name of "Po6u Marengo" is not shown on any of the lists of kings, but the term for "baldhead" (puoko marengo) is very close. It may have been an additional name or a reference to the local name "Maunga Marengo" ("bald mountain"), which is the old name for Cerro Orito, the only location on Easter Island where obsidian has been found. Obsidian was of crucial importance for the production of weapons, and this particular site was in the neighborhood of the Vinapu complex. In this tradition, the motif of "insulting a woman of rank by refusing her the food to which she is entitled" is associated with a queen of the "Short Ears" named "Widie-Widie." She is insulted by the "Long Ears" during the distribution of the lobster, and she takes revenge by toppling the stone statues. Wherever this version might be fitted in—the feast at Vinapu (Thomson's version) or the more familiar tradition of the dinner for the stone carvers at Rano Raraku—it provides added information about events in the history of the Easter Islanders. Based on leads from archeology and from the genealogies, the war of the Hanau Momoko against the Hanau Eepe must have taken place during the second half of the seventeenth century and coincides with the break in history linked to the name "Haumoana." This means that the stone-carving activities at Rano Raraku came to a halt one or two generations before the European discovery of Easter Island by Roggeween in 1722. The name of the "Queen of the Short Ears" is not mentioned by any of the other sources and in its present form appears to be a corruption. If the emendation to vitiviti is correct, the name means "crayfish" (Churchill 1912:269; compare also TUA. vitiviti "swift, speedy; adroit, clever"; HAW. wikiwiki "quick," MAO. whitiwhiti "grasshopper"), which again points to the "lobster motif"! Based on her rank, the "Queen of the Short Ears" is more apt to have been the wife of the chief of Ahu Vinapu than the old witch of Rano Raraku. Brown suspects that fear of the lobster was responsible for the manufacture of lobster images made from red barkcloth. Supposedly they contained spirits (akuaku), and they were hung by the entrances of the huts as a protective charm (1924:185; also

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ME:265 concerning manu uru and the more frequent depiction as lizard). There is also a lifelike stone figure of a lobster among the dubious cave sculptures (Heyerdahl 1957:231), which my informant said was made by Nicolas Pakarati, Jr. The name of the "lobster with a large belly" (ura rarape nui) is " T e t u , " which Englert translates as "grande, largo, extenso" and Baeza understands to be synonymous with nuinui "very large." The fact that tetu or kotetu does not exist in the vernacular and is used only in connection with the lobster tradition (except for TP:60) seems to indicate that it is the name of a species, the more so since it is also the name of a locality north of Ohau, where the giant lobster is said to have been caught (compare MQS. tetu "poisson"). The protective quality of the lobster images may be explained with HAW. keku " t o repulse, shove away." At any rate, " T e t u " must have been a most unusual creature because, normally, lobsters are easy to catch and are caught in great numbers. According to the traditions, the statues were toppled by the words of a sorceress. There are two known versions: I. According to Leonardo Pakarati: Oh figures of the (home)land! Fall down, You fellows! Never again shall (you) walk!

e te moai o te kainga e ka hihinga tahi korua ko nga kope! ina eko haere hakaou!

II. According to Juan Tepano:

ka tutuu nga kope ka hihinga nga kope he ura te ua ko tetu ko te ura rarape nui kai toe korua i taaku eko ravaa hakaou taau mee moai ena e hiohio ka hiohio ro ena

Statues that are upright fall down! It is the fault of the great crayfish, of the crayfish with the long tail, of which you left nothing for me. Never again shall you steal my food. Statues, remain still forever.

The translation of the four lines does not pose any difficulties. What seems amazing is that the statues are deprived of their abil-

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ity "to walk." No doubt this indicates that their transportation from the workshops at Rano Raraku to the various destinations has come to a halt. According to the traditions, the "walking" of the statues depended on the mana of special people, who were endowed with supernatural powers (ME:304). Because of the anger of a supposed ivi atua, this mana could have been withdrawn. Obviously, the transportation of the huge moai must have been a difficult, collective enterprise, which required considerable concentration and systematic planning and guidance. The collapse of this working organization—typical of such Polynesian units, where the various work phases are linked to feasts and recitations—brings to a halt the activities at Rano Raraku. Metraux made two different translations of the eight lines (ME:88; and the version used in this text 1957:169), without taking into consideration the special form. Two lines each make up a pair. The initial pair and the final pair deal with the fate of the statues, while the two middle couplets provide the explanation for this fate. The translation is not always convincing, and, above all, the meaning of the last line, which arises from the ambiguity of RAP. hiohio, is not fully understood. One possible translation, which opens up several directions of meaning, would be "it is demanded (or, through the power of) (that you figures) remain in the future like lumps (or, from this time forth remain glued to the ground)." The use of hiohio by the old witch can be best explained with MAO. whio-whio " t o speak in the whistling voice used by a priest when [acting as] the medium of a deity"; TUA. hiohio "having great magical, prophetic powers, including the ability to see and know things normally unperceived"; and TUA. vahine hiohio " a prophetess, seeress, witch"). Both express the nature and the power of a curse uttered by someone who possesses supernatural powers. Referring to the great stone statues as "young fellows" (nga kope) is rather unusual. This term is normally reserved for boys during the second decade of their lives and for unmarried young men. In Ms. E, ngaio is used parallel with nga kope, and the old place name "the pretty fellows of Te Taanga, who are standing in the water" (ko nga kope ririva tutuu vai a te taanga), which is used for the rocky islets (motu) off the southwestern shore, indicates that terms pertaining to human beings were on occasion applied to rock formations. RAP. kope as a designation for a

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male age group seems to be a local peculiarity, which might possibly be related to the use of the term on the Cook Islands (kope as "lazy, indolent" in Mangaia and as "weak" in Aitutaki; also HAW. 'ope "feeble"). In spite of the fact that nearly all the moai are made, one would hardly think of referring to the images of the dead ancestors as "young fellows." At the present time, I can offer only two possible explanations: either the curse is meant for the "living" stone statues only, that is, before they reach the burial places, or kope refers to some, as yet unknown, quality of the stone figures. The first interpretation has in its favor that it affects only the "walking" stone figures as they proceed from the workshops at Rano Raraku. Indeed, the halt of production and the toppling of the figures at the various ahu did not take place simultaneously but in succession. The last great moai, Paro at Ahu Te Pito Te Kura, is known to have remained standing until the middle of the nineteenth century. A second interpretation, based on RAR. kope, among others, " t o give"; kopenga "the act of giving presents as a mark of esteem"; and kopekope "the making of presents on the occasion of a birth; to take presents, on the occasion of a death, to the family of the deceased person as the mark of respect" seems to indicate that nga kope referred to the function of the stone figures as a gift at the various stages of life. Since birth and death have to be excluded in the case of the large ' 'living" moai, there remain those events that celebrate an increase in rank, such as initiation, marriage, or the assumption of an office. The toppling of the ahu statues is also encoded in definite tradition patterns, as shown by this version of one of the traditions about Ahu Tongariki. An old man who cannot speak demands in sign language the heads of chickens as food, but his request is denied. He spends the night in a house near Tongariki. During the night there is a loud noise, and the old man indicates to his host that his feet had touched the stone foundation. On the following morning, it becomes apparent that all the statues on the large ahu have been toppled—that was the revenge of the old man (RM:173). Metraux recorded a more detailed version (ME:87), in which an ivi atua leaves the (stone) figure Virivovo and comes to a house near Vai-Maho (inland from Hanga Nui), where he de-

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mands his share of seafood (fish, lobster, and eel), but the occupants of the house have eaten everything. He stays overnight and with his foot touches the main pillar (oka pou) of the building. The occupants hear a loud noise, caused by the falling of the figures of Ahu Tongariki. In the morning they realize the consequences of their refusal to provide food for the ivi atua. The connection of this story with the old witch at Rano Raraku is obvious. Again, the legitimate share of the food is denied, and this insult is avenged by the overthrow of the statues. This time it is not the power of the word but an action analogous to the act of overthrowing the statues (the removal of the supporting stones of the ahu, which serve as a base for the statues) which is used by the ivi atua to avenge the breach of custom. The mention of Virivovo is of interest. According to Gabriel Hereveri, there were two statues by the name "Ko Viri Ko Vovo," and Victoria Rapahango learned in 1915 from Rangitopa that "Ko Viri" (meanwhile registered as moai number 293) is the statue in the slanted, half-fallen position at the foot of the southwestern slope of Rano Raraku, while the neighboring figure (moai number 292) is called "Ko Vovi." The first name fits that particular statue (compare also PH:495 to Fig. 15 as "wry neck"), although moai number 293 is also occasionally referred to as "Hinariru." The second name presents a problem because the notch in the neck of the figure would suggest a name such as "Hiave" or "Hiava" rather than "Virivovo," which means, literally, "the girl turns around." This name may have referred to some traditional background or possibly even to the old witch (ivi atua) herself (see the witch Ngavovo Aruaru Varua, Englert 1939:216, for the use of the name vovo). Even though the stone-carving activities at Rano Raraku dominated the middle epoch of the history of Easter Island, the native traditions strongly indicate that the prototypes of the stone statues, the art of their production, and their essential function originated in the western part of the island and must be regarded as part of the cultural heritage brought to the island by the Hotu Matua immigrants. Of the three radiocarbon samples from Rano Raraku—K-507, K-508, and K-521-(NA 1:394), the oldest date is unreliable ("this sample of charcoal was judged inadequate for accurate dating by the laboratory") and the most recent date falls almost into the present time. The only chronologi-

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cal lead available so far is a date A.D. 1476 (±100) for one of the samples from the workshops. This means that the large stone statues were manufactured after the immigration of Hotu Matua. Thus, the remarkable moai belong to the beginning of the modern era, when European powers set out to discover and conquer people all over the world. Their "living faces" still preserve the memory of their Polynesian ancestors, including those about whom the native traditions are silent.

Appendix I. Origin of Manuscript E

When the Polynesians came in contact with European travelers, mostly missionaries or traders, many of them learned the European alphabet and so were able to write down in their own language the things they considered worthwhile preserving. This is how many manuscripts of Polynesian traditions came into existence, and they have been kept and copied by the families. So far, a comprehensive evaluation of these manuscripts in the different regions of Polynesia has not been undertaken, but they undoubtedly represent a valuable source of linguistic and ethnographic data for the study of Oceanic cultures. Researchers of the culture and history of Easter Island did not come across such materials until fairly recently, and, as a result, their systematic use has only begun. Of the six manuscripts by Easter Islanders (Mss. A-F, NA 11:387-389), Ms. E, a collection of semi-historic traditions, is the most important. Because of its detailed descriptions and the inclusion of some of the lesserknown themes, Ms. E can provide the ethnohistorian with valuable new information about Easter Island history, all the more remarkable since Ms. E did not become known until ninety years after the collapse of the island culture.

DISCOVERY OF MS. E The first non-islander to learn of the existence of Ms. E seems to have been the late Chilean teacher Baeza, who came across it in 1954 or 1955. After hearing from him, a group of scientists from the Centro de Estudios Antropológicos of the State University of Chile went to Hangaroa early in 1956 and had a Bolivian student named Bejarano photograph the manuscript. In April

288 Appendix I 1957, Don Gustavo Peña gave me an (incomplete) set of photographs in Santiago de Chile, so that I could examine them. Later, during my stay in Hangaroa from July 1957 to February 1958,1 was able to study the original manuscript, discuss the text with Leonardo Pakarati, and gather additional information. I was able to find one missing text segment on the island; a second one was later located by Ingeborg Lindberg de Klohn. In 1957, Ms. E belonged to Jorge Pakarati but was kept by his father Timoteo Pakarati. On the manuscript are two names: Felipe Pakarati Tuki (E:93), Jorge Pakarati's young son who was then living in Chile, and Señor Jorge Pakarati Atan (E:cover), the owner. Also on the cover was the date "de 1957 febrero," probably the date when the cover was added. When I compared the original manuscript with the photographs from 1956, I realized that several changes had been made. A strip of roughly 3 cm had been cut from the top of all the pages, which had eliminated not only the original numbering of the pages but also the name Púa Ara Hoa, which is crucial in trying to determine the origin of the manuscript. Pages 3 and 4 were missing, but there was a slightly shortened copy of the text, written in pencil, following the original final page. To complete the 1956 set of photographs, I copied the following items on Easter Island: 1. The Rapanui text for pages 25-26. The lower third of this sheet was cut off, but since there did not seem to be a gap in the tradition of the explorers, it must have been done to eliminate several copied lines of Rongorongo. There are a number of instances in Ms. E where Rongorongo signs have been inserted into the ongoing narrative (see below). 2. A single sheet belonging to Horacio Teao. The pages were designated "Puaarahoa 1005 Tori 5" and "Puaarahoa 1 Tori 1." The sheet contains the end of the Rapanui text of the Oroi cycle and the beginning of the tale of Oti and the rat. On the lower part of the front page were six lines of Rongorongo signs in Boustrophedon writing, whose origin is unfamiliar to me. The caption of these lines reads "Vaka a Teahiva." Only after my return from Easter Island did I receive the copy of pages 91-92 with traditional fragments about Nuku Kehu and Rovi. The four lines of inserted Rongorongo signs with the cap-

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tion "Vaka a Teahiva" come from Br9 and Br 10 and are an inferior copy of a published Rongorongo tablet. Horacio Teao claims to have given the missing sheet "Tori 6/Tori 7 " to Guillermo Teao, which could not be confirmed since the boat of Guillermo and four other islanders was lost at sea during a fishing trip. The story of the gift may have been just an excuse. The loss of this particular text segment is not too tragic since the conclusion of the tale of Oti and the rat is inconsequential as far as the history of Easter Island is concerned. On the other hand, I suspect that the much more interesting episode of the quarrel between Hotu Matua and Vakai, which ends abruptly on page "Tori 10" was once continued on another, now missing, sheet. In spite of some of the gaps mentioned, our edition is based on a nearly complete text. After the death of old Timoteo Pakarati, the manuscript went to Chile in 1960, where it is now in the possession of Max Puelma Bunster of Santiago de Chile. During a visit to Germany in 1965, young Nicolas Pakarati told me that the manuscript had been lost on the way to Chile, but he was merely trying to disguise the fact that the Pakarati family, whom I know well, had given this very valuable present to someone else. Based on the description by Puelma and on pictures (NA 11:365 and Fig. 192), there can be no doubt that Puelma has Ms. E, the same manuscript I had the privilege of studying in 1957—both in the original and as the photographic copy of 1956. There is no resemblance to the text located by Jorge Silva Olivarez in 1956. His text, which contains genealogical information and is almost identical to Ms. A, has been evaluated by Butinow and Knorosow (1957). In 1957, the bound manuscript, as I saw it, measured 22 x 18 cm. Originally it was a simple Chilean copy book ("Type No. 3 Escuelas Primarias de Chile") with checkered paper, measuring 21.5 x 17 cm. Several pages had been cut out, apparently without causing any gaps in the Rapanui text (between pages 28 and 29 two sheets are missing; 38 and 39, 1 sheet; 46 and 47, 1 sheet; 70 and 71, 1 sheet; 74 and 75, 1 sheet; and "Tori 3 and Tori 4," 1 sheet). Aside from those, one loose sheet was obviously misplaced when the manuscript was bound (the sheet that now follows "Tori 10" was originally page 69 and, according to its content, should follow page 68).

290 Appendix I Several of the pages of Ms. E contain lines of Rongorongo signs. Some of these are copies of known inscriptions; others are of unknown origin. p. 83 middle p. 87 top p. 91 middle p. 95 bottom p. Tori 10 p. Tori 8 top p. Tori 8 bottom

p. 93 bottom p. Tori 4 p. Tori 5 p. 97 bottom

= segments from Brl, Br2, Br3, and Br4 = segments from Br6, Br5, Br7, and Br8 = segments from BrlO and Br9 (and two doubtful lines) = segments from Kr2, Kr3, Kr4, and Kr5 (copied after RM:Fig. 98) = 7 lines of summary of the signs of the Jaussen list = 4 lines of badly copied signs, apparently with the sides reversed = 5 lines of the same. Phrase markers similar to those on Santiago-staff? Connection with the apocryphal text of the second series of signs in Ms. A? = 4 lines of unknown origin. Phrase markers? = 5 lines of unknown origin = 6 lines of unknown origin = one line of "nonclassical" signs (degenerated ta'u script or self-composed graphemes). After another one-half line, the sequence of numbers " 1 , " " 2 , " "30." The meaning of the sequence is not known (date 1/2/1930??)

Under no circumstances do the lines of Rongorongo signs in Ms. E allow the reconstruction of an unknown classical text. In this respect, Ms. E does not represent a gain for the corpus inscriptionum Paschalis Insulae. The Rapanui traditions are handwritten in ink by one person, using printed letters. The lists of ariki motongi and ariki maahu on the first two pages have been numbered from 1-10 and 1-5 by a second, different, writer. At the end of the actual text, nineteen pages of text by yet another writer were added to the bound manuscript. They contain a faulty listing derived from Jaussen (copies of Rongorongo signs and their supposed meaning), as well as an assortment of sheets with economic notations. Rec-

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ords of this sort, which were first written down by Timoteo Pakarati and later by his son Jorge, began in August 1946. This fixes the latest date at which Ms. E can have come into the possession of the Pakarati family. Jorge Pakarati gave me the following information: The original copy book was the property of his mother's sister, Hilaria Atan, who was married to the late Augustin Pakarati in a second marriage. Augustin Pakarati died in 1952. It was given to him by his aunt because he had always been generous to her, giving her gifts of money and other material support. He himself had never asked where the manuscript had come from. He thought that the copy of the Jaussen list, written in a different handwriting, had always been a part of the copy book. Jorge pretended not to know why between 1956 and 1957 the name Pua Ara Hoa had been removed from Ms. E by cutting off the upper margin of the sheets. However, I suspect that the correction was made for the benefit of the Pakarati family because several years later, when the manuscript was transferred to Puelma, he was told that it once belonged to the catechist Nicolas Pakarati Ure Potahi. Nothing of this sort was mentioned to me during the long discussions I had with Leonardo Pakarati in 1957.1 shall comment on the role of the catechist and his relationship to the "old ones" later. DETERMINING ITS ORIGIN Thematic and linguistic peculiarities of the text, the handwriting of the writer, and the interspersed names of Easter Islanders all have to be evaluated to determine the origin of Ms. E. Handwriting of the Writer Its inner structure bears a close resemblance to the Tradiciones (TP), whose main source was the leper Arturo Teao. The brothers Gabriel and Mateo Hereveri ("Veriveri") and, to a lesser extent, Juan Ariki assisted Englert in recording the Tradiciones on several occasions in 1936. This suggests that the leper station was the place where the oral traditions were transmitted. Ms. F, which was written down by Gabriel Hereveri during the middle of the 1950s, has the only shortened parallel to the list of ancestors of Hotu Matua, which first became known through Ms. E.

292 Appendix I The handwriting in Ms. E is in many ways similar to the handwriting of Gabriel Hereveri (shape of some letters, numbering, interspersed Rongorongo signs). The main difference is in the letter " g " : the writing of this velar nasal in Ms. F is similar to Father Englert's way of transcription. Since Ms. E was written at least a decade earlier than Ms. F, Gabriel Hereveri may have copied it; the present version of Ms. E does contain a number of spelling errors, which indicates that it is a copy of an older version. I found out that in 1936—that is, after the visit by Métraux and at the beginning of Englert's activities—Gabriel Hereveri learned how to write printed letters in two months' time. His teacher was Simeon Riroroko. This points to Simeon as the central figure where the Rapanui manuscripts are concerned. I learned from Horacio Teao that Simeon Riroroko had been a talented writer and that he wrote down the traditions as the "old ones" dictated to him. These "old ones" were a group of islanders who were still alive in the early years of the twentieth century, and who were the last eyewitnesses of the old island culture and the only link to the pre-missionary era. I was able to gather the following information about Simeon Riroroko. He was born during the early 1880s (Montiton's list of 1888 shows Riro as garçon), and he died around 1950. He was married to Maria Magdalena Ika (according to the Pakarati list of 1918) and to Maria Ines Teao (Horacio Teao's aunt who died in 1938 at the age of about seventy). In 1934 Métraux came briefly in contact with Simeon, who gave him a version of the tale of Tuku-hakahevari. The esteem of the "old ones" for Simeon may have been based on his own origin. Bienvenido de Estella (1921:55) calls him a "grandson of the king of Anakena," whose land claims in 1918 included Pui-Koromaea, Piu-Ovahe, and Koromaea-Vaitarakaiua. Whether or not the title is legitimate—in a conversation I had with Victoria Rapahanga she dismissed the claim as "nothing but a lie"—the connection with the area around Vai Tara Kai is justified because this was the tribal territory of the Ure-o-Kao line of the Miru tribe, of which the Riroroko are the descendents. " R o k o " was added to the original name "Riro" in memory of the island king Rokoroko-hetau (HM:62), who died as a child. Simeon's father died in 1898 in Valparaiso (ME:93). He was listed as "Riroroko," but his original name was "Riro A'Ngure" (Ms. A, NA II:Fig. 126), and he

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was a contemporary of Atamu Te Kena. The two men were considered to be ariki. Simeon's father was obviously the same as the "Riro Kainga" whose royal descent is mentioned by Englert. He is not directly descended from the lines of the Honga or the Te Kena, though, since the ties the Ure-o-Kao had with the royal family were based on their function as tumu (the lineage that provided the women). During the time of the "old ones," in the second decade of this century, Simeon was already an adult; he knew how to write and, because of his descent, was trusted by the old ones and, therefore, was well suited for the task of writing down the oral traditions. Since Simeon taught Gabriel Hereveri how to write, it is only natural that there should be a certain similarity between the writings of the teacher and the pupil; therefore, the strong resemblance between some of the letters in Ms. E on one hand and Mss. A and B on the other hand raises the possibility that Gabriel Hereveri and Simeon Riroroko were the writers of all three manuscripts. Based on the qualifications of trustworthiness, interest in the subject, and ability to write, one other islander should be considered as the possible writer of the traditions. He is the longtime catechist Nicolas Pakarati Ure Potahi. Nicolas is said to have written down traditions of the "old ones" that subsequently came into the possession of the Chilean chaplain Zosimo Valenzuela during his second stay on Easter Island in 1916. It might be worthwhile to examine the papers of the late chaplain (who was the last living in San Fernando, Rancagua?). A check of the writings of Nicolas Pakarati in the church register at Hangaroa revealed that the catechist wrote very faulty Spanish that showed the influence of Polynesian phonetics. His handwriting shows no similarity to that of Ms. E. It is quite possible that the catechist, who died in 1927, had some part in the preservation of the traditions, but there is no indication that he took part in writing Ms. E. Interspersing of Names of Individuals The content and form of Ms. E suggest that the tradition had its origin in the memories of a group of old men and that two generations of writers worked on it. The original informants are explicitly named in the text, but the identification of the names causes the kind of difficulties inherent in Easter Island genealo-

294 Appendix I gies: "family names" were not used until the end of the nineteenth century; "ancestral names" tend to be used over again within a few generations; "baptismal names" are frequently altered and given a Tahitian or Rapanuian inflection; and "nicknames" are used as designations. All the data about the names that appear in Ms. E were collected in Hangaroa. To begin with, names connected with Rongorongo inserts have to be separated from those connected with the oral traditions. In Ms. E, Vaka a Teahiva and the variant Vaka a Teatea appear repeatedly in connection with the Rongorongo inserts. This is a reference to Vaka Tuku Onge a Teatea, who is known to researchers as "Tomenika," the last Easter Islander who had any kind of knowledge of the native script. However, so far, the only writing positively attributed to Tomenika are a few lines in ta'u script (RM:Fig. 99). His name may have been used to indicate (supposed) authorship or simply to give the appearance of authenticity to the copies of the Rongorongo signs. It is important to note, though, that "Tomanika" was the maternal grandfather of Gabriel Hereveri, whose role as a writer has already been discussed. In Ms. A his full "ancestral name," and not just his "baptismal name" Tomanika, is used (together with incomplete additions). Heyerdahl (NA 11:365) was wrong when he wrote, "Ure Vae Iku's name appears on all the manuscripts containing Rapanui traditions." Ure Vae Iku's name does not appear on Ms. E, nor does it appear on Mss. B, C, and D, which were published by Heyerdahl himself! The three incidents of the name he cites are all in Ms. A (as the name of a traditional scribe in connection with the Rongorongo passages, Figs. 108 and 111, and in a historic text as an ariki patahe among other contemporary names), and they do not support a connection with Alexander Salmon, whom Geiseler used as a contact in 1882 and Thomson in 1886. Heyerdahl is equally wrong in listing " H e Marama" as a name: Fig. 110 in NA II is the caption of a list of months rather than a name (marama "month"), and Fig. 112 is nothing more than an error in reading (the upper margin is damaged, He Marama belongs to the page shown in Fig. 110).

THE TRADITIONS OF THE "OLD ONES" The Rapanui texts are associated with the names of entirely different people. Between the cycle of the explorers and the reports

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about the Hanau Eepe (E:53), the names "Veri heka," "Ika hiva," and "Tori" (additional name "Hara kura"?) are mentioned. "Ika hiva" (E:88) is also the source of the tale about bringing the stone figure of Oto Uta to Easter Island, as well as for the report of the meeting with Ngatavake (E:47), while "Tori" appears as a caption on the pages after page 100. Prior to the recent elimination of the upper margins, almost all the sheets of Ms. E had "puaarahoa" (that is, Pua Ara Hoa) written on them. While "Veri heka" and "Ika hiva" occur only once, the other names also appear in the other Rapanui manuscripts. One passage from Ms. A mentions "Tori a Papa Vai" parallel to "Pua Ara Hoa a Rapu" (NA II:Fig. 133), and in the same manuscript "Hara kura" is used as a caption for a Bible translation (the story of the Genesis in Rapanui, NA II:Fig. 134). "Pua Ara Hoa a Rapu" is also used as a caption on all the pages of Ms. B. The appearance of the same names in Mss. E, B, and A coincides with the similar handwriting in E, B, and the main portion of A. In addition, all three manuscripts are owned by the families Pakarati and Atan, who are related by marriage. The close interrelatedness of this complex of sources is in sharp contrast to the independent source of Ms. C, in which the content, type of writing, and ownership of the manuscript differ from the other manuscripts. The data for the above-mentioned persons, as well as the group of "old ones," come from the lists by Salmon (1886) and Montiton (1888), references by Routledge (RM) and Estella (1921), Englert's genealogies, and my own inquiries in Hangaroa. From these the following picture emerges: Veri Heka, baptismal name " J a k o b a " or "Kitinio," son of Ure Atoro A Humu Kena and his second wife Pua Kiva. Mahatua lineage of the Tupahotu tribe. Was considered to be a skilled net maker (maori kupenga). He may have had access to the old traditions because he was the younger brother of Te Kohou A Te Matangi (once the servant of Ariki Ngaara, as victorious birdman "Ure Te Ono." Was a friend of both Arturo Teao and Timoteo Pakarati. Married in 1887 to Maria Agata Pua, died around 1917). Veri Heka died prior to the arrival of the Routledge expedition (approximate date of death, 1913). As the paternal uncle of the catechist Nicolas Pakarati, he may have been instrumental in the transmittal of information. Ika Hiva, baptismal name "Arari" or "Alari," son of Kape.

296

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Possibly of the lineage of the Ure-o-Koera (area between Motu Tautara and Tahai) of the Miru tribe. Good planter (fangaia keukeu). Is said to have been the adopted child (maanga) of Pua Ara Hoa. Supposedly was born around 1850 (compare his childhood experience on the tabooed beach of Anakena in the residence of the Ariki Ngaara, HM:47). Married to Maria Dionitita Pua Tahai. Had title to land in Vinapu and Hanga Piko (his daughter Maria Katarina Rito Pua had inherited claims to Vinapu and OtuuTahai). Connections with the Manuheuroroa family? Was acquainted with Nicolas Pakarati and died prior to 1914. Reference to a son and heir by the name of Nicolas Teao not clear. At the time of my stay, "Ika Hiva" was the ancestral name (ingoa tupuna) of "Felipe Teave" (which is an inconsistent tribal affiliation since the Teave belong to the Tupahotu). Important source of information from the aristocratic Miru tribe. Tori, baptismal name "Paranape" (Barnabas), son of Papa Vai? Ancestral name "Hara Kura." Tupahotu tribe. Married to Maria Magdalena Varevare. Two sons (Toroteo Manu-e-rima and Enerico Tori) and two daughters (Katarina Heke and Libeta Ko Ringa Hakaiva). Title to land in Hanga Tee. Land title of 1918 names "Engue" as Tori's heir. Date of death unknown (prior to 1918). Does not seem to be identical with "Ko Tori," the last cannibal, who seems to have died during the second half of the nineteenth century (RM:226). "Ko Tori" appears to be the same as Tori A Te Kahumea (HM:378-385; see also Ms. C). Tori's daughter "Heke" (Catalina Tori, who died in 1940) was the mother of Carlos and Arturo Teao. This establishes the connection to the leper station, where Arturo had to live among the other old lepers from the time he was a young man. Pua Ara Hoa is the source of a number of seeming contradictions. The Salmon index lists as the head of a family (TAH. hui raatira) "Arakilio Buarofa" (added in pencil "Puarahoa"), married to Parapina Verihakatea but also mentions a "Joane Arakitia" married to "Karorina." This is clearly a reference to the couple "Juan Araki" and "Carolina (Bornier)." Montiton's register shows a wedding date of February 12, 1886 for "Alejo Joane Pua Arahoa" and "Carolina Bornier," as well as a birth date of August 21, 1886 for their son "Alejo Tuu." Carolina Bornier was the daughter of the French adventurer Dutroux-Bornier, who was murdered in 1877. Based on the identity of the Rapanui names, we seem to be dealing with the two marriages of one and the same man, who also had several Christian names: "Arakilio," TAH. Heraclio, which later

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became the family name Araki; "Joane," SPAN. Juan (?); and "Alejo," SPAN. Alejandro (?). According to Englert's genealogy (HM:55), "Joane" and "Arakilio" were one and the same person. The same source lists as his father "Aro Purunga A Tahi Renga"; Mss. A and B list, however, a certain "Rapu." This could be a name contamination ("Aro Purunga" becomes "A Rapu Runga"). Someone by the name of "Rapu" is said to have died prior to 1864. Since Pua Ara Hoa is considered to be older than the socalled "Reina Eva," his date of birth may have been around 1840. He was born in Hanga Hoonu and belonged to the tribe of the Tupahotu. The name appears again in connection with a "birdman," who in this position took the name Utupiro. This also became the designation of the year of his reign. Supposedly Juan Tepano was born in this year, which would put it right around 1866 (ME:339). Based on his age, Pua Ara Hoa could have very well been a successful birdman, who later enjoyed the prestige of his position. According to Mateo Hereveri, Pua Ara Hoa was versed in Rongorongo, had knowledge of secret caves, and had the reputation of being a successful planter. He does not seem to have been familiar with the European alphabet. Leonardo Pakarati makes him the subject of a ghost story, in which an akuaku calls out to the traveler: "Pua Ara Hoa A Rapu, Pariko will be your last soil!" The "old ones" in Hangaroa thought that the prediction was a riddle (piri), and Pua Ara Hoa himself thought it meant that he would die in "Paris" because of the French father of his wife. Only in his last years did he understand the hidden meaning of the prediction. "His last soil" turned out to be the leper station, where he died in 1912 or 1913. It was at the leper station that he came in contact with the teenaged Arturo Teao (approximately 1896-1947). Pua Ara Hoa may well be the most important source of oral traditions, which he passed on to Arturo Teao. Some were written down, others were memorized. One of Pua Ara Hoa's direct descendents, Juan Araki (who died in 1950), also took a lively interest in the history of the island. He was one of the first teachers to work in Hangaroa, was said to be very bright, and could write printed letters. He may also qualify as one of the writers of the oral traditions of the "old ones," although his knowledge of the traditions was not nearly as extensive as that of Arturo Teao (TP:7, 83-84). Pua Ara Hoa was the central figure among the korohua, a group of old Easter Islanders, who during the second decade of this century were the last living eyewitnesses of the pre-missionary era and

298

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who spent their time discussing among themselves the indigenous traditions, which had fallen into disregard among the younger Easter Islanders. Routledge enlisted her most important informants from among this circle of the "old ones," using Juan Tepano as an interpreter (RM:211-212). The loss of the detailed notes covering her field work also meant the loss of the knowledge of the korohua until the native manuscripts turned up some forty years later. The korohua were not all lepers; sometimes healthy old men voluntarily moved to the leper station because they felt out of place in Hangaroa, where people no longer showed any interest in things of the past (TP:7). This exodus led to the unequal distribution of knowledge about the pre-missionary era among the Easter Islanders. Aside from the previously mentioned informants used by Routledge, the following men belonged to the "old ones": "Kapiera" (Gabriel Revahiva), "Kilimuti" (Timikore Keremuti, who died in approximately 1916; of the tribe of the Tupahotu, RM:274), "Maanga" (from the Tuamotu islands; died around 1916), and "Jotefa Maherenga" (died after 1917), as well as "Hatirenga" (died after 1918), "Te Kohou A Te Matangi" (died around 1917), "Te Rongo A Kena" (died prior to 1918), and "Take." Closely connected with this group were "Rangitopa" (died prior to 1922), "Hongi Atua A Ure Auviri," called "Porotu" (died 1924), "Nuku A Vavara" (died 1926), "Aron Rapu," and the catechist Nicolas Pakarati (approximately 1855-1927). Three of the informants mentioned in Ms. E had already died prior to the arrival of the Routledge expedition. They were Veri Heka, Ika Hiva, and Pua Ara Hoa. It is quite possible that the Chilean expedition of 1911 and the stay on Easter Island by Edgardo Martinez provided the impetus for the first written record of the oral traditions. Supposedly there are unpublished Easter Island traditions among the papers of the estate of Francisco Fuentes, who accompanied the expedition as a botanist. The first written version of the traditions of Ms. E goes back to the circle of the "old ones" and to the years prior to 1914. It represents a link with the generation whose youth falls into the pre-missionary era and who had access to the traditions at a time when the island culture was still viable. The traditions of the original version of Ms. E must have been dictated by several informants, while the manuscript in its present form is a copy with inserted Rongorongo passages, which are not related to the text.

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299

As a source of information for Easter Island research, Ms. E is unsurpassed by any of the other Rapanui manuscripts, and its amount of detail is unequalled by any of the versions recorded by Europeans. It is conceivable that there are still other manuscripts in Hangaroa. Inquiries should begin with the Fati and Paté families, among others.

Appendix II. Text of Manuscript E

Because of its crucial importance to Easter Island research, the full Rapanui text of Ms. E is printed here. Some of the characteristic features of the transcription should be pointed out. The page numbers and lines of the text are printed as they occur in the original; only on p. 92 is the original length of the lines not known. The occasional use of capital letters is maintained throughout, as well as the irregular use of punctuation marks. Frequently, periods are used in a way that interrupts the flow of the sentence. Further research is needed to determine what syntactical rules underlie this type of punctuation. Occasional accent marks appear as macrons. I have changed the contractions and separations that alter form and meaning. As a rule, this can be done by separating them into roots and particles. The velar nasal " g " of the original text is written in this transcription as " n g . " Obvious corrections are set in parentheses; explanations are given in square brackets. Word divisions at the end of the line are indicated by a dash in parentheses. Hyphens used arbitrarily by the native author are kept only where their use is grammatically justified. As desirable as it may be from the linguistic point of view to add those phonemes missing in Ms. E (glottal stop, indication of length of vowel), it was decided instead to preserve the authenticity of the "written Rapanui." The resulting ambiguities and translation problems are minor, and the context almost always provides the necessary meaning. So far, the transcription is based on the same procedures followed by Metraux; it differs by not using hyphens in compound names. In translating the text, I have tried to avoid the use of everyday German. This attempt to preserve some of the features of

302 Appendix II Rapanui syntax (placing the predicate ahead of the subject, using expressions of double action) and to adequately translate the many differentiations that the Rapanui vocabulary is capable of expressing have produced a style that appears archaic and poetic. The alienation effect is intended. Its purpose is to stress the distance that separates the voices from the past from those of modern Easter Island and from the reader, who is spoiled by the glibness of modern media. It does not mean that I consider the narrative style of the traditions clumsy or cumbersome. Quite the contrary. The stylistic devices of Rapanui—such as the interjection of direct discourse into ongoing narrative, the use of ritualized phrases, and the use of expressions with various levels of meaning—should be made the subject of special research. In some instances, the analysis of the Rapanui text was not a complete success, and, in spite of the assistance of Leonardo Pakarati, some lexical terms and syntactical forms could not be accurately determined. However, the number of doubtful passages is so small compared to the total volume of Ms. E that it does not affect the full understanding of the traditions. The text presented in this book, together with the extensive materials by Metraux and Englert, can be used as a basis for study of the types of writing used in the Rapanui traditions. A quick glance through Ms. E reveals the following categories: (a) Genealogies (the genealogy of the ten ariki motongi). (b) Parallel lists of persons of equal rank. (c) Lists of local names (the dream voyage of Hau Maka as the key for the calendar of the months; the trip around the island by Makoi as the key for the calendar of lunar nights; lists of fishing grounds, which, as sources of food from the sea, are dependent on the mana of the king; and lists of boundary markers, which mark the royal residence as a taboo area). (d) Lists of plants and animals (ficticious inventory of the varieties of cultigens, other plants, useful animals, and sea birds to be transported aboard the double-hulled canoe). These lists represent the essence of a Rapanui body of knowledge and are made up of a number of sequences with very few explanatory additions. Actually, the lists represent a "classification system" rather than an "explanation system," to use von Soden's (1965) distinction between the Sumerian and Babylo-

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303

nian science in the form of lists as contrasted with modern forms of knowledge. Their understanding is based on prior knowledge, which had to be acquired apart from the lists. To put it differently: the succinct form of the lists requires that the wealth of information be reduced to mere indicators, which are then placed within a sequence, where their individual meaning is largely determined by their relationship to the other items in the sequence. In two instances there is a fixed relationship between the oral traditions and some other form of transmittal. While the "first list of local names" is connected with the system of writing, the "second list of local names," in the form of a recitation (patautau), is linked with the mnemonic device of the string figures (kaikai). Aside from those lists mentioned above, there are many other "bound forms" with secret, supernatural, or emotional content. Basic secrets, such as the location of Easter Island (the "seveneight formula"), or the erection of the first stone figure ("rightleft-middle formula") fall into this category, as does the cryptic exchange of information between the explorers and the immigrant king, during which the conditions of the new land are compared on various levels with the situation in the homeland. Difficult situations are dealt with by the use of magic spells (tohu) or recitations (rutu). Various phases of life are accompanied by ritual (hakahiti te ata) or by calling upon the guardian spirits. Even derogatory speech (vananga rakerake) and lamentations (tangi)—\because of the sacrilege of the broken sculpture of the oldest ancestor, the murder of the children (Oroi motif), and later at the sight of the immigrant king's skull—come in bound forms. To this should be added certain other topoi (uproar of the elements, bird auguries) and numerical systems (quarternary system; ficticious time scheme of the year of the immigration; standardized lengths of lists; the use of numbers in the transformation of spatial arrangements into time sequences that have calendrical meaning). All of these add many-faceted structures and deeper content to the flow of tradition. Regardless of how the elaboration of this knowledge will affect the ongoing efforts to shed light on the meaning contained in the Rongorongo tablets, it opens up many promising possibilities to those interested in the study of the form and content of Polynesian traditions.

TEXT OF MANUSCRIPT E (Numbers set off by a parenthesis are page numbers of the manuscript) 1) ko oto uta ko tangaroa.a oto uta ko tiki hati.a tangaroa ko roroi.a tiki hati ko tuu kumd.a roroi ko ataranga.a tuu kuma ko barai.a ataranga ko taana.a harai ko matua.a taana ko hotu.a matua

ariki ariki ariki ariki ariki ariki ariki ariki ariki ariki

motongi motongi motongi motongi motongi motongi motongi motongi motongi motongi

1 2

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

O maori te ariki net. etahi te angahuru. ko maori. te ingoa o te kainga. ko marae renga te ingoa. o te maara noho o te ariki.nui.ko ma rae tohia te rua maara noho o te ariki.

ko ko ko ko ko

moe hiva tuku maura ngerani po henga

Erima maori o te ariki. o oto uta. ko moe hiva. katahi ko tuku maura. karua

ariki maahu ariki maahu ariki maahu ariki maahu ariki'maahu

1 2 3 4 5

Text of Manuscript E

305

ko ngerani. katoru ko po.kahä ko henga.karima ko moe hiva. te maori i baiteite vai kava te kumi te kumi. o te vai kava. ka peipei ro ko tuku maura.katahi. ko ngerani. karua.kopo. katoru.ko henga.kaha. Eha maori.i baiteite raa.i te mahin(a).i te hetuu.i te rangi. 3) he nobo a moe biva.be hakatopa i roto i a ia. [crossed out: he ki] ana. he tohu. ki te ariki. kia o oto uta.e moe hiva.penei i tohu ai. Na te tau he emu te kainga. ka oho ena. ko ko ko ko ko

moe hiva. katahi kohou tohu. tuku maura.karua kohou tohu. ngerani.katoru kohou tohu. po.kaha. kohou tohu. henga.karima. kohou tohu.

4) I te au i a roroi i pari mai ai te vai ki runga ki te kainga. he ea mai ki te tau i a tuu kuma.ki te tau i a Ataranga.ki te tau i a Harai.ki te tau i a Taarta.ki te tau i a Matua.ki te tau i a Hotu. i te tau i a Roroi.be pari mai te vai ki runga ki te kainga.he ta i te piere.tangata. o Roroi, he ea mai ki te tau i a Tuu kuma. i te tau i a Tuu kuma.i ki nei a Tuu kuma.ko roroi. ko te haka(—) ere.o te piere o Tuu kuma. 5) / te tau i a Ataranga.he tuku te tangata i te vaka he hoa he piki he oho he kimi i te kainga mo noho o te tangata.i te tau i a Taana. he ki a Taarta.ki ta-

306 Appendix II ana ngaio.hokotoru.ka hoa tokorua vaka e ngaio nei e.ka oho ka kimi te kainga mo noho o teariki nui. he hoa i te vaka a Motu nui.a totoru ko motu iti ko motu kaokao.he oho he ui i te kainga.kai hoki ho(—) koou ki toona kainga.ki maori, ai te piere tangata e oko era.i te tau i a Taana.he ki a Taana.ki to(-) ona titiro.Ka too mai te tino a hakamoe ki tuku te miro e kau a repa ë.mo te mahingo.mo te ariki tokoa ki 5ho tatou ki ui ina hë terenga o te mahingo.he tu(—) ku i te miro, i te tau i a Taana.he noho he noho he mate a Taana. he avai te pahera ariki e taana kia Matua.he noho a Matua.he tuku i te miro i te tau i a Hotu.he moe a hau maka. i taana atua o te po.he oho mai te kuhane o hau maka.a roto i te raä i ka mana mai te kuhane o hau maka 6) ko te kainga ehitu.he noho he rarama te kuha(—) ne o hau maka.i te kainga.he ki te kuhane o hau maka.ka ki era.eko rävaä te kainga nei to roto ko te nehunehu kapuapua.i te pei.he moe he hoki he oho mai te kuhane o hau maka.i ka mana hokoou mai nei te kuhane o hau maka.ko te kainga hokoou etahi he moe he turu he oho mai te kuhane o hau maka.he piki ki runga ki te motu he rarama i te motu te kuhane o hau maka.he ki te kuhane o hau maka.ka ki era a taana tau ngaio nei etoru.he nape i te ingoa o te motu.ko nga kope ririva tutuu vai a te taa(—) nga.he oho mai te kuhane o hau maka.he tomo ki uta ki te kainga.he ui te kuhane ko te mahore ka noho i roto i te pu.ka kake ro he nape i te ingoa ko te pu mahore a hau maka.o hiva.he iri mai te kuhane he oho mai he ea ki runga ki te h'thi 7) he oho mai te kuhane i ka onga mai nei te kuhane.a raro i te rano he poko atu te hahau he nape

Text of Manuscript E

307

i te ingoa.ko te poko uri a hau maka.i hiva. be rarama he oho mai te kuhane [crossed out: i te maara]be rarama i te maara mo noho mo te ariki mo matua.e tuu ki te manavai te kuhane.o ha(-) u maka. he nape i te ingoa ko te manavai a ha(-) u maka. o hiva. he oho mai te kuhane he tuu ki te kioe uri he nape i te ingoa.ko te ki(—) oe uri a hau maka o hiva.he oho hokoou te kuhane he tuu ki te piringa aniva he na(—) pe i te ingoa.ko te piringa aniva a hau maka o hiva. ho oho hokoou te kuhane he tuu ki te pei he nape i te ingoa ko te pei a hau ma(—) ka.o hiva.he oho hokoou te kuhane he tu(—) u ki te pou he nape i te ingoa ko te pou a hau maka o hiva.he oho hokoou te kuhane.he tuu ki hua reva he nape i te ingoa ko hua

8) reva a hau maka.o hiva.he oho hokoou te kuhane he tuu ki akahanga he nape i te ingoa ko akahanga. a hau maka.o hiva.he oho hokoou te kuhane he ata pe hiva he hati te kohe i te vae he nape i te ingoa ko hatinga te kohe.a hau maka. o hiva.he oho hokoou te ku(—) hane he tuu ki roto iri are.he nape i te ingoa ko roto iri are.a hau maka. o hiva.he oho hokoou.te kuhane he tuu kia tama.he na(-) pe i te ingoa ko tama he ika kino he ihu roroa.he oho.hokoou te kuhane he tuu ki one tea.he nape i te ingoa ko one tea. a hau maka.o hiva. he oho.hokoou he tuu ki hanga takaure.he nape i te ingoa ko hanga takaure. a hau maka. o hiva.he iri te kuhane he oho k'trunga ki poike he nape i te ingoa kopoi(—) ke.a hau maka o hiva.he iri he oho te kuhane ki runga ki te maunga ki púa katiki.

308 Appendix II 9) he nape i te ingoa ko pua katiki a hau maka o hiva.koia ko ui te kuhane i te maara mo noho mo te ariki.he oho te kuhane he tuu ki matt(-) nga teatea he nape i te ingoa ko maunga teatea.a hau maka o hiva.he ui mat te kuhane.o hau ma(—) ka.mai maunga teatea i ui mai ai ki rangi me(-) amea.he ki te kuhane ka ki era ai ho te maa(—) ra ho mo te ariki ho mo noho ko rangi meamea he moe he turu he oho mai te kuhane he tuu ki mahatua.he nape i te ingoa ko mahatua a hau maka.o hiva.hee rarama he oho mai te kuha(—) ne i te maara mo noho mo te ariki he tuu ki taharoa he nape i te ingoa ko taharoa a ha(—) u maka o hiva.he oho mai te kuhane he tuu ki hanga hoonu he nape i te ingoa ko hanga hoo(—) nu a hau maka o hiva.he oho mai te kuha(—) ne he tuu ki rangi meamea he rarama he ki te kuhane i ana nei te maara mo te ariki

10) mo noho he nape i te ingoa ko rangi meamea a hau maka.o hiva. he nape i te ingoa o te maunga ko peke tau o hiti. a hau maka.o hiva.he vari he oho mat te kuhane mai pe(-) ke tau o hiti he tuu ki maunga hau epa he nape i te ingoa ko maunga hau epa a hau maka. o hiva.he vari mai te kuhane ki te rua painga o maunga hau epa i ka ui mai te kuhane ko te one ku tea ana ku ritorito ana e noho era.hee rarama ka rarama era aaaa he ki te kuhane o Hau maka maara nei mo noho mo te ariki nui he nape i te ingoa ko oromanga a hau ma(—) ka.o hiva.he nape tokoa i te ingoa o te hanga.ko hanga moria one a hau maka.o hi(—) va.he rao mai te vae o te kuhane he tuu

Text of Manuscript E

309

ki papa o pea hee rarama i te maara mo noho mo te ariki mo hakaheuru

11) mo (o)ho mai mai oromanga ana hakaheuru a(—) na oho mai ka tuu ro mai ki papa o pea e ki e(-) ra te kuhane.he nape i te ingoa ko papa o pea a hau maka.o hiva.he rao hokoou mai te vae ki ahu akapu he tuu hee rarama hokoou i te maara mo noho o te ariki he ki hokoou te kuhane o te ariki o hau maka.e hakaheu(—) ru e oho mai ana te ariki a roto i te tangata mai oromanga he tuu mai ki papa o pea mai papa o pea ana hakaheuru ana oho hokoou mai te ariki he tuu mai ki ahu akapu. i i(—) ra ki noho ki hinihini te nohonga i a(h)u aka(—) pu he hoa ki roto ki te tangata ku korohua a(~) na.he nape i te ingoa ko ahu akapu. a hau maka. o hiva.he nape i te ingoa o te kainga ko te pito o te kainga a hau maka.o hiva he hoki te kuhane he oho ki hiva ki toona kai(-) nga.ki maori, he öo.ki roto ki te hakari he ara

12) te hakari.o hau maka. he ea ki runga he a he hakatopa i te atua o te po he ngaroa te ahanga e hua tava.he u(—) i mai mai te rua tara pehe koe e a no ena he ki atu a hau maka.he mee au e a nei he atua o te po oira a au e a nei he ki hoko(—) ou mai a hua tava ka reka ai koe i tau atu(—) aotepoe hokorua ë.ka hoa mai tau atua aau o te po.he hoa mai a hau maka.i taana atua o te po he moe a au ka mee era he oho too(—) ku kuhane i ka mana atu tooku kuhane ko te kainga ehitu i roto i te nehunehu kapua(—) pua.hee rarama tooku kuhane kainga tae ripou ko roto ko te nehunehu kapuapua.ko te

310 Appendix II pei te nohonga evaru kaukau eko ravaa i te pei ana ka ngaro ro era etahi mo ravaa he vau kainga i runga e tau e revareva ro a 13)

i roto i te raa.ku rarama taki ana te kainga e to(-) oku kuhane ku nape tahi ana te ingoa e tooku kuhane.te maara tokoa mo noho mo te ariki anakenake te ingoa i nape ai. te ingoa nui o te kainga.ko te pito o te kainga.a Hau maka. he ki mai te tangata taina ko hua tava.ka oho koe ka hakamaa i te atua o te po ki te ariki kia Matua. he oho a Hau maka.he hakamaa i te atua 0 te po ki te ariki kia Matua.he tuu he ha(—) kamaa i te atua o te po he hakahi tahi 1 te atua o te po anakeanake te kainga uie(-) ra e toona kuhane kai toe kai toe etahi. i ki ai ki te ariki kia Matua.e Hau maka. he ki mai te ariki a Matua.kia Hau maka ka reka ai koe i te atua o te po.e te ariki iti ë.ka hoki koe ka unga tau ngaio ena 14)

aau.he ki a Matua.e hatu koe ki hu ngaio era ana oho ana ui i te kainga e noho ki tahi tau he mee o veveveve mai ana ki koe ki hu ngaio era.aaku i ki atu o te ariki a Matua.koe ana ki etahi no tau toe o te miro he oti te tuku he hoa atu koe ana ki he mee o rehu.ka oho ka unga, he oti te ki nei a Matua. he ea a hau maka he oho ki toona hare he tuu he ki i te ki kia hua tava.penei e ku ki mai ana te ariki a Matua kia au mo unga i tau ngaio ena. he ki mai a hua tava.kia Hau maka. ana ki ro atu te ariki kia koe ka unga ana(—)

Text of Manuscript E 311 nake.ka oho ka ui te kainga mo noho o te aniva.he ki a Hau maka.ki taana kope atariki.kia Ira.kia Raparenga. ki te ngaio tokoa a Hua tava. 15)

ko Ngukuu [sic!]. a Hua tava.ko Ringiringi a Hua tava.ko Nonoma.a Hua tava. ko Uure.a Hua tava. Ko Makoi.a Hua tava. he ki a Hau maka.kia Ira.ka hoa toko(-) rua vaka ko nga kope ka oho ka ui te kainga a roto i te raa.ana oho ana ui. na e.moe ena. e tau e revareva ena. i runga.i roto i te raa. katahi. he hakahi.tahi a Hau maka.i te mee i ti(—) kea e toona kuhane.anakeanake aaaaa aaaaa ka paep(a)e tahi ro ina etahi i toe. karua. he oho.ananake ngaio he tono i te vaka he hoa ki haho ki te tai.he too i te uhi i te kumara i te makoi i te maika.anakeanake te kai. he ngatu ki roto ki te vaka. he oho mai te vaka 16)

he oho mai.te vaka.o Ira.erua paenga i oho mai ai.o Hau maka.katahi.o Hua tava karua.ko ira te maori i oho mai. katoru. he noho a Hau maka. ko Tuupato eo ko Te hura maaku mau. ko Te hura matitotito. ko Te hura matongitongi. ko Ene. ko Tuutai. ko taka.hiti. ko Ruhi.

312

AppendixII

17) i te rua te angahuru marima raa o te vaitu nui.i oho.mai ai a ira. ko Makoi. i te raa po rae o te. maro.i tomo ai te ihu o te vaka.o Ira. he onga mai te vaka o Ira.he tum he oho mai he tikea te kainga.he tuu ki te motu he ui a I(-) ra.ko te motu etoru.he kia Ira.he ro korua e kau a repa e ku ketu ana te urunga.a Hau maka o to tatou matua.i hakah't mai ai kia au.ko nga kope ririva tutuu vai a te taanga.te ingoa o te motu ena etoru i nape ai e te kuhane o Hau maka.kai viri kai viri.ko ra(-) ua ana a totoru.peira tokoa te kainga e moe mai era ko te pito o te kainga i nape ai e toona kuhane.hokoou.he rarama he oho te vaka he vari ki hanga.te pau he tomo ki uta. he too 18)

i te kai ki uta.hee totoi i te vaka ki uta he ha(—) karere.he noho a ira anake.he ki a Ira.ka ki era kia Makoi.maau e tuki e haite te kainga.he ki hokoou a Ira.ka ki era.kokoko e Nguukuu [sic!] e. maau e keukeu e oka te uhi. he nape mai a Makoi.i te ingoa.ko hanga te pau ko te tomonga o Ira.he aringa.ko mua a hanga te pau.i nape ai te ingoa. he ea.a Ira.he iri he oho ki runga anake. i te angahuru o te raa o te maro i iri ai.he tuu ki te manavai hee rarama. he ki a Makoi.ko te manavai a hau maka he iri he oho he tuu ki runga he ui i te poko uri he tikea te pakonga he ki anake i ana nei e kau a repa e a te poko uri a hau maka. he noho o(i)ra he hakatuu i te hare.he ea a kuukuu he keukeu he puke i te uhi.

Text of Manuscript E 313

19) he ea a Makoi.be haite i te kainga i te anga(—) huru marima o te raa o te maro.he oho a te titi o te opata aaaa he tuu ki te ti(-) ni he noho i te hihi he ui a raro he tikea a te pu mahore a han maka.he ki i ana nei ko te pu mahore a Hau maka.he hu (—) ri mai te aringa he onga mai a tua i ka ui mai nei ko te poko uri e hahata no atu ana.he poko atu te hahau he ki hokoou a Makoi.ko te poko uri a Hau maka.he ho(—) ki he oho aaaa he tuu ki mua ki te hare he ki kia ira.he ro korua e aku hoa e.he kokoepo to tatou i ana nei tau te poko u(-) ri nei.e moe no a he ki mai a Ira.hee i runga nei e moe mai nei.he ea anake he iri he oho he tuu he ui riva anake.he hoki ki te hare he noho he po he moe.he otea he ea hokoou a Makoi.he oho he rarama he oho

20) he tuu ki te kioe uri he ui he ki taua nei a te kioe uri a Hau maka.he nape i te ingoa ko te kioe uri a Hau maka.he oho hokoou he tuu ki te piringa aniva he tuu he ui he nape i te ingoa ko te piringa aniva.he oho hokoou he tuu ki te pei he ui he ki i an(a) nei he nape i te ingoa ko te pei a Hau maka.he oho hoko(-) ou hokotahi no e oho era he tuu ki te pou he tuu he ui he ki hokoou i ana nei he nape i te ingoa ko te pou.a Hau maka.he noho he ha(—) kaora.ku kore ana te tumu.kia ora e ea ki runga he oho mai ki te hare.ku ahiahi ana i tu ai ki te hare.i te uhi a kuukuu he tu(—) u he noho.he po. he ui.mai a Ira.ka ui.mai era kia makoi pehea koe i oho ena i hakatika i noho ai i te ara.o te kuhane o koro.

314 Appendix II

21) he ki mai a Makoi.ai ana nara anake te kona kai viri kai viri a au iune [sicl].ahe no au ko(-) na aaku i ui i po ro ai ka hoki ro ma(i) nei a au. he ki hokoou mai a Ira.pehea koe e hangu(-) potu e i nape ai i te ingoa.he ki mai a Makoi ka ki mai era.penei e.penei a au i nape ai i te ingoa ko te manavai a hau maka.i te ai e au ki runga ki te kaka. i hakarere ai e au.i to(-) pa era te ki a Makoi.ai ka topa ro.he nguha a Ira.he kakai kia Makoi.he ki ka ki era.kai kakara koe e hangupotu e.i tae nape ai i te ingoa Penei e.ko te manavai a hau maka.o hiva mo aringa ora.o koro.o toona kuhane. he ki mai a Makoi.i hiva ana toona kainga.oo(—) ku tau kainga nei.tae oona.he noho. i te porima o te raa.o te anakena.he ea ananake he turu he o ho mai he tuu ki ha(-) nga te pau.he too i te kai.

22) he amoamo he oho he tuu ki te pou he noho he moe i te pou.i te angahuru o te raa.ko te anakena. he ea ananake.he amoamo i te kai he oho he hakatika he oho i te ara.oho mai era.o te kuhane o Hau maka.he tuu ki hua reva he ki i ana nei ko hua reva a Hau maka.he oho hokoou he tuu ki akahanga he ui he tikea.he ki i (a)na nei he nape i te ingoa.ko akahanga.a hau maka.(h)e oho hokoou he tuu ki hatinga te kohe.he ui ko te kohe ku hati ana he ki anake i ana nei te kohe e kau a repa e tau kohe hati era i te vae o te kuhane.he nape i te ingoa ko hatinga te kohe a Hau maka.he oho hokoou he tuu ki roto iri are.he ki hokoou i ana nei a roto iri are he nape i te ingoa ko roto iri are a Hau maka.

Text of Manuscript E

315

23) he oho hokoou he tuu kia tama he tikea he ki i ana net ko tama.he nape i te ingoa ko tama he ika kino he ihu roroa.he oho hokoou he tuu ki one tea he ui he tikea he nape i te ingoa ko one tea a Hau maka.he oho hokoou he tuu ki hanga takaure he nape i te ingoa ko hanga takaure a Ha(—) u maka.he noho he hakaora i hanga takaure etahi pohitu. i te angahuru mavau o te anakena.i oho ai.mai hanga takaure. 24) he ui he tikea he nape i te ingoa ko maunga tea(—) tea a Hau maka.he turu he oho mai mai pua katiki.anake he tuu ki Mahatua. he ui he tikea he nape i te ingoa ko maha(-) tua.a Hau maka. he oho hokoou mai he tuu ki taharoa he ui he tikea a taharoa he nape i te ingoa ko taharoa.a Hau maka. he oho hokoou mai he tuu ki hanga hoonu he ui he tikea he nape i te ingoa ko hanga hoo(-) nu.a Hau maka.i tau raa ana i tuu ai ki hanga hoonu.he noho he hakaora. i ka ui atu nei anake ko te ika e noho era.ku kake ana ku kake ana e noho era aa.he u(-) ru anake ki roto ki te vai he (e)a mai ki uta he hoa i te ika ki uta.ka mea ro.te ika. he tutuhi.he pararava.he tahe mata puku(-) puku.katoru ika. 25) i hoa era i te ika ki uta he ki a Ira.ka too mai te ahi ki puhu ki tunu te ika.he ui ka kore he a(—) hi he ki a (i)ra.ka oho etahi ki te ahi ka too mai.mai hanga te pau.be oho mai etahi kope ki te ahi he too atu koia ko kai he hoki he oho he tuu ki hanga hoonu he tuu he noho he tunu i te

316 Appendix II ika.i runga i te papa he ootu he kakai ka ma(—) konakona ro.he nape i te ingoa.ko te papa tu(—) nu makoi a Ira.he noho erima raa i hanga ho(—) onu. [ lower third cut o f f ]

26) i te rua te kauatu matoru raa o te ana(—) kena i oho mai ai ki rangi meamea.he tuu he ui he tikea he nape i te ingoa.ko ra(—) ngi meamea.a hau maka.he nape tokoa i te ingoa o te maunga ko peke tau o hiti a hau maka.he vari mai ki te rua painga o maunga hau epa.he tikea.he nape i te ingoa ko maunga hau epa. a Hau maka. he vari hokoou mai ki te rua painga o maunga hau epa. [ lower third cut off ]

27) i ka onga mai nei ko te one ku tea ku ri(-) torito ana. he ki he ro korua e.i ana nei te maara.mo noho mo te ariki he no(-) ho.he ata rarama i te maara.he angiangi rivariva e Ira.he nape i te ingoa o te hanga ko hanga moria one a Hau maka.he nape i te ingoa o te maara ko oromanga.he noho he hakaora.anake. i ka ui atu ena ko te honu ku tomo ana ki uta ki runga ki te one.he tikea he ki he ro korua e.ko te honu ku hoa ana ki uta he ki amua ta(-) tou ki oho ki huri mai ki uta he oho a(-) nake he tuu he ketu mai i te honu.he oho te kope rae.ko Ira.he ketu mai i te ho(—) nu.kai ngaei mai.he ki atu a raparenga ina ai o (koe) kei ka maeha koe ki oho a(~) tu au.he oho a Raparenga.(h)e ketu mai i te honu kai ngaei te honu i a Raparenga

Text of Manuscript E

317

28) he ki mai koe e Kuukuu e ina ai o ko(—) rua kei i a au tau honu ena ana ngaei ka maeha korua.he oho a kuukuu. he ketu i te honu hekekeru i ketu ai i te honu.he iri ka iri era ka avaava ro.etahi no o kapeu i pua mai era kia kuukuu.he ava ki raro he hati te tua ivi o kuukuu. he ea te honu he uru ki roto ki te vai he oho. he ki mai anake ngaio taina kia koe ana koe tae ki te honu. he tupa he oho i te ika ko kuukuu ki uta he heriki i te ana he hakamoe. he noho he hakaora.he tangi i te papaku ko kuukuu.he ki mai a kuukuu.e ui korua e aku hoa e o hoa i a au.he ki mai anake ina matou eko hoa.i a koe [crossed out: he noho i oro mae]

29) he noho erua te angahuru mahitu te raa i oro(-) manga.ai ka ui no mai a kuukuu he korua e nga hoa e. ai ka hakahoki no mai te reo anake i matou he noho anake he hakatopa i te ki. he topa te ki amua.he ki a Ira.he ro korua e ka too mai te pureva ki hakatuutuu kia ono pipi horeko he ki mai te tahi ngaio kia ira.ai ka aha tato(—) u.he ki atu a lra.ai ka ui tatou ki te pipi horeko. he too mai i te pipi horeko he hakatuutuu eono pipi horeko i te hihi o te ana.he ki ana(—) ke.ki te pipi horeko.ana ui mai ka ui mai ena kia matou e rere tokorua reo.ao ono he neke mai anake ki honui he hakarongo atu.he ui mai a kuukuu ka ui mai era

318

Appendix II

30) he korua he o atu te reo o te Pipi horeko i ma(—) tou he ki anake he ro korua ku rivariva ana he ki amua tatou ki oho ro.ki papa o pea. he ea he oho mai anake i te ma te angahuru o te raa.O hora iti i oho mai ai ki papa o pea. he oho mai anake he tuu ki papa o pea he t(i)kea a papa o pea he nape i te ingoa.ko papa o pea a Hau maka.he noho erima raa i papa o pea i te rua te angahuru maono o te raa o hora iti i oho mai ai mai papa o pea ki ahu akapu he oho mai anake he tuu ki ahu akapu.he ui he tikea a ahu akapu.he nape i te ingoa ko a(-) hu akapu.a Hau maka. he ui tokoa i te pito o te kainga he tikea.he nape i te ingoa ko te pito o te kainga.a Hau maka

31) he noho he hakaora.i ahu akapu.erua raa i te rua te angahuru maiva. o te raa o hora iti i oho ai ki pu pakakina.he tuu he noho he na(-) pe i te ingoa ko pu pakaktna.a Ira.he noho etahi marama.i pu pakakina. he ki a Ira.kia Raparenga.kia Nonoma. tokoa.ka oho korua hokorua ki hanga te Pa(-) u.ka too mai i te makoi.he ki hokoou a Ira. kia Raparenga.ana oho korua ana tuu e too mai koe i to tau moenga raakau e moe ena he mee koe e mataki a o tikea ro.e te kope era.e roou koe ana mau mai. he oho arurua. he tuu he too mai i te kai he hoki he oho mai he tuu ki pu pakakina.he hakarere i te kai he avai i te raakau o Ira.e Raparenga

Text of Manuscript E

319

32) he noho he tuu ki te tahi raa.he ki a Ira. amua tatou ki turu ki oho ki runga ki te Papa.ki te ngaru hakaeke he ea anake.he turu he oho he tuu he patupatu i te nua he hune i te hami he rerere anake he iri ki runga ki te Papa.he iri he oho he tuu ki runga ki te motu he hakakaunga anake.he ui atu anake ko te vave.ka ketu mai ka tata ka tata te vave he tiaeve mai anake he oho mai i runga i te vave a te rara matau i oho mai ai te honu.he hira mai te mata a uta he rangi te reo o Ira.a te ra(-) ra matau te honu ana oho.he pei he oho mai te honu he tomo ki uta ki tomo te honu ki uta he nape i te ingoa.ko hangaroa. he hoki hokoou anake.he tuu.he oho hoko(-) ou mai te honu a te rara maui.he tomo a apina.iti.he nape i te ingoa.ko apiña iti

33) he hoki hokoou anake he tuu he oho hokoou mai te honu he tomo a rio.he nape i te ingoa.ko ha(-) nga o rio.he tomo ki uta he noho he tauaki ki te raa.he papa i te raa.he hoki hokoou anake. he tuu he oho hokoou mai te honu ki uta a(—) nake.ka hoki ka hoki.he tomo ki uta he rori he iri he oho mai anake ki roto ki te ana ki pu pakakina.he noho.he otea.he ki hokoou a Ira. ka ki era.ka rori korua ka turu ki te honu hakahonu.he turu hokorima.ko Ira.i tae turu.ki te honu hakaeke irunga i te papa, i turu era tau ngaio taina era ki te honu hakae(—) ke.i runga i te papa.he ea a Ira.he too mai i te moenga raakau hee vevete i te moenga.he kume mai i te reipa.etahi.ki haho .he ngita hoko(-) ou i te moenga.he hakarere.

320

AppendixII

34)

he ea a Ira.ki runga he iri he oho he tuu ki ru(—) hi hepii.he kakaro i te maea.ka hahata ro te pu.he too mai i te rei he hahao ki ro(—) to ki te pu.a haho te rapa o te rei i huri ai.he nape i te ingoa ko ruhi hepii.he hoki he turu he oho he oo ki roto ki te ana ki pu Pakakina.he tuu he noho.he tuu mai tau ngaio taina era.anake he noho he otea ki te rúa raa he ki hokoou a Ira. ka hoki hokoou korua.ki te honu ka hakaeke he hoki hokoou.anake.he ea a Ira. he too hoko(—) ou mai i te rei he mau he oho he tuu ki apiña nui hee kakaro i te maea.he hakauru i te rei ki roto ki te pu.a haho te rapa o te rei. he nape i te ingoa ko pu.he hoki he oho.mai he tuu ki roto ki te ana ki pu pakakina.he noho he tuu mai anake ngaio taina he noho. 35) he otea ki te te toru o te raa he ki hokoou a Ira.ka hoki korua ki runga ki te Papa ki te honu haka(—) honu i runga i te Papa.he hoki hokoou.anake. he ea a Ira.he too mai i te moai maea.erua.erua tuitui reipa.te ingoa o tau moai maea era.e(-) rúa ko apiña iti.katahi. ko rapa kura.karua. he mau he oho. a Ira.i te moai i te tuitui reipa. he tuu ki apiña iti.he keri i te rua.he haka(—) topa i te moai ki raro ki te rúa he tanu atu. hai.kirikiri.he puoko i hakapaka.he haka(-) uru.i te tuitui reipa.ki te ngao o te moai. he nape i te ingoa o te kona ko apiña iti.a rapa ku(-) ra. he nape i te ingoa o te moai maea.e Ira.ko hi(—) nariru. te ingoa. o te maori a tuu hokorua.i avai i te moai. kia Ira.

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36) he hoki he oho mai he oo ki roto ki te ana ki pu Pakakina.he noho.he tuu mai anake ngaio he noho. he otea ki te ha o te raa.he ea hokoou anake he tum he oho he tuu ki mua ki te hanga he rerere he iri he tuu ki runga ki te motu he tata mai te va(-) ve.he tiaeve mai i te honu he pei he oho mai te honu anake. he oho mai te honu o Ira.a te rara matau. he hi(—) ra mai te mata a uta he ui mai a rubi hepii he rapa atu te rei.mai rubi hePii. he hakahoki he oho te honu a te rara maui he hira te mata hokoou a pu.he rapa mai te rei o pu. he hakahoki hokoou a vaenga he rapa mai te tuitui reipa.erua o te ngao o te moai erua he oho mai te honu he tomo a rio.he nape iho i te

37) ingoa ko hanga o rio.he noho a Ira.i uta.he haka(~) topa.he ki ku riva a.ko rubi ki te rara ma(-) tau.ko pu ki te rara maui.ko hinariru nui.ko hi(-) nariru iti ki te tini. he ea anake he iri he oo ki roto ki te ana.he ki a Ira.ka ki era.kia makoi ko koe tau mee mo noho.Ko matou mo hoki.he ki mai a Makoi.ku mao ana.he ki hokoou a Ira.kia Makoi.ana otea apo.ka hoki koe ka oho ka nape i te ingoa o te kona.mai apiña ana rae te ingoa.he ki mai a Makoi.kia Ira. Pehe au ana nape i te ingoa he ki hokoou mai a Ira.i hiva te ingoa mo too mai mo nape. he otea he ea a Makoi.he oho he tuu ki a(-) pina.he tuu he nape i te ingoa.

322 Appendix II 38) 1 2

3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13

ko apiña iti.ko rapa kura.he oho mai he tuu ki hanga o uo.he nape i te ingoa.ko hanga o uo a vave renga. he nape he oho a Makoi .i te ingoa.ka vari ro. a arurua.aro i apiña nui i hakatuu ai te maea.etahi no raa.i nape i oho ai. hanga roa a tuki tukau Okahu a uka ui hetuu. ra tahai a uo. ahu akapu a mata kurakura. kihikihi rau mea a rapa rau renga renga a tini a toto renga vai a mei a u(h)i kapokapo. rúa a ngau a nua ngirongiro. roro hau a mana ai rea. vai poko aa raa mata turu ko te hereke a kino ariki

39) 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29

hatu ngoio a taotao ika. ara koreu a pari maehaeha. hanga kuokuo a vave renga. O pata roa a mana aia. vai tara kai u(a) a ngao roaroa a ngao tokotokoa. hia uka a hakairiiri a hakaturuturu. hanga ohiro a pakipaki renga. ko roto kahi a touo renga. ko papa kahi a roro. ko puna a tuki a hauhau renga ko ehu ko mahatua a piki rangi a hakakihikihi mahina ko maunga teatea a púa katiki. ko te hakarava a hakanohonoho. ko hanga nui a te papa tata ika. ko tongariki a henga eha tunu kioe hakaputiti.ai ka haka punenenene henua mo opoopo o tau kioe ko te rano a raraku.

Text of Manuscript E 30 31

323

[crossed out: ko oparingi a a uuri ] [crossed out: ko motu kumu koka a kaoa ]

40) 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43

oparingi a uuri motu humu koka a mare a kaoa. hanga maibiku a papa hakakiva. maunga toatoa a veri iri haere. ko te pipi horeko a morokiroki. hanga tetenga a ure ngorengore ahu tutae a hare kava hia.ka hakaruarua ka ha(—) kauaua tamai e tai e hia e. e uta e roi e he toou umu ka tao ka maemae i kona era i kona era i oroi aau i ootu ai. akahanga a hare hakamahangahanga. e raro e hua reva e a veri itiiti a hua e haka(—) revareva a toka mahina rua hana a kiri kanakana. e tai e puku hotake e ate tini i uta te hare rourou koveka. [crossed out: vai ngaere a puku hehaheha ]

41) 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52 53

e tai e teho e ka tao taau ngu epoe kiko e ka tutu tou oone. vai ngaere a puku hehaheha. e hue e renga havini e ka rangt atu koe kia nua kia motu roa ka vere mat taau taueve miritonu e vai e hare hakangaengae i te tahu hanga rikiriki. hanga o maru a vave paupau. e uta e maunga marengo e kaa hohora toou kahu ritorito ka romiromi mai ko hanga te pau a ira. he tini o te kainga a hanga te pau. rano kau te taki toka hakapiri te vaenga te mu(—) ko.muko. mataveri o uta a hare paenga. mataveri o tai a taura akavenga nuahine

324 54 56

AppendixII

vai rapa a hakaremereme te vai rutu manu a koro rupa.e haho e hivi e e runga e te puku ohu kahi e.

42) 57

hanga piko a haré rutu manu a ana onono a Pu ngotangota. 58 ata Popohanga toou e to ata hero e 59 ata ahiahi toou e honu e 60 apiña nui a Papa nihoniho a vere nua(—) nua a Papa o rae i te ngao o te moai o hina(-) riru. ku noho era a a lra.i apiña nui.i tuu mai ai.a a makoi.ki apiña nui.he nape e Ira i te ingoa.ko apiña nui a Papa nihoniho a vere nuanua a Papa o rae i te ngao o te moai o hinariru. ina kai hakamaa Penei e ku naa ana te moai te tuitui reipa. he hoki he oho mai arurua.he oo ki roto ki te ana he noho.he too mai a lra.i te hau mo te kaikai mo uru.mo hakamaa i a Makoi.i te urunga o te kai(-) kai. 43) he uru a lra.i te kaikai.he hakahiti i te kai(—) kai.kia Makoi.he ki a Ira.kia Makoi ka hoa mai koe i te patautau o te kaikai nei.erua moai a tuu hokorua ko apiña iti ko rapa kura. ko hanga o uo.a vave renga.he hoa mai a Makoi.i te patautau.ko hangaroa a tuki tukau.okahu a uka ui hetu.ra tahai a uo.ahu akapu a mata kura(-) kura.kihikihi rau mea.a rapa rau renga tini a toto renga.vai a mei a uhi kapokapo.rua ngau a nua ngirongiro.roro hau a mana ai rea vai poko a raa mata turu.ko te hereke a kino a(-) riki.hatu ngoio a taotao ika.ara koreu a pari maehaeha.hanga kuokuo a vave renga, opata

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roa a mana aia.vai tara kai u(a)a ngao roaroa a ngao tokotokoa.hia uka a hakairiiri a haka(—) turuturu.hanga ohiro a pakipaki renga. 44) ko roto kahi a touo renga.ko papa kahi a roro (kopa) ko puna a tuki hauhau renga.ko ehu ko mabatua a pikirangi a hakakihikihi mahina.ko maunga teate(t)a a pua katiki ko te hakarava a hakanohonoho.ko hanga nui a te Papa tata ika.ko tonga riki a henga eha tumt kioe.hakaputiti ai ka hakapunene(-) nene.henua mo opoopo o tau kioe.ko te rano a raraku.oparingi a uuri. motu humu koka a mare a kaoa.hanga maihiku a papa haka(-) kiva.maunga toatoa a veri iri haere. ko te pipi horeko a morokiroki.hanga tetenga a ure ngorongoro. ahu tutae a hare kava hia ka hakaruarua ka hakauaua tamai e tai e hia e e uta e roi e he toou umu ka tao ka maemae ro i kona era i kona era i oroi 45) aau i ootu ai. akahanga a hare hakamahangahanga.e raro e hua reva e a veri itiiti a hua e hakareva(-) reva a toka mahina.rua hana a kiri kana(—) kana.e tai e puku hotake e ate ti(n)i i uta te hare rourou koveka.e tai e teho e ka tao taau ngu. epoe kiko e ka tutu toou oone.vai ngaere.a puku hehaheha. e hue e renga havini e ka rangi atu koe kia nua.kia motu roa ka vere mai taau taueve miritonu.e tai e hare hakangaengae i te tahu hanga rikiriki hanga o maru a vave paupau.e uta e maunga ma(-) rengo e kaa hohora toou kahu ritorito ka romiromi mai.ko hanga te pau a Ira.rano kau te takitoka hakapiri te vaenga te mukomuko.mata

326 Appendix II veri o uta.a hare paenga.mata ver(i) o tai a taura.akavenga. nuahine.vai rapa a haka remereme.te vai rutu manu a koro rupa e haho e hivi e e runga e te puku ohu kahi e. 46) hanga piko a hare rutu manu a ana onono a pu ngotangota.ata popohanga toou e to ata hero e.ata ahiahi toou e honu e.apina nui a Papa nihoni(ho) a vere nuanua a Papa o rae. i te ngao o te moai o hinariru. he oti te Patautau nei i te raa Po rae o hora nui i iri ai ki runga ki te uhi a kuukuu. i oho era mat Pu Pakakina he tuu ki vai marama he piri etahi tangata.he ui a Ira. hokohia koe.he ki mai hokorua Maua he ui hokoou atu a Ira.he ia.he ki hoko(-) ou mai ku mate ana.etahi.he ui hokoou a Ira.koai i mate.he ki mai.ko te ohiro a te runu.he ui hokoou a Ira.koai koe he ki mai.ko nga tavake.a te roña. 47) he ki a Ira.amua tatou ki iri ki runga ki te poko uri he ki mai A nga tavake matu ki iri.he iri anake ki te uhi a Kuukuu.he tuu he noho a Ira etahi marama. i roto i a Ika hiva.(l)teki nei o nga tavake. he noho a Ira.anake he rapu i te uhi he oti te uhi te rapu.he tuu ki te tahi raa he ki a Ira. kia Raparenga.ka oho mai koe ki hakamaa atu au i te ki.he oho a Raparenga.he hakamaa mai a Ira.i te ki Penei te ki.i hakamaa ai. evaru kainga.etahi i ravaa ko te Pito o te kainga.e[ lower third cut o f f ]

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48) hitu i roto i te nehunehu kapuapua i te Pei ana ka ngaro ro erä evaru kaukau eko raväa. ai ka ki hokoou ro. a Ira.ko ruhi ki te rara matau.ko pu.ki te rara maui.ko hinariru ki te tini.he tuitui reipa. i te ngao o te moai 0 hinariru.he ki mai a Raparenga.kia Ira. 1 he a te moai o hinariru.he ki mai a Ira. kia Raparenga.i runga i te Papa i te kona erä o tatou e hakahonu erä.he ki mai a Raparenga.kia Ira. hoki e tikea ro.he ki mai.a Ira. aä e moe no ana. [ lower third cut o f f ]

49) e hakaeke mai ana te ngaru ai ka Pei ro mai te nga(—) ru.he hakatere a te rara matau.he hira te mata a te rara matau.he ui mai te mata a ruhi hepii he rapa atu te rei.mai ruhi hepii.he haka.hoki he oho te ngaru a te rara maui.he hira mai te mata a te rara maui.ä pu.he rapa atu te rei.o pu.he hakahoki a te tini.he ui mai te mata.ki Papa o rae he rapa atu te tuitui reipä.mai runga i te moai o hinariru. ka ui no atu.a Uure.ki te vanangahanga.o Ira.raua ko Raparenga.e vananga era. he ngaroa te kia a Ira ko Raparenga e Uure. he ki a Uure.kia Makoi hoki ko koe mo noho.he ki mai ä Makoi. ee.ka au mo noho.he ki hokoou mai ä Uure.ana moe koe a(n)irä.ana hauru.e tani tou ngongoro e haka(—) 50) rongo rivariva mai koe. ki te ki ana ui au. ki tou honui.he mea koe e hauru hia.

328

AppendixII

e tani haavare tou ngongoro ana ui au kia Ira.anira. i te po. he po. he noho he vanangananga he oo ki te ao he hauru.hokoha.hokotoru ka ara ka vanangananga no.he oo ki te ao nui.he ui a Uure.kia Ira.Pehe korua e vananga era.he ki mai a Ira.kia Uure.ina he ki. he ki hokoou mai a Ira.kia Uure.ka ui tau hangupotu ena ana hauru. he ki mai a Uure.ku hetu ana ku pangahaa ana.ku tani ana te ngongoro.koia korima.i nga(—) tu ro ai ki te vae.o Makoi.e Uure.he ki hokoou mai a Ira.kia Uure.ka ata ui ata (tijkea kai hauru.he ki hokoou mai a Uure. a ku tani ana te ngongoro.

51)

he ki mai a Ira.kia Uure he mee.rahi.era o maua ko tou hokorua.e vananga era.he rei he moai.he ui hokoou mai a Uure. kia Ira.i he a te rei te moai.he ki mai a Ira. i runga i te papa, he kainga tokoa. ehitu.i roto i te nehunehu kapuapua i te Pei ana evaru.kau(-) kau ekó rava.etahi no md ravaa ko te Pito o te kainga.he varu kainga. ka hakarongo no mai a Makoi.ki te kl.a Ira ai ka runu tokoa no mai i te kupu. ai ka tangi haavare no mai te ngongoro o Makoi. he ui hokoou mai a Uure.kia Ira.i he a o runga i te papa.he ki mai a Ira.kia Uure.i runga i te papa.i hangaroa.he ki hokoou mai a Uure.ho(-) ki ai runga i te papa ana.he ki mai a Ira. e hakaeke i te ngaru.he ki mai a Uure. 52)

eaha te ngaru.he ki hokoou mai a Ira.e haka(—) eke mai ana te ngaru.he hakatere a te rara ma-

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tau.he hira atu tou mata a te rara matan, he rapa mai te rei.i a ruhi.he hakatere he haka(—) hoki .te ngaru a te rapa.mai.he rapa mai te rei o pu.he hakahoki mai te ngaru a te tini. he rapa mai te tuitui reipa.mai runga i te ngao o te moai 0 hinariru.i papa o rae. evau kainga i hakahi mai ai e tooku matua ko te pito o te kainga.mo ravaa. ehitu kainga eko ravaa.i roto i te nehunehu kapuapua evaru kaukau eko ravaa.i te pei ana ka ngaro ro era.ka runu tokoa no mai a Makoi.i te kupu.he hauru. a kua lra.a to(—) toru. 53) he ki mai a Makoi.kia Uure.ku runu tahi mai ana.tau ki era e áu.ku paepae tahi mai ana.he ki hokoou mai a Uure.kia Makoi kia kiva koe i te ki. he mee o hakamaa ki te ngaio ena.Veriheka.Ika hiva. Tori. Harakura. 1 te tau i a Matua.he too mai a Matua i te pahera ariki.he avai kia Hotu.he hakatuu i te ariki.ko Hotu.a Matua.i te tau i a Matua. he ea mai te hanau eepe.he toke etahi painga.o te kainga.o te Ariki.hanau momoko. he hakaneke mai i te titaa.o toraua painga. a te painga o te hanau momoko. erima te rau.te hanau eepe.i toke ai i te kainga o te ariki hanau momoko.he tikea te hanau. 54) eepe.e te hanau momoko.e hakaneke mai ana i te titaa o toraua.painga a te painga o te hanau momoko. he tikea.e te titiro o te Ariki.hanau momoko te hanau eepe.e toke ana.he oho mai he ha(—)

330 Appendix II ka.maa ki te Ariki.he vavae te Ariki. i te tangata. eono te rau.he ki te Ariki.a Ma(—) tua.ki toona titiro.ki toona tangata. ka oho.ka rakei mai.ka aaru mat.ka man mai.he oho.te tangata.he tuu. he a tahi mai.i te hanau eepe.be patu he oho. mai.he tuu ki te Ariki.kia Matua. he tu(-) u.he avai ki te Ariki.i te hanau eepe. he kakai te Ariki.ki te hanau eepe.aai korua i unga mai ki te kainga.mo toke.he ki mai te hanau eepe.O matou ana.he ki. hokoou mai te ariki a Matua.moaha. 55)

o korua te titaa o tooku kainga.i toke ai e ko(-) rua.he ki mai te hanau epe.ki te Ariki.kia Matua.he kainga kore.mo noho. he rangi hokoou mai te Ariki.ki te hanau eepe.i au.ka rangi ro atu kia korua anake he too au i a korua.he puru ki roto ki te hare kopu.erima te kauatu te tau.he rangi te Ariki.ki toona tangata.ka too tahi mai.ka puru tahi te hanau eepe.ka puru tahi. atu. he tuu ki te tau i a Hotu.he ki a Matua kia Hotu.ka hoa te miro ki haho ki te tai ka oho.ki te pito o te kainga.karima.mara(-) ma o Ira.ku tikea ana te kainga.e Ira.i oho era.e tae. hoki mai nei a Ira. 56)

he ki hokoou mai a Matua kia Hotu ka hoa te miro.ka too toou o te tangata ka oho.irunga i te miro.ki te pito o te kainga.ka oho.ka hakatama toou o te piere tangata.i te pito o te kainga.he mee. o toe a etahi.ana oho koe.

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he ki a Hotu.ki toona titiro.kia Teke.kia oti.ka oho.korua ka too mai i te huri maika i te uru taro.i te pupura toa.i te uhi.i te rau. kumara.i te hauhau.i te mahnte, i te naunau. i te toromiro. i te riku.i te ngaatu. i te pua.i te tavari.i te para, i te ngaoho. anakeanake te mee.ana too mai koe.te mauku tokoa. 57) he ki hokoou te ariki a Hotu.kia Teke.he mee o rehu te manu vae eha.te kekepu tokoa te moa tokoa.te manu tokoa. he ki hokoou te ariki a Matua.kia Hotu. he mee o rehu i a koe te takaure.ana mau ana oho. koe.ana rehu i a koe te takaure.he ngaro tou piere. tangata.ana tomo ki runga.ki tou kainga ena koe ka oho.ena ä ku mami ana tou piere.tangata. ana moko te ihu o te takaure.he moko tokoa te ihu o tou piere tangata. he ki hokoou te ariki a Hotu. kia 7eke. raua ko oti. hoki ku ngaro ana te ki nei eko rua aruru(-) a.he hakahoki mai a Teke.ee.he ki hokoou mai te ariki a Matua.kia Hotu.ana oho koe e too tokoa.te tangata kopu.mo keukeu o tou kainga 58) he ki hokoou a Hotu.kia Teke.raua ko oti. ka hakatakataka tokorua mee.he ki tokoa ki te maori.tuku miro tokoa.ko nuku kehu hoki ku oti ana te miro.(?)e tuku he ki mai a Nuku kehu.ee.he ki hokoou te ariki ana oti te miro ka hoa ki haho ki te tat. he ki a Nuku kehu.ki toona titiro.anake. a(m)ua tatou ki te miro ki hoa ki haho ki te tai.e e ki mai nei te ariki. he too mai i te miro he tono he oho.he hoa ki haho ki te tai.

332 Appendix II he oho.a Teke.raua ko oti.ko toraua titiro tokoa, he nave e Teke.ki toona titiro.ani(—) ra.i tepo.e oho korua e tuu. e keri i te uh(i) era o tooku tangata taina era.a Maeha ana keri korua rua nui ma iti ka paepae 59) tahi ro.e hatihati. e hakapiipii.ki rava mai ai e au te ingoa.o te uhi.ana ki [crossed out: e teke ]. e Maeha he ki hokoou a Teke.ki toona titiro.e keo mai korua i te ao ana.ana mai i te taropa.mo hahao o te uhi.he hakahoki mai i te ki.ku mao ana.he oho.a Teke.he tuu ki te hare o Maeha.he tuu he no(ho). i ira ana i moe ai i tau po era. he po.he oho. te tangata.erima te kauatu.ki te uhi keri.he tuu he keri. i te uhi he hakapii(-) pii i te uhi.he ngaroa e Maeha.te heruru [crossed out: oMaeha] o te tangata.heki mai mai te rua painga kia Teke.he ro koe ka tahi ana po.i he ruru ro mai he ki mai a Teke.mai toona painga.he vae ooku tau hetu ena.a koe e hakarongo ena.ai ka haka(-) hetu koro iti no.i toona vae.he otea.he ea a Teke ki haho.i te po ana mimi.he ki hokoou mai 60) mai te haha o te hare.o haho a Teke.he ro koe ka ea mai koe ki te uhi ku pae ana te keri.ku toke ana e te kori.ku noho era ana te tangata o Teke.i mua i te hare.taana taropa.taana taro(—) pa.anakeanake.ka paepae tahi ro. he ea mai a Maeha.mai roto mai te hare ki haho.he ui i te uhi.he ki a Maeha.ka ki era.ku pae ana te uhi.i te kori mo te Ariki.he oho.a Maeha.raua ko Teke. hee rara i te uhi.koia ko taropa a Teke.e mau era mo hahao o te uhi

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he rapu mai hai rima ki toona titiro ka oho mai.ka mau mai te taropa. mo hahao o te uhi.he mau te titiro o Teke i te taropa.ku nave tokoa ana e Teke.kia Oti.i tau mahana era nave ki toona tiro mo keri i te uhi.

61) he ki a Teke.kia OtLana ui mai koe ana ea mau ko Maeha.mai roto mai te hare ana oho ki vaenga ki te uhi.e ui tou hokoru(—) a.e uru korua ki roto ki te hare, e too mai i te moai maea ena e moe ena.ko te takapau te ingoa. i oho era a Maeha. raua ko Teke.ki vaenga ki te uhi.he uru a Oti.raua ko Bara[sic!] henga ki roto ki te hare.he too mai i te moai he haka(-) eke ki runga ki te rango he tupa he oho.ki runga ki te miro he hakarere. i tuu era a Maeha.raua ki Teke.ki vaenga ki te uhi.he rarama i te uhi.ku toke ana e te kori.he nape i te ingoa o te uhi.e Maeha. 62) 1

he tara kura.a Maeha.a Teke,koia ko ha(—) hao tokoa atu a Teke.ki roto ki te taropa. i te uhi.ka titiro te taropa.he here te ta(-) ropa rae.pera no.pera no.ka paepae tahi ro.te taropa.te i i te uhi.

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9

he tara rau renga. he tara mahihi. he tara maito. he tara nohu. he tara hetuke. he tara mama. he tara titeve. he tara moamoa tara.

a Maeha. a Maeha. a Maeha. a Maeha. a Maeha. a Maeha. a Maeha. a Maeha.

a Teke. a Teke. a Teke. a Teke. a Teke. a Teke. a Teke. a Teke.

334 10 11 12 13

he he he he

tara huehue. makere. mariri. tonga.

AppendixII a a a a

Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha.

a a a a

Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke.

he pua rau hoho uri. he pua rau hoho tea. he pua rau hoho mea. he pua rau hoho para. he tupere ure. he ravi hakurakura. he naku. he takatore. he ravei. he papa uri. he papa tea. hepapakikahukahu. he papaki vehivehi. he papaki papa kura. he mamari kioe. he tutae kioe. he kunekune.

a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a

Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha.

a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a

Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke.

he he he he he he he he he

a a a a a a a a a

Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha. Maeha.

a a a a a a a a a

Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke.

63) 14 15 16 17 18 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 64) 32 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41

tahe. taha. apuka. apuka heu. tuitui koviro. rai atea. rai atanga. ravi kana. ravi pako.

etoru te rau.te taropa.o te uhi.a Maeha.a Teke.he ki a Teke.ki toona titiro.ka mau

Text of Manuscript E

335

te taropa ena.ki runga ki te miro.anake. anake. he ki a Teke.kia Oti.(k)a oho.koe.ki te hoou era.kia Bau\sic!] era.ka ki ki te kuma ka a(—) vai mai.e ata mau tau taropa.ana oho koe he ea a Oti.he oho.anake ko toona titiro. he mau i te taropa etahi piere.te taropa 65) he oho.he tuu ki te haré o fia«[sic!]««/.o B¿«[sic!] iti. he ki mai a Bau nui.raua ko Bau iti.ai ai ai korua ko tou mahingo.ai ka pu ai ka pu.he ki mai a Oti.kia Bau nui.raua ko Bau iti.he unga.mai au e te ariki.ki te kumara.mo runga i te miro.he ea a Bau nui.hee pakoo i te kumara he hoa ki te tapa.koia ko ingoa i nape tokoa ai. o te kumara. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

he hiva matua he hiva poki he renga moe tahi teatea he renga moe tahi uriuri he ure orno. he ree aniho. he ha.u pu.uriuri he ha.u.pu.teatea

a Bau. a Oti. a Bau. a Oti. a Bau. a Oti. a Bau. a Oti. a Bau. a Oti. a Bau. a Oti. a Bau. a Oti. a Bau. a Oti.

66) 9 he okeoke 10 he apuka. 11 he ure vai. 12 he paiki. 13 he uriuri. 14 he piu tahi. 15 he tuitui koviro. 16 he aro piro. 17 he pekepeke mea.

a Bau. a a Bau. a a Bau. a a Bau. a a Bau. a a Bau. a a Bau. a a Bau. a a Bau. a

Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti.

336 Appendix II a a a a

18 he pekepeke uri. 19 he aringa rikiriki. 20 he tua tea. 20 he mamari kiakia.

Bau. Bau. Bau. Bau.

a a a a

Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti.

etahi te piere. te taropa o te kumara. a Bau. a Oti.he here tabi i te ngutu o te taropa.he ki.a Oti.ki toona.titiro.ka mau.ka oho. te taropa ena.ki runga ki te miro.ka hakarere. 67) he ki a Teke.kia Oti.ka unga te tangata ki te huri.maika ka too mai i roto i taak(u) maika ena.anakeanake.te huru o te maika ana too mai.te taro tokoa.anakeanake te huru. o te taro.ana too mai.he ti tokoa.he kape tokoa. he oho.a Oti.anake ko toona titiro he tuu he too mai i te huri maika.i te taro tokoa i te ti tokoa.i te kape tokoa. he maika. 1 2 3 4 5

he koro tea. he hihi. he pukapuka. he pia. he nahoo.

a Teke. a Oti. a Teke. a Oti. a Teke. a Oti. a Teke. a Oti. a Teke. a Oti. he taro.

1 he ngeti.uri 2 he ngeti tea.

a Teke. a Oti. a Teke. a Oti.

68)

3 4 5 6 7

he ngaatu. he tuitui koviro. he ketu anga mea. he ketu takarua. he teatea.

a a a a a

Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke.

a a a a a

Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti.

Text of Manuscript E 8 he ngu haba tea. 9 he mango. 10 he harahara rapanui 1 1

337 a Teke. a Oti. a Teke. a Oti. a Teke. a Oti.

he ti. a Teke. a Oti. he kape. a Teke. a Oti. erima te rau te taropa o te huri maika. huri mata, etahi te piere.te taropa o te taro.erima te kauatu.te (u)ranga. o te pupura ti.et(a)hi te kauatu te ta(—) ropa o te mamari kape.he here tabi te ngu(—) tu.o te taropa anakeanake. he ki a Oti.ki toona titiro.ka mau tabi te taropa.

69) ki runga ki te miro.te uranga pupura ti tokoa. he mau te tangata.be oho.i te taropa.ki ru(—) nga.ki te miro.be tuu he hakarere.be hoki hokoou mai te tangata.ki te hauhau ki te mahute.ki te tabi mee tokoa. he ki hokoou a Teke.kia Oti.ka oho.ka too mai te hauhau.te mahute. te ngaatu. te tavari.te uku koko.te riku.te ngaoho. te toromiro. te hiki kioe. te naunau.be harahara.be pua nakonako.be nehenehe.be hua taru.be poporo.be ipu ngutu. he kohe.he kavakava atua.be tuere heu. he tureme. ha matie.be hata.he makere. he oho.a OtLanake ko toona titiro.be too mai i te hauhau.anakeanake.te huru o te mee.i too mai ai. 1 1 68) 1 1

he hauhau. he mahute. [sic!] he ngaatu he tavari

a Oti. a Oti.

338 Appendix II 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1

69) 1 1 1

he riku he ngaoho he ñauñau. he uku koko he nehenehe he poporo. he kavakava atua he kohe. he nehenehe he pita he harahara he hua tarn. he makere he hata. he tuere heu. he tureme

a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a

Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti.

[sie!] he matie. he pua nakonako. he ipu ngutu

a Oti. a Oti. a Oti.

he ki a Oti ki toona titiro.ka mau tahi te mee ena ki runga ki te miro ka hakarere.he ma(—) u.te tangata.he tuu he hakarere.i runga i te m(i)ro. anake te mee. he ki hokoou a Teke.kia Oti.ka oho ki roto ki te toa ka hahati tahi.he mee o to ea eta(—) hi.koia ko pupura ana too.mai.he oho. a Teke.a Oti.toraua titiro tokoa.he 5o. ki roto ki te toa.he hahati tahi.he nape i te ingoa o te toa.e Teke. 1 2 3 4

he rangi koro vao. he tua mamari manu. he tua manu auau he ruma.

a Teke. a Teke. a Teke. a Teke.

a a a a

Oti. Oti. Oti. Oti.

Text of Manuscript E

339

70) 5 6 7

he tuitui koviro. he vitiviti. he marikuru.

a Teke. a Oti. a Teke. a Oti. a Teke. a Oti.

etahi te piere te amonga o te toa.he ki a Teke. kia oti ka mau ki runga ki te miro.he mau te tangata.i te toä.he tuu he hakarere i runga i te miro.he hoki mai te tangata.ki te mee he too hokoou. he ki hokoou te ariki a Hotu kia Teke. ka too te manu vae eha.te kekepu. te manu tara. te takaure.(h)e ki hokoou te ariki a Hotu kia.Teke. te mee mo tae rehu i a koe he taka(—) ure.he mee o rehu a te takaure. ana rehu te takaure i a koe.he ngaro te piere tangata. ana tomo ki runga ki te kainga te takaure ena i a koe ka ai te mee he piere tangata.

71) he ki hokoou a Hotu.kia Teke.e hakarite te tangata.ana too koe ki runga ki te miro.peira tokoa te manu vae ehä. te kekepu. tokoa.te moa tokoa. he oho.a Teke.anake ko toona titiro.he too mai i te manu vae ehä. ko te tamaaroa ko te tamahahine.erima te kauatu te manu vae eha. 50 manu vae ehä. he too mai anake te huru o te manu ko te tamaa(—) roa ko te tamahahine tokoa 100 kekepu. 500 he moa 5 erima kaha o te takaure. [crossed out: 5 takaure manu tara ]

340 Appendix II 72)

he manti tara.erua kauatu te huru.i too mai ai 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20 20

he pi riuriu he kava eoeo he te verovero he ka araara he kukuru toua he makohe he kena hetavake he ruru he taiko he kumara he kiakia he tuvi he tuao he tavi

a a a a a a a a a a a a a a a

Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke.

a Oti a Oti a Oti a Oti a Oti a Oti a Oti a Oti a Oti a Oti a Oti a Oti a Oti a Oti a Oti

he ki a Teke.kia Oti.ka mau tahi te kaha manu ena ki runga ki te miro.he mau tahi e Oti. 73) ananake ko toona titiro.ki runga ki te miro he ha(—) karere.atotoru te kauatu.te kaha manu.he ho(—) ki mai te tangata.he ki hokoou a Hotu.kia Teke. ka too te tangatd ki runga ki te miro.e manau tokoa koe ki te moai ena e mau ki runga ki te miro. he oko.a Teke.he too mai i te tangata.he tataku i te tangata.i te vie tokoa.i te poki tokoa.erua te f iere.te aniva.o Hotu.he too taa tangata. ki runga ki te miro.i te moai tokoa. [ insertion: te ingoa o te moai.ko oto uta ]. i mua ana i te hanga i rehu ro ai. te moai.e iri era te tangata ki runga ki te miro.ko te maika. ko te uhi.ko te taro.ko te kumara. ko te moa.ko te kekepu. tokoa.ko te huri tokoa. anakeanake te huri.

Text of Manuscript E

341

he ki a Matua.kia Hotu.ka too [crossed out: toa te hanau eepe] tokoa te hanau eepe.mo keukeu o ton kainga.he ra(-) ngi.a Hotu kia Teke.ka oho.ka too te tangata. 74) kopu. aririma te rau.ki runga ki te miro, he too tahi he mau ki runga.ki te miro.he ha(-) karere.etahi poo no. o te moenga. i too ai ki runga ki te miro. he oho.mai te miro, o Hotu.mai maori.ki te pito o te kainga. i te porua o te raa. o hora nui.i oho.mai ai. 0 ava.rei Bua[sic!] .mai te rúa painga. ku oho.takoa mai ana te miro o te ariki 1 vaenga.i piri ai te miro, o ava rei púa. ki te miro, o Hotu. a te motu.i onga mai ai te miro.o Hotu.o Ava rei púa. i te tahi te angahuru marima o te raa.o ta(—) ngaroa uri.i tomo ai.te miro o Hotu.raua 75) ko te miro o Ava rei púa. i te angahuru marima o te raa.o tangaroa uri.i te po. ana.he ea a Nonoma.mai roto i te hare.ki haho. mimi.he rangi mai a Ira.kia Nonoma.e ui tau mi(~) ro.he tahuti he oho. a Nonoma.he onga i te hikinga heru.i ka ui atu nei ko te miro.i te motu o haho.e hakapiri ro a.árurua. he tahuti he hoki mai ki mua ki te hare.he tuu he rangi.a roto i te hare.he ro korua e.ku mou mai era a tau miro nei.i anga po.ana.he ui mai a Ira.kia Nonoma.ihe tau miro.e noho mai ena.he hakahoki mai te reo o Nonoma.e i te motu o haho.e noho mai nei.e hakapiri ro ana.erua miro. he ea.a[corrected to haha from oono ] .he too i te raupa rapu.

342

Appendix II

he mau he oho.hetu(—) u.ki te hikinga.he ui i te miro.i roto ana i te hare a Ira. i oho era.a [corrected to haha from oono ] ki te hikinga vae.

76) he noho.he hakatotopa.i te ki.ahaha. he ki ahaha ka ea.etahi ka rapu.ka hakamaa.ki te ariki. i te kl.he ea.a Raparenga.he too mai i te raupa.he mau ki te rima.he rapu he rapu he rapu he rapu he rapu.he tikea e te tangata.hakamaa ki te rapu. he onga a raro.he rangi ki te ariki.penei e rapu mai era.e hakamaa mai era.i te ki hodu. penei e. kainga kino.kahukahu o heke.rimurimu roroa. mai te unu mai te unu. he rangi mai te ariki.a Hotu.kia Tuki.ka rapu koe.ka hakahoki.penei e. kainga kino hoki.tai ua ka okooko.taipapaku ka ora. ku tuu ana a Ira.raua ko (Ng)a tavake. he rapu.mai a Tuki.he hakahoki mai i te ki.penei e.he rapu he rapu.he iri atu te rapu.a Rapa(—) renga.he ui mai ku tikea ana.he topa.te rapu. 77) he ui a Ira.heaha.te ua.ka rapu mai era.he ki mai a Raparenga.he mee.te ua.he rae matou i rapu ai.he ki. a Ira.i a korua tatou.ipakoo mai ai i te ki.rakerake. he ki a Ira.kia Ra.parenga.ka rapu koe.ka hakamaa.pe(-) nei e.ana oho.te miro a te rara matau.a haho ana ana oho.ko tama he ika kino.he ihu roroa.he rapu. he rapu.he rapu.he tikea e runga e te miro. te rapunga.o Raparenga.he angiangi.he iri mai te rapu o runga i te miro.he topa ki raro.te rapu.he oti.e p'tri no ana te miro aruarua. [crossed out: he ki a Hotu\ he rangi a Hotu.ki te miro o te ariki tamahahine. a te rara maui.tou miro ana oho.koe.ko 7eke.mo teki atu.ki runga ki tou miro ena.mo hakamanama-

Text of Manuscript E

343

na mo oho.atu i te hakanononga.koau ma oho. a te rara matau.mo hakamanamana mo oho. atu i te hakanononga.he teki.a Teke.ki runga ki te rua 78) miro, o te ariki. tamahahine. he oho. te miro o te ariki. tamaaroa.a te rara matau he oho, to te ariki. tamahahine a te rara maui a Hanga.i hakamanamana i te hakanononga. 1 2 3 4 5

ko ko ko ko ko

te hiña. te kana haure. koekoe. tuu. mahatua

a Hotu. a Hotu. a Hotu. a Hotu. a Hotu.

a a a a a

Honga. Honga. Honga. Honga. Honga.

Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke. Teke.

a Teke.i hakamanamana.i te hakanononga.o te rara maui. 1 2 3 4 5

ko ko ko ko ko

piro. pura. hatehate. uto. mata o hotu.

a Hotu. a Hotu. a Hotu. a Hotu. a Hotu.

a a a a a

ko ko ko ko

te pungaehu hatu più hau ngutu

a a a a

a Teke. a Teke. a Teke. a Teke.

79) 6 7 8 9

Hotu. Hotu. Hotu. Hotu.

he ui mai te tangata o runga i te miro.o te ariki tama(—) aroa.mai varinga te toremo.he tikea te miro o te ariki.tamahahine.ka tuu.atu te miro.o ava. rei pua.ki papa te kena.he onga a Honga.a raro he rangi.ki te ariki motongi.ko Hotu. ai te miro o te ariki.tamahahine.he rae ka to(-)

344 Appendix II mo era.he hakaboki mai te ariki.a Hotu i te ki. kia Honga.ka rutu korua atatahi te angahuru. te ariki [crossed out: motongi] maahu.he rutu atatahi te anga(-) huru.penei i rutu ai.ka hakamau te konekone he rutu he oho.mai.Ko Honga.ko Te kena.Ko Nu(—) ku kehu.ko Nga Vavai.ko Oti.ko SiVefsic!] .ko Ngehu.ko Hatu.ko Tuki.ko 5«[sic!]. 80) koia ko hakamanamana mai i te hakanononga 10 11

ko taharoa. ko rangimeamea.

[ three lines crossed out ] i tuu mai era te miro.o Hotu.ki taharoa.he topa te haa(—) haa roroa.he oho.mai ki hanga hoonu.he topa te kovare.he oho.mai he tuu ki rangi meamea.he pakakina te ranu.he au te tua toto.o te poki.he hoa te aka i mua i te hanga. i hanga rau.he tuu tokoa atu te miro.o Ava rei pua.he hoa tokoa i te aka. i hoa era te aka.o te miro o hotu.he topa te poki.ki haho.a Vakai.a Hotu.ko Tuu maheke.a Hotu.tamaaroa. 81) i tuu tokoa atu era.te miro o Ava rei pua.i hoa tokoa.era.i te aka.he topa te poki a Ava rei pua. tamahahine.ko Ava rei pua.poki. he ui mai a Honga.ki te tangata o runga i te miro o Ava rei pua tama aha.i topa ai.he haka(-) hoki mai penei e.tamahahine.i topa ai.he hakahoki mai a Honga.i te ki.penei e.he ohu. mai a Honga.ariki tamahahine.mo tomo a te rara maui.a runga i te tahua.ka hakarere te hanga mo te riki tamaaroa mo Tuu maheke.

Text of Manuscript E

345

he oho.te vaka ki uta.be eke te ariki a Hotu.a vakai.a Tuu maheke.koia ko titiro o te ariki. koia ko hakaau. o te hanau tama, he tomo ki uta.te vaka.o te ariki.tamaaroa he too mai te hakaau.i te ariki.tamahahi(—) ne.i a Vakai.he hakatopa ki roto ki te vai 82) he hakauru ki roto ki te taheta.he ngatu i te kovare.i te hatu kai.ki haho.he pae tahi te hatu kai.ki haho.he mau he iri(h)e oho.i te ariki tamahahine. i te ariki.poki tokoa. he tuu ki oro. [crossed out: ma ] ngatu he hakarere i te ariki. he too.mai te tangata i toraua raakau.ki u(-) ta.i te kai.anakeanake.aa ka paepae ta(-) hi ro mai ki uta.te tangata.kopu. tokoa. he tomo tokoa te vaka.o te ariki.tamaha(—) hine.a te rara maui.a runga i te tahua. ki noho.ki hinihini i nape ai i te ingoa.o te kona.ngatu era i te hatu kai.o Vakai.ko hira(-) moko.te ingoa. he oho.mai te maori o te pito hahau.ko Vaka. ki te pito hahau.o Tuu maheke.i te oho(-) hanga mai ana.a Vaka.i hakahiti i oho ro mai 83) ai i te ata.o te ariki. o Tuu maheke.penei te ata.o te ariki.ka ea te ata.o te ariki.te huhu kai rangi.te vevero kai rangi.tu kaka kai rangi.tu mani kai rangi.ata uri toou e te ariki. e. ata mea toou e te ariki e.ata tea toou e te ariki e. [ four lines of Easter Island script plus the name Vaka.a Tea hiva ]

he tuu a Vaka.ki te pito hahau koia ko hakahiti tokoa i te ata o te ariki.he hahau i te pito o Tuu maheke.e Vaka.a Bara[s\c\~\.he oti te hahau. he hoki he oho.ki te pito hahau o Ava rei púa po(-) ki.he tuu he hahau he oti.

346 Appendix II 84)

i oti era te kai te too mai ki uta.be ki.te ariki arurua.te ariki tamaaroa.te ariki.tama(—) hahine tokoa.ka tot mat te miro.ki uta ka titingi.mo te hare mo ato. he totoi mai aruaru miro ki uta.he titingi.he oti. te titingi.he ato i te hare.e Nuku kehu.anake(—) anake.te hare. he ki a Teke.kia Oti.ka tahunga koe i te huri.ki tou mahingo. he too mai.a Oti.he tahunga.i te huri.ki te tangata.anakeanake.te huru.o te huri.i ta(—) hunga ai.he too te tangata era.te tangata era i taana o te huri.i taana o te huri. he rangi hokoou a Teke.ki toona aniva.pe(-) nei e.he mee o kaa.te umu.te ata.o te ariki. te ura o te ariki.i te po.ana ka iho.te umu.

85) he oho te tangata.ko toona. o te kona ki toona o te kona.he noho. he ki a Hotu.kia Teke.ka ui koe i te maara etahi.mo hakanoho mo hakatuki.i te hanau eepe. he too a Teke.i te hanau eepe.he mau he oho.ki po(-) ike.i hakarere ai.he ki a Teke.ki te hanau eepe ka noho.ka tuki.korua he mee o mahamaha ki na.hia korua anake. he too mai a Teke.i te pahera ariki.he avai kia Iko.he hakatuu e Teke.i te ariki.ko Iko. ariki hanau eepe.he rangi a Teke.ki te tangata ko Iko.te ariki.i runga i a korua.e te mahingo a. he noho.te hanau eepe.he hoki a Teke.he oho mai ki oremanga. ko Iko.karua te angahuru marima te tau.

Text of Manuscript E

347

86) he ea a lra.a Raparenga.a Uure.a Nonoma. a Ringiringi.he oho.mai te poko uri.a H au maka.he tuu ki hanga te pau. he hoa i te vaka.he oho.ki hiva.ki maori, i te rua te angahuru marima.o te raâ.o tanga(—) roa uri.i ôho ai a Ira.ki hiva.ki maori, i tuu era.te vaka.o Ira.ki te motu.he rangi atu.a Makoi.penei e.ëvaru kainga.katahi i ravaa.ko te pito o te kainga.ehitu kainga eko ravaa.i roto i te nehunehu kapuapua i te pei ana ka ngaro ro ëra.evaru.kaukau eko ravaa.ko ruhi ki te rara matau.ko pu ki te rara maui.he tuitui reipa.i te ngao o te moai o hinariru.i papa o raë. 87) [ four lines of Easter Island script plus the name Vaka.a

Tea hiva ]

i te toru te kauatu.o te raa.o tangaroa uri.he u(-) i.a Hotu.i te moai.maea.ko oto uta.te ingoa.he ki.kia Teke.a Hotu.ihe te moai. [corrected to a oto from *hi(-)] [corrected to uta from nariru].he hakatopa.a Teke. i roto a ia.i te ki he ki. kia Hotu.a Teke.i mua i te hanga ana i re(-) (h)u ro ia.he ki a Hotu.kia Pure o.kia Pure ki. kia Pure vanangananga.ka oho.korua ko nga kope ki te hoou.kia oto uta.ka too mai.na e moe ena i mua.i te hanga.he nee korua ko nga kope.o kori a i te ariki.i a oto uta. 88) he too mai a Pure o. a Pure.ki.a Pure vananga(—) nanga.he hoa i te vaka.he oho.ki hiva. i teporima o te raa.o ruti. i oho.ai.te vaka. o Pure o.i oho.era te vaka.o Pure o.i tomo era. ki mua ki te hanga ki hanga moria one.he ui

348

Appendix II

a Pure ö.ko te moai e moe no ana.he ki ki ta(—) u ngaio.taina era.he ro korua.e aku hoa e. ki hahati atu te ngao o te rakerake era.ki he. a.tatou i hoki atu ai ki te pito o te kainga. he noho ro ai tatou i to tatou kainga. i oho.era te vaka o Pure 5.he hakaunga atu te ariki a Hotu.i toona atua akuaku. ko kuihi.katahi.ko kuaha.karua. i roto i a Ika hiva.rua.te ki nei.o kuihi.o kuaha 89) he too mai a Pure ö.i te pureva.he ava.ki runga ki te moai.he hati te ngao.o oto uta.i te pureva. he hü te tokerau.he ketu te vave.he hati te vave. he hoa te üa.he nomo mai mai te ura.he hati he hetu te patiri. i hu era te tokerau.i hati era te vave.i ava era te ua.i hetu era te hätu.tiri he angiangi e te ariki.e Hotu.penei e.ku kori ana a Pure ö.i te ariki.i a oto uta. he ki a Hotu.ku kori ana tau ngaio era i te ariki i a oto uta. i hati era te ngao.o te ariki o oto uta.he öho.atu a kuihi.a kuaha.he too mai i te ngao.o te a(—) riki o oto uta.he mau he öho.mai he tuu ki mua ki te hanga.ki hanga rau.i haka rere ai e kuihi.e kuaha. 90) i tömo.era.te ngao o oto uta.ki mua ki te hanga. ki hanga rau.he köre.te tokerau.te uä.te vave. te hätu.tiri.he tuu a kuihi.a kuaha.he haka(-) maa ki te ariki.kia Hotu.penei e. ai te ariki.a oto uta.i mua i te hanga i hanga rau. he ki a Hotu. ki toona tuura.kia Moa kehu. ka turu koe.ki te ariki.kia oto uta.ka too mai.i mua i te hanga i hanga rau.he ea a Moa kehu.

Text of Manuscript E

349

he turu he too mai he amo he iri mai.he tuu ki mua ki te hare.he hakarere ki te ariki. kia Hotu.he noho te arik(i).a Hotu.he tangi. mo te ariki mo oto uta.penei te tanginga a Hotu. ka hati toou ngao e oto uta.e te ariki è.mo tau papa rangaranga o haho i te tai.mo tuu huehue rangaranga o haho i te tai.mo tau hahave rere ai ka pae.mo tau ngù rere ai ka pae.mo te ika aringa riva nei he aku renga.ai ka paè.

91) te ingoa o te maara noho o te ariki.o Hotu.ko oro(-) manga.te ingoa o te kona era i hatuu era i te hare, e Nuku kehu.ko hare topa tuu. [ four lines of Easter Island script plus the name Vaka.a Tea hiva ] he maro tokoa te mee.a Nuku kehu.i tuki.mai te tini o mua i te hanga.o hanga rau.i iri ai te maro. i oho.ai.he tuu ki puku parari.he iri hokoou he tuu. ki puku o heha.mai puku o heha.i hakataha hokoou ai ki aro huri mai aro huri i hoki hokoou ai.a tai he tuu ki maunga koua he turu he oho.he tuu ki hira moko.he rua taupa o te maro. 92) he noho a Hotu.i hare tupa tuu.he hangai i a Tuu maheke. te tuura.o Tuu maheke.ko Rovi. tumuteka [sic!].ie tao. a Rovi ana te apa.mai i te umu.te mau mai.te hakauru. ki te ariki.kia Tuu maheke.ai ka noho.no a Rovi.ka hangai no.i te ariki i a Tuu maheke.ku ravaa ro a i. te tau.o te ariki o Tuu maheke.etahi te kauatu marima. he ea a Rovi.he too i te here.he mau he oho.ki tai.here. hai koreha.mo i(n)aki o te kumara.o te ariki.a Tuu maheke. he noho he here.ku hinihini ana a Rovi.i te herehanga i te koreha. ku po.remo.ana te ariki.a Tuu maheke.i te noho.hanga no.ko te po ana.kai kai te ariki.a Tuu maheke.

350 Appendix II 93) i po remo era te ariki. a Tuu maheke.he nohohe tangi.i roto i te hare.i hare.tupa tuu.hokotahi no.te matua tamahahine.ku oho ana ki te kumara are.mo tao.mo taomi.tokoa.mo hakauru.ki te ariki he tikea te tanginga.o Tuu maheke.e Hotu.ku tangi mai era ana.te ariki poki.ku eete ana te koko(-) ma.o tou tangata.matua era.i te tangihanga no a(-) tu.o te ariki.o Tuu maheke.he ea.mai.te ariki. a Hotu.he oho.mai mai toona hare.ki mua ki te hare.o Tuu maheke.i konui ana i noho mai ai [four lines of Easter Island script plus the name Vaka.a

Tea hiva

94)

i ui mai ai.ki te tangihanga o Tuu maheke.he rangi mai tau tangata matua era. e tangi era te poki.penei e. ka mou tau morore.ravatangi.te raa.te raa.ku motu.mai ana te hihi.i te tangihanga no.apo apo apo. he ngaroa tau rangihanga mai era.o tau tangata matua era.e Tuu maheke.ka tangi no te poki.he ea tau tangata matua era.he hoki he oho.ki toona hare he noho. he tuu mai tau vie matua era.mai te kumara.keri.i ka mana mai nei.ko te ariki.ku ahu.ahu ana te mata o te ariki.i te tangihanga. he ui.tau vie matua era.heaha.koe e te ariki e.e tangi ena koe.ku ahuahu ana te mata o te a(-) riki i te tangihanga.he ki mai tau kope era. penei e.he mee au e tangi nei.he rangi mai e tau. tangata rakerake ena. [crossed out: he ki mai tau vie matua era.ina.aana ana.koe i tuki mai ki roto kia au ] 95)

penei e.ka mou te morore ravatangi.ku motu a(-) na.te hihi.i te ravatangihanga. te raa te raa.peira i rangi mai ai kia au.he hoki atu ki toona hare

]

Text of Manuscript E

351

he noho.he ea.tau vie matua era.he oho.he tuu he kà i te umu.he tao(m)i i te kumara.he koko(-) hu.he mau he oho.mai.he hakauru mai a tua. ki te arìkùkia Tuu maheke.he hoki he oho.he tu(—) u.he uru i te umu.he tao.he oti te tao i te umu. ku oti ana te umu.a Vakai.te tao.i tuu mai ai te tuura.o te ariki.ko Rovi.he tuu mai ia ki taa(—) na.umu he ka mo hakauru mo te ariki. [ four lines of Easter Island script plus the name Vaka.a Tea hiva ] 96)

he ea.a Vakai.he oho.he tuu.he kakai kia Hotu.penei e. heaha.koe.e rangi. nei.i te ki rakerake ki te ariki.kia Tuu ma(—) heke.penei è.he motore o te arikia Tuu ma(—) heke.he ki atu e vakai.penei è. kokoe ana tau motore puoko.havahava.a tai a Mahia.ko kokiri tuu hongohongo.te hangai i tuà.i oti onge o hiva.ana ki mai.e Taana. a Harai.he hakahoki mai te ariki.a Hotu.i te kì.penei è.ai hoki koe.e nua e. i tae ki ro mai era.i hiva ana.i tomatou kainga era.he ea tau vie era he hoki he oho ki toona hare.he noho. he ea.a Hotu.he neke.iti atu.he hakapehiva iti.àtu.he noho.he àto.i toona hare.he oti te hare.te ato.he noho.i hare pu rangi.

97)

he tuu ki te tahi.marama.he ea.atu a Vakai he oho.he oo ki roto ki te hare ki hare pu rangi.he no(—) ho.i roto i te hare o te ariki.o Hotu.ka noho no.te ariki.a Tuu maheke. i toona hare ana.i hare tu(-) pa tuu.ko toona tuura tokoa.ko Rovi. [ middle third cut out ] [ 1 Vi lines of invented signs plus the name

Vaka.a Tea hiva ]

352

AppendixII

98) he tuki hokoou.a Hotu.i taana poki. i bare pu rangi.be topa tamaaroa.i topa ai. he nape i te ingoa.ko Miru ko te mata nui a Hotu.a Matua.he hakarere a Hotu.i ha(—) re.pu rangi.kia Vakai. [ middle third cut out] ki motu o oro.i ka mana atu ena.ko te nga poki.eono.e momoe ro ana.a ra(—) ro.te aro.e hakamahana ana.ki te raà. mai te rukurukuhanga.a òno.ngaio. he ui a RovLka ea korua ko nga kope ki runga.

99) ko te tae ea.ki runga.ko te tae ea ki runga.he oho. he hakaara.i ka ui atu ena.ko te nga poki.ku marnate ana a oono.he àta.ùi a Rovi.i te aha. i mate ai. i ka ui atu ena.ko te potu o te koko(—) ma.e onga.no ana i te kaùha.ai ka revareva no.he ohu.mai a uta.penei e. ko nga Hahaki.a Roro.ko Manu kena.a Roro. ko te Paripari.a Roro.ko kai tanoa.a Roro. ko Ève pipiro i te hiku kioe.a Roro.ko Aro ne(-) henehe. [crossed out: atua ivi rou e te roe] .a Roro te papaku.ku marnate ana.i kumekume no te kokoma.e uta ¿.he rere hokoou.mai te tu(—) ura.o te ariki.ki uta.he tomo ki uta.he rongo he oho.mai ki te ariki.kia Hotu.he tuu he ha(—) kamaa.i te papaku.ki te ariki.kia Hotu. he tuu.he hakamaa.penei e.ko nga hahaki.a Ro(-) ro.te papaku.ku marnate.tahi ana.a oono.

100) he ki.te ariki a Hotu.kia roro.ka oho. koe ka too mai.i te papaku.ko ta a ngaio era. i runga i te motu.i motu o roro.e ki mai nei.te tu(—) ura. o te ariki.o Tuu maheke.ko rovi.

Text of Manuscrípt E

353

he oho.a Roro.anake ko toona ngaio taina, hokotahi te kauatu.he tuu he rere he iri ki runga ki te motu he tuu he too he oho.mai, i te papaku ki uta.he tomo.he mau he oho.mai. he tuu.ki mua ki te haré he hakarere. he tuu te ariki.a Hotu.he ui i aha.tau ngaio era.i mamate ai.he ki mai te reo o te atua. akuaku o Hotu.ko kuihi.ko kuaha.penei e. a Oroi.i hakauru.hai vaero ura.i kume(-) kume mai i te kokoma ki haho i hoa.te m o te nga ika ena i mamate ai.he hakahiti a Hotu.i te tangi.mo nga hahaki a Roro. penei e. Tori 1 [above 1001] tute nui no mai koe.e Oroi e. mai hiva mai te kainga.o hau a koro.au e aku poki pei nui 0 te hakarava e. ura nui o te mana vai.koiro nui o te mana vai.koreha nui o te a.vai.aro huri. he mounga ana te tangi nei. he mau hee muraki.i roto i te ahu. i ahü a tu(—) re hoa.angiangi e te tangata.penei e.a Oroi 1 kumekume i te kokoma.o nga hahaki.a Roro. he ke.te ariki a Hotu.penei e.i piko no mai a oroi.i oho mai nei i runga i te miro. hee(a) hokoou atu a Vakai.he oho.he oo.ki roto ki te hare.o te ariki o Hotu.i haré moa viviri. he tuki hokoou te ariki a Hotu.he tupu. i te iva o te marama.he topa tamaaroa.he nape i te ingoa. ko Tuu a hotu iti. [crossed out: ko te mata iti~\.a Hotu. Tori 2 [above 1002] he noho te ariki a Hotu. he tuu ki te tahi marama.he topa tangi a mua.mo taana maanga hangai.ko veri hiña, he ea he oho. te ariki.a Hotu.he tuu ki mua ki te haré ki mahatua.he tuu he aroha.he tangi. he noho.i te ha(r)eo toona kope.hunonga.he otea

354 Appendix

II

he ki.te ariki.a Hotu.kia Veri hina.penei ë. e ui atu tokorua mata ko te htmonga kia au ka oho.nei au.ana hiri no te manu tara.i runga.i a au.e ora no ana a au. ana vevero te manu tara i runga i a au.ku mate ana a au.e oho atu korua ko te hunonga.he haka.hoki mai.a Veri hina.i te kï.ku mao ana.e koro ë. e ui no atu maua ko te hunonga. he oho.mai te ariki a Hotu. [crossed out: he oho.mai] a tai ana he tuu ki hatinga te kohe. a Hau maka. Tori 3 [ above 1003 ] he ûi mai a Oroi.ko te ariki.ka tuu atu ki hatinga te kohe.he too mai a Oroi.i te taura.he mau he oho. he tuu ki te âra.he hakapu.i te taura.he hakaehu hai mauku.he mau i te potu o te taura.he oho.ki roto ki te ñauñau i piko mai ai.ai ka ui no mai.ki te tuu hanga.o te ariki o Hotu.ki oo.te vae ai ka kariti.ai ka oho.mai kâ tingai.i te ariki i a Hotu.e Oroi ka hiri no.te manu tara.i runga i te ariki.e oho.era. he oho.mai te ariki a Hotu.he tuu ki te tingaanga.o te hereke.he ui atu te ariki.a Hotu.ko te pu.o te taura.ë hatata era.ai ka moe no.ku hakaehu ana hai mauku.he oho.te vae he rei i te titi o te taura.he ui mai te ariki.a Oroi.ku öo.ana te vae o te ariki o Hotu.ki roto ki te taura.he kariti i te taura.he hakahinga te ariki.a Hotu.i a ia. ana ki raro.ku rei ana te ariki a Hotu. i te taura. Tori 4 [above 1004] hai vàë.ku kiki ana.ki manau mai a Oroi. penei ë.ku 5o.ana te vae o te ariki.o Hotu. ki roto ki te taura. he ea mai.a Oroi.ki runga mai roto i te ñauñau, he tahuti he oho.mai.ki te ariki.mö ooka hai ivi heheu.he tohu mai e te ariki.e Hotu. mo Oroi.penei ë. kikita kikita taviri tavara.ki raro.koe. ka ma(—)

Text of Manuscript E

355

te. he hetu a Oroi.ki raro pahe poko ana.he mate.he ea.te ariki.a Hotu.ki runga.he oho. he tuu ki runga ki te ika.he maroa.he tangi hoko hoou. penei e.tute nui no mai te tana a a(-) u.e hokorua e.mai hiva ana.mai te kainga. ana. he too mai te ariki.he keri i te rua.he tanu. i te tingaanga o te hereke.i tanu ai i a Oroi. Oira i nape ai te ingoa o hu kona era.ko te tingaanga o te Tori 5 [above 1005] hereke.o te kona noho.o te ariki.o Oroi.i ira te naanga 0 te mee.rakerake.he nape hokoou i te ingoa o hu ko(-) na.naa.mee. rakerake era.he kinoanga no re. 1 roto i a ika hiva.te ki nei.o Oroi. i mate era o Oroi.he hoki te ariki.he oho.ki toona kainga.kia pau.he tuu he noho. [ six lines of Easter Island script plus the name

Vaka.a Tea hiva ]

Tori4 [above 4~\

kaa hahata rd.he hakatopa i te kioe.ki ra(—) ro ki te rua.he hakarere.he hangai.hai ku(—) mara.ai ka hoa no.i te kumara.te raa te raa. he tuu ki te tahi marama he ui.a Oti.ku pi(-) ere.ana. te kioe. [ five lines of Easter Island script plus the name Vaka.a Teatea] he haka.hetu. a Oti.i taana.kioe. he tuu. ki te.tahi.tau.he ngaroa.e te.Tanga(ta).ko Tori 5 [above 5 ] Ngumi.Penei e.i a Oti.te ika he kio(—) e.i ka.maitaki.he e(ng?)a.a Ngumi.he aaru.mai i te uha.he etahi.he mau. he oho.he tuu.ki mua ki te hare.o Oti.i te pu.kioe.a Oti.he tuu.he haka.uru.i te uha.e Ngumi.ki roto ki te hare.kia Oti.he ki.mai a Oti.kia Ngumi.pe(-) nei e.ka uru.ki roto ka noho.he uru a Ngumi

356 Appendix

II

ki roto ki te hare he noho. he ea.a Oti.he amo i te umu.be puhi.i te umu.he oho.hee aaru.mai i te hou oone.mai raro i te rua.erua te angahuru.he mai he oho he tuu he tingai.he rara.he oti te rara. he hakatee.be hai.etahi popo.o te kioe.he uru.i te umu.he tad.kia kia.he ea.he ma(—) oa.mai.be a.pa mai etahi.tukunga. Tori 6 is missing Tori 7 is missing Tori8 [above 5 ] [four lines of Easter Island script plus the name Vaka.a Tea hiva] [five lines of Easter Island script plus the name Vaka.a Tea hiva] Tori9

[above 9]

he tuki.hokoou.a Hotu.i taana poki. i hare moa viviri.be topa tamaaroa. he nape i te ingoa.ko Hotu iti.a Hotu.be e(-) a.hokoou.a Hotu.be iri ki hare moa tata(—) ka.he tuu he noho. he ea.hokoou.atu.a Vakai.be iri toko(-) a.atu.ki hare moa tataka.be tuu he noho.ra(—) ua.ko te ariki.i hare moa tataka.be tuki.ho(—) koou.te ariki a Hotu.i taana poki.be topa.tamaaroa.be nape i te ingoa.ko Tuu rano kau. he iri hokoou.te ariki.ki aro huri.be tuu. henoho.be iri hokoou.atu a Vakai.ki aro huri.he tuu he noho.tokoa atu.be noho etoru marama.i aro huri. Tori 10 [above 10] he ea.hokoou.te ariki.be iri.ki maunga pua.be tuu.be noho he ea.hokoou.atu a Vakai.be iri he oho.tokoa atu ki ma(—) unga pua.etoru marama.i(i) maunga pita.he iri hokoou. tea(-) riki.he tuu.be noho i tavarivari a umi.be iri.be oho tokoa atu te.ariki tamahahine.be tuu he noho.tokoa atu. [ seven lines of Easter Island script plus the name Vaka. a Tea hiva ]

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Index

Agricultural problems of immigrants, 124, 156, 157, 170, 204, 205, 208 Ahu (altar), 17, 24, 25, 85 Ahu Akapu, 30, 38, 59; home of abdicated king, 39, 74, 77 Ahu Ana Koiro Roa, 178 Ahu A Rongo, 262, 265 Ahu Ature Hoa, 80, 190, 217, 218 Ahu Hekii, 91 Ahu Kinokino, 218 Ahu Mahanga, 37 Ahu Mahatua, 6 Ahu Maitaki Te Moa, 79, 277, 278 Ahu Mataitai, 219, 277, 278 Ahu Naunau, 131 Ahu Ohau (O Hei) Para, 270, 271 Ahu O Kena, 218 Ahu Orohie, 275 Ahu O Ure, 219 Ahu Tahai, 38, 39, 77 Ahu Tahiri (platform for moai), 278 Ahu Tepeu, 78, 91, 221, 238, 276, 278 Ahu Te Pito Te Kura, 284 Ahu Tongariki, 229, 279, 280, 284-285 Ahu Tutae, 84 Ahu Vinapu, 91, 231, 246, 277, 278-279, 281. See also Vinapu Akahanga, 29, 37, 57, 72, 85, 217, 218, 220, 222, 238, 262, 263, 264, 265, 268 Aku (golden fish), 194, 195, 256 Akuaku. See Spirits Albatross, 150-151 Algae, 135 A Mara, 263 Ana Haruru, 265, 268 Ana Kai Tangata, 89, 150 Ankena, 20, 21-22, 51, 66, 67, 72, 74, 133-134, 165, 182, 215, 232, 233, 239, 240, 241; royal residence

at, 38, 39, 40, 91, 92, 131, 243, 248, 249 Ana Kupenga, 276, 277 Ana O Mu, 266 Ana O Nero, 219 Ana Onono, 90 Ana O T a k o , 219 Ana Roa, 276 Ana Takipure, 276 Animals, brought by immigrants to Easter Island, 99, 102, 103, 104, 138-155 Apai chant, 148 Apina, 62, 90, 96 Apina Iti, 60, 61, 62, 76, 90, 91, 261 Apina Nui, 61, 62, 90, 260, 272, 274 Ara Koreu, 79, 95 Ariki, Juan (informant), 291, 297 Ariki Maahu, 18, 19 Ariki motongi, 11, 12, 18 Aro (Ara, Aru) Huri, 194, 208, 211, 214, 216 Aro Nehehehe O Roro, 189 "Aruku Kurenga," 34 Ata Ahiahi Toou, 90 Ata Hero, 90 Atahu, 219 Atamu Te Kena, 293 Atan, Hilaria (informant), 291 Atan, Mariana (informant), 186 Atan, Victoria (informant), x Ata Popohanga Toou, 90 Ataranga, 165 Atua Mata Riri (god), 16 A Ure, 264 Austral Islands, 70, 93 Ava Rei Pua, Queen, 6, 10, 24, 164; canoe of, 103, 156-158; daughter of, 158, 159, 175-176, 177, 214 Bamboo (kohe), 101, 102, 135 Bananas, 101, 103, 108, 126, 221;

364 banana shoots, 99, 101; plantations, 220-221, 225; varieties of, 101, 104, 108, 109, 112, 115, 116, 128 Bark cloth (tapa), 130, 281 "Bay of flies," 38, 57, 72 "Bay of turtles," 38, 58, 72 Bird eggs, 154-155, 202 Birdman cult, 12, 37, 88, 89, 90, 91, 130-131, 145, 153, 166, 175 Bird omen, 190, 191, 206, 207 Birds, 99, 149-154. See also Birdman cult Booby bird (Kena), 103, 151 Bottle gourds, 101, 102, 104, 128, 132-133 Breadfruit trees (poporo), 101, 102, 132, 135, 137 Calabashes, 103, 133 Canoes, royal double, 99-103, 156; cargo on, 99-107; description of, 161; dismantled, 159-181; names of, 161; race by, 157-158, 172, 177, 178; reach Easter Island, 156, 162 Cats, 104, 139, 141 Cattle, 140 Caves, 60, 61, 76, 90, 150, 265; chicken, 145; secluded children's, 44 Cerro Orito, 87, 281 Cerro Puharoa, 38 Cerro Toatoa, 83, 84 Chickens, 99, 102, 103, 104, 138, 141, 221; economic value of, 145; importance of, 143-145; mythology and, 144. See also Roosters Children murdered by Oroi, 189-190, 200, 201, 203, 208, 217; lament for, 190; names of, 189, 201, 204, 205 Children, secluded, 44, 126, 237; "well"-tatooed, 214 Cock of Ariana (Ariange) legend, 23, 146, 220, 234, 235, 236 Cockroaches, 102 Coconut trees, 131, 132 Cook's Bay, 95 Creation chants, 122, 128, 129, 131, 132, 133, 135, 136, 144, 148, 151 Cults, 6, 17, 24, 25, 29, 30, 37, 38, 39, 82, 91, 131, 151, 231, 246, 278-279, 281. See also Birdman cult Dark rat, 44, 49, 56, 213, 231, 240 Dogs, 104, 139, 141, 142

Index Earth-ovens, 129, 159, 181, 193, 209, 210, 213, 277 Easter Island, location of, 31, 34, 35-37, 96 Eels, 194, 195, 209, 221, 265; motif of, 131 Eighth (lost) Land, 30, 34, 35, 40, 63, 64, 65, 68 Englert, Father Sabastian, x, 236 Eve Pipiro I Te Hiku Kioe A Roro, 189 Explorers, emissaries of Hotu Matua, 54, 65, 166; antagonism among, 57, 66, 71; canoe described by, 67, 68, 70; carry fire, 58, 72; and duration of voyage, 69, 70, 160; explore land, 55-75; return to homeland, 73; signal to Hotua Matua, 156, 157. See also Sons of Hau Maka; Sons of Hua Tava; Sons of Te Taanga Eyraud, Brother Eugène, 96 Fati, Jóse (informant), 243 Feather garlands, 179, 208, 213, 214, 216 Ferns, 99, 101, 102 Fish, 29, 38, 57, 126, 174, 194 Fishing charms, 263, 265, 266, 267, 269 Fishing grounds, 157, 158, 165, 172-175, 176, 177, 178, 194, 256 Fleas, 219, 228 Flies, 99, 102, 103, 107; human souls and, 99, 107, 220 Hying fish, 256, 257, 263, 265 Food charms, 262, 263, 264, 265, 267 Foods. See Bird eggs; Chickens; Fish; Pigs; Plants, edible; Rabbits; Rats; Sea animals; Shellfish; Turtles Food taboos, 50, 126-127 Four-legged animals, 99, 138, 142 Frigate bird (makohe), 103, 125, 151 Geckos, 148 Giant Lobster and Old Woman legend, 276-277, 279, 285 Grass, 99, 101, 102 Gregario, King, 126 Guardian spirits, of Hotu Matua. See Dark Rat; Kuaha; Kuihi Hahaki A Roro, 189 Hanau Eepe tribe, 6, 14, 67, 84, 98, 125, 151, 184, 295; conflict .with Hanau Momoke, 98, 183-184, 280, 281; function of, on Eastern

Index Island, 99, 103, 158-160, 184. See also Iko, King; Long Ears; Poike Hanau Momoko tribe, 14, 84, 125, 151, 183, 185, 186, 187, 271, 280, 281; conflict with Hanau Eepe tribe, 98, 183-184, 280, 281 Hanga Hoonu, 29, 57, 58, 66, 72, 158, 176, 200, 265 Hanga Kuokuo, 79 Hanga Maihiku, 83 Hanga Moria One Tea, 30, 38, 58, 74, 242, 250, 262, 268 Hanga Nui, 38, 81, 82, 229, 277 Hanga Ohiro, 6, 80, 93, 177, 214, 232, 277 Hanga O Maru, 87 Hanga O Rio, 60, 61 Hanga Oteo, 79, 135, 157 Hanga O Ua, 62, 76 Hanga Pau (Pua) Kura, 37, 87, 219 Hanga Piko, 89, 90 Hangaroa (Hanga Rau), x, 60, 64, 74, 76-77, 121, 122, 125, 158, 176, 208, 214, 215, 242, 250, 262, 265, 266, 268, 294, 298 Hangaroa O Tai, 262, 265, 266, 268 Hanga Takaure, 29, 38, 57, 72 Hanga Tee, 219 Hanga Te Pau, 58, 59, 64, 69, 76, 88, 219, 231, 245, 246 Harahara plants, 101, 102 Hara Kura, 295, 296 Hare Moa Tataka, 210, 215, 216 Hare Moa Viviri, 210, 215, 216 Hare O Ava, 220, 237 Hare O Viki, 263 Hare Pu Rangi, 210, 215, 216 Hare Tae Hae, 219 Hare Toke Takapau, 268 Hare Tupa Tuu, 208, 209, 210, 215, 216, 233, 243 Hatinga Te Kohe, 29, 37, 57, 191 Hatirenga ("old one"). 298 Hatu, 158, 165 Hatu Ngoio, 79, 95 Haua (god), 154 Hau Epa, 29, 38, 58 Hauhau trees, 99, 101, 102, 104, 129, 130, 133 Hau Maka, 4, 13, 31, 33; dream soul's journey of, 28-30, 33, 34, 35, 37, 38, 53, 54, 55, 50, 71, 72, 74, 166, 174, 177; Hotu Matua and, 31. See also Sons of Hau Maka Haumoana, 14; tribe, 6, 239, 279, 281 Hena Naku (god), 155 Herepo, 135

365 Here Tai Kotea, 276-277 Hereveri, Gabriel (informant), x, 3, 10, 285, 291, 292, 293, 294 Hereveri, Mateo (informant), x, 2, 22, 269, 274, 291, 297 Heyerdahl, Thor, 89, 122, 131, 163, 185, 294; Peruvian origin theory of, 20-21, 23 Hia Uka a Hakairiiri, 80 Hihina Tangi Kotea, 276 Hiki kioe plants, 101, 134 Hina Kauhara, 144 Hinariru (Hinelilu), master stone carver, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 76, 91, 163, 164, 183. See also Hinariru Legend Hinariru Iti, 61, 258, 260, 273 Hinariru Legend, 269-270, 273, 274 Hinariru Nui, 61, 258, 260, 273 Hiro Moko, 66, 158, 176, 177, 214, 243, 251 Hitirau tribe, 67, 263 Hito, Ricardo, 90 Hiva, 22, 23, 26, 27; ancient rulers of, 9-12, 15-19; land of plenty, 26, 27, 99, 100, 243; royal insignia of, 17 Honga, 157, 158, 164, 165, 172, 179, 197, 239 Hongi Atua A Ure Auviri ("old one"), 198 Horses, 139-140 Hotu Iti, son of Hotu Matua, 210, 215, 217, 218, 219; lands given to, 226, 227, 229, 230, 233 Hotu Iti, 6, 161, 178, 279 Hotu Matua, King, 2, 3, 4, 5, 8, 20, 25, 31, 85, 212; ancestors of, 10, 12-19, 27, 74; birth of first son of, 158-159; burial site of, 224, 225, 237; death of, 23, 146, 218-237; mana of, 158, 198; legitimacy of, questioned, 12, 14, 210-213; quarrel with Queen Vakai, 208-213, 215 , 289; rules Easter Island, 162-237. See also Cock of Ariana (Arianga) Legend; Guardian spirits of Hotu Matua; Oroi Legend; Skull of Hotu Matua legend Hotu Matua's odyssey: arrival at Easter Island, 156-158, 160, 162; duration of voyage, 160, 161; preparation for emigration, 98-104; report from emissaries, 54, 166-172; royal canoes of, 20, 21; sending of explorer scouts, 2, 3, 4, 5, 54, 65, 166 Hotu Matua-Oroi conflict: first version, 189-192; second version,

366 192-196; third version, 196-200; various accounts of, 201-207 Houses, 182, 230; boat-shaped, 224; chicken, 145; first, 245, 246, 249; of Ure Honu, 221 Huahine, 27 Hua Reva, 29, 37, 57, 71-72, 85, 92, 219, 222 Hua Tava, 30, 33, 34; sons of, 33, 65, 66, 67, 68, 124, 245, 246, 248, 249 Hua taru grass, 101, 102 Hyäne (gunboat), 21 Ika, Carolina (informant), 192 Ika Hiva (narrator), 2, 62, 192; biography of, 295-296, 298 Iko, king of the Hanau Eepe, 160, 184, 185, 187 Insects, 135, 136. See also Flies; Cockroaches Ira (chief emissary), 2, 54-71 passim, 73, 88, 91, 99, 156, 157, 231, 233; stone figures and, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65 , 76, 91, 258 Ira Ka Atea, 200 Kahurea, 218 Kai Tanoa A Roro, 189 Kape (bitter-taro), 128, 129; seedlings, 101 Kapiera ("old one"), 298 Kapu'a plant, 136 Kava, 133, 137 Kavakava atua ferns, 102, 135, 137 Kava Komari, 146 Kave Heke (builder of moai), 271, 273 Keremuti (informant), 186 Kihikihi, 135 Kihikihi Roa, 78, 229 Kilimuti (informant), 21, 298 Ko Bhu, 81 Koekoe 173 Kohe plants, 29, 37, 57, 101, 102, 135 Kohiri Tuu Hongohongo, 212 Kohua rongorongo. See Rongorongo tablets Ko Papa Kahi, 80 Ko Puna Atuki, 81 Koreha A Viriviri Ngao, 219 Koro Aka, 219 Korohua. See "Old ones" Korona-ronga, son of Hotu Matua, lands given to, 226-227 Koro Rupa, 90 Ko Roto Kahi, 80

Index Ko Tetu (Ko Te Ura Rarape Nui legend), 195, 276-277, 282 Ko Te Ura Rarape Nui, 195 Ko Tuu, son of Hotu Matua, lands given to, 227 Kotuu tribe, 38, 178 Ko Viri (moai), 285 Ko Vovi (moai), 285 Kuaha (guardian spirit), 146, 190, 220, 234, 235, 242, 251, 253, 269 Kuhikia (god), 153 Kuihi (guardian spirit), 146, 190, 220, 234, 235, 242, 251, 253, 269 Kukuru toua, 150 Kumara, 103, 151-152 Kuukuu (emissary), 3, 4, 56; death of, 3, 4, 66, 67; injured, 58-59, 248; yam plantation of, 2, 54, 55, 62, 67, 124, 245, 246, 249 Laments: Over slain children, 190, 205; on death of Oroi, 191-192, 193, 195, 1%; on death of Vakai, 218; for Oto Uta, 242-243, 255, 256, 257 Land, 182, 183; division of, 225-228, 230, 246, 247, 260, 269, 280 La Pfcrouse Bay, 5, 6 Leper station informants, ix, 10, 24, 25, 78, 271, 291, 297 Lizards, 146, 148 Lobsters, 192, 194, 195, 221. See also Giant Lobster and Old Woman legend Long Ears, 186, 280, 281 Maanga ("old one"), 298 Maea Hono complex, 223, 224, 225 Ma'eha (Machaa), King, 19, 20, 25, 65, 99, 100, 106, 124; stone figure of, 261, 267, 268 Magic spells, 191, 197, 198, 199, 207 Magic stones, 257, 263, 264, 265, 266 Mahatua, 29, 38, 40, 57, 81, 174, 190, 264, 265 Maherenga, Jotefa ("old one"), 298 Mahuna Te Raa, 233 Mahuta Ariki (ruler), 14 Mahute trees, 129, 130, 133 Makemake (god), 4, 5, 79, 133, 151, 154, 225; motif of, 166 Makoi (emissary scribe), 54, 55, 56, 59-69, 71; remains on island, 64; writes on banana leaf, 56, 71 Makoi trees, 104, 131 Mana, 12, 28, 30, 165, 172, 195, 237 Manavai, 28, 37, 55, 56, 57, 218 Mangareva Island, 7, 8, 17 "Manu Haarongo," 125

Index Manu Kena A Roro, 189 Manu Kioe, 219 Manu Mea, 219 Maori. See Hiva Marae Renga, 4, 9, 10, 22, 23, 24, 33, 131, 195, 234 Marae Tohio (Marae Toiho), 9, 13, 24, 25 Marama, son of Hotu Matua, 226, 227 Marama tribe, 271, 273, 279 Marikuru trees, 104, 131 Marotiri, 154 Marquesas Islands, 5, 26; drought in, 23; tatooing in, 32 Mata Koiro, 144 Mata Uuri, 83 Mataveri, 89, 95 Matia cave, 265 Matie grass, 102, 135 Matua, King: abdicates, 98, 105; sends immigrants to Easter Island, 99, 103 Malu'a pua'a plant, 136 Maunga Hau Epa, 29, 45 Maunga Kahurea, 84 Maunga Koua (Pu), 214, 216 Maunga Marengo, 87 Maunga O Pipi, 218 Maunga Pua, 211, 216 Maunga Teatea, 29, 57, 81, 93, 226 Maunga Tere Vake, 226 Maunga Toatoa, 83, 84 Metoro chants, 17, 137, 143, 145-146, 148, 150, 166-172 Miru, son of Hotu Matua, 210, 215, 217, 219, 227, 238, 239; lands given to, 229, 230, 233 Miru A Hotu (carver of moai), 271, 273 Mini tribe (the nobility), 2, 16, 17, 38, 78, 125, 147, 165, 176, 186, 192, 197, 200, 235, 238, 239, 259, 247, 270, 272, 273, 278 Moai A Umu, 219 Moai Oroi, 84, 85 Moai Toppling legend, 276-277, 279, 285 Moa Kehu (servant), 242, 251 Mdki-oone plant, 136 Mokos (spirits), 148 Moray, 194, 195, 221 Moss, 99 Mother-of-pearl necklaces, 31, 32, 60, 61, 62, 63 , 64, 65, 91, 95, 258, 259, 260, 261 Motu Hitara, 219 Motu Humu Koka, 83 Motu Iti, 4, 10, 12, 37

367 Motu Kaokao, 4, 10, 12, 37 Motu Matiro Hiva, 154 Motu Nui, 4, 10, 12, 37, 79, 154, 166, 234; boundary line and, 177, 178; statue found, 177. See also Birdman cult Motu O Oki, 219 Motu O Pope, 219 Motu Roa, 37, 87, 219 Motu Toremo Hiva, 219, 229, 265 Nares, Margarita, 186 National Museum, Washington, D.C., moai in, 259 Naunau trees, 129, 130 Nehenehe fern, 101, 102, 135, 203 Ngaara, King, 14 Ngaatu plants, 129, 133, 134 Nga Ihu More, 81 Nga Moa Aito, 218 Ngaoho plants, 99, 101, 102, 104, 135 Nga Tavake, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 33, 62, 67, 157 Ngatimo tribe, 279 Nga Toa Riki A Raraku, 263 Nga Ure, son of Hotu Matua, 227 Nga Vavai, 158, 164 Ngavovo Aruaru Varua (witch), 285; curse and toppled moai, 277, 284, 285 Ngehu, 158, 165 Nonoma (emissary), 54, 59, 64, 156 Nua (first mother), 174 Nuku A Vavara ("old one"), 298 Nuku Kehu (master builder), 22, 99, 106, 158, 159, 164, 182, 208, 288 Numeric symbolism, 201, 202, 203, 204, 228, 229, 230, 233, 234, 246, 247; contrasting pairs, 39, 40, 74, 75, 92-97, 215; seven-eight pattern, 34, 35, 244; time-space system, 46-53, 70, 72, 91-97, 177, 237, 244, 245-251, 258, 260 Obsidian mines, 88, 281 Octopus, 169, 170, 202, 213 Okahu 77 "Old ones" (informants), x, 1, 2, 10, 21, 22, 32, 291, 292, 293, 294-298 One Tea, 29, 57, 219 Oone, 219 Opakako (spirit), 234, 235 Oparingi, 83 Opata Roa, 80 Oral traditions. See "Old ones" Oraorangaru (canoe), 67 Original inhabitants, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 186, 232, 236

368 Oroi, legend of, 19, 20, 25, 85, 189-207, 288; and Hotu Matua's lament, 191-196; murders children, 189-203, 217; slain by Hotu Matua, 191, 192, 206, 207 Oromanga, 30, 38, 40, 58, 59, 160, 248, 250; royal residence, 74, 158, 176, 208, 215 Orongo, 79, 88, 89, 91, 130, 131, 153, 219, 234; cave, 166 Ororoine episode, 84, 187 Ostrich, 141 O Te Honu, 263 Oteka, royal canoe, 161 Oti (master planter), 99, 100, 101, 103, 105, 136, 147, 158, 159, 164, 165, 182, 261, 288, 289 Oti Onge, 210 Oto Uta (ancestor figure), 103, 164, 187; fishing charm, 256, 257, 267 Oto Uta legend, 241-267 Oua, royal canoe, 161 Ovahe, 38, 78, 165, 173 Paka Atai, 218 Pakaie, 219 Pakarati Atan, Jorge, 288 Pakarati, August in, 291 Pakarati, Jorge, 288, 291 Pakarati, Leonardo (informant), x, 34, 35, 179, 216, 218, 222, 223, 227, 228, 235, 255, 272, 276, 282, 288, 302 Pakarati, Nicolas, 222, 282, 289 Pakarati, Santiago (informant), x, 265 Pakarati, Timoteo (informant), x, 256, 262, 264, 265, 289, 291, 295 Pakarati Tuki, Feripe, 288 Pakarati Ure Potahi, Nicolas, 291, 293, 295, 298 Pandanus (harahara), 101, 102, 132, 137 Papa Arone, 265 Papa Atua, 219 Papa Haoa, 91 Papa Hirohiro, 219 Papa Marama, 263 Papa O Pea, 30, 38, 59, 63; as residence of young princes, 38, 74 Papa O Rae, 65 Papa Te Kena, 157, 265 Paper mulberry trees, 99, 101, 102, 104, 225 Para (moss), 135 Parahenga, 100, 106, 261 Paro, last moai standing, 284 Pau, 192 Pau Iti, 101, 106, 124

Index Pau Nui, 101, 106, 124 Pei fish, 194 Peke Tau O Hiti, 29, 38, 58 Pefla, Don Gustavo, 288 Petrels, black (ruru, taiko), 103, 149, 151 Petroglyphs, 68, 79, 80, 90, 139, 143, 151, 225 Pia (arrow root), 128, 133 Pigs, 99, 102, 103, 104, 141, 142 Piro Piro (moai), 271 Piu, 173 Place names: Hau Maka's dream soul and, 28-30, 37, 38; lunar calendar and, 34-53, 72, 73, 74, 75, 92-97, 245; meanings of, 76-92; pair grouping formula for, 39, 40, 74, 75, 92-97, 215 Plants, brought by immigrants to Easter Island, 99, 101, 102, 104, 107-138 Plants, edible. See Bananas; Breadfruit; Coconuts; Sugarcane; Sweet potatoes; Taro; Yams Plants, medicinal. See Kavakava atua; Kohe; Matu'apua'a; Ngaatu; Puringa Poeu Marengo, 281 Poie (Pe'i). See Tu'u Pato Eo Poike, 29, 38, 44, 45, 57, 125, 173, 195, 229; ditch battle, 6, 183, 185, 280 Poko Uri, 28 Poporo plants, 101, 102, 135 Porotu ("old one"), 298 Pou(t)motou islands, 21, 22 Pu, 61, 63, 64, 65, 96, 158, 165, 258 Pua Ara Hoa, x, 288, 291, 295; biography of, 296-298 Pua Katiki, 29, 57, 81, 93, 95 Pua nakonako plants, 101; berries, 102, 134 Puelma Bunster, Max, 289, 290 Pui, 218 Puku Hehaheha, 219 Puku Hotake, 219 Puku O Heha, 208, 214 Puku Parari, 208, 214 Puku Puhipuhi, 3, 4, 5, 6 Puku Naunau, 131 Puku Ure Purei, 263, 272 Pu Mahore, 28, 56 Pu Marikiriki, 263 Pu Ngotangota, 90 Pu-o-Hiro stone, 6, 266 Pu Pakakina, 2, 59, 72; cave of, 60, 61, 76, 261 Pure Henguingui (guardian spirit), 251

Index Pure Ki (guardian spirit), 241, 242, 251, 252 Pure O (guardian spirit), 241, 242, 251, 252 Pure Vanangananga (guardian spirit), 241, 242, 251, 252 Puringa, 135 Raa, son of Hotu Matua, lands given to, 226, 227 Rabbits, 147-148 Raiatea, 27 Raivavae, 70 Ra'ivavae manuscript, 171 Rangi Meamea, 29, 58, 78, 158, 173, 174, 176 Rangitopa ("old one"), 285, 298 Rano Aroi, 132, 134 Rano Kau crater, 2, 3, 4, 6, 12, 37, 55, 62, 64, 67, 88, 89, 95, 134, 136, 178, 195, 219, 222, 225, 228, 231, 232, 253, 261 Rano Raraku, 6, 38, 83, 88, 132, 134, 151, 153; stone carving center, 161, 272-275, 280 Rapa, 69 Rapahango (god), 225 Rapahango, Victoria (informant), x, 18, 165, 285, 292 Rapa Iti theory, 22, 70 Rapa Kura, 61, 62, 76 Rapanui language, 13 Rapanui texts, 243, 259, 288, 289, 292, 294, 295, 299, 300-303 Raparenga, emissary, 2, 54, 58, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 68; signals to Hotu Matua, 156, 157 Rapu, Aron (informant), 22, 298 Ratavake (Ga Tavake), 4. See also Nga Tavake Rats, 50, 82, 146-147, 203, 221. See also Dark rat Rauwai-ika (builder of moai), 272 Rei (royal insignia), 17, 259 Reimiro signs, 145 Rekanu, Chief, 201 Renga Atini, 78 Renga Havini, 87, 219 Reru Ruruki, 277 Rikatea, Chief, 201 Riki ferns, 101, 102, 135 Ringiringi, emissary, 54, 64 Riro Kainga, 293 Riroroko, Simeon, biography of, 292-293 Rite of take, 2il Roie, 263 Rokoroko-hetau, King, 292 Rongorongo script, 7, 8, 34, 93, 133,

369 144, 147, 148, 151, 182-183, 251, 288, 290, 292, 294, 297, 298; Hotu Matua knew, 182-183; Makoi knew, 56-71 Rongorongo tablets, x, 9, 13, 21, 66, 68, 71, 93, 131-132, 133, 142, 143, 148, 161, 165, 176, 179, 213, 289, 303 Roosters, use of term, 143-144, 146. See also Cock of Ariana (Ariange) legend Roto Iri Are, 29, 37, 57 Roto Kahi, 200 Rotomea, 3 Rovi (servant), 189, 190, 208-209, 210, 213, 288 Rua Angau, 276 Rua Ngau, 78 Ruhi Hepii, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 96, 258 Ruko, 206 Ruperoa (goddess), 153 Rushes, 99, 101, 102, 133, 134 Salmon, Alexander (informant), 14, 19, 20, 21, 27, 104, 294 Sandalwood trees, 99, 101, 102, 130, 131 Sculptures, 282 Sea animals, 194, 196 Seal motif, 223, 224 Sea swallows, 102, 103 Seven-eight patterns, 30, 34, 35, 40, 41, 45, 63, 64-65, 68, 244, 247, 268 Shark, 29, 57, 219, 230; spirit of, 38, 229 Sheep, 138 Shellfish, 202 Short Ears, 186, 280, 281 Silva Olivarez, Jorge, 289 Skull of Hotu Matua Legend, 220-222, 237-240 Sons of Hau Maka, 2, 54-71 passim, 73, 76, 88, 91, 99, 156, 157, 231, 233 258 Sons of Hotu Matua, 2, 54-73, 88, 91, 99, 210-217, 219, 238, 239, 240; lands given to, 225-228, 230, 233 Sons of Hua Tava, 2, 3, 4, 33, 54-69 passim, 71, 124, 245, 246, 248, 249 Sons of Te Taanga, 4, 10, 12, 13, 28, 33, 34, 37, 40, 55 Spirits, 27, 44, 46, 49, 56, 81, 87, 146, 190, 203, 213, 220, 234, 235, 240, 242, 251, 253, 264, 269, 281 Stone figures, 76, 90, 93-94, 100, 103; decorations on, 31, 32, 60,

370 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 91, 94. See also Hinariru Iti; Hinariru Nui Stone heaps, 59, 61, 62, 63, 64, 83 Stone statues (moai): carvers of, 261, 270-273, 277, 286; cause of destruction of, 254, 276-285; as cooperative project, 277, 278, 279, 281, 282, 283; honor dead ancestors, 271, 274, 275, 276, 284; loss of culture of, 278, 279, 285, 286; names of, 260, 277; treatment of eyes, 274, 275; "walking" mana for, 253, 282, 283, 284 String game, 62, 71, 75, 179 Sugarcane, 99, 102, 104, 108, 112, 115, 116, 126, 128 Sweet potatoes, 99, 101, 103, 104, 107, 209; myths and, 117, 118, 121; varieties of, 101, 110-111, 114-128 Taana A Harai, 210, 212 Taaria (goddess), 153 Taboos, 67, 79, 83, 135; food taboos, 50, 147 Taharoa, 29, 38, 57, 158, 176 Tahonga (royal insignia), 17 Tai Amahiro, 210, 212 Tai e Hare Hakangaengae, 87 Tai Hare Atua (first moai), 270, 271, 272 Tak6 ("old one"), 298 Tama, 29, 38, 57, 157 Tama Horeko, 264 Tangaroa Uri, 144, 161, 174, 224 Tangi Teako A Hotu (builder of moai), 271, 272 Tanoa, 135 Tare (god), 224, 225 Taro, 99, 101, 103, 104, 107; varieties of, 101, 111-112, 115, 128 Tatooing, 31, 32, 129, 135 Tau Mahani, 262, 263, 268 Taurari (goddess), 153 Taut6. See Oto Uta legend Tavari plants, 99, 101, 102, 133, 134 Tavarivari A Umi, 211, 216 Te Aheru, 219 Te Akurenga, 173, 194, 256 Te Amira (guardian spirit), 264, 269 Te Ao (guardian spirit), 264, 269 Teao, Arturo (informant), 10, 12, 24, 26, 31, 36, 37, 64, 106, 140, 186, 187, 192, 195, 196, 206, 210, 216, 218, 223, 227, 233, 235, 238, 242, 251, 271, 272, 274, 291, 295, 297 Teao, Guillermo, 289 Teao, Horacio (informant), 192, 288, 292

Index Te Ata, 219 Te Avaava Maea, 220 Tea Vai Aro Huri, 194 Teavaka. See Nga Tavake Te Ava Ranga Uka, 218 Te Ei A Hina Kauhara, 263 Te Haha (informant), 71 Te Hakarava, 81, 95, 122, 194, 195 Te Hanga Parera, 219 Te Hare O Vai Hu, 219 Te Hau Pua Mea, 263 Te Hikinga Heru, 156 Te Hina (first woman, moon goddess), 17, 144, 174 Te Kana Haure, 173, 174 Te Karikari, 12, 37 Te Kauanga, 263 Te Kauhanga O Varu, 265, 269 Teke, Hotu Matua's deputy, 20, 124, 129, 131, 159, 164, 172; guides queen's canoe, 157; Hanau Eepe tribe and, 160, 184; prepares for voyage, 96-106; steals stone figure, 241, 261 Te Kena, 17, 158, 164, 165, 179, 197, 239 Te Kioe Uri, 28, 56, 70, 231 Te Kohe, 29, 37 Te Kohou, 264, 265 Te Kohou A Te Matangi ("old one"), 298 Te Manavai, 194, 195, 219 Te Matariki, 276 Te Miro Oone, 263 Te Ngao O Te Honu, 216, 218, 263 Te Nua, 173, 174 Te Nuahine Rima Roa, 172, 173 Te Ohiro, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 33 Te Oho O Te Vaka, 263 Te Pahu, 219 Tepano, Amelia (informant), x, 27 Tepano, Arturo, 176 Tepano, Juan (informant), 4, 21, 24, 38, 65, 104, 140, 163, 178, 179, 186, 192, 197, 274, 275, 297, 298 Te Paripari A Roro, 189 Te Pei, 29, 30, 35, 37, 56 Te Piko A Hau Toki, 219 Te Pipi Horeko, 83 Te Piringa Ahiva, 37, 49, 56, 70, 219, 231 Te Piro, 174 Te Pito O Te Henua, 3, 4, 5 Te Pito O Te Kainga, 30, 34, 55, 59, 64, 99, 103 Te Pora, 276 Te Pou, 29, 37, 56, 70 Te Puku Ruhi, 277 Te Pura, 174 Te Rapa Tahi A Uka, 263

Index Te Reinga Take, 219, 222, 235 Te Rerenga Heva, 263 Tere Ue, 218 Te Riri Katea (ruler), 13-14, 15 Terns, brown (tuao), 103, 149, 152 Terns, gray (tuvi), 103, 149, 152 Terns, lead-colored (tavi), 103, 149, 153 Terns, sooty (Sternata lunata), 103, 149-150; accompany Hotu Matua, 190, 191, 206, 207 Terns, white (kiakia), 103, 149, 152 Te Rongo A Kena ("old one"), 298 Te Taanga, 33, 34; sons of, 4, 10, 12, 13, 28, 33, 34, 37, 40, 55, 283 Te Tahua, 158, 177 Te Takapau legend, 262-265, 266, 267, 268 Te Taparoi, 173 Te Tingaanga O Te Hereke, 192, 200 Te Tokanga (moai), 271, 277, 278 Te Tokitoki, 263 Te Umu Roa Tavake, 218 Te Vai More Vae O Te Rahi, 218 Te Vera vera, 271 Three Islets, the, 4, 10, 12, 13, 28, 37, 55, 70, 156, 177 Ti, 101, 104, 129 Tiki Hatu (Hati), ancestor figure, 17, 45, 165, 257 Titahanga-o-te-henua, 177, 178 Tive (god), 158, 165, 166, 224 Tomenika. See Vaka Tuku Onge a Teatea Tonga Riki (moai), 271 Tongariki tribe, 82; and moai tribal war, 279 Tongau (spirit), 234, 235 Tori a Papa Vai, 295; biography of, 296 Tori Harakura (informant), 186 Toromiro trees, 99, 101, 104, 129, 130 Tropic bird (tavake), 103, 149, 151 Tuamotu Islands, 21, 93 Tuere heu grass, 102, 135 Tuki, 157, 158, 165 Tuki Hakahevari, 90, 144 Tuku-hakahevari, 292 Tunafish, 194 Tupa Ariki, 164, 239 Tupahotu tribe, 67, 125, 186, 206, 266, 280 Tuparinga Anga, 165 Tureme grass, 102, 135 Turtles, 58, 66, 67, 74, 141, 142, 248; motif of, 90 Tuu Hokorua, 61, 76, 258, 273 Tuu Ko Ihu (master wood carver), 87, 88, 141, 163, 164, 165, 178,

371 181, 187, 273, 274; as King of Easter Island, 221, 222, 238, 239, 240 Tuu Maheke, Hotu Matua's first born son, 176, 208, 209, 210, 213, 217, 219; birth of, 158-159, 162, 165; ceremony for, 159, 178-181; Hotu Matua rebukes, 209; lands given to, 226, 227, 228, 233. See also Skull of Hotu Matua Legend Tu'u Pato Eo (master of nets), 32, 34, 44, 86, 87 Tuu Rano Kau, son of Hotu Matua, 211, 215, 217, 219; lands given to, 227, 233 Tuu Te Mata Nui, son of Hotu Matua, lands given to, 227, 228 Uho's Daughter, legend of, 232-233 Uku koko grass, 101, 102, 134, 135 Uoke (Uvoke) Legend, 3-4, 5, 17 Ure, 132, 133 Ure Honu, 220-222, 238, 239, 240, 261, 274 Ure I Toko Te Rangi, 270 Ure O Hei tribe, 200 Ure O Koera, 270 Ure Tau, 263 Ure Te Ono (birdman), 295 Ure Vae Iku, 294 Utupiro (birdman), 297 Uure, emissary, 54, 63, 64, 66 Vai Amei, 78 Vai A Tare, 224, 225 Vai Hiti Kiakia, 218 Vaihu, 37, 86 Vai Kena Tea, 218 Vai Marama, 2, 3 Vai Mats, 221, 238 Vai Poko, 78, 238 Vai Puna Kore, 268 Vai Rapa, 89 Vai Rutu A Koro, 89 Vai Tapatea Mataengo, 263 Vai Tara Kai Ua, 80, 122 Vai Tataku Po, 264, 268 Vaka A Para, 159, 164, 176, 181 Vaka a Teahiva, 288, 289, 294 Vakai, Queen, 80; children by Hotu Matua, 210-211; death of, 217, 218, 237; and quarrel with Hotu Matua, 208-213, 215, 289; royal son born, 158 Vaka Tuku Onge a Teatea, 294 Valenzuela, Z6simo, 293 Varinga Te Toremo, 157 Vere Nuanua, 91 Veri Heka, 264 Veri Heka, biography of, 295, 298

372 Veri Hina, Hotu Matua's adopted daughter, 190, 191, 192, 193, 205-206, 208 Vinapu, 6, 37, 69, 88, 173, 215, 219, 231, 232, 240. See also Ahu Vinapu Virovovo (moai), 284, 285 Wells, water, 222 Whatu-kura-a Tangaroa stone, 257 Widie-Widie, Queen, 280, 281

Index Wooden figures, 87, 148 Yams, 2, 23, 99, 100, 101, 103, 104, 107, 126, 221; as food of warriors, 126; myths and, 121; plantations of, 2, 54, 55, 62, 67, 124, 170, 245, 246, 249; taboos and, 126-127; theft of, 20, 99-100, 124, 125; varieties of, 108, 109-110, 114-128 Yellow root, 99, 102, 132

X Production Notes This book was designed by Roger J. Gggers and typeset on the Unified Composing System by the design and production staff of The University Press of Hawaii. The text typeface is English Times. The display typeface is Serif Gothic. Offset presswork and binding were done by Halliday Lithograph. Text paper is Glatfelter P & S Offset, basis 55.