The Economy of the Ringfort and Contemporary Settlement in Early Medieval Ireland 9781407302140, 9781407332635

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BAR S1773 2008 COMBER

The Economy of the Ringfort and Contemporary Settlement in Early Medieval Ireland

ECONOMY OF EARLY MEDIEVAL SETTLEMENT, IRELAND

Michelle Comber

BAR International Series 1773 B A R

2008

The Economy of the Ringfort and Contemporary Settlement in Early Medieval Ireland

The Economy of the Ringfort and Contemporary Settlement in Early Medieval Ireland

Michelle Comber

BAR International Series 1773 2008

Published in 2016 by BAR Publishing, Oxford BAR International Series 1773 The Economy of the Ringfort and Contemporary Settlement in Early Medieval Ireland © M Comber and the Publisher 2008 The author's moral rights under the 1988 UK Copyright, Designs and Patents Act are hereby expressly asserted. All rights reserved. No part of this work may be copied, reproduced, stored, sold, distributed, scanned, saved in any form of digital format or transmitted in any form digitally, without the written permission of the Publisher.

ISBN 9781407302140 paperback ISBN 9781407332635 e-format DOI https://doi.org/10.30861/9781407302140 A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library BAR Publishing is the trading name of British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd. British Archaeological Reports was first incorporated in 1974 to publish the BAR Series, International and British. In 1992 Hadrian Books Ltd became part of the BAR group. This volume was originally published by John and Erica Hedges Ltd. in conjunction with British Archaeological Reports (Oxford) Ltd / Hadrian Books Ltd, the Series principal publisher, in 2008. This present volume is published by BAR Publishing, 2016.

BAR PUBLISHING BAR titles are available from:

E MAIL P HONE F AX

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Contents Acknowledgements

vii

Note

vii

List of figures

viii

List of tables

xii

I INTRODUCTION 1. Introduction

1–12

Previous Research

1

Textual Sources on Early Agriculture

2

Textual Sources on Early Crafts and Industry

2

Sources on Early Settlement

3

Models of Economic Organisation

4

The Economic Context of Early Medieval Ireland

6

The Present Study

9

Chronological Framework

9

Research Design

10

2. Documentary Evidence

13–24

Introduction to the Sources

13

Source Criticism

13

Political Context

13

Food Production

14

Craft Production

17

Trade and Exchange

21

Conclusion

22

II FOOD SUPPLY 3. Crop Cultivation

25–36

Introduction

25

Cultivation and Crop Processing

26

Organic Remains

26

Structural Remains

28

Artefactual Remains

32

Discussion

34

i

4. Animal Husbandry

37–46

Introduction

37

Structural Remains

38

Artefactual Remains

40

Faunal Remains from Early Medieval Ireland

41

Discussion

44

5. Non-agricultural Resource Exploitation

47–58

Introduction

47

Hunting

48

Gathering

50

Fishing

52

Fowling

54

Discussion

56

III CRAFT PRODUCTION 6. Craft Production: Stone

59–68

Introduction

59

Craftworking Residues

62

Structural Uses

62

Artefact Remains

63

Lignite Ring Production

64

Discussion

64

7. Craft Production: Wood

69–78

Introduction

69

Woodworking Residues

71

Construction Techniques

72

Artefact Remains

74

Discussion

76

8. Craft Production: Clay

79–88

Introduction

79

Craftworking Residues

81

Structural Remains and Uses

83

Artefacts

85

Ceramic Technology

85

Discussion

86

ii

9. Craft Production: Skeletal Material

89–98

Introduction

89

Craftworking Residues

92

Artefact Remains

93

Artefact Examination

93

Discussion

94

10. Craft Production: Textiles and Leather

99–110

Introduction

99

Textiles

99 Residues and Structural Remains

100

Artefact Remains

101

Surviving Textile Fragments

104

Leather

105 Artefact Remains

106

Surviving Leather Fragments

107

Discussion

108

11. Craft Production: Iron

111–124

Introduction

111

Ironworking Raw Material and Residues

113

Structural Remains

115

Artefact Remains

117

Artefact Examination

119

Discussion

120

12. Craft Production: Vitreous Material

125–132

Introduction

125

Vitreous Residues

128

Structural Remains

128

Artefact Remains

130

Case Study: Dunmisk

130

Discussion

131

13. Craft Production: Non-ferrous Metals

133–150

Introduction

133

Metalworking Residues and Associated Remains

135

Structural Remains

135

Artefact Remains

139

Artefact Examination: The Ardagh Chalice

144

Discussion

146

iii

IV DISCUSSION 14. Transport, Trade and Exchange

151–168

Introduction

151

Transport and Communication

155

Local Trade and Exchange

158

Foreign Trade and Exchange

161

Discussion

164

15. Development of Economic Model

169–186

Introduction

169

Individual Economic Components

169

Economic Model

184

Conclusion

185

16. Application of Economic Model

187–204

Introduction

187

Application of Model

187

Economic Classes

192

Ringforts and Cashels

196

Ringforts and Crannógs

197

Ringforts and Monastic Sites

197

Ringforts and Miscellaneous Sites

197

Early Medieval Settlements

199

Discussion

199

17. The Economy of Celtic and Anglo-Saxon Britain

205–218

Introduction

205

Anglo-Saxon England

206

Celtic Wales

208

South-West England

210

Early Medieval Scotland

210

Trading Patterns in Britain

217

Discussion

217

18. Conclusion

219–224

The Economy of Early Medieval Ireland

220

Research Problems

222

Future Research

222

Discussion

223

iv

Appendix 1: Excavated Early Medieval Sites

225–230

Ringforts

225

Miscellaneous Sites

228

Monastic Sites

229

Crannógs

230

Appendix 2: Technical Processes

231–250

Chapter 4. Animal Husbandry: methods of assemblage analysis

231

Chapter 6. Stone: technological context

232

Chapter 7. Wood: technological context

232

Chapter 8. Clay: natural properties

234

Chapter 9. Bone etc.: technological context

235

Chapter 10. Textiles: technological context

236

Chapter 10. Leather: technological context

238

Chapter 11. Iron: technological context

239

Chapter 12. Glass etc.: technological context

241

Chapter 13. Non-ferrous Metals: technological context

243

Appendix 3: Rathgurreen, Co. Galway

251–310

Introduction Introduction

251

Site Location

253

Historical Background

253

Recent Site History

255

Site Survey

255

Excavation Excavation Strategy

256

Occupation Phases

258

Site Stratification

260

Internal Features

262

Entrance Area

267

The Finds Bronze

268

Iron

271

Fired Clay

275

Bone and Antler

279

Stone

283

Artefact Discussion

284

v

Environmental Remains The Mammal Bones

Emily Murray

285

Fish and Fowl Bones

Sheila Hamilton-Dyer

294

Marine Molluscan Remains

Emily Murray

295

Discussion Craft Activities

300

Food Supply

301

Trade

301

Site Chronology

301

Natural Resources

302

Landscape Study

303

Discussion

308

Bibliography

311–335

vi

Acknowledgements This work could not have been undertaken, or indeed completed, without the help of several people. Initial thanks are due to all members of the Department of Archaeology in NUI, Galway, especially the head of the department, and supervisor of this work when submitted as a PhD thesis in 2000, Professor John Waddell. A particular word of thanks goes to Professor William O’Brien, now of University College Cork, who initially suggested I undertake a PhD, and offered constant support and comments on the text.

Dr. Ewan Campbell and Dr. Stephen Driscoll of the University of Glasgow, Scotland, provided insights into, and discussion of, trade and exchange in Britain and Ireland. Graham Hull and Kate Taylor of TVAS Ireland kindly provided information on relevant sites they have excavated, as did the NRA in relation to sites excavated along the route of the new M4.

Thanks are due to a number of people with regard to the Rathgurreen work – the Department of Archaeology, NUI, Galway for providing funding and granting access to the site archive, Angela Gallagher for advice on the illustrations, the current landowner, Jim Keane, for permission to survey the site, Sinead Armstrong-Anthony for surveying assistance, Martin Jones for offering finger-ring comparisons, and Siobhán Scully for post-excavation work. I am also grateful to those who provided expert opinions and specialist reports – Dr. Emily Murray, Sheila Hamilton-Dyer, Dr. Donald Bailey, and Raghnall Ó Floinn. A final acknowledgement goes, of course, to the original excavation team, directed by Professor Michael Duignan.

Special thanks to friends and family for their constant support.

AUTHOR’S NOTE This volume comprises a PhD thesis submitted to the National University of Ireland at Galway in 2000. As such, several excavated Early Medieval sites published since then may not be included in the relevant discussions.

Excavated sites are often referred to in the text. References to their published reports are included after their first mention and omitted thereafter. A list of the relevant sites, and corresponding references, are contained in Appendix 2.

All illustrations have been re-drawn by the author, from the referenced originals. Unless otherwise stated, all photographs are the author’s.

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List of Figures Fig. 1 Straw-rope granary (Sigaut 1988) Fig. 2 Horizontal-mill mechanism (Edwards 1990) Fig. 3 Reconstruction of a horizontal-wheeled water-mill at Cloontycarthy, Co. Cork, c.833 AD (Rynne 1990) Fig. 4 Reconstruction of a horizontal-wheeled mill at Bunratty Folk Park, Co. Clare Fig. 5 Timbers A–K of horizontal-wheeled water-mill at Drumard, Co. Derry (Baillie 1975) Fig. 6 Reconstruction of mill-mechanism, and lower mill-stone, from Drumard, Co. Derry (Baillie 1975) Fig. 7 Killylane, Co. Antrim (Williams and Yates 1984) Fig. 8 Old Irish beamed-plough (Tighe 1802) Fig. 9 Agricultural implements: ploughshares A. Lagore, B. Leacanabuaile; spade D. Ballinderry 2; reaping hooks E. Leacanabuaile, F. Lagore; billhook G. Lagore; coulters H. Lagore, I. Whitefort (Edwards 1990) Fig. 10 Querns from Carraig Aille, Co. Limerick (Ó Ríordáin 1949) Fig. 11 General plan of Garryduff I (O’Kelly 1962) Fig. 12 Ballyutoag, Co. Antrim (Williams 1984) Fig. 13 Enclosures at Ballyutoag (Williams 1984) Fig. 14 Iron goad from Rathgurreen, Co. Galway Fig. 15 Probable representation of a hunting scene from the ninth-century Castledermot Cross, Co. Kildare. Animals represented include a hunting dog, boar, hare, deer and swan/goose (Kelly 1998) Fig. 16 A. Hound catching a deer, ninth-century Bealin Cross, Co. Westmeath, B. deer caught in a trap, ninth-century Banagher Cross, Co. Offaly (Kelly 1998) Fig. 17 A–C. Leaf-shaped iron spearheads from Lagore, D–F. shouldered iron spearheads from Lagore (Hencken 1950) Fig. 18 Stone net-sinkers from Reask, Co. Kerry (Fanning 1981) Fig. 19 Sun-spears A. and B. Strokestown, Co. Roscommon, C. Rover Inny, Co. Westmeath; Mud-spears D. Tuam, Co. Galway, E. Lagore, Co. Meath (saw, NOT spear-tine); Salmon-spear F. Strokestown, Co. Roscommon (Went 1952) Fig. 20 A. and B. Tridents from Lagore, C. Roman trident from the Saalburg (Hencken 1950) Fig. 21 Location of Fergus Estuary East 2 (weir), Upper Shannon Estuary (O’Sullivan 1993) Fig. 22 Post-and-wattle fence, Fergus Estuary East 2 (O’Sullivan 1993) Fig. 23 Location of shell middens at Reask, Co. Kerry (Fanning 1981) Fig. 24 Beehive querns: 1, from Northern Ireland, 2. from Ticooly O’Kelly, Co. Galway (Waddell 1998) Fig. 25 Stone artefact from Movilla Abbey, Co. Down (Yates 1983) Fig. 26 Stone motif-piece from Lagore, Co. Meath Fig. 27 Flints from Garryduff, Co. Cork (O’Kelly 1962) Fig. 28 A. Stone lamp from Crossnacreevy, Co. Down (Harper 1974), B. stone mortars from Garranes, Co. Cork (Ó Ríordáin 1942) Fig. 29 Cahercommaun, Co. Clare (after Hencken 1938) Fig. 30 Stone tiles from Ballycatteen, Co. Cork (Ó Ríordáin and Hartnett 1943) Fig. 31 Unfinished cross, Kells, Co. Meath Fig. 32 Whetstones from Garranes, Co. Cork (Ó Ríordáin 1942) Fig. 33 Lignite artefacts: 1. core, 2.4.5. ring fragments, 3. bead, 6. core, 1-5 from Lagore (Hencken 1950), 6 from Ballybrolly (Lynn 1983) Fig. 34 Location of ‘school’ at Nendrum, Co. Down (Lawlor 1925) Fig. 35 Wooden artefacts from Ballinderry 2, Co. Westmeath: 01. oar, 2–4, 7–11. pegs, 5, 12. spindles, 13–15. pins, 6, 16–17. objects, 18, peg with wedge, 19. box base, 21. dice, 20, 22. handles (Hencken 1942) Fig. 36 Turning waste: 1. Lagore, 2. and 3. Lissue (Earwood 1993) Fig. 37 Dug-out boat from Lagore, Co. Meath (Hencken 1950) Fig. 38 Location of bridge at Clonmacnoise, Co. Offaly (Moore 1996) Fig. 39 Wood-working tools from Lagore, Co. Meath (Hencken 1950) Fig. 40 Iron awls and saws from Garryduff, Co. Cork (O’Kelly 1962) Fig. 41 Pointed and slotted tools from Lagore, Co. Meath (Hencken 1950) Fig. 42 Turned ‘E-ware’ vessels: Ei 1. Lagore, Eiii 2. Lissue, 3. Dreenan, Eii 4. Lissue, 5. Seacash, 6. Iona (Earwood 1993) Fig. 43 Sherd of native ware from Ballycatteen, Co. Cork (Ó Ríordáin and Hartnett 1943) Fig. 44 Sherds of native ware from Reask, Co. Kerry (Fanning 1981) Fig. 45 Clay moulds from Moynagh Lough, Co. Meath (Bradley 1991) Fig. 46 Crucibles from Cathedral Hill, Co. Armagh (Gaskell Brown and Harper 1984) Fig. 47 Fired clay tuyère from Garryduff, Co. Cork (O’Kelly 1962) Fig. 48 Location of pottery-production, sherds of souterrain ware, and lumps of worked clay bearing finger-impressions from Nendrum, Co. Down (Lawlor 1925) Fig. 49 Location of kiln at Reask, Co. Kerry (Fanning 1981) viii

Fig. 50 Kiln at Reask, Co. Kerry (Fanning 1981) Fig. 51 Plan of kiln at Ballycatteen, Co. Cork (Ó Ríordáin and Hartnett 1943) Fig. 52 Location of kiln at Rathbeg, Co. Antrim (Warhurst 1969) Fig. 53 Location of kiln at Letterkeen, Co. Mayo (Ó Ríordáin and MacDermott 1952) Fig. 54 Location, plan and section of kiln at Ardcloon, Co. Mayo (Rynne 1956) Fig. 55 Styli from Carraig Aille, Co. Limerick, A. iron, B. bronze (Ó Ríordáin 1949) Fig. 56 Souterrain ware: A, B. Ballymacash, C. Lissue, D. Hillsborough Fort (Edwards 1990) Fig. 57 Decorated bone flake from Lough Crew, Co. Meath (Raftery 1983) Fig. 58 Bone artefacts from Carraig Aille, Co. Limerick (Ó Ríordáin 1949) Fig. 59 Bone artefacts from Ballinderry 2, Co. Westmeath: 1. boar-tusk bracelet, 2. dice, 3–5. spindle-whorls, 6. wedge (Hencken 1942) Fig. 60 Bone handles from Cathedral Hill, Co. Armagh (Gaskell Brown and Harper 1984) Fig. 61 Antler motif-piece from Dooey, Co. Donegal (Ó Ríordáin and Rynne 1961) Fig. 62 Antler artefacts from Rathgurreen, Co. Galway: 1. handle, 2. tine, 3. comb fragment, 4. ring fragment, 5. cut fragment, 6. boar-tusk pendant Fig. 63 Bone combs from Lagore, Co. Meath (Hencken 1950) Fig. 64 Bone artefacts from Rathgurreen, Co. Galway: 1–2. pins, 3. unfinished pin Fig. 65 Bone and antler artefacts from Carraig Aille, Co. Limerick (Ó Ríordáin 1949) Fig. 66 Antler artefacts from Cahercommaun, Co. Clare (Hencken 1938) Fig. 67 House A, Site 3, Inishkea, Co. Mayo (Henry 1952) Fig. 68 Wooden spindles: 1. Ballinderry 2, 2.4. Lagore, 3. Ballinderry 1, 5. Dublin, 6. Viking (Earwood 1993) Fig. 69 Spindle whorls from Cahercommaun, Co. Clare (Hencken 1938) Fig. 70 A. Warp-weighted loom, B. two-beam vertical loom (Forbes 1964) Fig. 71 Tablet-weaving (Start 1950) and weaving tablet from Lagore, Co. Meath (Hencken 1950) Fig. 72 Bone needles and pin-beaters from Carraig Aille, Co. Limerick (Ó Ríordáin 1949) Fig. 73 Textile fragment from Lagore, Co. Meath (Start 1950) Fig. 74 Leather-covered wooden shield from Clonoura, Co. Tipperary (Raftery 1994) Fig. 75 Shoe last from Lagore, Co. Meath (Hencken 1950) Fig. 76 Draw-knives: A. Cahercommaun, Co. Clare (Hencken 1938), B. Lagore, Co. Meath (Hencken 1950) Fig. 77 Iron tools from Garranes, Co. Cork: 1–4. socketed and pronged implements, 5. shears, 6–7. pointed and slotted tools (Ó Ríordáin 1942) Fig. 78 Objects of leather from Killyliss, Co. Tyrone (Ivens 1984) Fig. 79 Shoes from Lagore, Co. Meath (Hencken 1950) Fig. 80 Distribution of Irish iron ores (Scott 1990) Fig. 81 A. conjectural reconstruction of the possible form of an Irish bowl smelting furnace with low superstructure, B. reconstruction of an Irish smithing hearth using a perforated clay disc as a ‘bellows protector’ (Scott 1990) Fig. 82 Clay tuyères: A. Ballyvollen, Co. Antrim, B. Garranes, Co. Cork, C. Ballyvourney, Co. Cork, D. Cathedral Hill, Co. Armagh (Scott 1990) Fig. 83 Iron anvil from Garryduff (O’Kelly 1962) Fig. 84 Iron tongs from Garranes (Ó Ríordáin 1942) Fig. 85 Possible iron sett from Cahercommaun (Hencken 1938) Fig. 86 Sword from Killyliss, Co. Tyrone, shaft-hole axe from Deer Park Farms, Co. Antrim, and plough-share from White Fort, Co. Down (Scott 1990) Fig. 87 Iron knives: 1–3 Deerfin, Co. Antrim, 4–5 Ballywee, Co. Antrim, 6 Gransha, Co. Down (Scott 1990) Fig. 88 Ballinderry 2: 1, 3, 5–8 amber beads, 2 amber stud, 4 amber ring, 9–18 glass beads (Hencken 1942) Fig. 89 Garryduff: 1–17 glass beads, 18 glass bracelet fragment, 19 amber bead (O’Kelly 1962) Fig. 90 Glass artefacts from Seacash (Lynn 1978) Fig. 91 Millefiori glass, bronze tube with fragment of millefiori and glass beads from Garranes (Ó Ríordáin 1942) Fig. 92 Lagore: moulds for glass studs, A. and B. mould with stud found in it (Hencken 1950) Fig. 93 Location and plan of Site D at Garranes (Ó Ríordáin 1942) Fig. 94 Objects of glass from Dunmisk (Henderson 1988) Fig. 95 Dunmisk, Co. Tyrone (Ivens 1989) Fig. 96 Crucibles and silver hoard from Carraig Aille (Ó Ríordáin 1949) Fig. 97 Location of metalworking areas at Moynagh Lough, Co. Meath (Bradley 1991) Fig. 98 Major features in metalworking area 2 at Moynagh Lough (Bradley 1991) Fig. 99 Workshop remains at Cathedral Hill, Co. Armagh (Gaskell Brown and Harper 1984) Fig. 100 Workshop remains at Tullylish, Co. Down (Ivens 1987) Fig. 101 Site D at Garranes, Co. Cork (Ó Ríordáin 1942) Fig. 102 Hut G at Reask, Co. Kerry (Fanning 1981) Fig. 103 1. Bag-shaped crucible E14:431, 2. pyramidal crucible E14:498, 3. flat-bottomed crucible E14:415, all from Lagore, Co. Meath ix

Fig. 104 A and B, pyramidal crucibles E14:244 and E14:402 standing in flat-bottomed crucibles E14:415 and E14:453 from Lagore, respectively Fig. 105 Stone moulds from Garranes, Co. Cork (Ó Ríordáin 1942) Fig. 106 Clay mould from Dooey, Co. Donegal (Ó Ríordáin and Rynne 1961) Fig. 107 Stone motif-pieces from Cathedral Hill, Co. Armagh (Gaskell Brown and Harper 1984) Fig. 108 Iron tongs from Garranes, Co. Cork (Ó Ríordáin 1942) Fig. 109 Iron anvil from Garryduff, Co. Cork (O’Kelly 1962) Fig. 110 Iron chisel (?) and punch from Lagore, Co. Meath Fig. 111 Ardagh Chalice Fig. 112 Base of Ardagh Chalice Fig. 113 Location of metal workshop at Reask, Co. Kerry (Fanning 1981) Fig. 114 Location of metalworking areas at Dunmisk, Co. Tyrone (Ivens 1989) Fig. 115 Location of metalworking areas at Knowth, Co. Meath (Eogan 1977) Fig. 116 Broighter gold boat, Co. Derry (Raftery 1994) Fig. 117 Sunken boat of Mediterranean type from Lough Lene, Co. Westmeath (Raftery 1994) Fig. 118 Map of Ireland as plotted from Ptolemy’s second-century AD data (Raftery 1994) Fig. 119 Roman artefacts from Lambay; A. and B. bronze fibulae of Roman type, C. bronze beaded torc, D. and E. decorated sheet bronze mounts (Raftery 1994) Fig. 120 Plan of coastal promontory fort at Drumanagh, Co. Dublin (Raftery 1994) Fig. 121 Distribution map of Roman finds in Ireland (Raftery 1994) Fig. 122 Ó Lochlainn’s routeways, plus natural harbours and refuges, as mapped by Warner (1976) Fig. 123 A. Currach from the Aran Islands, B. Donegal paddled currach, C. Kerry naomhóg (Shaw-Smith 1986) Fig. 124 1. Boyne ‘coracle’: A. wickerwork edge constructed on hazel rods, B. rods bent over and secured, C. hide stretched over frame (Shaw-Smith 1986) Fig. 125 The Bantry boat (Blackwell 1992) Fig. 126 Distributions of Zoomorphic Penannular Brooch groups (Kilbride-Jones 1980) Fig. 127 Class E ware: 1. jars, 2. carinated beakers, 3. carinated bowl, 4. spout from a handled pitcher, 5. conical pot-lids, 6. tiny jar (Thomas 1990) Fig. 128 Horse-bits: 1. Lagore, 2. Obrigheim, Rheinbayern, 3. Hintschingen (Hencken 1950) Fig. 129 Sites producing average-extensive evidence of foreign trade, with Warner’s 1976 map overlaid Fig. 130 Clogher, Co. Tyrone and Gransha, Co. Down Fig. 131 Distribution of E-ware, correct to end of 1989 (Thomas 1990) Fig. 132 Anglo-Saxon plane from Sarre, Kent (Wilson 1976) Fig. 133 Reconstruction of furnace from West Runton, Norfolk (Wilson 1976) Fig. 134 Plan of Dinas Emrys (Alcock et al. 1989) Fig. 135 Plan of Dinas Powys (Alcock 1963) Fig. 136 A. Waste core of shale, B. flint lathe-tool, from Dinas Powys (Alcock 1963) Fig. 137 B and C. Pottery spindle-whorls, A. fragment of supposed clay loom-weight, from Dinas Powys (Alcock 1963) Fig. 138 A. Dunollie, hypothetical plans of phase 1 dun and phase 2 rampart, actual evidence shown by solid, B. plan of Dunadd (Alcock and Alcock 1987) Fig. 139 Clay mould for a large-panelled brooch from Dunadd (Campbell 1993a) Fig. 140 Plan of Dundurn (Alcock et al. 1989) Fig. 141 Plan of Clatchard Craig (Close-Brooks 1986) Fig. 142 Shale object from Clatchard Craig (Close-Brooks 1986) Fig. 143 Stone spindle-whorls from Clatchard Craig (Close-Brooks 1986) Fig. 144 Loom-Weight from Easter Kinnear (Driscoll 1997) Fig. 145 Main areas of imported pottery in Britain between the late fourth and ninth century (Campbell in Lane 1994) Fig. 146 Rathgurreen, Co. Galway; location and site survey Fig. 147 Rathgurreen from the air (1999, photo: Liz Fitzpatrick) Fig. 148 Duignan’s plan of the site, with excavated areas marked by author Fig. 149 1948 excavation of south-west quadrant Fig. 150 Section through defences from south Fig. 151 Section through Bank 2 from north Fig. 152 Cut of Fosse 1 Fig. 153 Bank 1 wall Fig. 154 Faces of Bank 1 wall Fig. 155 Fill of Fosse 1 Fig. 156 Fosse 2 from south Fig. 157 Schematic guide to the main phases of construction and occupation Fig. 158 Bank 2 revetment, south-west quadrant Fig. 159 Bank 2 revetment; A. north side of entrance, B south-western quadrant Fig. 160 West-facing section of defences in Trench 2 x

Fig. 161 Stone spread under sod, Trench 1 Fig. 162 Ground plan of south-western quadrant Fig. 163 Stone spread in Square M (Duignan’s XI) Fig. 164 Stone spread in Square D (Duignan’s XVI) Fig. 165 Ground plan of trenches 1 and 2 Fig. 166 Pit sections Fig. 167 Furnace in Fosse 2 Fig. 168 Excavation of flagstone in Fosse 2, Trench 2 Fig. 169 Bank 2 revetment, north side of entrance Fig. 170 Revetment of south side of entrance causeway, Fosse 2 Fig. 171 Bronze artefacts Fig. 172 Iron knives Fig. 173 Iron artefacts Fig. 174 A. Excavator’s illustration of E945:18 upon discovery, B. excavator’s conjectured reconstruction of E945:18 Fig. 175 Iron artefact E945:18 in situ Fig. 176 Iron artefacts Fig. 177 Possible iron nails Fig. 178 Clay crucible sherds Fig. 179 Slagged and vitrified clay fragments Fig. 180 Clay artefacts Fig. 181 Bone comb fragments Fig. 182 Bone artefacts Fig. 183 Antler artefacts Fig. 184 Stone artefacts Fig. 185 Distribution of the main domesticates from Early Christian coastal sites; Dún Eoghanachta (Murray unpub.), Oughtymore (McCormick 1984), DL 11 (Murray unpub.), Illaunloughan (Murray unpub.), Larrybane (Jope 1961–2), Deer Park Farms (McCormick unpub.), Marshes Upper (McCormick 1993), Moynagh crannóg (McCormick 1987), Ballyfounder (Jope 1958) and Lough Faughan (Jope 1955) Fig. 186 Histogram showing the distribution of HLR (Height Length Ratio) values of oysters, left and right valves combined, from Rathgurreen Fig. 187 Early Medieval sites on the Maree peninsula Fig. 188 Dunbulcaun Fig. 189 Ballynacoortin

xi

List of Tables Table 1. Nemed Grades (O’Kelly 1988, xxiii) Table 2. Approximate dates of major land clearance events Table 3. Dendro dates of horizontal mills (after Baillie 1980) Table 4. Evidence of crop cultivation from excavated ringforts Table 5. Evidence of crop cultivation from excavated sites Table 6. Excavation reports containing specialist faunal analyses Table 7. Faunal remains from excavated Early Medieval sites; quantities given as percentage of total MNI/individual species MNI Table 8. Theoretical three-tier husbandry model Table 9. Proposed animal husbandry levels Table 10. Levels of animal husbandry on excavated Early Medieval sites Table 11. Site sizes and excavation information (* = presence of waterlogged contexts) Table 12. Wild species from excavated faunal assemblages Table 13. Shellfish from excavated sites Table 14. Fish species from excavated faunal assemblages Table 15. Bird species from excavated faunal assemblages Table 16. Evidence from ringforts Table 17. Evidence from excavated sites Table 18. Stone-working evidence from excavated ringforts Table 19. Stone-working evidence from excavated sites Table 20. Woodworking evidence from excavated sites Table 21. Evidence of clay-working from excavated ringforts Table 22. Evidence of clay-working from excavated sites Table 23. Bone-working evidence from excavated sites Table 24. Textile and Leather-working evidence from excavated ringforts Table 25. Textile and Leather-working evidence from excavated sites Table 26. Iron slag analyses (Scott 1990) Table 27. Ironworking evidence from excavated ringforts Table 28. Ironworking evidence from excavated sites Table 29. Vitreous material from excavated sites Table 30. Evidence of non-ferrous metalworking from excavated ringforts Table 31. Evidence of non-ferrous metalworking from excavated sites Table 32. Evidence of international trade from excavated sites Table 33a. Evidence of crop cultivation from excavated ringforts Table 33b. Evidence of crop cultivation from excavated sites Table 33c. Levels of crop cultivation on excavated Early Medieval sites Table 34a. Levels of animal husbandry on all excavated Early Medieval site types Table 34b. Levels of animal husbandry on excavated Early Medieval sites Table 35a. Evidence of hunting, gathering, fishing and fowling from ringforts Table 35b. Evidence of hunting, gathering, fishing and fowling from excavated non-ringfort sites Table 35c. Levels of non-agricultural resource exploitation on excavated Early Medieval sites Table 36a. Stone-working evidence from excavated sites Table 36b. Stone-working evidence from excavated ringforts Table 36c. Levels of stone-working on excavated Early Medieval sites Table 37a. Woodworking evidence from excavated sites Table 37b. Levels of wood-working on excavated Early Medieval sites Table 38a. Evidence of clay-working from excavated ringforts Table 38b. Evidence of clay-working from excavated sites Table 38c. Levels of clay-working on excavated Early Medieval sites Table 39a. Textile and Leather-working evidence from excavated sites Table 39b. Levels of leather and textile production on excavated Early Medieval sites Table 40a. Bone-working evidence from excavated ringforts Table 40b. Bone-working evidence from excavated sites Table 40c. Levels of bone and antler-working on excavated Early Medieval sites Table 41a. Ironworking evidence from excavated sites Table 41b. Levels of iron-working on excavated Early Medieval sites Table 42a. Vitreous material from excavated ringforts Table 42b. Vitreous material from excavated sites xii

Table 42c. Levels of glass-working on excavated Early Medieval sites Table 43a. Evidence of non-ferrous metalworking from excavated sites Table 43b. Levels of non-ferrous metalworking on excavated Early Medieval sites Table 44a. Evidence of foreign trade from excavated sites Table 44b. Levels of international trade on excavated Early Medieval sites Table 45. Economic classes Table 46. Possible correlation of economic and social classes Table 47. Levels of economic activity at 12 ringforts Table 48a. Levels of economic activity from excavated ringforts Table 48b. Levels of economic activity from excavated ringforts Table 49. Levels of economic activity from excavated crannógs Table 50. Levels of economic activity from excavated miscellaneous sites Table 51. Levels of economic activity from excavated monastic sites Table 52a–h. Economic classes of excavated sites Table 53. Ringfort size and economic class Table 54. Cashel size and economic class Table 55. Crannog size and economic class Table 56. Monastic site size and economic class Table 57. Miscellaneous site size and economic class Table 58. Settlement type and economic class Table 59. Example of economic settlement hierarchy Table 60. Stout’s morphological model Table 61. Comparison of morphological and economic hierarchies 1 Table 62. Comparison of morphological and economic hierarchies 2 Table 63. Dates of excavated sites, as published by their excavators Table 64. Chronology and economic class Table 65. Evidence of crop cultivation Table 66. Evidence of animal husbandry Table 67. Evidence of non-agricultural natural resource exploitation Table 68. Evidence of stone-working Table 69. Evidence of wood-working Table 70. Evidence of clay-working Table 71. Evidence of textile and leather-working Table 72. Evidence of bone-working Table 73. Evidence of iron-working Table 74. Evidence of glass-working Table 75. Evidence of non-ferrous metalworking Table 76. Evidence of trade Table 77. Levels of economic activity at five ‘Celtic’ sites Table 78. Excavation information, date and size of five ‘Celtic’ sites Table 79. Fragments and MNI distribution from Rathgurreen after Tables 96 and 97 Table 80. Cattle epiphyseal fusion data for longbones after Silver (1969, 285–6), using the method outlined by Chaplin (1971). The data represents a MNI of c.6 from Phase 1 and a MNI of c.13 from Phase 2 Table 81. Survival rates of individual skeletal parts of cattle from Rathgurreen and Deer Park Farms (after McCormick unpub.). The minimum number of animals represented by each part was taken as a percentage of the total. P = proximal, D = distal Table 82. Estimated withers heights from Rathgurreen (after Fock and Matolsci quoted in von den Driesch & Boessneck 1974, 336) Table 83. Cattle bone measurements from Rathgurreen Phase 1 Table 84. Cattle bone measurements from Rathgurreen Phase 2 Table 85. Pig epiphyseal fusion data of longbones after Silver (1969, 285–6) Table 86. Pig bone measurements in mm from Rathgurreen Phase 1 Table 87. Pig bone measurements in mm from Rathgurreen Phase 2 Table 88. Sheep/goat bone measurements in mm from Rathgurreen Phase 1 Table 89. Sheep/goat bone measurements in mm from Rathgurreen Phase 2 Table 90. Relative proportion of carcass meat produced at Rathgurreen. Cattle (est. live weight 300–400kg) and sheep (25kg adult male, 19kg adult female) have a dressing out weight of 50% and pig (75–110kg) dresses out at 80% (van Wijngaarden-Bakker 1986, 44–45; Boyd et al. 1964, 10) Table 91. Measurements of cat bones from Rathgurreen (in mm) Table 92. Measurements of horse bones from Rathgurreen (in mm) xiii

Table 93. Distribution of identified fragments and MNIs of animal bones from Rathgurreen Phase 1 Table 94. Distribution of identified fragments and MNIs of animal bones from Rathgurreen Phase 2 Table 95. Distribution of identified fragments and MNIs of animal bones from Pit 3 Trench 2 Table 96. Distribution of identified fragments and MNIs of animal bones from Pit 7 Table 97. Distribution of identified fragments of animal bones from undated pits at Rathgurreen Table 98. Distribution of bone measurements from undated pits at Rathgurreen Table 99. Species Distribution, fish and fowl Table 100. Distribution of the identified shellfish from Rathgurreen Phase 1 Table 101. Distribution of the identified shellfish from Rathgurreen Phase 2 Table 102. Distribution of the identified shellfish from pits at Rathgurreen Table 103. Size of limpets from Rathgurreen (in mm) Table 104. Distribution of oyster valve sizes (left and right) from Rathgurreen (in mm) Table 105. Height-length ratios (HLR) for right and left valves from Rathgurreen Table 106. Estimated meat and calorific returns from shellfish at Rathgurreen (after Winder 1980, Evans and Spencer 1976–7, Shawcross in Evans and Spencer 1976–7) Table 107. Radiocarbon determinations from Rathgurreen Table 108. Key to Fig. 187; Early Medieval sites on the Maree peninsula Table 109. Rathgurreen economic and size classes

xiv

INTRODUCTION

Chapter I

Introduction The fifth to the twelfth centuries AD in Ireland have traditionally been the focus of much attention, both scholarly and otherwise. Often, the impression created was one of an island of ‘saints and scholars’, a golden age which saw the arts and crafts flourish. Such diverse groups as linguists, historians, archaeologists, historical-geographers and art-historians have concentrated on their own respective disciplines within this period, variously referred to as the Early Christian, Early Medieval or Early Historic. While this interest has generated some outstanding scholarship and many useful studies of different aspects of this period, very little attempt at synthesis has been undertaken. This has prompted the present work, at least with regard to the economy of the period.

Several general texts on the archaeology of the period have been written, the most recent and useful of which is Edwards’ Archaeology of Early Medieval Ireland (1990). This reviews the evidence of secular and ecclesiastical settlement, art and technology, and also includes a section dealing with the Vikings in Ireland. It is, by far, the most comprehensive of the works attempting a synthesis of relevant evidence, however the de Paor’s Early Christian Ireland (1967) is also a useful textbook. Mytum adopts a more theoretical stance in his The Origins of Early Christian Ireland (1992). Dealing with the centuries between 400 and 800 AD approximately, he raises many questions and offers much-debated answers. Though many of the theories presented are not generally accepted, the book does provide an alternative view of the period. The church is dealt with in a number of volumes, including Pearce’s The Early Church in Western Britain and Ireland (1982) and, more recently, Hughes’ Church and Society in Ireland, AD 400–1200 (1987), and Hughes and Hamlin’s The Modern Traveller to the Early Irish Church (1997).

The wide range of material available requires a multidisciplinary approach, though such studies are few in number. With a definite economic focus, this work aims to utilise a broad spectrum of information, including structural, artefactual, environmental, technological, documentary and economic. All possibilities and interpretations will be integrated in an examination of the economy of Early Medieval Ireland, in an attempt to explore the normal domestic life of a major part of the population. As ringforts were the predominant settlement form, it is logical to use evidence from these sites as the basis for this study, supplementing this material with that recovered from other contemporary settlement forms such as the crannóg and monastic site.

The documentary or early literary evidence falls into several categories, including hagiography, legal texts, historical sources, and myth and legend. Of these, the law tracts provide the most pertinent information, describing the role and status of different sections of society, their possessions and rights, and the laws governing activities such as agriculture and craftworking. Unfortunately, the survival of such documents is far from complete, with several ‘missing’ tracts referred to in extant documents. Approximately 55 texts survive, many incomplete and most written in the seventh and eighth centuries. Whether secular or ecclesiastical, the authors of the texts were often forced to generalise their descriptions of legal matters and social organisation, in an attempt to regulate the wide variety of disputes which could arise in a farming community. Therefore, while details may be distorted, it does appear that the laws were based on fact. Published material dealing with the early laws can be found in two basic forms; articles on individual tracts, and texts concerned with the laws in general.

Previous Research As each of the following chapters deals with past research in some detail, it is sufficient here to mention only the most general texts. General information on the Early Medieval period in Ireland is available in a number of textbooks, both historical and archaeological. The former includes Ó Cróinín’s Early Medieval Ireland (1995) which combines historical analysis with an examination of early Irish law and its reflection of society, though which largely ignores the archaeological evidence. Richter’s Medieval Ireland – The Enduring Tradition (1988), on the other hand, concentrates solely on political events. Valuable insights are also provided in Byrne’s Irish Kings and High-Kings (1967/74) and Dillon’s Early Irish Society (1954). Many of these books provide a broad treatment, with an emphasis on particular aspects. Byrne, for example, examines the genealogies of various dynasties and organises the history of the period around its kings. He details all of the main political groups including, for example, the Uí Néill and the Eóganachta.

The most prolific scholar of early Irish law has been Daniel Binchy, having worked on many of the individual tracts, published for the most part in the Irish-Studies journals Ériu and Celtica. Other tracts have been studied by Kelly (1976), MacEoin (1981) and MacNiocaill (1971). Binchy’s greatest contribution, however, consists of the five-volume Corpus Iuris Hibernici, an un-translated (i.e. Old Irish) collection of all surviving legal material (1978). Prior 1

CHAPTER 1

to this, scholars were reliant on the primary sources – the medieval manuscripts in which the tracts have been preserved – or on O’Donovan and Curry’s 1901 fivevolume collection The Ancient Laws of Ireland, an early and somewhat unreliable translation.

Despite this, evidence derived from one source can often be correlated with that from another, thus substantiating both. Much of the more recent work in the area consists of the compilation and reassessment of material provided by earlier scholars who translated the original texts.

Of the texts dealing with the laws in general, Binchy has again written many useful articles on the technicalities and operation of the laws (1966, 1973). Two books are invaluable in the study of early Irish law, namely Fergus Kelly’s A Guide to Early Irish Law (1988) and Early Irish Farming (1997). These comprehensive textbooks examine every aspect of the early laws and contain useful appendices listing the law tracts and samples of original texts with translations.

Textual Sources on Early Agriculture Studies of food production in Early Medieval Ireland can be divided between crop cultivation and animal husbandry, with considerably more works relating to the latter. The study of environmental remains, the chief archaeological indicator of agricultural economy, is a relatively recent development, and there are few useful studies of the period. Brady examined the plough in Early Medieval and Medieval Ireland (1986), while Caulfield undertook a study of the rotary quern (1966). Seed and pollen analyses play an important role in identifying and defining land use, both in the locality of a site and on a larger scale where a series of analyses can be used to build up a chronological picture of land use over several centuries. Examples of the former are often contained in individual site reports (e.g. Monk 1984, 1986), while the latter are few in number and almost exclusively the work of Frank Mitchell. His 1965 article, for example, examined a series of pollen samples from Littleton Bog, Co. Tipperary, and identified four main horizons, the chronological implications of which were then discussed. David Weir (1995) has studied the pollen preserved in a number of bogs in Co. Louth, and has also recognised various phases of land use, while O’Connell (1994) has compiled the results of analyses from 12 different, radiocarbon-dated, sites.

Hagiographical sources, i.e. the lives of the saints, also provide a wealth of relevant information, albeit ecclesiastical in nature. Plummer published an untranslated collection of saints lives in 1910 – Vitae Sanctorum Hiberniae. A number of individual hagiographies have been translated and published, including those of Patrick (Stokes 1887), Columba (Anderson 1961, Sharpe 1995), Brendan (The Voyage of ..., O’Meara 1991) and Brigit (Connolly and Picard 1987). Works such as Joyce’s Social History of Ancient Ireland (1965) and Doherty’s article on ‘Trade and exchange in Early Medieval Ireland’ (1980) contain references to, and extracts from, other saints lives. The myths and legends of ancient Ireland are widely available in published form, though some texts are more reliable than others. Tales published individually include the Táin Bó Cuailgne (O’Rahilly 1970) and Cath Maige Tuired (Gray 1982), while Joyce’s Old Celtic Romances (1907), O’Rahilly’s Early Irish History and Mythology (1984), and Dillon’s (ed.) Irish Sagas (1968) constitute three of the best collections of tales. Due to their essentially creative nature, however, the information presented in these sources is of limited value.

The study of animal husbandry is largely confined to an examination of faunal assemblages from excavated sites. Lucas published a general text on cattle in ancient Ireland (1989), while more specific work on bone assemblages from Early Medieval Ireland has recently been undertaken by Finbar McCormick. His M.A. (1982) and PhD (1987) theses deal with domesticated mammals in Early Christian Ireland, while a series of articles examine the historical and faunal evidence for dairying on both native sites and in Viking Dublin (1983), and the general importance of dairying to the economy (1995). He has recently co-authored, with Emily Murray, a comprehensive discussion of all relevant evidence from Early Christian Ireland, with a focus on the remains from Knowth, Co. Meath (2007).

The annals form the basis of most historical research of the period, with the Annals of the Four Masters (O’Donovan 1851) and the Annals of Ulster (MacAirt and MacNiocaill 1983) being the two most commonly consulted. Others include the Annals of Innisfallen (MacAirt 1951), the Fragmentary Annals (Radner 1978), and the Annals of Tigernach (Stokes 1897). The dates and events recorded in these annals have been studied alongside information from other documentary sources (e.g. genealogies) to build up a history of the period. This is summarised in the aforementioned books by Byrne, Ó Cróinín and Richter. Little economic information is contained within these works, however the events depicted may have had economic consequences.

Different agricultural practices are discussed by Michael Duignan (1944) in one of the earliest attempts to combine archaeological and historical evidence. Both craft and food production were examined by Proudfoot in ‘The economy of the Irish rath’ (1961), the first attempt at an economic analysis of the relevant archaeological remains.

The information contained within these documentary sources covers a wide range of topics, from the legal status of farmers to the miracles performed by saints.

Textual Sources on Early Crafts and Industry Very few modern studies deal with Early Medieval 2

INTRODUCTION

period craftworking in general terms, most being specific to a single activity. Background detail on the technology of these various craft activities is provided by Hodges (1964), though no one general text deals with the evidence from Early Medieval Ireland.

thesis (1969), and the somewhat related topic of woodland management researched by O’Sullivan (1994c), little else of relevance has been undertaken. The lack of native pottery from Early Medieval Ireland is reflected in the number of studies on the topic, with an article (1973) and earlier M.A. thesis (1969) by Ryan on Iron Age and Early Medieval pottery.

Non-ferrous or precious metalworking has been briefly dealt with in some recent publications on the Early Medieval period (e.g. Craddock in Youngs 1989; Edwards 1990). The general technology has been detailed by Tylecote in a number of publications, his 1986 volume dealing specifically with the metallurgy of the British Isles and Ireland. Decorative techniques have been examined in some detail by both Ryan (e.g. 1983) and Whitfield (e.g. 1987), while the small number of scientific analyses is largely confined to the examination of crucible residues. An M.A. thesis by the author (1996) examined all of the relevant nonferrous metalworking evidence, concentrating in particular on the material from Lagore crannóg, Co. Meath (published as a British Archaeological Report in 2004). Prior to 1990, very little study of early Irish ironworking had been undertaken, though the general technology is catered for by both Hodges and Tylecote. However, 1990 saw the publication of Brian Scott’s Early Irish Ironworking, examining the activity in both the Iron Age and following Early Medieval period. This work represents a major advance in our understanding, though is weakest when dealing with the site evidence of blacksmithing. Recent development-lead excavations have produced valuable evidence regarding the organisation and dating of ironworking in Ireland (e.g. Carlin et al. forthcoming), though many of the results have yet to be published.

The most useful of the works dealing with trade and exchange is Doherty’s ‘Exchange and trade in Early Medieval Ireland’ (1980), a combination of the archaeological and documentary records. Local trade, i.e. within Ireland, has been examined by Gerriets (1987), MacNiocaill (1981) and Ó Cróinín (1974), all of whom discuss the organisation of the clientship system. Much of the Irish evidence of foreign trade in the Early Medieval period is provided by pottery remains. This material has been studied in detail by Thomas (1959, 1981), while an M.A. thesis by O’Donnell (1984) and an article by Campbell (1984) both deal specifically with E-ware. A recent article by Doyle examines the role of the Early Medieval settlement on Dalkey Island as a trading centre (1998). Aspects of the settlement and economy of Celtic and Anglo-Saxon Britain have been studied in some detail by Campbell (1989, 1993, 1996, 1997), Lane (1989, 1993, 1994), Driscoll (1989, 1988, 1997), Alcock (1963, 1987, 1988, 1989), and Hodges (1982, 1989), particularly the evidence of trade and exchange. Since the submission of this work as a PhD, the author has also published a synthesis of the relevant evidence of trade and transport in the Journal of Irish Archaeology (2001). Sources on Early Settlement Enclosed settlement in Early Medieval Ireland took four main forms; the ringfort in its earthen (rath) and stone (cashel) forms, the crannóg, and the monastic centre. Of these, the rath was by far the most common, housing the majority of the population in enclosures of varying size and morphology. Any discussion of the Irish economy necessitates the compilation of an economic database, information provided by a detailed examination of settlement excavation reports. The most recent attempt to bring this material together is Proudfoot’s 1961 article on the economy of the Irish rath where he briefly discussed the then available excavation evidence. Stout’s 1997 The Irish Ringfort concentrates on landscape archaeology and the distribution patterns of ringforts, containing a very brief description of site economy, based mostly on Proudfoot’s article. The only synthesis attempted for Irish crannógs was, until recently, Wood-Martin’s The Lake-Dwellings of Ireland which, published in 1886, can no longer be regarded as comprehensive. However, in 1998, Aidan O’Sullivan completed a monograph detailing many aspects of Irish crannógs, a work which included more recent excavated evidence.

The majority of recent work on Irish glass production has been carried out by Henderson, with articles on the manufacture of glass beads (1978), raw materials (1985), scientific investigation of early Irish glass (1988a, 1988b), and the evidence from Dunmisk, Co. Tyrone (1988c). Glass vessels have been dealt with by Bourke (1987) and in an earlier article by Harden (1956). Enamel is covered by Henry (1956). Very little specific work has been undertaken on amber or jet from Early Medieval Ireland, with an M.A. thesis by Lanigan on jet bracelets in Ireland (1964), and by Harvey on Viking amber (1983). Textile and leather production have both been studied, though rarely in direct relation to Ireland, due mainly to the relative lack of Irish remains. Specific texts include Bender Jørgensen’s North European Textiles until AD 1000 (1992), and Walton and Wild’s Textiles in Northern Archaeology (1987). Woodworking is examined in detail by Earwood in Domestic Wooden Artefacts in Britain and Ireland from Neolithic to Viking times (1993). This addresses both the general technology and actual artefactual evidence from the two countries. Other than a study of stave-built vessels carried out by Sweetman as an M.A.

The majority of the excavated evidence dates from the 1940s to the present, with the more recent of these 3

CHAPTER 1

reports usually highly detailed and often including various scientific analyses and specialist appendices (e.g. Lynn’s excavation of Rathmullan published in 1982, or Gaskell-Brown and Harper’s excavation of Cathedral Hill published in 1984). As with most aspects of this study, the information contained within diverse reports must be drawn together to form a coherent economic account. Many of the relevant sites have been reasonably well documented, however a relatively large number of excavations in the Republic of Ireland still remain unpublished and have been listed in the Unpublished Excavations Report (Doyle et al. 2000). A total of 299 excavations of the Early Medieval period are recorded, of which 117 have been published, 182 remaining unpublished (in 2000 – a number of these have since been published).

Garryduff and Garranes in Co. Cork (O’Kelly 1962 and Ó Ríordáin 1942, respectively), Carraig Aille, Co. Limerick (Ó Ríordáin 1949), and Cahercommaun, Co. Clare (Hencken 1938) were excavated between the late 1930s and 1960s when modern techniques and methods were at an early stage of development. The majority of more recent ringfort excavations (published examples, at least) have taken place in Northern Ireland, under the auspices of the Department of the Environment. Often, these have taken the form of rescue work and many are of limited value. Several such excavations have also been completed in recent years as part of infrastructure development in the Republic, though remain unpublished. Major works in progress include Barry Raftery’s analysis of Joseph Raftery’s excavations at Rathtinaun, Co. Sligo. Initial results suggest a number of similarities between this crannóg and that of Lagore – both in terms of structural remains and the material culture (B. Raftery pers. comm.). A detailed research project has been undertaken by Monk at the two ringforts of Lisleagh, Co. Cork, the results of which await publication. Lynn’s excavations at Deer Park Farms, Co. Antrim, and Bradley’s at Moynagh Lough are also currently being worked on. These few projects have the potential to shed light on many aspects of the Irish economy, especially through the utilisation of modern analytical techniques.

Of the small number of crannóg excavations, those by Hencken are of obvious importance, namely his investigations at Ballinderry I (1937), Ballinderry II (1942), and Lagore (1950). Though not scientifically investigated by today’s standards, the waterlogged nature of the sites did preserve a wide range of material. The large quantity of finds from Lagore, Co. Meath, were due not only to the favourable survival conditions, but also to the royal nature of the site - the seat of a branch of the southern Uí Néill. The crannóg of Moynagh Lough is also located in Co. Meath, with interim reports hinting at valuable economic evidence (Bradley 1983 et seq.).

Richard Hodges has examined the economy of AngloSaxon England (1982, 1989), while V.B. Proudfoot’s article dealt with the basic economy of the ringfort using the limited quantity and quality of excavated material then available (1961). This, however, is the first attempt at a detailed analysis of Early Medieval Ireland from an economic viewpoint. It is clear from the diverse and partial nature of the research undertaken, that there are many gaps in our understanding of the economy of Early Medieval Ireland. In particular, no modern study has provided a comprehensive overview of the various strands of information, historical, archaeological and environmental, in this area. The present work provides an opportunity for such synthesis.

Monastic sites fall into two groups; small isolated eremitic settlements, and large ‘towns’ located at the centre of a community. Reask, Co. Kerry, is in the former category (Fanning 1981), while very few of the latter have been excavated due to their large size and continuing use. Partial excavations have been undertaken at Cathedral Hill, Co. Armagh (Gaskell Brown and Harper 1984), and Clonmacnoise, Co. Offaly (King 1992), while a more extensive area was investigated at Nendrum in the 1920s (Lawlor 1925). Such sites have much potential to reveal the role played by the church in the local community. A small number of important settlement sites fall into a somewhat miscellaneous category. These include, for example, Knowth, Dalkey and Dooey. The sandhills site at Dooey, Co. Donegal, produced the remains of extensive craft activity, however only an interim report has been published (Ó Ríordáin and Rynne 1961). The remains atop the passage tomb mound at Knowth are possibly those of a royal settlement (Eogan 1977), while the site within the promontory fort on Dalkey, Co. Dublin, was perhaps a trading settlement (Liversage 1968; Doyle 1998).

Models of Economic Organisation (as defined by Hicks 1969 and Hunt 1978) Definition In the most simple of terms, economy can be defined as the management of resources, or as Hunt puts it Economic systems organize human effort to transform the resources given in nature into usable articles, or economic goods. (1978, 11) An examination of this transformation of resources requires a study of society's technology, its organisation and efficiency, in essence the study of a local or micro economy. However, attention must also be devoted to ‘exchange values, ... to the fundamental and exigent question of the precise modes of exchange

A large number of ringforts have been at least partially dug, therefore this monument type has produced the greatest quantity of relevant evidence. Unfortunately, relatively few of these sites have been completely or scientifically excavated. The best known examples of 4

INTRODUCTION

involved and the manner in which they articulated with political, administrative, social, religious, and other institutions’ (Wheatley 1975, 230). This will reflect the macro-economy of society as a whole, incorporating an examination of the dominant social ideology, an ideology being a system ‘of ideas and beliefs that are used to justify morally the economic and social relationships within an economic system’ (Hunt 1978, 11). Such a study should portray how inextricably linked economy is with politics, social structure and religion.

there is no serious threat to the community. No reorganisation is required to deal with common emergencies, e.g. harvest-failures or attacks by ‘usual’ enemies. No new decisions are necessitated as methods of dealing with such occurrences would be incorporated into the traditional rules governing the society/community. A people operating a customary economy generally have no central or 'national' power centre, when emergencies arise they are dealt with by traditional responses, by an improvised and temporary unification of resources.

All of this raises the question as to whether it is possible, or even desirable, to separate the micro- and macro-economy. The study of a micro-economy would involve a detailed examination of technology and its organisation within a settlement or small community. Such a study would perhaps focus on a particular type of settlement in an attempt to identify sites of different status and examine the evidence in relation to that from other types of contemporary settlement. Alternatively, is a discussion of technological processes (except where related to foreign contact), the functions of the tools used therein, and methods of assemblage analysis (except where relevant to distributional bias etc.) really necessary to a study of the economy of the whole island? Would an examination of the distribution and organisation of individual activities suffice? Can it be assumed that certain archaeological remains reflect the practice of a specific activity, without detailing their exact role?

Command Economy Critical emergencies, those unforeseen by tradition or custom, require the evolution of a more positive leadership. During the re-organisation of society, command will begin to emanate from a specific centre. The resulting command economy is almost invariably military in nature (Hicks 1969). Change is most commonly sparked by a dispute over land and its ownership. When population pressure increases so too do land requirements. When a tribe or community requires (or desires) more food-producing land, they will inevitably begin to encroach on their neighbours in order to obtain it. Usually, only a centralised military response will encourage the aggressors to look elsewhere. A pure command economy will exist in an emergency situation where the entire community becomes an army with a strong central command. To survive, a command economy must eventually be transmuted from a military organisation to a civil government, with army officers becoming governors and other such civil leaders.

The employment of an ecological anthropology approach requires a combination of both micro- and macro-economy. It involves an examination of the physical and biotic environment, the tools and techniques available to use that environment, and the material transactions between populations and the environment, and between peoples (Gross 1983). Inherent in the last is a discussion of social structure and ideology. Examining the documentary, environmental, artefactual and structural remains of a society enables the reconstruction of that society's economy. Previous studies, both anthropological and archaeological, have identified five general types of early economy (Hicks 1969) that can be considered here in relation to the evidence under scrutiny.

Feudal Economy When, or if, this transmutation does not succeed, a feudal economy develops. Some measure of allegiance to the centre is retained but the power of the central command becomes very limited. Society reverts largely to custom, custom expressing itself in hierarchy. The power of the central command is usually depleted by problems experienced in the transfer of contributions from the working classes to the central élite. Contribution, of course, exists in the customary economy, in fact in any economy where there is a class that does not support itself by the work of its hands. Such contributions or ‘taxes’ become absorbed into customary offerings or tributes. In return, the leader must offer some form of support to his servants/clients.

Custom Economy Custom economies (including tribal, familiar, hierarchical etc.) are based on contribution and a corpus of tradition which prescribes individual function within that economy. This applies to all levels of society, everyone from slave to king/chief/leader has a certain role and corresponding rights. Such an economy develops when a community remains relatively undisturbed by external pressures and every member is allowed to perform their allotted tasks and decision-making.

To support a command economy, however, these contributions (most commonly in the form of agricultural produce) must reach the central élite directly and not via the local lords/leaders as in a custom economy. This is where it becomes very easy to slip into feudalism. Once the army officers are dispersed to the various provinces/kingdoms, they are now much nearer to the sources of revenue than is the central government. It makes little sense to transport

This economic system can only survive for as long as 5

CHAPTER 1

goods from a distant area to the central headquarters only to have the same goods returned to the lords of the area where they originated. It is obviously much easier and efficient to allow the local leaders to take their share of the goods as they make their journey to the centre. Therefore, only the residue will reach the centre, vastly reducing its power and role in society.

The structures or ‘shops’ of such specialised traders could exist alongside the workshops of artisans. Craftsmen also produce goods for the market, their difference to traders being that they work on the materials obtained before selling them on. Unlike in the revenue economy where craftsmen work for a master or patron, in the market economy, they work for the market.

In practical terms, the feudal economy is based on a hierarchy of different classes, each inextricably linked to its neighbour in a system of mutual obligations where agricultural produce, labour and military service/allegiance were offered in exchange for a fief or feudum – a hereditary right to farm the land. This system is governed by a set of laws, more formal than the traditions governing a custom economy.

Modern economy is a simple development of the basic market or capitalist system. According to Marx (1964, 110–120), capitalism is based on three principles; the capitalists must control the means of production, the labourers are denied independent access to the means of production (forcing them to sell their labour to the capitalists), and the capitalists must have the ability to maximise the surplus produced by the labourers. This results in a system of ceaseless accumulation and improvements in production method. However, none of this could be achieved without the monetisation of the economy, the establishment of the separate entities of town and country, and the strict division of class.

Bureaucratic Economy The only alternative to feudalism for the ruler of a command economy was to create a civil administration – a bureaucracy or civil service, a system more complex than the feudal example. However, a bureaucratic economy can only fulfil its true potential when market institutions evolve to support it. Three conditions are required to support the existence of a bureaucracy. Firstly, servants must be employed to keep a check on other servants. Secondly, a system of promotion or transfer is required to prevent individual independence arising from over-familiarity of the same office, and finally, a system of recruitment must be installed in order to continually refresh the bureaucracy with new, specifically trained, entrants.

The Economic Context of Early Medieval Ireland To trace the nature and development of the economy of this period it is first necessary to examine the conditions that preceded it and, indeed, those that brought it to a close.

All four of these economic models have a common feature, namely a system of revenue, be it in the form of tax, tribute or land rent. The different types of a revenue economy can be divided into two groups; pure custom and command economies, and mixed feudalism (with a leaning towards custom) and bureaucracy (with a leaning towards command). It is the concentration of revenue that facilitates deliberate and creative specialisation. Elites attempt to surround themselves with luxury items to illustrate and reinforce their position, thus enabling some of their servants/clients to become specialised e.g. craftsmen. This specialisation eventually leads to a capitalist or market economy.

The Iron Age Our understanding of the Pre-Christian Iron Age in Ireland (c.500BC–500AD) has long been unsatisfactory, though recent work is increasing our knowledge of this period. A discussion of the economy of any people begins with a basic division of the evidence into two main areas; food production and craft production, elements of both combining in an examination of trade, exchange and overall economy. The primary disadvantage in attempting to assess the economy of Iron Age Ireland is our relative lack of settlement sites in the archaeological record. Nonetheless, information can be pieced together from various other remains such as pollen analyses, stray finds and artefacts from ceremonial or ritual sites. How accurate an impression of daily life this gives is uncertain.

The Beginnings of a Market Economy A market economy arises from a customary model made hierarchical by a command element. Such a society is largely agricultural with a government of some form and a limited handicraft industry. It does not, however, have any specialised traders or merchants. Regular social gatherings provide opportunities for trade, at first casual bartering but the more regular the ‘fairs’ become, the more chance for some people to start acting as middlemen, acquiring goods for their exchange value. These middlemen develop into specialist traders using semi-permanent or permanent structures to store goods, moving their base of operations away from the farm to the market-place.

Food production in the period consisted of two main elements, namely crop cultivation and animal husbandry. Evidence for the exploitation of the surrounding environment in the form of hunting, gathering and fishing is negligible. For example, very few bones of wild animals have been recovered from Iron Age contexts, and include small quantities of red deer, hare, fox, badger and wolf. Beeswax was collected and used in the cire perdue method of casting metal items, while hazelnuts were probably quite commonly gathered, a sizeable quantity found at Dún Ailinne, Co. Kildare (Wailes 1990). From the same site came the seeds of many wild plants, some of which may have been dietary supplements, e.g. pale pesicara 6

INTRODUCTION

(Polygonum persicaria) and goosefoot (Chenopodium album).

drystock cattle for their meat (1991). The emphasis of animal husbandry at Navan, Co. Armagh (settlement phase 3ii–3iii) was on pig-rearing. Beef, though cattle were less numerous than pig, accounted for most of the meat consumed, while sheep were kept mainly for their wool. Other bones included those of horse, dog, red deer, possibly wolf and the skull of a barbary ape (McCormick 1997, 117–120).

Evidence of crop cultivation is known from Iron Age Ireland even though several pollen studies, including Red Bog, Co. Louth, Littleton Bog, Co. Tipperary (Mitchell and Ryan 1997) and Loughnashade, Co. Armagh (Weir 1997), suggest a decline in agricultural activity. The grains of weeds of cultivation and grasses all decrease as a simultaneous rise in hazel values occur, followed by an increase in ash, elm and oak. This reflects the regeneration of secondary woodland in once clear, cultivated plots. Despite this, however, some measure of tillage was still practised. Even taking into account the clear preservation bias, this smaller scale crop husbandry can be seen in the evidence from Dún Ailinne, Co. Kildare. From the entire site, only 13 grains of barley were identifiable, compared to the 19,000 animal bones. Monk has identified grain from three other sites which he dates to the ultimate Bronze Age/formative Iron Age. The remains from Rathgall hillfort, Co. Wicklow, were too charred and crushed to be identified, while site 27 at Carrowmore, Co. Sligo, produced grains of barley, oats and rye, and the crannóg of Rathtinaun, Co. Sligo, barley and flax (Monk 1986, 32).

Obviously, when examining craft production in Iron Age Ireland, ironworking is the defining technical characteristic of the period. Iron ores were reasonably plentiful in Ireland, found in the form of bog ores and small outcrops. Evidence of the second/third century AD from Rathgall hillfort, Co. Wicklow, points to the smelting of iron ore in a bowl-furnace. This was hemispherical in shape and clay lined, capable of producing small quantities of iron in each smelt. The quality of the ironwork produced is rather variable. In some cases, a high level of technical skill is evident (e.g. the deliberate carburization of the Rathtinaun axehead blade) while elsewhere basic deficiencies are encountered. This was probably due to the wider dissemination of iron to craftsmen of modest competence while the high technical level occasionally associated with poor quality metal may reflect the use of a new metal by smiths familiar with working in bronze. This is also suggested by recent excavations along the route of the new M4 motorway in eastern Ireland, where ironworking furnaces and hearths produced Late Bronze Age and early Iron Age radiocarbon dates (Carlin et al. forthcoming). This reflects a close link between the new metal and the dominant bronze technology of the period.

Artefactual evidence of crop cultivation consists of one sickle, four ards, and over two hundred beehive querns. The single iron sickle comes from Lisnacrogher, Co. Antrim, and the oak ard remains from Corlea (Co. Longford), Gortygeeheen (Co. Clare), Attavally (Co. Mayo), and Gortnacartglebe (Co. Donegal) (Raftery 1994, 122–23). The beehive querns consist of a lower flat disc, 28-36cm in diameter, with an upper bunshaped stone rotated by hand with a wooden or iron handle. None of these are from a settlement context, in fact they are found almost exclusively in bogs and the majority of examples are scarcely worn (Caulfield 1977). The possibility of a ritual significance should not be discounted, though it is significant that the use of the rotary quern was widespread in farm settlements of the Early Medieval period.

The craft of the bronzesmith in the Iron Age was well developed, as evidenced by the finished artefact record. In addition to the techniques established and developed in the Bronze Age (e.g. sheet-working and repoussé), new methods introduced in the Iron Age included the use of red enamel to decorate metal items and the versatile cire perdue method of casting. Unfortunately, due to the relative lack of workshop remains (artefactual and structural), we are forced to infer these techniques and the tools used from the finished artefacts, which themselves are relatively few in number compared to Late Bronze Age and Early Medieval assemblages. Recent work at Ráith na Ríg on Tara has, however, produced evidence of the first nonferrous workshop dated to the Iron Age (Roche 2002). Beneath the enclosing bank of Ráith na Ríg were found the remains of industrial activity including ‘precious’ metalworking. Evidence consisted of a large metalworking hearth, structural/workshop remains, and an assemblage of relevant finds. Both iron-smithing and bronze-working occurred in this area.

The evidence of animal husbandry is comparatively scarce, with very few sites producing an assemblage of bones for analysis. The bones from Dún Ailinne were examined by Crabtree who identified 53.9% of the total number of fragments as cattle remains, 36.3% pig, 7.3% sheep or goat and 2.5% horse. There were also three dog bones and three bones of red deer. All skeletal parts were present indicating the slaughter of animals on the hilltop. Calves formed 71.2% of the cattle remains, while most of the elderly adults were female. Crabtree saw this as indicative of a dairying system with a high number of calves killed and the females slaughtered only when they could no longer give milk (1990). Finbar McCormick has recently contradicted this interpretation, pointing out that cattle will not give milk unless the calves are present. He interprets the remains as the product of rearing

Woodworking was probably the most widely practised of the craft activities due to its myriad uses and the ready availability of raw material. We know from the materials used in the Corlea trackway and associated 7

CHAPTER 1

pollen studies, that 200–300 oak trees and the same number of birch were felled in the locality for use in the road construction, as were alders, elms, hazel and an occasional yew (Raftery 1994). It is evident from several wooden artefacts that Iron Age carpenters were more than competent woodworkers. The specific properties of various woods were known and exploited, for example the Clonoura shield, Co. Tipperary consists largely of the strong but light alder, however the vital grip is of the stronger oak. The Corlea timbers and associated wooden vessels reflect the use of axes, adzes, wedges for splitting, knives, chisels, gouges, and a fine drill.

(Killeen 1976). The Broighter boat suggests the use of quite large vessels with mast, sail and oars, probably for coastal travel (Farrell and Penny 1975). The possible presence of a Roman trader or merchant is suggested by the remains of a timber boat of carvelconstruction, recently recovered from Lough Lene in Co. Westmeath (Brindley and Lanting 1990). The vessel is of Mediterranean build, flat-bottomed with oak planks lying flush with one another (unlike the more common clinker-built boats with overlapping timbers). Barry Raftery offered the opinion that ‘perhaps it was built by Roman traders to facilitate the transport of goods to the interior from some trading colony nearer the coast’ (1994, 209).

Another relatively common activity was bone-working. Bone and antler were used to manufacture handles, hilts, needles and gaming pieces. Bone was also used in a more ritual context at the Loughcrew passage tomb complex in Co. Meath where approximately 5,000 bone slips were recovered, some engraved with compass-drawn curvilinear ornament (Raftery 1994).

It would seem most likely from the, admittedly inadequate, evidence that Iron Age Ireland was organised around a basic, customary economy. Society was probably organised on a tribal system supported by an agricultural base and with some measure of contact with the neighbouring island. Unfortunately, present ignorance of the exact social structure, political organisation, and many aspects of daily life prevent the observation of any economic detail.

The final relevant craft activity is that of textile and leather production. Due to the poor preservation of textile fragments, very little can be said about the clothing produced. In only three instances have tiny fragments of fabric survived, by adhering to bronze objects. Two came from the burials of Carrowbeg North, Co. Galway and Betaghstown, Co. Meath, while the third was found at Navan Fort. All are simple tabby weaves, two of linen and the Betaghstown example is a very fine net or gauze made from horsehair (Bender Jørgensen 1992). A small number of spindle-whorls are known and two possible weaving combs or carding tools. The absence of loom weights may reflect the use of the horizontal or two-beam vertical loom. The only surviving leather piece is the covering of the Clonoura shield, though leather must have been widely used in the manufacture of a variety of items, from shoes to scabbards.

The Viking Period The final centuries of the study period are marked by the establishment of several Viking towns in the decades around 900 AD, including the settlements of Dublin, Limerick, Waterford, Wexford and Cork. These towns developed their own economies that utilised the role of the settlements as trading posts. Little more than a brief overview of the economy of the Vikings in Ireland is attempted here, as this thesis is primarily a study of native economy. However, some knowledge of the Viking evidence is necessary to assess any possible impact on native economy. Much of the evidence from the Viking towns has yet to be fully published, and the sheer volume of the evidence from excavated sites does not allow the author to undertake an independent study.

It is impossible to draw many conclusions from this rather scant and biased evidence, other than to say that both animal and crop husbandry were practised. It seems likely that craft production was a domestic activity, though with the lack of workshop evidence it is impossible to say for certain. The extent of foreign contact is also unknown, though evidence of contact with the Roman world is known (see Kenney 1979 for Classical documentary references to Ireland, Bateson 1973 and Chapter 14 on trade and exchange).

From the information already published, it is possible to describe Viking Dublin as a centre of craft production and a trading port. Some areas of the town have been identified as artisan or craftworking quarters, with woodturning and coopering on Winetavern St., leather-working on High St., bone, antler and metalworking on High St. and Christchurch Place, and amber and lignite-working on Fishamble St. These workshops produced more goods than were required for local consumption, housing specialists who produced a surplus for use in trade. The market that developed in Dublin was facilitated by, and in turn encouraged, the use of a monetary system with coins being minted in the town from c.997 AD. It has been suggested (Murray 1983, Wallace 1986) that a number of the houses on Fishamble St. (situated along the waterfront) may have been the homes of merchants dealing in goods produced by the nearby workshops.

Clearly, a major factor in such contact was sea-travel and transport. That the Irish used dugout canoes is very probable, at least on inland waterways, since such vessels were known from the Bronze Age. As yet, only one example has been dated to the Iron Age, that from Gortgill, Co. Antrim radiocarbon dated to 350BC– 70AD. Skin-covered coracles were very likely used also, such vessels are mentioned by Solinus in the midthird century AD as having been used by the Irish 8

INTRODUCTION

Food production, on the other hand, was not confined within the town. The population depended on its hinterland to supply both meat and cereals as well as many of the raw materials required for building and craft production. Hazelnuts, blackberries, raspberries, strawberries, apples and sloes were found in Dublin though not grown there (Geraghty 1996). Pigs and goats were kept in the town (bones of young animals found), however cattle were the chief source of meat consumed, providing c.90% of the total meat weight. These animals were brought into the town and slaughtered there. The majority of the cattle remains were those of mature cows over four years and bulls, reflecting a beef economy. The small number of sheep bones recovered reflects the raising of these animals for wool and not meat (Wallace 1985, 134). Studies of cereals, fish and shellfish remains have yet to be published, though all three played a part in the town's economy (Mitchell 1987).

foreign contacts stimulated the growth, not only of the Viking towns, but also the expansion of the native monastic towns and markets. Finds of Viking silver throughout the island reflect the distribution of wealth to the native Irish, whether through peaceful or hostile contacts. Norse technology influenced native smithing and boat-building, while the art styles of the two cultures gradually became intertwined. It is evident from all of this that the Viking towns operated a market economy, albeit in its most basic form. This may have been an intrusive system which did not arise from a native customary or feudal model. This thesis will examine the influence of Viking urban economy on the development of native economic organisation in the Early Medieval period. The Present Study This thesis can be divided into two main sections, namely the compilation of evidence relevant to the economy of settlement in Early Medieval Ireland, followed by an examination of that information and the development of a theoretical model from which comparisons and conclusions can be drawn. As such, the study involves a thorough evaluation of the work of specialists in various fields, though an element of primary or direct research is introduced through a detailed case study (Appendix 3). The earthen ringfort of Rathgurreen, Co. Galway, was excavated in the late 1940s, however no post-excavation analyses were undertaken and the results of the work never analysed. This work has been completed by the author and is used to illustrate the theories developed in the thesis.

All of the aforementioned evidence comes from the excavations of Viking Dublin which was the most important of the Irish towns. Its economy is that of a coastal port and must surely be similar, if on a larger scale, to those of the other coastal towns. In Viking Wexford, cattle were also the dominant species of the faunal assemblage, others represented including pig and sheep, domestic dog, deer, seal, hare and porpoise. Bird bones included those of domestic fowl, goose, and duck, while some fish bones were also recovered. The remains of haw, apple, blackberry /raspberry, sloe and bilberry were discovered, in addition to evidence of the exploitation of oats and barley. Textile production was evident in finds of flax and hemp seeds, with other crafts including antler-working, comb-making and the working of goat horn-cores (Bourke 1995, 33–36).

The term ‘Early Medieval period’ is employed throughout this work to refer to the years between approximately 400 AD and 1169 AD, centuries that saw the flourishing of Irish culture and which are celebrated for their artistic, ecclesiastical and technological achievements. None of the terms in current use accurately reflect the period, due to the subjective nature of determining its beginning and end. For the purposes of this study, the aforementioned dates mark two important events which had a strong impact on life in Ireland. The year 400 is taken as a rough marker for the introduction of Christianity, while 1169 saw the start of Anglo-Norman colonisation.

The Viking evidence from Waterford is somewhat later, dating from the late eleventh to the mid-twelfth century AD. Cattle dominated the faunal assemblage, the remains reflecting an emphasis on beef-production as opposed to dairying. In the late eleventh to early twelfth century sheep were less plentiful than pig, while the opposite was true in the mid-twelfth century. The bones of horse, dog and cat were also recovered (McCormick 1997, 819–852). Evidence of crop cultivation consisted of grains of hulled barley, oats, wheat and rye, numerous quernstones and a sickleblade (Tierney and Hannon 1997, 854–893). Other foodstuffs included hazelnuts, blackberries, sloes and apples. Hunted animals included red and roe deer, hare, hedgehog, wolf, wild pig, fox, rabbit, otter, seal and cetacean. Fishing was evident in finds of stone netsinkers and iron fish-hooks. Crafts undertaken included bone- and antler-working, textile production, leather-, wood-, and non-ferrous metal-working (Hurley et al. 1997).

Chronological Framework The Early Medieval period in Ireland, lasting from the introduction of Christianity in the fifth century to the Anglo-Norman incursions of the twelfth century AD, may be summarised as follows (based largely on the historical or documentary evidence). Fifth – Sixth Centuries AD The beginning of what some commentators have referred to as the Golden Age is generally marked by the introduction of Christianity in the fifth century. The first church in Ireland was episcopal in nature and limited both in terms of its distribution and influence,

The Vikings may not have had direct control of the rest of the island, however, they did alter the economy in several ways. The influx of wealth and increased 9

CHAPTER 1

existing alongside native pagan beliefs and practices (Ó Cróinín 1995).

in Irish scholarship on the Continent began in the tenth century marking a return to concentration on insular affairs.

The fifth and sixth centuries saw a period of disturbance and displacement throughout the island (MacNiocaill 1972). Older tribal groups began to be replaced by new powerful dynastic families causing the displacement of large groups of people, many of whom settled in Wales and western Britain. One of the most important events during this period was movement of the Uí Néill from Connaught, northwards to Ulster and eastwards to Meath.

In the provinces, Dál Fiatach were dominant in Ulster, Uí Dúnlainge in Leinster, the Eóganachta in Munster, Uí Briúin in Connaught and Uí Néill in Meath. The high-kingship was still claimed by the southern Uí Néill. In the 830s sporadic Viking raids became sustained campaigns with the establishment of the first wintering stations or longphorts, including Dublin, in 841 AD. The Vikings were driven from Dublin in 902, returning in 917 AD. Dublin became one of the most important of all the Viking towns, however by the end of the period they had lost most of their independent political power. The Norse settlers interacted with their native Irish neighbours and eventually became integrated into Irish society (Ó Cróinín 1995).

In Ulster the northern Uí Néill defeated the dominant Uí Cruithin kings at the battle of Druim Dergi in 516. In a series of battles between 498 and 503, the southern Uí Néill defeated the Leinstermen, particularly Dál Cormaic of south Leinster. The dominant powers in north Leinster were Uí Garrchon, followed later by Uí Failgi, while the Eóganachta were dominant in Munster. There was no strong pattern of provincial or national kingship during this period (Ó Cróinín 1995).

It was during this period also that, arguably, the highpoint of native non-ferrous metalworking was reached, with achievements such as the Tara Brooch and Ardagh Chalice. The end of the eighth century saw the first Viking raids on Ireland, specifically Rathlin Island in 795 AD.

Eleventh – Twelfth Centuries AD The eleventh and twelfth centuries saw the increased militarization of Irish society and the growth of more forceful over-kings, lesser kings now becoming lords. By the twelfth century, the Viking settlers had become thoroughly integrated into native society, with their towns now ruled by Irish kings. Having claimed the title ‘Emperor of the Irish’ in 1005 AD, Brian Boru led the Irish to victory at the Battle of Clontarf in 1014, and was slain in the process. Upon his death, Maél Sechnaill of the southern Uí Néill became the most powerful king in Ireland while the O’Briens barely managed to hold onto Munster. King of Leinster and Dublin, and referred to as ‘King of Ireland with opposition’, Diarmait macMaíl na mBó reigned from 1042 to 1072, and was succeeded within a year of his death by his ally Turlough O’Brien. Power swung from Munster to Connaught in 1114 when the then king of Munster, Muirchertach O’Brien, was forced to retire. Between 1121 and 1131, the O’Connors of Connaught held unrivalled power, with Turlough O’Connor coming closest to achieving a single, unified kingship of the whole island. Muirchertach MacLoughlin, ally of Dermot MacMurrough, held power (albeit unsteadily) between 1156 (when Turlough O’Connor died) and 1166. In 1166, MacLoughlin was defeated by the combined forces of his enemies, and Dermot MacMurrough was banished from Ireland. The latter returned in 1167, followed by a large number of Anglo-Norman knights in 1169, Strongbow in 1170, and Henry II in 1171. By 1177, the Anglo-Normans had advanced as far as Cork, Waterford and Limerick, meeting fierce native resistance along the way (Ó Cróinín 1995, 272–292).

Ninth – Tenth Centuries AD By this time, the church in Ireland had become totally integrated into society. Large monasteries played host to regional fairs or oénach, acted as patrons of craft and learning in addition to their religious function. The growth of monastic communities saw some sites emerge as small towns or monastic ‘cities’. A decline

Research Design As a collation of quite varied evidence, this thesis obviously has its limitations. Some of these derive from gaps in the specific areas of study, for example our poor understanding of textile production due to a lack of preservation in archaeological contexts, or the lack of information regarding the social position of

Seventh – Eighth Centuries AD The seventh and eighth centuries AD saw the acceptance of Christianity into Irish society. The new monasteries encouraged the development of the arts and facilitated the introduction of literacy. This period was also marked by extensive Irish missions on the Continent and in Britain. In Connaught the most prominent king was Guaire of Uí Fiachrach Aidne until the eighth century which saw the emergence of Uí Briúin. From 764 on, rival branches of the latter contested the provincial kingship. In Ulster Dál Fiatach provided 52 of the 62 kings of the province. The battle of Áth Senaig in 738 saw the decimation of Uí Cennselaig of south Leinster by the southern Uí Néill. The latter continued to rule Meath and provide the first high-kings of Ireland. From 738 to 1042 the Leinster kingship was dominated by Uí Dúnlainge of north Leinster. The eighth century in Munster saw the emergence of rival branches of the Eóganachta. This fragmentation resulted in the inability of Munster to claim the high-kingship (Ó Cróinín 1995).

10

INTRODUCTION

craftworkers, sailors or merchants as a result of the fragmentary survival of ancient documents. These are, unfortunately, only two of many examples. The potential rewards of this study, however, far outweigh the difficulties encountered in the process.

Early Medieval Ireland. The section on stone-working addresses the use of flint in the period, in addition to a study of associated materials such as jet and lignite. In a similar manner, the chapter on bone-working includes antler and horn, and glass-working covers the use of amber, enamel and millefiori. Each of the craft chapters examines the uses of different materials and the tools, equipment and structures employed in their working. The documentary evidence is essential when discussing the organisation of these activities, particularly in determining the role and status of the various craftworkers in society.

The main aim of this work is to examine the economy of settlement in Early Medieval Ireland, based largely on the evidence from excavated ringforts. It is intended to use this information to build an understanding of the general economy at the time, hopefully identifying different economic levels within society, and to chart economic/ technological progress through this period. This will be attempted by first examining the surviving documentary evidence, followed by individual chapters dealing with each of the economic components, including crop cultivation, animal husbandry, resource exploitation, stone-, wood-, clay- and bone-working, textile and leather production, iron-, glass- and precious metal-working.

The final discussion (chapters 14–18) include an examination of transport, trade and exchange. Again, the literary evidence provides much valuable information, especially in relation to the social structure and transfer of goods between different classes. The economic importance of both local and foreign trade and exchange is assessed. Then, using the information from the previous chapters, an economic model of settlement in Early Medieval Ireland is proposed. This model is used to compare sites economically, and facilitates a discussion of the economy as a whole. Topics addressed include the links between economy and social structure, between economy and settlement form, and between economy and political events. As the central settlement form of this period, the ringfort has an important place in our understanding of economy and society in Early Medieval Ireland.

The value of early Irish literary references in an interpretation of the past requires an evaluation of the various documentary sources, and their relevance to archaeological remains. It is hoped that all of the relevant evidence contained in the diverse texts can be compiled to present an economic picture. This information will then be used in conjunction with the archaeological record to, in part, determine the validity of the former, and also to supplement the findings of the latter. Chapter 3 consists of an examination of crop cultivation and associated practices in Early Medieval Ireland. The modern practice of sampling contexts for post-excavation analysis has led to the recovery of a number of botanical assemblages from various settlements. These organic remains are studied in conjunction with relevant artefactual and structural remains in an effort to identify the dominant crop grown during the period and the organisation of tillage and grain-processing. The early literary evidence is incorporated, and the specific association of crop cultivation with monastic sites investigated. Where samples are sufficiently large and wellpreserved, modern faunal analyses yield a great deal more information than their earlier counterparts. Chapter 4 presents a variety of different bone reports and discuss the most useful results. The dominant agricultural species are identified, and the early documentary emphasis on cattle-raiding investigated. The following chapter investigates the practices of hunting, gathering, fishing and fowling, compiling the relevant evidence from excavation reports and early textual references. The questions of how widespread these activities were, whether or not they were seasonal, and what role they played in the economy, are addressed. Chapters 6 through 13 deal with the crafts practised in 11

CHAPTER 1

12

DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE

Chapter II

Documentary Evidence technical accuracy of these references and their interpretation today. The writers in question may have had an understanding of what they were describing; on the other hand, a considerable amount of conjecture may have been involved. An example of this is found in Lucan’s ‘Pharsalia’ in the Cath Catharda (Stokes 1909) regarding the definition of electrum. At one point it is described as a mixture of silver and copperalloy while eleven lines later it is correctly given as a mixture of gold and silver. Such discrepancies immediately lead to suspicions of inaccuracy. Just as the original authors of a text may have had little knowledge of technology and technical terms, so too the translators of such texts. Some have been translated by scholars of early Irish linguistics who may not be very familiar with craftworking or agricultural terms and techniques.

Introduction to the Sources References to the subsistence and trade economy of Early Medieval Ireland are scattered throughout various literary sources, texts which date from the seventh to the twelfth centuries AD. Though not wholly reliable, these sources clearly cannot be ignored in any study of the period. While most of the references are extremely brief and not very informative, when viewed together as a composite body of evidence they can give an insight into life in Early Medieval Ireland. In general, the picture presented must be viewed with caution given the problematic dating and origin of this literary record (see below). There are four main groups of early Irish texts which contain references relevant to this study, namely the law tracts, the hagiographies or lives of the saints, historical sources (i.e. the annals), and several of the myths and legends. These sources contain information of both a factual and fictional nature. While early Irish myths and legends are overtly fictitious, they might contain a core or element of fact. Conversely, it must also be remembered that the supposedly ‘factual’ sources may very well have been creatively embellished by an author wielding the power of exaggeration. This is particularly true of sources written long after the period they purport to describe.

A loss of original meaning is also encountered for other reasons. Many works passed through the hands of several scribes who possibly made errors in transcription or merely edited or changed what they were transcribing. Added to this is the fact that some words may have undergone a change in meaning through time. A prime example of this is the term findbruine, originally used to describe a silver-coloured surface, though by the seventeenth century was being used in reference to brass (Hull 1964).

In this way, for example, certain grand attributes may have been given to a king in an attempt to increase or improve his status in the eyes of others. These attributes could include a list of tributes/rents due every year from his clients or ‘tenants’, the number and quality of which being a direct reflection of the king's status. In a similar manner, the authors of a saint’s biography often embellished their tales with wondrous descriptions of miraculous occurrences and examples of great charity and devotion, in order to promote the pious life led by the saint. Apart from a religious devotion, one of the reasons for this was to attract giftgiving pilgrims to the monastic site founded by the saint in question.

Finally, the dating of the evidence is quite often, and very easily, overlooked. For example, the majority of the law texts date to the seventh and eighth centuries despite being preserved in later medieval manuscripts. In addition, most of the texts are extensively glossed and these additions can be considerably later than the original. What is sometimes forgotten is just how much later they may be. An eleventh- or twelfth-century gloss may bear little reference to the original information and probably reflects contemporary medieval society. Being aware of all of these pitfalls is necessary prior to a study of the information contained in the texts. Often the true value of a reference can only be revealed by comparing it with the archaeological evidence. The accuracy of these references may be supported by archaeological evidence which can lend credibility to the text as a whole. Conversely, these literary sources may assist in our interpretation of archaeological remains, to provide a broader picture of Early Medieval society.

Source Criticism Of the numerous problems encountered in the interpretation of early historical texts, the fragmentary nature of the evidence is perhaps the most significant. No specific economic documents survive, and useful information is scattered throughout the various sources. A further problem is that ‘the works in which they [the references] occur are literary, religious or historical compositions which have no technological pretensions’ (Scott 1981c, 251). This calls into question the

Political Context A brief outline of the political and social structure of Early Medieval Ireland, as portrayed in documentary sources, will provide an important context for 13

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understanding the circulation of wealth and the economy of the period. Early Irish society was strictly hierarchical, it consisted of several classes or levels of status connected by a system of tribute and fiefdom. This was not, however, a caste system – individuals could move from one class to another, in both directions. Not fulfilling an appointed role meant the possible loss of position or rank, while acquiring enough land and/or other forms of wealth entitled a person to improve their social position. Essentially, society was divided into three groups; the nobility, the free, and the un-free. The nobility were collectively known as the Nemed, the privileged classes. In two of the law tracts dealing specifically with status (Uraicecht Becc and Críth Gablach), seven grades of Nemed are identified.

1. Rí Ruirech

- Supreme or provincial king

2. Rí Túaithe

- Overking of a few petty kingdoms

3. Rí Túath

- King of one petty kingdom

4. Aire Forgill

- Lord of superior testimony

5. Aire Tuíseo

- Lord of precedence

6. Aire Ard

- High Lord

7. Aire Déso

- Lord of vassalry

The aire déso had five un-free and five free clients. From the latter he received 25 cows each year (five from each) and agricultural produce. He received from his lord a fief of six cumals (see below), though whether in the form of land or cattle is uncertain. The aire ard had 10 free and un-free clients and received 100 cows every year from them and from his lord, a fief of seven cumals. The aire túise had 15 un-free and 12 free clients. He received 150 cattle per year from them and eight cumals from his lord. The aire forgill had 40 clients, 20 of each. He received 240 cattle from them and 10 cumals from his king (MacNeill 1923). For the four aires and two main free classes we are given some detail as to their possessions. At the lower end, the ócaire owned seven cows, one bull, seven pigs, one sow, seven sheep, seven cumals of land, a share in a kiln, a mill, a barn, a cooking pot, and a quarter share in a plough team, which consisted of an ox, plough-share, goad and halter. The bóaire was subdivided into two grades – the lower bóaire febsa possessed ten cattle, sheep and pigs, 14 cumals of land and a half share in a plough-team. The upper grade or mruigfer had 20 cattle, sheep and pigs, 21 cumals of land, and a full plough-team (ibid. 1923). While the quantities listed here may not be accurate, these tracts do indicate the hierarchical nature of society and the measure of economic interaction between some of the classes, the figures providing a relative quantification of property appropriate to social grade. The numbers can vary slightly in different texts but the order or structure always remains the same.

Table 1. Nemed Grades (O’Kelly 1988, xxiii) There are two main classes of non-nemed freemen; the ócaire and the bóaire, their modern day equivalents being the small and strong farmer, respectively. There also existed a semi-independent youth class known as the fer midboth. Beneath this level were the un-free who included fuidir, a semi freeman or tenant at will, bothach, a cottier, senchléithe, a hereditary serf, and mug/cumal, a male/female slave. The difference between a fuidir and bothach is not clarified in the texts.

To examine the references to economy it is best to divide them into the three main areas of food production, craft production, and trade and exchange. Food Production This refers to agricultural activity, including both pastoral and arable farming, and the exploitation of wild food resources. The documentary and archaeological evidence suggests that all three were exploited, with mixed farming supplemented by some element of gathering and fishing.

The system of clientship which operated in Early Medieval Ireland consisted of a series of contractual agreements between a lord or king and a number of socially inferior clients. In return for a grant of land and/or livestock, and legal and military protection, the client paid an annual tribute or ‘rent’ of foodstuffs and also provided the lord with hospitality, labour and military service. Two types of client existed – the free and the un-free. Free clients were only marginally inferior to their lords, the alliance being of mutual benefit, with either party free to withdraw from the agreement without incurring any major penalties. Unfree clients were more dependent on their lords and bound to them for the set duration of their contract – generally seven years, the prime lactation span of a cow. The social position of a lord was reflected in the number and status of clients held.

Pastoral Farming In all literary sources, cattle-raising is portrayed as the main focus of agricultural activity in Early Medieval Ireland. In mythology and legend one need look no further than the Táin which portrays a society where cattle-raiding was obviously a common cause of major conflict, and where a bull was regarded as a much sought-after prized possession (O’Rahilly 1967). Cattle theft is also mentioned by Cogitosus in his Life of St. Brigit. He tells of cattle being stolen by men of another province only to have their attempt thwarted by the miraculous flooding of a river (Picard and Connolly 1987). The importance and value of cattle is again seen in the Cáin Domnaig or ‘the law of Sunday’. This text was composed in the first half of the eighth century and 14

DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE

lists the activities which were forbidden on a Sunday. These included travel, unless it was to help protect cattle from wolves, or to rescue cattle from a quagmire (Hull 1966).

expressed in terms of spring and autumn fleeces (Binchy 1966). The law texts state that a lamb was worth one penny at birth, while a two-year old female was valued at three scruples (Kelly 1997, 76–77). The value of a pig ranged from one penny at birth to a maximum of three scruples for a three-year old animal (ibid. 82–83).

A passage in the Ancient Laws states that cattle should be locked up in an enclosure at night, to prevent both theft and trespass (McCormick 1995). It also appears that, in some areas at least, a system of booleying was practised, with cattle moved to upland areas in summer. The practice of booleying is mentioned in an eighth-century law tract on the forms of distraint (Binchy 1973). Legal glosses also frequently distinguish between the home farm and summer milking-place, while St. Máelrúain of Tallaght is recorded as having visited a summer milking-place (Kelly 1997, 43–44). The literary references also reflect an emphasis on dairying. Cogitosus notes that on a particular occasion a cow was milked three times in one day (Picard and Connolly 1987), while in the Life of St. Finán of Kinnitty there is evidence that the necessity of a calf being present to stimulate lactation in a cow was common knowledge. When a wolf kills the calf of one of the saint’s cows, he summons the wolf who then substitutes the calf at milking time (Lucas 1958).

Other livestock possibly exploited for meat include both horse and domestic fowl. That horse-meat was, at least occasionally, eaten is suggested by the stated disapproval of such activity in the literary sources (ibid. 100). Hens are also frequently mentioned in the law texts, for example a laying hen was worth two bushels of grain, while a bird fit only for the cooking pot half a bushel (ibid. 102). Agrarian Farming The agrarian aspect of early Irish economy has often been wrongly overlooked in studies of early Irish literature, due to the mistaken impression that the various sources contain little relevant information. However, Tír Cumaile describes the best class of cultivable land as that which could grow corn, flax, woad and madder (MacNiocaill 1971). The listing of an ócaire’s possessions reveals that the plough was usually drawn by a team of oxen, the exact number of which is uncertain – perhaps four or two teams of two (Kelly 1988). In the Life of Maédóc of Ferns a six-ox team is recorded (Plummer 1910, ii, 152). Ploughing for most people would have been a communal or group activity. The same is true of harvesting, for example Cogitosus recounts how Brigit summoned reapers and labourers from the surrounding area to help with the harvest.

The basic unit of value used in society was the milch cow. There is some disagreement over the relative value of different forms of currency though, generally, it appears that the cow was equivalent in worth to one ounce of silver, two séts (a fixed unit of value), one third of a cumal, 24 scruples or 72 pennies (Kelly 1997, 58). Cumal is a confusing term, however, as it is used to describe a female slave, a unit of currency, and an area of land. It must also be remembered that the value of cows varied, ranging from two scruples for a very young calf to a maximum of 24 for an eight-year old plough oxen or six-year old milch cow (ibid. 59– 65). A cumal of first class land was worth 24 cows, of upland twenty cows, land that needed to be worked and prepared before use 16 cows, while rough or very rough land was worth between 12 and 16 dry cows. This information is given in the Tír Cumaile, an eighthcentury text on the value of land (MacNiocaill 1971). It also lists several items which increase the value of land, including a cattle-pond and cattle-track.

The harvest was of great importance to the economy and failed harvests are occasionally mentioned in the sources. Heavy rainfall was probably one of the most common dangers, for example Finán of Kinnitty (Offaly) prayed that the rain falling elsewhere would not fall on his field of ripening corn (ibid. 92). Stray livestock were another threat – in the Life of Buite of Monasterboice (Louth), the crop is flattened by a stray cow but is miraculously restored. A murrain which killed oxen also affected the harvest. An example is recorded in the annals in 699 A.D. which broke out in the Midlands and was followed by three years of famine and pestilence (Ó Cróinín 1995). The harvest team (meitheal) is also mentioned elsewhere; Maédóc of Ferns had a team of 150 men, while Kevin of Glendalough provided meat and beer for his harvesters.

Judging from the literary evidence, pigs and sheep were also kept though were not such a vital element of the economy. They were both exploited for their meat, and sheep for their fleeces also. Both fleeces and flitches of bacon are mentioned amongst the tributes due to a lord or king. In the Life of Brigit, Cogitosus describes the cooking of bacon in a cauldron for guests, the grazing of sheep on a level grassy plain, and the receipt of gifts including fat pigs (Picard and Connolly 1987). In Bretha Déin Chécht – the judgements of Dian Chécht, a mythical physician-god – the compensation due for suffering a facial wound is

Corn was reaped with sickles, an implement included in a list of vital farm tools a farmer deposited overnight with his neighbour as a guarantee that he would return in the morning to carry out joint farming agreements (Kelly 1988). After reaping, the sheaves had to be winnowed and threshed. Cainnech’s monks at Clonbroney winnowed by hand on bare flagstones in 15

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an open field, and were much hampered by rain as they had not the services of anyone who could construct and operate a kiln to dry the corn (Ó Cróinín 1995). Ciarán of Clonmacnoise had a kiln built on the river-bank, a kiln which consisted of a recessed circular pit with a cover of wattle (Plummer 1910, i, 204). The grain was strewn on the wattle and a fire set in the pit below. The majority of kilns were built for communal use.

convalescing patient was to receive two loaves daily. A distinction is also made between loaves made by women, which were to be two fists long, and those made by men, which were to be twice the size (Kelly 1988). Barley was used in the brewing of ale or beer. A law tract dated no later than 700 AD describes the process of brewing (Binchy 1981). Sacks of malt were included in the food rent a client paid to his lord. After threshing, the barley was malted by steeping the barley-corns in warm water for a prolonged period, then draining them, allowing them to germinate, exposing them to air, combing, ‘curing’ in the kiln, and then delivery to the lord. When the lord received the malt, his brewer performed three tests on it – one immediately on arrival, the next on a small cake made from the ground meal, and finally after the mashing of the malt before the final baking, cooling and coopering in casks.

Corn was threshed upon harvesting, after which the grain had to be stored. In the Annals of Ulster for 787 AD, it is recorded that a great fire destroyed half the grain store of Clonard monastery (ibid. ii, 19). On Iona, Cogitosus records the storing of grain in a barn (MacDonald 1984). It is also possible that grain was stored in a fóir-type structure; a cylindrical body built up layer by layer of superimposed rings of thick sugán or straw rope, used up until recent times in some areas of Munster (Lucas 1956). A section of the Bretha Déin Chécht dealing with sickmaintenance measures wounds in terms of grains of different crops. Nine grains are mentioned and each one is equated with a different class, e.g. wheat for a provincial king, bishop or master poet, oats for a bóaire, and a bean for an ócaire (Binchy 1966). Grain was either ground by hand using a quernstone or in a water-powered mill. The use of a mill is mentioned in several early sources. In the laws, a short tract on distraint (MacEoin 1981) lists the principal components of a mill, most of which have been equated with the archaeological evidence (water source, millrace, land of pond, upper and lower stones, shaft, point of shaft, chute, pivot-stone, hopper and sluice-gate). Another tract deals with the laws and conditions for conducting water across a neighbour’s land to power a mill (Kelly 1988). In the Tír Cumaile, it is noted that having a mill on your land increased its value by five séts. In the Life of Brigit, Cogitosus described the quarrying and shaping of a millstone and the subsequent difficulties encountered in its transportation.

Hunting, Gathering and Fishing Where possible, most farmers would have exploited the local natural environment to supplement their agricultural produce. One element of considerable economic importance here was local woodland. Not only were woods and forests home to various wild animals which could be hunted, they also provided building materials and food for both man and beast. In Bretha Comaithchesa (the ‘laws of Neighbourhood’), 28 different classes of trees and shrubs are listed, plus the penalties incurred for damaging them (Kelly 1976). The oak was considered the most noble of trees and its bark was used for tanning leather, while its acorns were the staple diet of pigs during autumn (Anderson 1961). Hazelnuts were an important foodstuff used for both animal and human consumption. Holly and ivy were occasionally used as winter fodder, while the wild apple tree was of obvious importance. Gorse and furze were used as horse fodder, while the fruits of the hawthorn, wild cherry, blackthorn, strawberry, bramble, wild rose and juniper were also eaten. In a document dealing with the monastery at Tallaght, written before 840 AD, the gathering of apples, nuts and blackberries is forbidden on a Sunday (Gwynn and Purton 1911).

In a tale of the fourth-century king of Tara, Cormac MacAirt, the latter spends a night with one of his slaves. She later discovers that she is pregnant and refuses to do any work, including grind any more corn with her quern. Cormac then sends overseas for a millwright, who comes and builds the first watermill in Ireland on the stream Nemnach, just south of Rath Loegaire (MacEoin 1981). The possible location of this mill has been identified (Newman 1997, 29) though a fourth-century date seems too early for the general dating evidence for the use of mills in Ireland (see Baillie 1980).

Another major natural resource was the sea and inland waterways. Land along the seashore could be privately owned and indeed such land provided with ‘productive rocks’ increased in value by three cows. ‘Productive rock’ probably refers to the exploitation of both seaweed and shellfish. As well as some edible varieties, seaweed was also used as a fertilizer (Ó Cróinín 1995). Shellfish was collected as a fertiliser and for the extraction of dye in addition to its food value. In some places there existed a common right to the seaweed of the shore. Sea-water would have been used for the production of salt and the term used in the ancient texts is murlaithe, literally translated as ‘seaashes’ (Scott 1981c). Salt was obviously very

Grain was primarily used to make bread, with oats also used in the production of porridges or gruels. Bread is often mentioned in the laws, e.g. when a lord and his entourage stayed with a client, that client had to provide each person with one loaf per day, while a 16

DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE

important for the preservation of various foods, a vital commodity. Also occasionally collected from the seashore were the remains of stranded whales, whalebone was found in the excavations on Inishkea North for example.

the three things which confer status on the comb-maker are ‘racing a dog in contending for a bone, straightening the horn of a ram by his breath without fire [and] chanting on a dunghill so that he summons on top what there is below of antlers and bones and horns’ (Corpus Iuris Hibernici 2220.5–7). The lack of high status is evident in the scant attention paid to these workers in the various sources. Neither spinners nor weavers are mentioned, perhaps suggesting a purely domestic activity, cloth produced as and when required for internal consumption only, and not requiring specialised craftworkers. In the Life of Brigit, Cogitosus tells of the saint visiting a poor woman whose only assets are her wooden loom, a cow and calf – a woman of low status and little income (Picard and Connolly 1987).

A further common right enjoyed by all members of a túath on private property included the ‘quick dip’ of a fishing net in a stream. In addition to a shoreline, both stream and estuary added to the value of land. The former was of use domestically, the latter a valuable trade location, and both of importance (along with the coastline) as a source of fish. The fishing of salmon, trout and eel is mentioned in the sources, while Uraicecht Becc mentions professional fishermen employed by lords or kings. Fishing weirs could be owned, either by individuals or kin-groups, and stealing from weirs incurred a heavy fine (Kelly 1997, 286–296).

The Craftsperson The sáer or woodworker/wright is, like the combmaker, mentioned in Uraicecht Becc. The three things which confer their status are ‘joining without measuring or warping, carving a decorative border, [and] an accurate blow’ (C.I.H. 1615.22–37) – much more respectable than scrounging in rubbish-tips! Four different grades of wright are identifiable in the literature, the lowest being the chariot wright, the house carpenter, the relief-carver, and the shieldmaker. Next came the wright of oaken houses, the wright of ships, barks, hide-covered boats and vessels, the millwright, and the master of yew-carving (i.e. the production of domestic vessels). The next grade consisted of wrights with all four of these abilities, while at the highest level was the chief wright who possessed all woodworking talents. There is also a suggestion that a wright employed one or more labourers to aid him in his work. Triad 104 states that there are three payments in which workmen get a share – for a cauldron, mill or house (Kelly 1988).

Hunting and trapping were also practised and were not exclusively the past-time of the nobility (one of the skills a king’s son had to be taught was the art of hunting with dogs). There were restrictions on hunting and trapping, e.g. the setting of a bird-trap without the permission of the landowner was an offence, however there was no penalty for trapping very small birds or nuisance birds such as the heron or hawk. When pit or spike traps were set for deer and game on common land, the trapper had first to warn others of their location. Failure to do so would ensure liability in the event of any injuries to people and/or livestock (Kelly 1988). In the text dealing with the monastic site at Tallaght, the only meat permitted to be consumed there was that of deer or wild swine (Gwynn and Purton 1911). Craft Production While it is evident in the archaeological record that a variety of crafts were practiced in Early Medieval Ireland, the literary references present a somewhat different picture. The sources deal mostly with metalworkers and, to a much lesser extent, with woodworkers or wrights. A small number of other craftworkers earn the briefest of mentions. This emphasis reflects the importance of these crafts in society – metalworking was essential in the production of both weapons and items of prestige, while competent woodworkers were employed in all manner of construction, from houses and churches to domestic vessels and decorative objects.

The use of the term ‘smith’ is here understood as describing the worker in bronze, copper, gold and silver and not just iron. The actual terms used in the literature are ambiguous. One possible explanation for this may be that when iron-working first began, technical terms of non-ferrous metalworking, were borrowed and adapted by the new technology. In the majority of cases it is practically impossible to determine the exact meaning of a term. For example, cerd originally meant a worker in bronze and precious metals, but was later used to mean craftsmen in general (Scott 1981c). From these sources, the metalworker in Early Medieval times does not appear to have worked in both iron and non-ferrous metals. Such a distinction is made both in fictional and ‘factual’ sources, so it is reasonable to assume that such a division of labour did exist. In legends detailing the earliest events on these islands, specifically those of the battle of Moytura (Mag Tuired), the god Lugh is aided in his battle by the three

Others briefly mentioned are the turner, leather-worker, and what MacNeill (1924) identifies as a wool-comber, and Kelly (1988) as a comb-maker. All of these are listed in Uraicecht Becc (MacNeill 1924, v.151) as having an honour-price of half a sét, thus relegating them to the status of a fer midboth. This lowly social position is further reinforced in the case of the bone/antler-worker in Bretha Nemed. This states that 17

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gods of craftsmanship: Goibniu the blacksmith, Luchta the wright, and Credne the worker in bronze.

value of trees are dealt with in the eighth-century Bretha Comaithchesa (Kelly 1976) which lists 28 varieties of trees and shrubs. These are divided into four classes – the seven nobles of the wood, the seven commoners, the seven lower divisions, and seven bushes – based on the economic role of the tree, both in terms of manufacture and food value. Also included are the various penalties incurred for damaging or destroying a tree, suggesting a definite effort to protect woodland. The nobles of the wood include oak, hazel, yew, and ash, the commoners alder, willow, elm and birch. Archaeological evidence from waterlogged sites, mostly crannógs, corroborates the use of these timbers (e.g. Hencken 1950). That some effort was invested in the acquisition of the proper wood can be seen in Adomnán’s Life of Columba where it is recorded that the monks towed 45 oak beams from the Scottish mainland to Iona for use in the reconstruction of the monastery (MacDonald 1984).

This three-fold distinction very likely reflects the position of craftsmen in society around the ninth century AD when the tale was committed to written record (Gray 1982). This distinction is further reinforced in the early law tract Lebor Aicle (O’Donovan and O’Curry 1901), where a section titled Blai Ord Indeoin deals with the blacksmith’s forge. Here, it is stated that gobae work in iron, umaide work in copper and copper-alloy, while cerda work in gold and silver. In a further passage, the Dinnra Clasaige, a distinction is made between the blacksmith and bronzesmith; And the smith never fashions a ‘white vessel’ (i.e. of precious metal), as the cerd (craftsman) does, but makes only a ‘black vessel’. (Corpus Iuris Hibernici, V.1571.18–30) In general, it would seem that the title of cerd applied to one who worked in both copper-alloy and the precious metals. This is clearly seen in Blai Ord Indeoin also, where the relevant passage can be translated as Gold and silver and copper-alloy are unindemnified in the forge of a smith, but not in the workshop of a cerd since they are inappropriate to a blacksmith’s forge but not to the workshop of a cerd. (Corpus Iuris Hibernici III:936.1ff)

The protection, and possibly the management, of woodland can also be inferred from a passage in Bretha Comaithchesa which describes the four methods of enclosing land. These include the use of an oak fence in wooded areas, a fence which should be approximately one metre wide and one metre high (Ó Corráin 1983). Finally, in Tír Cumaile (MacNiocaill 1971) which gives a list of items that increase the value of land, a wood is said to add ten séts to the land’s worth if the wood is of ‘legal standard’ and five séts if it is not. Unfortunately, no explanation of the term ‘legal standard’ is given, though perhaps it refers to primary oak woodland as opposed to secondary scrub of such trees as hazel and birch.

Indeed, many items of fine metalwork from the Early Medieval period are often composite objects of copperbronze, gold, silver and related alloys. If made by an individual then that craftsman must have had a knowledge of working in different metals. Although smiths were generally male, this was not always the case. In the tract Bretha Crolige, it is stated that if a craftsman did not have a son, he could have his daughter trained in his profession instead (C.I.H. 2295).

The importance of metal in Early Medieval Ireland can be clearly seen in early literary references beginning with those referring to its initial extraction or mining. Mining, without reference to a specific mineral, is dealt with in the Bla Miand Midchlais section of the Lebor Aicle law tract (C.I.H. I.270.15f). Here, it is clearly stated that a mine could be privately owned, and that if ore was stolen from that mine, the thief was to be fined and the property returned in whatever form it was found (ore, smelted ingots, semi-products, or finished artefacts).

There is also evidence of a three-tier hierarchy within the metalworking trade. At the highest level was the master craftsman (ollav), next the ordinary craftsman (cerd), and finally the apprentices (felmac). The work of a craftsman had to be passed by the local ollav, before he could practice in the area. These masters also took on apprentices, for which, if they received a fee, they were held liable. Uraicecht Becc reveals that the title of master craftsman was conferred by the king of the tuath, but that this was only significant if the king ruled several tuaths, i.e. was an ‘overking’.

Mining is also referred to in other texts, for example the eleventh-century Lebor na Cert which lists one of the tributes due to the Connacht dynasty as 350 blooms of iron (Dillon 1962, 48.681f). This text has been identified as a blatant piece of propaganda, however as Scott points out, ‘the fact that it was felt that consolidated blooms were a worthy tribute may be indicative of continuing small scale production’ (1994, 176). Tír Cumaile (Mac Niocaill 1971), a tract on the divisions of land stated that a mine of copper or iron added to the value of the land – the relevant passage translated as How many things increase the values of these lands?... ... a mine... .. If it be a

Raw Materials Some degree of woodland management was clearly necessitated by the widespread use of timber in the manufacture of both structures and artefacts, and this is reflected in various references. The importance and 18

DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE

mine of copper or iron it adds five séts. (C.I.H. II.676.6)

interesting information about the blacksmith’s forge from the tract. It appears to have been home to the smith, one or two people wielding hammers, a bellowsblower, and apprentices. It also confirms the use of a bellows-blown furnace. Some of the tract’s provisions include that the person wielding the hammer is exempt from penalty for injuries arising from his work, providing he has made no obvious errors and has no knowledge of any defect in the tool he is using. Similarly, the bellows-blower is not to be held at fault for injuries arising from the showers of sparks emanating from the furnace, unless of course he has blown too hard and caused an excess of sparks. If the smith has urged him to do this then the liability rests with the smith.

These tracts also differentiate between the surface of the land and what lies beneath. The landowner did not necessarily own any minerals beneath it, these could be the property of others providing they could be extracted without damaging the agricultural value of the land. It is also clear that some mines were communal, i.e. those mines situated in or on a sea cliff. Stealing from these resulted in distress of five days, while the stealing of smelted copper (refined or otherwise) resulted in distress of three days. The fact that such provisions existed suggests that thieving from mines was common which, in turn, reflects the value of metal in Early Medieval Ireland.

Among the list of incidents for which the blacksmith can be held accountable is the injuring of livestock that may wander too close. This obviously suggests that there were no walls or barriers to prevent animals approaching, and may reflect the use of flimsy shelters only. This may explain the lack of archaeological evidence of solid workshop structures. Scattered postand stake-holes are known from many excavated settlements which may well be all that remain of such an insubstantial shelter.

The importance of silver can be seen in Bretha Déin Checht where a physician’s fee is given as a yearling heifer or its equivalent in silver (Binchy 1955). Generally, an ounce of silver appears to have been equal in value to one cow or two séts. An ócaire, or ‘small farmer’, had an honour-price of three séts but could only be paid in cattle as his status was not high enough to allow him possess a precious metal. A powerful king, on the other hand, if wounded was entitled to the worth of a cow in silver. Therefore, the ócaire was to be paid in cattle only, the physician, craftsman and local king could be paid in either cattle or silver, while the king of several tuaths had to be paid in silver. Silver was obviously a form of currency reserved for the upper echelons in society.

No mention is made of a wright’s workshop in the sources, while a similar absence in the archaeological record is perhaps explained by the perishable nature of such diagnostic remains as wood-chippings and waste pieces of timber. In addition, much of a wright’s work would have, of necessity, been undertaken outdoors, most notably the construction of buildings.

The Workshop Literary references to iron-workers and artificers in non-ferrous metals would appear to indicate a considerable degree of craft specialization in Early Medieval times, consistent with the high quality of finished objects. Such specialization may also have extended to the place of work within a contemporary settlement site. This is supported, to a degree, by the archaeological evidence where evidence of ferrous and non-ferrous metalworking was found to have been spatially separated e.g. Dunmisk, Co. Tyrone (Ivens 1989) and Knowth, Co. Meath (Eogan 1977). This may only have applied to the wealthiest settlements with smaller sites such as Reask, Co. Kerry (Fanning 1981) providing evidence for the working of both iron and non-ferrous metals in the one area. At other sites, such as Garranes, Co. Cork (Ó Ríordáin 1942), where evidence of ferrous and non-ferrous metalworking is found together, the excavation record does not permit an assessment of their spatial relationship.

Craft Communities The only mention of a community or group of people who could possibly be associated with woodworking as a profession is given by MacNeill (1911). He refers to a people called the Scíathrige, which he translates as the ‘people of shields’. As he points out, such names may reflect the nature of the rents paid by groups to their lords, in this case shields. However, the evidence is, at best, tenuous. A number of specific groups associated with mining and metalworking have been located in early genealogical sources. The metal in question is not usually specified, one exception being Na Cuirc who, as already mentioned, paid their tributes in iron blooms. The most commonly referred to group, however, are the Cerdr(a)ige. As already mentioned, cerd originally referred to a bronze-worker though was later used to mean craftsmen in general, therefore the exact nature of the associated metalworking is unknown. The second part of the name, -raige or -rige, merely refers to a ‘local autonomous community’ (Ó Córráin 1974, 66). Ó Córráin identifies at least three distinct groups of Cerdrige, all of whom appear in Munster. One is located in West Cork, another is

While there are no references to non-ferrous metal workshops, the forge of the blacksmith is dealt with in one particular law tract, Blai Ord Indeoin (C.I.H. III.936.1ff). This lists the injuries which could occur in a forge and outlines where the responsibility should lie in such an eventuality. It is possible to glean some 19

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associated with the Deisi of East Limerick, and the third is closely linked with the Eóganacht, possibly located near Cashel. A further group associated with mining are the Síl mBuinne of Bantry. In the Dinnshenchas of Ailen Cobthaig they are referred to in a verse, translated as Men shall come and go between the rocks and the land, quarrying ore with great toil. They who do the crushing shall be Síl mBuinne of Benntraige. (Ó Córráin 1974, 68)

vassal status as indeed the status of the Cerdrige peoples as a whole seems to have been’ (1974, 67). It is true that the metalworker held a respected place in society. According to a law tract which deals with status, Uraicecht Becc (C.I.H. V.1614), the blacksmith, coppersmith and silversmith all had a fixed honourprice of seven séts. This honour-price was equal to that of the lowest grade of noble, allowing the smith to host feasts for kings. In the Táin, Culann the blacksmith entertains King Conchobar and his retinue; Culand the cerd dwelt in Ulster. He prepared a feast for the king and went to Emain to invite him. He told him to come with a small number unless he could bring a few genuine guests, for neither land nor domain had he but only his hammers and his anvils, his fists and his tongs. (Book of Leinster, 23.822f)

This appears to suggest that this particular group were employed in crushing the ore in preparation for smelting. Ó Córráin concludes that ‘one thing that comes out in the genealogies ... is that the bronze workers form a coherent community at a local level, whereas there are no certain references to communities of smiths’ (1974, 71). However, one could also interpret the literary evidence as referring to a professional or family relationship, not necessarily to a self-contained community. Ó Ríordáin suggested that the large earthen ringfort of Garranes, Co. Cork had been the home of some such community of craftsmen. However, it is not feasible to associate this fort solely with a bronze-working community as evidence of iron working and agriculture were also found on the site. In addition, Garranes is tenuously identified as Rath Raithleann, a royal dwelling place, which argues against it being the exclusive home of a group of craftsmen.

Evidence of the employment or patronage of metalworkers by kings is also present in early literary sources, and is indicated, Scott believes (1981c), by the concentration of metalworking debris on sites such as Lagore crannóg, Co. Meath. In the genealogies, the Cerdrige are recorded as having provided metalworkers to the king of Cashel (Book of Lecan 38v c26), while triad 156 of The Triads of Ireland (C.I.H. IV) states that no delay is allowed on a manufactured item, that work had to be completed within the agreed time. Further evidence of the patronage of the craftsman is found in Críth Gablach which states that if a craftsman is illegally injured, the sick-maintenance he is entitled to should equal half the rate due to his present employer ( C.I.H. IV 332).

In conclusion, it is more feasible that one or two metalworkers lived, either permanently or temporarily, in a patron’s fort or crannóg. The various legends would seem to support this idea, for example the tale where Lugh arrives at Tara wishing to enter into the service of Nuada of the Silver Hand. The gate-keeper asks him what service he can provide and when Lugh lists his many talents, including those of blacksmith, wright and brazier, he is told that such a craftsman already resides within. Thus it would seem that, on the high status sites at least, the role of metalworker was a specialist one.

Where distraint (punishment for a wrong-doing) is concerned, the privileged status of the smith and wright again becomes apparent. Uraicecht Becc indicates that craftsmen, unlike other people, are not subject to distraint for a kinsman’s liability (C.I.H. V96.–42). They are, however, subject to distraint for their own misdemeanours. A withe was tied around either their anvil or axe or adze and nothing could be made on it, or with it, until the claim against the smith/wright had been settled. If the craftsman ignored the withe then his property could be seized.

The Craftworker in Society The status of craftsmen is represented by their honourprice, the price (or a fraction of) that had to be paid for various offences carried out against person or property. The four grades of wright each have their own honourprice, the lowest at three séts, the next at the standard seven séts, the next 15 séts, and finally 20 séts for the chief wright. The standard wright (as with the smith) had an honour-price of seven séts which equates him with the aire déso, the lowest grade of noble.

Metalworkers were also free to move from tuath to tuath and indeed to stop practising their trade if they so desired, either way their honour price stayed the same. A king, on the other hand, could cease to be a king for various reasons, such as travelling without his full retinue. The importance of the smith is also seen in the provision that notice of any lost property found had to be sent to the chief smith as well as to such people as the local king and monastic superior. The smith was held in high regard by the Church which became a strong and wealthy patron, as evidenced by the finds associated with metalworking on sites such as Cathedral Hill, Co. Armagh and Tullylish, Co. Down.

Linked with the argument of Garranes not belonging to a community of metalworkers, is the position or status of the metalworker in early Medieval society. Ó Córráin states that ‘the status of these, whenever it is possible to establish it, is more or less honourable 20

DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE

Several prominent church figures were associated with metalworking, e.g. Amairgen, the father of St. Bairre of Cork, was chief smith to the king of Rath Raithleann (Garranes?). St. Patrick himself had in his household three smiths, one of whom was Fortchern, son of the king of Ireland, and three braziers; Assicus, Tairill, and Tasach, all of whom were native Irishmen (Stokes 1887). St. Conleth, the first bishop of Kildare, presided over a school of metalworkers, while St. Kieran, of sixth-century SeirKieran, was a metalworker as well as a scribe (Joyce 1968, 458).

going vessels, perhaps akin to the type represented by the Broighter boat. Exchange Clearly, exchange was an inextricable element of the social structure of Early Medieval Ireland. The exchange of cattle dominated the economy and facilitated the strict hierarchy. Other goods were also exchanged, including cereals, malt, salt, clothing, and prestige items such as weapons, horses, slaves and items of personal adornment. The clientship system itself represents a form of reciprocal exchange. In addition to physical goods, services were also exchanged. Protection was offered by lords in return for the labour of their clients, e.g. the king of Cashel supposedly received his chief poet from the Múscraige, his bronze-smiths from the Cerdraige, and his horsemen from the Arada Cliach, while the unfortunate Corcomruad provided him with door-keepers and fools (Doherty 1980).

The Craftsman and the Supernatural The smith was often linked to supernatural powers and magic. In the Triads of Ireland a blacksmith of status is associated with a list of supernatural items, such as the anvil of the mythical god Dagda (Triads 120). A seventh-century prayer, sometimes ascribed to Patrick, depicts the smith as a very powerful, magical person; ‘I summon today all these virtues ... against spells of women, smiths and druids ...’ (Tripartite Life of St. Patrick I.50.19ff – Stokes 1887). Some of this is attributable to the fact that the smith manufactured weapons of death and destruction. It also relates to the presence of smith-gods in the legends, for example Goibniu the smith and Credne the worker in bronze. In the later legends the smith retains some of the god-like attributes, attributes which carried over into real life to some extent. A similar pattern can be seen in Roman, Greek and Saxon mythology, all of which contain a smith-god; Vulcan, Hephaestus, and Weland respectively. As for the representation of metal and metal objects in the legends, they clearly cannot be trusted, being used merely as props to a story and so greatly exaggerated in every aspect.

The church adapted the exchange system to suit its own requirements, however the literature gives the impression that they received more material goods than they gave. In the various hagiographies there are several references to the giving of food to the needy and many more mentions of the goods and services received by the church. In return for religious services (baptism etc.), the church received gifts of agricultural produce and labour, e.g. a day’s ploughing. In Adomnán’s Life of Columba, written between 692 and 697 AD, ‘the many gifts of the people were presented to him for benediction laid out in the courtyard of the monastery’ (Anderson 1961). In addition to the client system, goods were also circulated in the form of gifts, fines, marriage and fosterage payments, loans, deposits, inheritance, bequests and pledges.

The status of the wright can be seen in one reference to the supernatural. Of the three gods of craftsmanship, two are metalworkers – Goibniu and Crédne – and one a wright – Luchta. The more mundane activity of woodworking, in comparison to the production of weapons and luxury items, sees no further magical associations. The one reference illustrates an important role, though not an honoured one.

Trade Trade, on the other hand, took place in an economic context involving fewer social ties or bonds. One of the earliest documentary suggestions of trade with Ireland is Ptolemy’s map (c.130–180 AD) where the only two detailed areas of Ireland are the north-east and southwest where headlands, estuaries, rivers and tribal capitals are named – information probably obtained from merchants (Raftery 1994). This is supported by internal evidence of Roman trading links with Ireland, for example the Stoneyford burial.

Trade and Exchange Essential to the development of both trade and exchange was, of course, some form of communications network. The construction of a road, by order of the Rí Túath, is described by Cogitosus in his Life of Brigit. He also mentions that Brigit had her own chariot, drawn by two horses. Uraicecht Becc refers to the wright of ships, barks and hide-covered boats and vessels, and Adomnán’s describes the use of a ‘tree-vessel’ to tow supplies to Iona. It would appear then, that both chariots and wagons (or their approximate equivalents) were used over land, as were horses, while various types of boats travelled the rivers, lakes and seas, probably including dugout canoes (Lucas 1963), currachs or coracles, and larger sea-

The Life of Columba contains many references to foreign trade, to ships and shipping, e.g. it mentions Gaulish sailors at Dunadd, a celtic royal site in Scotland, where sherds of imported A, D and E-ware were found. When Columbanus was expelled from Gaul he left via Nantes, ‘a place frequented by Irish merchants’. Before leaving he was given gifts of 100 hogsheads of wine, 300 hogsheads of wheat, and 100 hogsheads of beer. In the Life of Ciarán of Clonmacnoise, it is recorded that merchants brought 21

CHAPTER 2

wine from Gaul to the monastery. Cogitosus records that Bishop Conleth wore foreign vestments, while the eighth-century Life of St. Philibert of Noirmoutier records Irish ships bringing clothes and footwear to the island. Much of this evidence is ecclesiastical and must reflect the role of the church in developing foreign trade (Doherty 1980).

Role of Women With regard to the division of labour, it has already been mentioned that both men and women baked bread, albeit of different sizes. From the Life of St. Brigit, it would appear that women undertook churning to produce butter – ‘she too was meant to carry out this work, in the same way as other women were accustomed to do’, operated looms, milked cows, butchered livestock, and shepherded sheep, although the last may, in this case, refer to a spiritual rather than physical flock. Adomnán also mentions a woman driving her flock of sheep through the monastery at Derry (MacDonald 1984). Ploughing and harvesting are mentioned only in relation to teams of men, however much of the information is not gender specific.

Evidence of foreign imports, however, (E-ware, for example) is also found on secular sites, albeit high status settlements. Unfortunately, legal references to trade and merchants are rare. A lost tract entitled Muirbretha or sea-judgements, referred to in other texts, contained laws regarding material cast onshore from shipwrecked vessels, including any merchant ships. We know from the archaeological evidence that pottery vessels and their contents were imported from the Continent, however not all imports are visible in the archaeological record. In Bretha Déin Chécht, for example, compensation for injury is to be provided in the form of ‘choice foreign steeds’.

The laws did allow for daughters to be trained in their father’s profession if they had no brothers. In relation to land ownership, a woman could inherit the family farm if her father had no male heirs. She then enjoyed the same rights as any male landowner of the same class. The one condition, however, was that if married and childless when she died, the ownership of the land reverted to her family, her widowed husband was not entitled to it (Kelly 1988).

Triad no. 305 of the Triads of Ireland describes the óenach of Carmain which consisted of three markets; food, livestock and ‘the great market of Greek foreigners where were gold and fine raiment’ (Doherty 1980). The very obvious lack of references to an Irish ‘merchant class’ in the laws probably reflects a lowlevel of specialized commercial activity. The only mention of a possibly native trader is in the Tallaght document, written c.840, which refers to ‘a certain itinerant pedlar in Munster’ (Gwynn and Purton 1911). This in itself does not suggest a large-scale operation. While our sources may be biased in this direction, it does seem that most references to foreign trade are ecclesiastical in nature. This is quite plausible considering the growing economic importance of the larger monastic centres or towns.

Conclusion Some aspects of craftworking as portrayed in early literature are confirmed by archaeological evidence, e.g. the association of metalworking with royal patrons. However, many questions still remain as to the position of the craftsman in Early Medieval Ireland. For example, did they live in communities together as the genealogies suggest? Did they travel from patron to patron or were they attached to just one? Was the craft handed down from one generation to the next within families, or was it open to all? Was it an age or gender segregated activity? Unfortunately, these are questions which remain largely unanswered and all that can be said about the smith and wright in early Irish literature is that they held a position of high status, slightly tempered with the supernatural. To what extent this reflected the position of these two in reality, remains a matter of opinion.

One possible interpretation of the biased documentary evidence might see foreign contacts initiated by merchants from abroad in the early stages, thus explaining the lack of legal references to Irish traders. With the increasing wealth of the church came an increase in foreign contact and a corresponding growth in ‘internal’ trade – from a tribal, perhaps annual, óenach to regular feast-day óenach.

The picture presented of the basic economy is one of a mixed agricultural system, strictly hierarchical in form and facilitating a range of different crafts, though this is probably the portrayal of an ideal situation. Even a brief glance at the settlement evidence reflects a society consisting of several different classes with perhaps an emphasis on dairying rather than cropcultivation. This, however, is uncertain as few past excavations included an examination of seed remains or a series of pollen analyses in the locality of the site animal bones are much more visible in the archaeological record than crop remains.

Within Ireland, the initial growth of trade was facilitated by the tribal óenach or fair. These were usually held at territorial borders on relatively neutral ground where peace was assured by the relevant lords or kings. The Annals of Ulster for 799 record the death of a local king due to a fall from his horse at the fair of McCuilinn at Lusk, Co. Dublin (Doherty 1980, 81). By the eighth and ninth centuries, some monasteries began to take over the óenach. In the late ninth-century triads, no. 35 celebrates the monastic óenach of Lynally, Co. Offaly alongside those of Tailtiu and Cruachu (ibid.). These events anticipated the development of a fixed market economy by the Viking settlers.

The importance of a survey of the early documentary evidence is evident after such a compilation of 22

DOCUMENTARY EVIDENCE

information. Many activities leave little or no trace in the archaeological record and yet are vital to our understanding of the social structure and economy of Early Medieval Ireland. Without the literary references our knowledge of exchange systems would be extremely limited – it is very difficult, if not impossible, to archaeologically identify goods on one Irish site as having come from another, especially the more common or mundane items such as livestock. Similarly, many foreign imports leave no archaeological trace and so we must look to the written word for answers to some of the questions that archaeology raises. Conversely, the archaeological record can complement the documentary, providing information, for example, on the construction of crannógs and the working of such mundane materials as stone and clay.

23

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24

CROP CULTIVATION

Chapter III

Crop Cultivation remains from excavated sites have been examined by Monk. His work includes studies of the pre-Medieval and Early Medieval evidence (1986), the Early Medieval remains from sites such as Lisleagh, Co. Cork (1991), and individual reports on the material from Oughtymore (1984a), Killederdadrum (1984b) and Millockstown (1986).

Introduction Crop cultivation played an important, if occasionally obscured, role in the agricultural economy of Early Medieval Ireland. The early literary sources record the deliberate exploitation of wheat, rye, barley, oats, flax, woad, madder, apples, peas, beans, cabbage, and possibly onion, leek and carrot (see Kelly 1997, 221– 270). Due to the lack of organic preservation and poor recovery on many excavated sites, it is not possible to fully corroborate this list archaeologically. The species mentioned served different purposes with wheat, for example, ground to a meal to make bread, oats to produce porridge, barley brewed into a malt, woad and madder employed in the manufacture of dyestuffs, and flax used to spin linen (see chapter 10 on textile production). The true value of crop cultivation in the period, however, has yet to be determined as it is greatly overshadowed by animal husbandry in both the literary and archaeological records.

Early ploughs and ploughing practices have been studied by Duignan (1944), Wailes (1972), Mitchell and Ryan (1997), Brady (1986) and Lucas (1972– 1975). Of these, Wailes includes a discussion of ploughing in the Iron Age, Brady the Medieval period, and Lucas right up until recent times. Drying kilns have been dealt with by Gailey (1970), while possible examples of such are known from Dalkey (Liversage 1968), Rathbeg (Warhurst 1969), Reask (Fanning 1981), Ardcloon (Rynne 1956), Letterkeen (Ó Ríordáin and MacDermott 1952), Ballycatteen (Ó Ríordáin and Hartnett 1943) and Carraig Aille 2 (Ó Ríordáin 1949). Milling evidence is provided by Caulfield's 1966 study of querns, while Lucas, Rynne and Baillie examine other aspects. The latter dendrochronologically dated a series of horizontal mills (1980), Lucas examined the horizontal mill, its components and site examples (1953) and Colin Rynne described the stages of milling and vertical mills (1989). Individual horizontal mills which have been studied include Drumard, Co. Derry (Baillie 1975), High Island, Co. Galway (Rynne et al. 1996), Ballykilleen, Co. Offaly (Lucas 1955), Knocknagranshy, Co. Limerick (Lucas 1969), Newtown, Co. Tipperary (Lucas 1986), and Mashanaglass, Co. Cork (Fahy 1956). Finally, possible methods of grain storage have been discussed by Lucas (1956 and 1958).

Crop cultivation in the pre-Christian Iron Age is briefly dealt with by Raftery in a section of his general textbook on the period (1994), the only other relevant works being Caulfield’s studies of beehive querns (1966 and 1977), and a number of pollen analyses. The latter were undertaken in several bogs in the midlands, and reflect general agricultural trends (Mitchell 1965, for example). In the Early Medieval period, brief literary references are contained in many documentary sources. Relevant studies include MacEoin’s (1981) examination of the vocabulary used in reference to mills and milling, Binchy’s (1981) translation of an 8th-century text on brewing and his 1966 work on the medical law tract Bretha Déin Chécht which cites fines for illegal injuries in terms of different crops. Compilations of the relevant evidence can be found in both of Kelly’s books (1988 and 1997).

Iron Age Background Very little relevant matter survives from the Iron Age in Ireland, perhaps due to the decline in agriculture evidenced in the pollen diagrams from a number of midland bogs. Artefactual evidence of crop cultivation is provided by approximately two hundred beehive querns (see chapter 6 on stone-working) and a handful of other implements. These include an iron sickle from Lisnacrogher bog, Co. Antrim, and wooden ard-heads from Corlea (dated to the mid-second century BC by association with the Corlea roadway), Gortygeeheen bog, Co. Clare and Gortnacartglebe, Co. Donegal. The last three were all of oak and consisted of a long shaft with a sub-triangular head, flattened on one side and convex on the other (Raftery 1994, 123–124). Organic remains survived at Dún Ailinne, Co. Kildare, and Carrowmore, Co. Sligo. Thirteen grains of barley came from the former, while the latter produced grains of

General discussions of crop cultivation in Early Medieval Ireland often combine both archaeological and literary evidence. Edwards (1990) includes a section in her chapter on food and farming, Duignan (1944) was one of the first to compare the two sources, while Proudfoot (1961) concentrated more on the archaeology, and Lucas (1960) dealt with both. A comprehensive study of crop cultivation in Ireland has been written by Flynn (1996) in a book which examines archaeological and traditional methods of all aspects of the activity, from ploughing to grain products and their uses. Cereals and cereal foodstuffs from Early Medieval Ireland have been discussed by Sexton in an unpublished thesis (1993). Relevant pollen information has been produced by O’Connell (1994) and Weir (1993;1995), while surviving organic 25

CHAPTER 3

barley, rye and oats from a possible Bronze Age - Iron Age transition level (ibid. 122–123). Despite the generally meagre organic remains, the number of querns reflects a relatively high level of activity in the period, even though the distribution of beehive querns is predominantly northern (Caulfield 1966).

mentions a female slave and her grinding quern, while references to mills are plentiful in the early literature (MacEoin 1981). A legal tract on distraint, De ceithri slichtaib Athgabál, dated to the seventh century or earlier, describes the eight main components of a mill (ibid.). Tír Cumaile notes that having a mill adds five séts to the value of land, while the quarrying and transportation of a millstone is described by Cogitosus in his Life of Brigit (Picard and Connolly 1987).

Cultivation and Crop Processing The literary sources describe the various stages involved in the production of foodstuffs from cereals. The initial clearing of land would have been undertaken with axes, bill-hooks and, eventually, by burning, while fertilizer may have been added in the form of seaweed or animal dung (Kelly 1997, 229). After clearance, the land was ploughed, usually in March though earlier if the weather permitted. The type of plough used is not mentioned in the literature, though it was drawn by a seisrech or team of oxen (Duignan 1944). Seisrech suggests a team of six animals, the same number being recorded in the Life of St. Maédóc of Ferns (Plummer 1910, 152). In Críth Gablach, however, the list of an ócaire’s possessions includes a quarter-share in a ploughing outfit, consisting of a halter, a goad, a ploughshare and an ox, suggesting a team of four animals (Binchy 1941). The same text expects an aire tuíseo to own a full ploughing outfit and two horses for harrowing (to level, compact and break up the soil loosened by the plough; Kelly 1997, 231). Crops were then sown and, usually, harvested in September. Just as ploughing may have been a communal activity for many, so too the reaping of crops. Cogitosus records that Brigit summoned labourers from the local area to help with her harvest (Picard and Connolly 1987) while, in secular society, clients provided labour to their lords as part of their clientship agreements. The Life of Maédóc mentions a harvest tem or meitheal of 150 men, while those who worked for St. Kevin of Glendalough were provided with meat and beer (Plummer 1910, 188–189, 239).

Once processed in this manner, wheat was probably used to make loaves of bread, oats in the production of gruels and porridges, and barley corns brewed into malt for use as an alcoholic beverage. The last involved steeping the barley in warm water for 24 hours, followed by 36 hours draining and four and a half days under a heavy covering of straw to allow it to germinate. Upon removal of the cover, the barley was arranged in heaps on the floor and left for five days, after it had been combed or ‘racked’ with a sharp tool. Once green, the crop was returned to the kiln to halt any further germination. At this stage, the barley could be delivered to a lord and/or used to create a beverage. This was done by, first, grinding it in a mill or on a quern, the resulting meal placed in a ‘mash-tub’ and continually soaked with warm water to transform the starch into soluble sugar and producing a porridge or emulsion (‘wort’) which could be drained off. This was then boiled, cooled and stored in tubs or vats (Binchy 1981). Organic Remains Plant remains have survived on approximately 25 sites from Early Medieval Ireland, though not all of these are published. Charred grains of rye, barley and one seed of black bindweed were found in the food refuse midden at Oughtymore (Monk 1984a), while Lisleagh produced mostly six-row hulled barley, followed by oats and some grains of rye (Monk 1991), and Ballyutoag grains of barley, oats and wheat. Oats and barley were discovered at both Killanully and Lough Faughan, while the remains from Killederdadrum consisted largely of oats, with some barley, rye, and two possible grains of wheat. One of the samples taken had a very low incidence of arable weed seeds, suggesting that ‘this crop had been cleaned and was probably undergoing some final processing before domestic use when it became charred’ (Monk 1984b, 266). The same is true of one of the two samples from Millockstown, consisting of six-row hulled barley and oats. The second sample contained a small quantity of barley, oats, wheat, one possible grain of rye and one poorly preserved flax seed, in addition to a high incidence of weeds of cultivation. This suggested that the sample probably ‘derived from or [had] been part of a fire that included a mixture of waste organic material, possibly domestic refuse’ (Monk 1986, 181). The ecclesiastical site at Ballyman, Co. Dublin, has produced six-row hulled barley, wheat and oats, all processed (Edwards 1990, 62).

Once harvested, corn was threshed to detach the grain from the stems and winnowed to then separate the grain from the chaff. Winnowing on bare flagstones in an open field is recorded at the monastic site of Clonbroney (Ó Cróinín 1995, 94). After obtaining a relatively pure grain, it then had to be dried in a kiln, if the weather was wet during harvesting. The lack of a kiln was noted at Clonbroney, while Ciarán of Clonmacnoise had a circular example built on the bank of the River Shannon (see chapter 2 on literary evidence). The grain would then have been stored until required, probably in a barn of some sort. Críth Gablach states that a bóaire should have a barn near his house (Charles-Edwards 1986), while on Iona St. Columba blessed two heaps of grain stored in a barn (MacDonald 1984). The grinding of grain was undertaken either by hand using a quernstone or by a water-powered mill. A tale of the fourth-century king of Tara, Cormac MacAirt, 26

CROP CULTIVATION

Some general trends can be identified in the organic survivals. Charred wheat grains have been found in limited quantities on a few sites, including Clover Hill Lough crannóg, Co. Sligo, Killederdadrum, Millockstown, Ballyman, Ballyutoag and wheat-straw at Lagore. Six-row hulled barley is the dominant species, followed by rye and oats, the latter possibly more common than wheat as they are more suited to Ireland’s mild climate. Flax, for the production of linen, seems to have been quite common also, with carbonised seeds known from Carraig Aille 2, Lough Gur, and Lissue (Monk 1986). Organic remains also survived at Ballingarry Down, Co. Limerick, Boho, Co. Fermanagh, Loher, Co. Kerry, Church Island, Co. Kerry, and Moynagh Lough, Co. Meath (ibid.).

examined individual sites (e.g. Loughnashade, Co. Armagh, 1993), and clusters of sites (e.g. Co. Louth, 1995). Weir’s analyses and interpretations exemplify the value of pollen analysis in an agricultural assessment. At Loughnashade, Co. Armagh, very high levels of cereal pollen were identified, possibly the highest in Ireland and the United Kingdom from c.200 to 1000 AD. A period of intense arable agriculture occurred between approximately 200 and 550 AD, the evidence interpreted by Weir as ‘representing the intrusion of a population from outside Ireland, introducing a fully developed arable agriculture, with elements such as rye, which were previously uncommon in Ireland’ (Weir 1993, 25). This was followed, between c.550 and 600 AD, by an increase in tree pollen and a corresponding decrease in cereal pollen, suggesting the abandonment of at least a portion of the land. This secondary woodland or ‘scrub’ was cleared around 600 AD and followed by a period of increased pasture and slightly increased crop cultivation (Weir 1993). A broadly similar picture was uncovered at Essexford Lough and Redbog, Co. Louth. At both sites major clearance was noted between c.25 and 540 AD, accompanied by an increase in cereal pollen, the appearance of rye, and indicators of pasture. Regeneration of woodland, especially hazel, birch and ash, occurred c.540 AD, followed by renewed clearance and mixed agriculture c.850 AD at Redbog, and c.700 AD at Essexford Lough (Weir 1995).

Organic or environmental indicators of tillage also include pollen, both from the crops being cultivated and from associated weeds of cultivation. The appearance of these two pollen groups is generally accompanied by a simultaneous drop in tree pollen, reflecting the clearance of woodland for agricultural purposes. Mitchell carried out many of the earliest pollen analyses in Ireland, for example Littleton Bog, Co. Tipperary, in 1965. The majority of recent work, however, has been undertaken by O’Connell and Weir. The former has analysed the pollen record from individual sites (e.g. Scragh Bog, Co. Westmeath, 1980), from clusters of sites (e.g. Connemara, Co. Galway, 1988), and has compiled the results of 12 radiocarbon-dated analyses (1994). Weir has also SITE

COUNTY

MAJOR CLEARANCE

REFERENCE

Sluggan Moss

Antrim

700

O'Connell 1994

Loughnashade

Armagh

200-550 / 600

Weir 1993

Lios Lairthín Mór

Clare

650

O'Connell 1994

Gortcorbies

Derry

7th century

O'Connell 1994

Church Lough

Galway

200-600

O'Connell 1994

Connemara National Park

Galway

565

O'Connell et al. 1988

Derryinver

Galway

500

O'Connell 1994

Lough Namackanbeg

Galway

300

O'Connell et al. 1988

Lough Sheeauns

Galway

165-485

O'Connell et al. 1988

Cashelkeelty

Kerry

?

O'Connell 1994

Essexford Lough

Louth

25-540 / 700-800

Weir 1995

Redbog 1

Louth

650

O'Connell 1994

Redbog 2

Louth

25-540 / 850

Weir 1995

Whiterath Bog

Louth

25-200

Weir 1995

Carrownaglogh

Mayo

830

O'Connell 1990, 1994

Lough Doo

Mayo

300

O'Connell 1990

Littleton Bog

Tipperary

300

Mitchell 1965

Kilmaddy Lough

Tyrone

500

O'Connell 1994

Lough Catherine

Tyrone

300

O'Connell 1994

Scragh Bog

Westmeath

350

O'Connell 1980

Table 2. Approximate dates of major land clearance events

27

CHAPTER 3

It is evident from Table 2 that two main periods of land-clearance took place in Early Medieval Ireland. The earliest of these dates to the beginning of the period, between c.300 and 550 AD and is recorded at Lough Namackanbeg, Church Lough, Derryinver and Lough Sheeauns, Co. Galway, Lough Doo, Co. Mayo, Littleton Bog, Co. Tipperary, Scragh Bog, Co. Westmeath, Redbog 2, Essexford Lough and Whiterath Bog, Co. Louth, Kilmaddy Lough and Lough Catherine, Co. Tyrone, and Loughnashade, Co. Armagh. This was followed by a period of environmental or climatic deterioration between roughly 550 and 600 AD. Wet summers discouraged crop cultivation due to poor ripening and harvesting conditions, with much land allowed to revert to woodland (Weir 1993, 25). Then, between 600 and 850 AD, a second phase of clearance occurred. This phase saw major re-organisation of the landscape, with the widespread construction of ringforts, crannógs and horizontal mills, all reflecting increased population pressure. Post c.850 AD, the landscape was a very open one, where grassland remained a major component of the landscape, reflecting the continued practice of mixed farming (Weir 1995, 108).

specifically suggested corn-drying as the function of the structures at Letterkeen, Ballycatteen and Reask. Grain storage areas are very difficult to identify as no actual stores of grain have survived. Situated against the inner edge of the enclosing bank at Ballywee, Co. Antrim, were the remains of a possible barn or drystore. Its walls marked by boulders, this structure measured 4m by 8m, with a path leading from a door in the north wall down the centre of the building. This path would have provided easy access to goods stored on either side of the structure (Lynn 1974). The possibility also exists that grain may have been stored in sacks or vats in souterrains. Oak and willow barrel hoops were found in the souterrain at Balrenny, Co. Meath, while basin-like depressions, ideal for supporting sacks or leather containers, were dug into the floors of the souterrain chambers at Shaneen Park, Co. Antrim (Edwards 1990, 30). An alternative method of grain storage, though archaeologically invisible, is the fóir, a type of granary used until recent times in parts of Munster (Fig. 1). It consisted of superimposed rings of thick súgán or straw-rope, forming a chamber which measured between 2m and 9m in diameter, and up to 3.7m in height (Lucas 1956 and 1958).

Structural Remains Structures associated with crop cultivation include kilns or ovens for drying, grain storage areas, and grinding mills. Possible corn-drying kilns have been identified on a number of excavated Early Medieval sites. At Killederdadrum, a pit-like feature was cut into the fosse enclosing the site, and contained a fill of carbonized grain and charcoal, dated 900–1160 AD (Manning 1984). Another early ecclesiastical site, Ballyman, Co. Dublin, produced the remains of an hour-glass shaped structure which contained the remnants of the hazel wood used to fuel it, dated 360– 430 AD (Edwards 1990, 62). Other kilns have been found at Dalkey, Rathbeg, Reask, Ardcloon, Letterkeen, Killanully, Ballyegan, Ballycatteen, and Carraig Aille. Of these, Killederdadrum, Ballyman, Killanully and Carraig Aille have also produced relevant organic evidence, while the remains of a quern and possible basket were discovered near the kiln at Letterkeen. The identified kilns generally consist of a bowl-shaped chamber with a straight-sided flue leading into it. At Rathbeg, for example, the chamber measured 1.5m in diameter and 0.8m deep, while the flue was 0.6m in width and contained a solid mass of charcoal. The excavator suggested its use in either corn- or flaxdrying (Warhurst 1969, 98). The remains of a flue only were uncovered at Carraig Aille, while a double kiln with two flues and two chambers was found at Ballycatteen. The kiln at Killanully consisted of a circular pit with a 0.6m-long flue leading into it. Its fill included charred cereal remains and charcoal, and its base was heavily burnt (Mount 1995, 134). The Ballyegan example was similar in form, though slablined (Byrne 1991, 13). Their excavators have also

Fig. 1 Straw-rope granary (Sigaut 1988)

28

CROP CULTIVATION

Fig. 2 Horizontal-mill mechanism (Edwards 1990) Water-powered mills in Early Medieval Ireland were, for the most part, of horizontal type (Figs. 2 and 3), though Rynne (1989) has identified a small number of vertical examples. The horizontal mill consisted of a vertical timber shaft with a wheel of blades or paddles at its lower end and, beneath these, an iron cap or stone inset on the very tip of the shaft. This gudgeon sat in a prepared hollow in a stone or iron block. The upper half of the shaft passed through a hole in the timber floor of the millhouse, through the stationary lower

millstone, and was attached to a metal bar or ‘rynd’ fixed in the upper stone. Thus, when the wheel below turned, so too did the upper millstone. The wheel was driven by a stream of water directed towards it by a wooden trough or chute, from an inlet channel leading from a millpond formed by building dams over a stream or lake. Some examples such as Little Island, Co. Cork were tidal, powered by the ebb and flow of the sea.

Fig. 3 Reconstruction of a horizontal-wheeled water-mill at Cloontycarthy, Co. Cork, c.833 AD (Rynne 1990)

29

CHAPTER 3

Fig. 4 Reconstruction of a horizontal-wheeled mill at Bunratty Folk Park, Co. Clare Rotation of the millstones could be suspended using a small sluice gate to stop the flow of water, or by diverting the water away from the wheel by moving the chute. Grain was fed into the millstones through a hole in the upper stone (Fig. 4), the resulting meal or flour discharged from between the stones around their perimeter. The grain could be fed by hand or using a hopper – a container suspended above the upper stone (Lucas 1953, 1–2). Vertical mills operated on much the same principles, the main difference being the position of the water wheel. These mills have been divided into three classes; the undershot mill where water is directed against the lower part of the vertically-set wheel, the breastshot where water impacts half-way up the wheel, and the overshot with water admitted from a Site Little Island Ballykilleen Drumard Ballyrafton Maghnavery Ballygearda Rasharkin Ballydowane West Keelaraheen Farranmareen Brabstown Rossary

point above the wheel. As the wheel was vertical, a series of cogs or gears were required to drive the millstones (Rynne 1989, 113). Largely timber-built, the remains of mills generally only survive in water-logged contexts. Their positioning on or near streams, however, does facilitate their relatively large-scale preservation, with the result that wooden components can be dated dendrochronologically. A series of mills across Ireland has been dated in this manner by Baillie, the majority falling between 780 and 880 AD, with a smaller number on either side of this range (Table 3);

County Cork Offaly Derry Kilkenny Armagh Kilkenny Antrim Waterford Cork Cork Kilkenny Fermanagh Table 3. Dendro dates of horizontal mills (after Baillie 1980) 30

Date AD 630 636±9 782 794±9 810±9 811±9 822 841±9 843 873±9 913±9 926±9

CHAPTER 3

Fig. 7 Killylane, Co. Antrim (Williams and Yates 1984) final development of the plough in this period was the addition of a mouldboard. This was located just behind the share and consisted of a sloping board, the leading edge of which was inserted into the coulter cut, turning the sod over.

Artefactual Remains In addition to the plough, the turning of the sod may also have been undertaken with a spade. A fragmentary example was found at Ballinderry 2 and consisted of an iron-shod blade which probably originally had a wooden handle. Ploughs in Early Medieval Ireland were probably relatively heavy implements consisting of a share, coulter and mouldboard set in a wooden frame or beam (Fig. 8). Earlier, lighter ploughs or ‘ards’ could not cut through vegetation or root masses and did not penetrate very deep, necessitating the use of both spade and cross-ploughing. The later ploughshare was usually of iron-shod wood and cut the sod horizontally, while the coulter, a vertical iron knife attached to the beam in front of the share, cut through the sod vertically, opening the way for the share. The

Fig. 8 Old Irish beamed-plough (Tighe 1802)

32

CROP CULTIVATION

Fig. 9 Agricultural implements: ploughshares A. Lagore, B. Leacanabuaile; spade D. Ballinderry 2; reaping hooks E. Leacanabuaile, F. Lagore; billhook G. Lagore; coulters H. Lagore, I. Whitefort (Edwards 1990) Cross-ploughing was no longer necessary, and the inversion of the sod buried may weeds which could not then germinate and were, therefore, greatly reduced. Sage, on the other hand, flourished due to its deep roots, and its increase in pollen diagrams c.600 AD may reflect the introduction of the mouldboard plough (Mitchell and Ryan 1997).

former, suggesting that the Whitefort beam was much higher off the ground (Edwards 1990, 62). No mouldboards or beams have survived, or been identified, in the archaeological record. Reaping was undertaken with iron sickles or billhooks. Examples, or fragments thereof, have been discovered at Tullylish, Deer Park Farms, Seacash, Garryduff, Cahercommaun, Poulacapple and Lagore (Fig. 9). Flails for threshing have not yet been recognised, while the final artefact essential to grain production was the quernstone or millstone. The millstones from Bramblestown, Co. Cork for example, were between 61cm and 76cm in diameter (Lucas 1953), while the upper stone from Newtown, Co. Tipperary, originally measured at least 70cm (Lucas 1986).

Iron ploughshares have been found in Early Medieval ringfort settlements at Leacanabuaile, Deer Park Farms, Dundrum Castle, Ballyfounder, Carraig Aille 2 and at Lagore crannóg (Fig. 9). The example from Leacanabuaile was relatively light and possibly part of an ard, while the other shares were heavier, with the Lagore example having reinforced sides and a prong at the bottom (Edwards 1990, 62). Relevant iron coulters are known from Whitefort, Co. Down and Lagore. The latter had a short handle compared to that of the 33

CHAPTER 3

record, crop cultivation in Early Medieval Ireland does appear to have been quite efficient. The use of the heavier plough with coulter and, possibly, mouldboard eliminated the need for cross-ploughing fields, reducing the amount of labour required. During reaping, corn was cut just beneath the ear (Kelly 1997, 238), the stalks later grazed by cattle, thus providing an important source of winter fodder, and manuring the field at the same time. The products of crop cultivation (bread, malt, porridges etc.) are frequently mentioned in the early literary sources, reflecting their widespread availability and exploitation (ibid. 330–335). Fig. 10 Querns from Carraig Aille, Co. Limerick (Ó Ríordáin 1949)

Relevant evidence, whether artefactual or structural, is known from numerous ringforts, crannógs and monastic sites though, in the past, arable farming has often been closely, and almost exclusively, associated with early monasticism (Mitchell 1965, 129, for example). Literary references to various aspects of crop cultivation are made in relation to both ecclesiastical and secular society, with no emphasis on one or the other.

Hand-rotated querns are relatively common finds on Early Medieval sites and generally consist of two flat, thin discs with a high diameter to thickness ratio (rarely less than 4:1), the upper stone perforated vertically to facilitate the insertion of a handle (Caulfield 1977, 104). The immediate needs of a family could be met by the rotary quern, with examples known from sites including Lagore (43 in number), Moynagh Lough (finished and unfinished stones), Ballinderry 2 (ten in number), Cahercommaun (33 fragments), Carraig Aille (Fig. 10, approximately 54 fragments), and smaller quantities from Millockstown, Knowth, St. Gobnet’s, Killederdadrum, Seacash, Rathmullan, Garryduff, Ballyfounder, Letterkeen and Ballycatteen.

In developing a three-tier model of crop cultivation in Early Medieval Ireland, both the archaeological and literary evidence prove useful. The quantity of relevant evidence found on a site reflects the resource base of its inhabitants and, thus, their economic standing. Quernstones are the most frequently found indicator of crop exploitation, their number reflecting the amount of grain processed on a site. In addition to this, the law tract Bretha Déin Chécht associates various cereals/crops with people of differing status (Binchy 1966). It is evident from this that wheat (linked with the provincial king, bishop and master poet) was something of a luxury in Early Medieval society. The small quantities of the crop recovered from excavated sites could be seen to corroborate this (Monk 1986).

Discussion The processes involved in crop cultivation were undertaken in a variety of locations. Ploughing, sowing and reaping obviously took place in the field, while threshing and winnowing activities may also have been located there or, perhaps, in or adjacent to the mill. The discovery of quernstones scattered throughout domestic settlements suggests that the threshing of corn also took place here. Mills were generally situated on, or beside, the nearest stream or river, making it very difficult to associate them with any one settlement in the locality. High Island, Co. Galway, and Killylane, Co. Antrim, form two exceptions to this. On the former, the confines of the island connect the mill remains with an early ecclesiastical site, and at the latter the mill was constructed as part of a settlement complex. The excavations at Deer Park Farms produced the timber hub and paddle from a horizontal mill-wheel, however the site of the mill itself is unknown (Lynn in Ryan 1991, 127–131). Drying kilns are not uniform in their positioning, that at Rathbeg just inside the enclosing bank, the Ardcloon example in the centre of the ringfort, while the kiln at Reask was built immediately outside the wall of the site. The difficulty in identifying storage areas prevents the examination of their locations, however it can be assumed that grain would be kept safely within (or near to) a domestic area, its intended place of use. Despite its obscured visibility in the archaeological

Extensive evidence of crop cultivation might consist of a large number of querns and/or wheat remains, while both average and minimum activity would be reflected in the quantity of querns recovered. The presence of a drying kiln could be taken as an indicator of average or extensive activity, unlikely to be present on a site where only small quantities were being processed. Thus, extensive cultivation is evidenced at the monastic sites of Killederdadrum and Ballyman, the crannógs of Lagore and possibly Clover Hill Lough, the settlements at Ballyutoag and Millockstown, and the ringforts of Carraig Aille and Cahercommaun. Average evidence is known from St. Gobnet’s and Reask, Ballinderry 2 and Moynagh Lough, Ardcloon, Rathbeg, Letterkeen and Ballycatteen, while minimal activity was discovered at Tullylish, Garryduff and Knockea. Although such a model does not allow for differing conditions of preservation and/or excavation, it does provide a general guide to the various levels of crop cultivation practised in Early Medieval Ireland (Tables 4 and 5). 34

CROP CULTIVATION

Ì = Evidence present SITE

Ardcloon Ballycatteen Ballyegan Ballyfounder Ballyshanagill Ballywee Caherconnell Cahercommaun Cahergal Carraig Aille Carrigillihy Castleskreen Coolcran Deer Park Farms Dundrum Frishtawn Garranes Garryduff Killanully Knockea Leacanabuaile Letterkeen Lisduggan Lisleagh Lisnagun Lissachiggel Lissue Loher Poulacapple Rathbeg Rathmullan Rinnaraw Seacash Whitefort W = Wheat

KILN QUERNS SICKLE PLOUGH SEEDS

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì R = Rye

2 4 1 1 1 2 33 ? 54 2 1 1 Mill 2 1 4 4 4 2 1 Ì 1 6 1 1 4

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

B = Barley

LEVEL

Ì Ì F Woad B/O/W B/O/R B/W F Ì -

Av. Av. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Av. Ext. ? Ext. Min. Min. Min. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Av. Av. Min. Av. ? Ext. Min. ? Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Av.

O = Oats

F = Flax

Table 4. Evidence of crop cultivation from excavated ringforts

35

CHAPTER 3

SITE

KILN QUERNS SICKLE PLOUGH SEEDS

LEVEL

Monastic Sites Ballyman Church Island Clonmacnoise Drumcliffe Dunmisk Inishkea North Killederdadrum Movilla Abbey Nendrum Reask Solar St. Gobnet’s Tullylish

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

3 1 2 2 ? 7 1 7 -

Ì

-

B/W/O B Ì Ì O/B/R/W? -

Ext. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Ext. Min. ? Av. Min. Av. Min.

Crannógs Ballinderry 1 Ballinderry 2 Clover Hill Lough Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough Newtownlow

-

7 10 43 3+ 15+ 1

-

Ì Ì Ì -

W W O/B F? -

Av. Av. Ext. Ext. Av. Av. Min.

Miscellaneous sites Ballinamona Ballyutoag Beginish Dalkey Knowth Larrybane Millockstown Oughtymore

Ì -

1 2 2 ? 1 2 -

Ì -

-

B/O/W B/O/W/R?/F R/B

Min. Ext. Min. Av. ? Min. Ext. Min.

O = Oats

F = Flax

W = Wheat

R = Rye

B = Barley

Table 5. Evidence of crop cultivation from excavated sites

36

ANIMAL HUSBANDRY

Chapter IV

Animal Husbandry thus resulting in a biased impression of site economy. A further difficulty is the poor standard of recovery in many older excavations, particularly true for the recovery of small faunal remains.

Introduction Land was measured in the number of cows it could maintain, legal compensation was reckoned in terms of cattle; a man’s standing in society was determined by his wealth in cattle ... the cow was the most immediate form of mobile wealth for raiding, for granting fiefs to clients and paying ones debts. (Ó Córráin 1972, 53) Early Irish literature contains a wealth of information regarding animal husbandry in Early Medieval Ireland (see Kelly 1997, for example). It portrays the exploitation of cattle as the primary economic factor of the period. The question of how accurate the sources are is one that can be examined from a faunal perspective. Although a large number of excavated sites have produced animal bones, only a small percentage of the evidence is of value in a modern analytical study. The acidic soils of many sites prevent the large scale preservation of bone, with survival generally confined to burnt or waterlogged material,

Elsewhere, relatively large assemblages may have been recovered, though are of little use due to the lack of contextual information and analyses contained in excavation reports. The settlement at Carraig Aille, for example, produced approximately three and a half tons of animal bone (Ó Ríordáin 1949). These were examined by Hyland and Stelfox who merely stated that the species represented included cattle, sheep, pig, horse, dog, cat and domestic fowl, and that cattle fragments formed ninety percent of the bulk. A modern study of such a large assemblage would yield a lot more information regarding site economy. Despite these lost opportunities, a number of excavations carried out over the past four decades provide important faunal assemblages which produce valuable economic data for this period (Table 6).

SITE Ardcloon, Mayo Ballinderry 1, Offaly Ballinderry 2, Westmeath Ballyfounder, Down Boho, Fermanagh Cahercommaun, Clare Carn, Fermanagh Carraig Aille, Limerick Cathedral Hill, Armagh Killanully, Cork Killederdadrum, Tipperary Killyliss, Tyrone Lagore, Meath Larrybane, Antrim Leacanabuaile, Kerry Lisdoo, Fermanagh Lough Faughan, Down Marshes Upper, Louth Movilla Abbey, Down Moynagh Lough, Meath Oughtymore, Derry Raheens, Cork Rathgurreen, Galway Rathmullan, Down Reask, Kerry Seacash, Antrim

REFERENCE Roche 1956 Roche and Stelfox 1937 Stelfox 1942 Jope 1958 Jope 1953 Stelfox and Roche 1938 Collins 1982b Stelfox and Hyland 1949 Higgins 1984a Halpin 1995 McCormick 1984a McCormick 1984b Stelfox and Hyland 1950 Jope 1962 Stelfox 1941 Collins 1982a Jope 1955 McCormick 1992c Higgins 1984b McCormick 1984c Mallory and Woodman 1984 McCarthy 1994 Murray, Vol. 2 Collins 1982c Roche 1981 Chaplin and Barneston 1978

Table 6. Excavation reports containing specialist faunal analyses 37

CHAPTER 4

General information for the Early Medieval period inevitably incorporates the early literary evidence. One such overview is provided by Edwards (1990), though the earliest compilation of archaeology and literature was undertaken by Duignan (1944). Proudfoot’s 1961 article on the economy of the Irish rath naturally included a section on livestock exploitation, while Lucas (1958; 1989) tended to concentrate on the social and economic importance of cattle. Literary sources have been examined in detail by other scholars, including Kelly (1988 and 1997) and Gerriets (1981 and 1983). The former has studied all aspects of the law texts in great detail, while the latter concentrates mostly on clientship and exchange in Early Medieval Ireland.

for example, reflect an end to this phase around the third century AD when an agricultural expansion began (Mitchell 1965 and 1997). Only one site has produced an assemblage of animal bones which has been analysed by a specialist. Approximately 19,000 bones were recovered from Dún Ailinne, Co. Kildare, and were examined by Crabtree (1990). Cattle formed 53.9% of the total, pig 36.3%, sheep 7.3% and horse 2.5%, while three dog bones were also found. Of the domesticated species, all skeletal parts were present, suggesting that the animals had been slaughtered on site rather than meat joints imported from elsewhere. Butchery marks, consisting of fine knife cuts, heavy chop marks and axial splitting of long bones and first phalanges (probably for marrow extraction), were evident on 126 of the bones, mostly cattle remains. Approximately 70% of the cattle bones from the site came from calves of six months or less, the remainder mostly from female adults. Crabtree saw the age/sex ratio as an indicator of dairying rather than a concentration on beef-production. Finbar McCormick (1992a) has, however, completely disagreed with this interpretation, reversing Crabtree’s conclusion, as the calves were killed at an age when they would still have been used to stimulate lactation in their mothers.

The most important archaeological body of work dealing with animal husbandry in Early Medieval Ireland has been undertaken by Finbar McCormick and consists of two theses, a series of articles, and a book. The former (1982 and 1987) dealt with domestic animals and stock-rearing in the period, while the latter concentrated on more specific topics such as the historical and faunal evidence for dairying on various Irish sites (1983), the exploitation of cattle for beefproduction or dairying (1992a), clientship and the exchange of livestock (1992b), and a general discussion of dairying and its economic importance (1995). A number of excavation reports contain useful expert analyses of the bone assemblages recovered. McCormick examined the remains from Millockstown (1986), Killederdadrum (1984a), Killyliss (1984b) and Moynagh Lough (1984c). Where possible, he calculated the percentages and Minimum Number of Individuals of each species represented and offers an interpretation of the data. Similar studies have been carried out by Chaplin and Barneston at Seacash (1978), Collins at Lisdoo (1982b) and Rathmullan (1982c), and Murray at Rathgurreen (2002). More limited reports are available for Cathedral Hill (Higgins 1984a), Movilla Abbey (Higgins 1984b), Lagore (Hyland and Stelfox 1950), Ballinderry 2 (Stelfox 1942), Knockea (Roche 1967), Cahercommaun (Hencken 1938), Ballyfounder (Jope 1958) and Carn (Collins 1982a). The excavation reports from Dooey (Ó Ríordáin and Rynne 1961), Inishkea (Henry 1945 and 1952), Shaneen Park (Evans 1950) and Carraig Aille merely list the species represented in the surviving assemblages. Much of this material is summarised in McCormick and Murray’s detailed examination of the remains from Knowth (2007).

Structural Remains Structures associated with animal husbandry, such as butchers workshops and animal pens, are generally difficult to identify. This is particularly true of field systems associated with settlement enclosures of this period, the use of which is generally not apparent from the archaeological record, e.g. the interpretation of the Cush fields (see below). Features uncovered at the multivallate ringfort of Ballypalady 2, Co. Antrim, were interpreted by the excavator as the remains of a byre or livestock shelter (Waterman 1972). A drystone wall of basalt boulders, 7.6m in length, ran alongside the inner edge of the innermost bank, just north of the entrance where the bank had been cut back to accommodate it. Located parallel to this wall was a foundation trench, 4.3m in length. The line of the trench was extended by a series of postholes, while the 3.4m wide floor between them was very ‘rough-andready’ (ibid. 34). At Marshes Upper, Co. Louth, one of the souterrains produced a large quantity of neo-natal pig bones, perhaps reflecting its use as a farrowing pen (Edwards 1990, 58). Similar features at other sites may also represent animal pens or enclosures, though it is not possible to definitely identify them as such. O’Kelly excavated two ringforts at Garryduff, Co. Cork, one well known for the wealth of structural and artefactual evidence it produced, while the other contained little archaeological material (Fig. 11). The latter site (Garryduff I) gave no indication of having ever been used for human occupation, the masonry of the enclosing rampart being of very poor quality except around the entrance. Located approximately 165m north of Garryduff II (20m in diameter), this enclosure was much larger, measuring 29 to 35m (O’Kelly 1962).

Iron Age Background Minimal evidence of animal husbandry is known from the Irish Iron Age, perhaps mirroring the level of activity in the period. This is suggested, for some parts of the country at least, where pollen diagrams show a decline in agricultural land and a corresponding increase in secondary woodland. These diagrams, from Red Bog, Co. Louth, and Littleton Bog, Co. Tipperary, 38

CHAPTER 4

earthen banks (approximately 45cm in height) and silted-up ditches (90cm deep). The ringfort fosses were still un-silted when these boundary trenches were cut, chronologically linking the two. Pollen analyses by Jessen suggested that ‘the fact that there is agreement between the fence and ... fosse diagram would tend to strengthen our argument that the fields were those belonging to the dwellers in the fort’ (Ó Ríordáin 1940a, 143). The complex, whether Iron Age in date as the excavator suggested or Early Medieval, had a strong agricultural focus. The excavations produced the remains of 72 rotary querns, an iron sickle blade, and very poorly preserved bones of cattle, pig, sheep, dog, horse, hare and corncrake (ibid.).

Fig. 12 Ballyutoag, Co. Antrim (Williams 1984) Finally, an extensive complex of fields and upland settlement enclosures at Ballyutoag, Co. Antrim, has been identified as a probable transhumance village (Figs. 12 and 13, Williams 1984). Early Irish legal glosses regularly mention both home and summer milking places, reflecting the seasonal movement of herds or ‘booleying’ (Kelly 1997, 44). Situated at approximately 275m OD, the remains included a series of curvilinear fields covering roughly 24 acres (10ha), three smaller curvilinear enclosures, and a univallate ringfort, 36m in diameter. In total, 23 house sites were identified, those located in enclosure 1 dated from the sixth to the seventh century AD.

Fig. 13 Enclosures at Ballyutoag (Williams 1984)

Artefactual Remains Very few artefact finds can be associated with animal husbandry in the Early Medieval period. A couple of iron objects, one from Ballyknockan, the other from Rathgurreen (Fig. 14), have been identified as cattle goads (Macalister 1943 and Duignan in Appendix 3, respectively). The Rathgurreen example consists of a slender socketed point, 204mm in length and 14mm in diameter at the socket (Appendix 3). It is stated in the literature that all farmers, from the rank of ócaire up, should possess an iron spike or ‘goad’ mounted on a stick, for prodding oxen or draught horses (Kelly 1997, 495).

Williams postulated that if all 23 houses were occupied simultaneously, the complex may have housed at least 100 people and ‘as the site at Ballyutoag is so strikingly different in situation from the better known lowland rath distribution, and had the potential to accommodate a large community rather than an extended family, it seems quite possible that this may indeed have been a transhumance village’ (ibid. 48). The same could be said of the settlement at Cush, Co. Limerick, though it does appear more extensive, consisting of ten ringforts (some multivallate), a rectangular enclosure (containing at least five houses), and a field system surrounding them. The settlement is located on the border between arable land and rough mountainside pasture at about 200m OD. The system of sub-rectangular fields is defined by a series of low 40

CHAPTER 4

pattern, including phase 2 at Knowth (McCormick 1983, 2007), Rathmullan (ibid.) and Killyliss (McCormick 1984b).

retained for breeding and dairying). Consequentially, the majority of adult remains should be female. At Knowth, 53% of cattle were juveniles (i.e. not more than 24 months old), 63% at Moynagh Lough, and 56% at Marshes Upper (McCormick 1983). Of the remaining, mature, 37% at Moynagh, 66% were female, while the majority of juveniles were between 14 and 33 months when killed (only 5% were under nine months). The majority of animals from Rathgurreen were around two years of age when slaughtered, the remainder mostly female. All of this suggests dairying at these sites. A couple of settlements, however, reflect an emphasis on beefproduction. Approximately one-third of the animals at Seacash were killed at the prime meat stage (Chaplin and Barneston 1978), while the majority at Rathmullan (phases 1–3) were similarly slaughtered between two and a half and three and a half years (Collins 1982c). Despite these two examples, however, ‘the consistent pattern found on Irish sites is one where relatively few less than one year olds are slaughtered, with the slaughter peak occurring in the one to two year old age group. On no sites in Early Christian Ireland are cattle of less than six months found in significant quantities’ (McCormick 1992, 203). The archaeological evidence, then, suggests a primary emphasis on dairying, with beef-production a secondary activity.

Analyses of age/sex ratios may shed light on the form of animal husbandry practised, whether beefproduction or dairying or both. In order for a cow to produce milk, her calf must be present. It is recorded in the Life of St. Finán of Kinnitty that, when a wolf killed the calf of the saint’s cow, Finán summoned it to take the calf’s place at milking time so that the cow would give milk as normal (Lucas 1958, 81). In the Life of Maédóc of Ferns, a monk asks how a cow shall provide milk after her calf has been given away (Lucas 1989, 47). The laws stated that another calf could be used to take the place of a stillborn ‘for the sake of the cow’s milk’ (Kelly 1997, 37). Animal values are also recorded in early texts, the highest belonging to the plough ox and six year old milch cow. The former was worth between 12 and 24 scruples (or two séts/onethird of a cumal), while the latter was valued at 24 scruples (ibid. 65). Dairying, therefore, is indicated by the presence of a large number of animals slaughtered around two years of age when they were no longer required to stimulate milk-production (generally males as females were Site 1. Ballyfounder 2. Knowth 1 3. Knowth 2 4. Lagore 1a 5. Lagore 1b 6. Lagore 2 7. Lagore 3 8. Larrybane 9. Lough Faughan 10. Marshes Upper 3 11. Moynagh Lough 12. Rathmullan 1 13. Rathmullan 2 14. Rathmullan 3 15. Deer Park Farms 16. Cathedral Hill 17. Oughtymore 18. Millockstown 1 19. Millockstown 2 20. Millockstown 3 21. Seacash 22. Killyliss 23. Knockea 24. Rathgurreen 1 25. Rathgurreen 2

MNI 25 60 84 88 146 112 13 39 25 40 250 25 65 28 78 58 12 9 4 10 17 10 22 20 37

Cattle 60/15 52/31 33/28 61/54 71/104 46/52 85/11 51/20 70/18 45/18 39/98 36/9 31/20 29/8 47/37 45/26 33/4 56/5 50/2 40/4 47/8 30/3 41/9 50/10 49/18

Pig 28/7 33/20 32/27 13/11 14/20 34/38 15/2 8/3 21/5 35/14 36/90 48/12 52/34 57/16 31/24 36/21 25/3 33/3 25/1 30/3 29/5 50/5 23/5 25/5 27/10

Sheep 12/3 15/9 35/29 26/23 15/22 20/22 0/0 41/16 9/2 20/8 25/63 16/4 17/11 14/4 22/17 19/11 42/5 11/1 25/1 30/3 24/4 20/2 36/8 25/5 24/9

(1-14 after McCormick 1983, 15 after McCormick forthcoming, 16 after Higgins 1984a, 17 after Mallory and Woodman 1984, 18-20 after McCormick 1986, 21 after Chaplin and Barneston 1978, 22 after McCormick 1984, 23 after Roche 1967, and 24-25 after Murray, Vol. 2). Table 7. Faunal remains from excavated Early Medieval sites; quantities given as percentage of total MNI/individual species MNI. 42

ANIMAL HUSBANDRY

The faunal remains also indicate that not every site was a primary producer of beef – some settlements may have imported joints of meat from elsewhere rather than, or in addition to, butchering animals on site. Excavations producing both good meat bones (humerus, pelvis, scapula, femur) and ‘waste’ parts (metapodials, carpals, tarsals) reflect the on-site butchering of animals. Such evidence is known from Millockstown (McCormick 1986), Seacash (Chaplin and Barneston 1978), Lisdoo (Collins 1982) and Rathgurreen (Murray, Appendix 3). At Cathedral Hill, however, a higher distribution of good meat bones was found, and a lower than normal quantity of waste parts, suggesting to the analyst the possible importation of some joints of beef (Higgins 1984).

slaughtered between the ages of 20 and 30 months. Young animals, however, are known from Cathedral Hill, Movilla Abbey, Ballinderry 2 and Knockea. Importation of meat joints is evidenced at Seacash, while exportation was identified at Lisdoo and Rathmullan. Waste parts, such as the more nasal portions of mandibles, were found at both of these sites, while the bones from the rest of the carcass were absent. This suggests the possibility that animals were killed and processed on site and then exported. Approximately 50% of the scapulae (shoulder-bones) from Moynagh Lough were deliberately perforated, probably to facilitate their hanging during curing. Two other species, horse and domestic fowl, merit a brief mention. That horse was, at least occasionally, eaten is evident in the discovery of bones on crannógs where the animals could serve no other purpose, and by occasional butchery marks on bones. The eating of horse meat, however, was not approved of in the early literary sources, with animals valued at anything between one to 15 milch cows (i.e. two to 30 séts, Kelly 1997, 100). The remains of horses are found on a number of Early Medieval sites, though generally in very small numbers, and not necessarily representing food remains. Single occurrences are known from Oughtymore (a food refuse midden), Carn, Killyliss, Ballyfounder, Knockea and Killederdadrum, two from Seacash and Cathedral Hill, three from Rathgurreen, and four from Millockstown. Inishkea, Lisdoo, Carn, Rathmullan, Carraig Aille, Cahercommaun, Ballinderry 2, Moynagh Lough, Lagore and Movilla Abbey all produced unspecified quantities.

Goat and sheep bones are very similar and, in the past, were often undifferentiated in reports. Definite goat remains are known from Rathgurreen (one horn from a female), Shaneen Park (a skull), Ballinderry 2 and Moynagh Lough. Goats could have been exploited for their skins, horns and milk, though are rarely mentioned in the early literature and appear to have been of little importance when they are (Kelly 1997, 78–79). Sheep were of value in Early Medieval Ireland as they could be grazed on less fertile land and provided meat, wool, skins and horns. Generally, their numbers equal that of pig, however in two cases, at Movilla Abbey and Oughtymore, they were the dominant species. The age at which animals were slaughtered can indicate whether or not they were primarily kept for their meat or wool. Older animals, those over two years of age, reflect a greater emphasis on wool exploitation, being sustained after they had reached their full body size/prime meat stage. At Rathmullan, the majority of sheep were killed between the ages of 24 months and 42 months, at Rathgurreen most were over 24 months, while mature animals were dominant at both Movilla Abbey and Knowth, phase 2 (McCormick 1984). At Moynagh Lough, however, approximately 70% of sheep were killed between the ages of 12 and 28 months (ibid.). A sheep does not provide very much meat (not as much as a pig, for example) so, while their meat was undoubtedly exploited, a concentration on wool production was perhaps more likely. As with cattle, some evidence of the importation of joints is known. Shoulders of lamb were possibly acquired at Seacash, while legs of mutton were plentiful at Lisdoo suggesting ‘that joints of mutton were occasionally imported’ (Collins 1982, 58).

Domestic fowl were probably introduced into Ireland from Britain relatively late. A few occurrences are recorded from Iron Age Britain, while domestic fowl were definitely exploited during the Roman period (Hamilton-Dyer, Appendix 3). Hens are frequently mentioned in the Irish law texts, though are rarely found in excavation, perhaps due to the more rapid decay of, or failure to retrieve, such small bones. Laying hens were valued at two bushels of grain, while birds fit only for the cooking pot at half a bushel. The importance of eggs is also reflected, with hens expected to lay approximately 50 eggs every year. Birds were protected from wild animals, such as foxes, by housing them in a mobile hen-coop, often kept in an outhouse or fixed in a tree (Kelly 1997, 102–104). Bones have been discovered at Rathmullan, Carraig Aille, Rathgurreen (one of the bones from a hen in lay – Hamilton-Dyer, Appendix 3), Movilla Abbey and Cathedral Hill.

The sole economic function of pig was to provide meat and, as such, it was most efficient to slaughter animals when they had fully matured. Pig was the dominant species at Rathmullan, the later phase at Lisdoo, and at Killyliss. At Rathmullan, the majority of animals were killed at 36 months, reflecting a deliberate ‘harvesting’ upon arrival at a certain age and/or size (Collins 1982c). Most of the animals at Moynagh Lough were

Of the 25 sites, or phases thereof, where the minimum number of individuals has been calculated, cattle were the dominant species on 19 and of secondary importance on the remaining six (Table 7). The other two main domestic species, pig and sheep, were equally represented on three of the sites, while pig was 43

CHAPTER 4

dominant on four sites, sheep on two. An examination of the secondary and tertiary species reveals a preference for pig over sheep. Pig is the second most plentiful species on 12 sites, sheep on four, while the former are third most common on six, the latter on 16. It is clear from this that cattle were most commonly exploited, followed by pig and finally sheep. A few exceptions to this general pattern are known. At Rathmullan, for example, pig was dominant in phases 1 to 3, followed by cattle and sheep. At Lagore, cattle were most common in all periods, though in 1a and 1b sheep was of secondary importance and pig tertiary. This was reversed in the later periods 2 and 3, with a corresponding decline in cattle numbers (from M.N.I. 104 in 1b to 52 in 2 and 11 in 3). The contemporary phase at Knowth also saw a decline in cattle, albeit a less marked one (from 31 in phase 1 to 28 in phase 2), with sheep taking over from cattle as the most prominent species.

Seacash, Lisdoo, Rathmullan and Rathgurreen. It is also likely that animals were frequently slaughtered and butchered at a location outside the main settlement or, alternatively, joints of meat imported from another site entirely. Animal husbandry, particularly cattle-rearing, appears to have been quite efficient in Early Medieval Ireland. The early texts portray a picture of an agricultural economy based mainly on cattle, an impression corroborated by much of the archaeological remains. Society’s dependence on cattle is further reflected in a number of annalistic entries where cattle murrains are recorded as having caused widespread famine. The Annals of Ulster, for example, record a murrain in 699 which was followed by three years of famine and pestilence in the human population (Mac Niocaill 1981). The process of cattle exploitation was clearly efficient enough to base an economy on. The three main species were more than mere sources of meat and dairy produce as their skins were utilised, so too the horns of cattle and sheep, the fleece of sheep, the marrow from long-bones, the tusks of pigs, and the actual bones themselves. All of this would have resulted in a minimal amount of waste. Cattle and horse also provided an important source of traction.

McCormick postulated that the changes at Knowth might be related to trade links with towns such as Viking Dublin (1996), while Hencken suggested that the decrease in cattle at Lagore may have been influenced by Viking-instigated unrest in the area (1950, 227). In their more recent work (2007), Murray and McCormick identify a general decline in the importance of cattle starting around the ninth century. Although they remain the most dominant of the domestic species on many sites, sheep and pig are present in greater numbers than before, occasionally out-stripping cattle. This change is linked with a proposed ‘currency re-alignment’ in Ireland from the ninth century onwards, with less emphasis placed on cattle and more emphasis on commodities such as slaves and silver (McCormick and Murray 2007, 106– 115).

To examine the relationship between sites in terms of animal husbandry, it is first necessary to understand the social framework provided by clientship. Essentially a system of farming contracts, it involved (amongst other things – see chapter 2 on early Irish literature) the investment of livestock by a lord in his clients, and their annual return of foodstuffs. The usual length of a contract was seven years, the approximate duration of a cow’s prime lactation span. An example is given in Críth Gablach which states that the mruigfer received a fief of 31 séts or 24 milch cows from his lord (the cows at the start of their milk-producing lives, Kelly 1988, 113). Returns were divided into two groups; bés or livestock, and fosair or foodstuffs. Cáin Aigillne lists the fosair of a bóaire as bacon one hand thick, half a bacon, fat from the rear third of a cow, fat of an entire year old male calf, fat of an entire wether, one calf of one sack, one calf of two sacks, one calf of four sacks, one pig of nine fists long ... one cauldron of curds and butter ... (Gerriets 1983) This system involved the large-scale transfer of goods and animals from one site to another in the form of fiefs and tributes, thus influencing the faunal remains found during excavation.

Discussion The different activities involved in animal husbandry appear to have been undertaken in various parts of the Early Medieval farm. That pregnant or nursing animals were kept within ringforts is evidenced by the discovery of neonate bones of cattle, sheep and pig on sites such as Rathgurreen and Killyliss. It is also suggested by the literary evidence, the laws stating that both lambs and piglets should be kept away from common land until the beginning of August, after their most vulnerable period (Kelly 1997, 68 and 81). It has not, however, been possible to identify the organisation of this activity within ringforts, farrowing perhaps taking place in simple pens or more substantial outhouses. The early literature suggests that herds were normally grazed on the land in the vicinity of the farm, though in some places animals may have been seasonally moved to better grazing areas accessible only in summer. The remains at Ballyutoag, Co. Antrim, may represent an upland transhumance village. Butchery sites are generally quite difficult to identify, though the presence of waste bones is indicative of the activity. Such evidence is known from Millockstown,

The literary evidence, therefore, suggests that some sites may have been primary producers, and this is somewhat substantiated by the archaeological remains. Recognised primary producer sites include Millockstown, Seacash, Lisdoo, Rathmullan, Rathgurreen and Moynagh Lough. Of these, evidence 44

ANIMAL HUSBANDRY

of pork export is known from Lisdoo and Rathmullan, while pork was imported at Seacash, and mutton at both Seacash and Lisdoo. In addition to the difficulty involved in identifying faunal remains as imports, it is impossible to ascertain the origin site of a joint of meat. Therefore, it is not possible to create a model of livestock exchange between excavated sites.

status of a lord, the greater the number of clients paying annual tribute. Although a relatively large quantity of faunal remains may also be found on a production site, these settlements did not have as many resources (land etc.) as their lords and, therefore, could not exploit as much livestock. Whether the remains of on-site production and/or importation, the minimum number of individuals represented in an assemblage does reflect the resources available to a site’s inhabitants. The figures used below (Table 9) are loosely based on information provided by the literary evidence, though quantities in texts generally provide relative guides only, and then refer mostly to cattle. Críth Gablach states that an ócaire should possess seven cows and a bóaire febsa between 15 and 20. Thus, the remains of up to 20 cows is taken as evidence of minimal activity. Possibly falling into the next group of between 21 and 40 animals are the mruigfer and aire déso (depending on any stock they possessed themselves before fief and tribute), while those of higher status had upwards of 40 animals. These groupings are quite cautious and conservative in terms of quantities, though perhaps this somewhat counteracts the irregular survival of faunal remains. As cattle are generally twice as plentiful (in archaeological assemblages) as either sheep or pigs, the following rough guide is proposed.

Theoretically, a three-tier economic model of animal husbandry in Early Medieval Ireland can be constructed (Table 8). Minimal animal ‘production’ would not quite satisfy internal demand and additional meat would have been imported, average activity would have met the requirements of the settlement, while extensive animal husbandry would have produced a surplus for export. The clientship system, however, complicates matters as the faunal remains found on a site need not be from animals raised there. Therefore, minimum consumption could be reflected in food refuse from ‘internal’ herds only, average in this and evidence of export, while remains of extensive consumption could contain the additional element of importation. In this examination of consumption, those who have enough for themselves represent the lowest grade of freemen, barely able to meet the terms of their clientship agreements, perhaps substituting labour or military service for livestock or food tribute. The next social grouping consists of clients of various status, farmers able to provide their lords with the required ‘rent’, while the upper echelons in society received numerous such ‘rents’ or tributes. Thus, minimum production might reflect extensive consumption, average production minimum consumption, and extensive production average consumption. Production Av Min Ex

Livestock for/from: Internal use/herds Internal + import Internal + export

Husbandry: Cattle Sheep Pig

Min 1–20 1–10 1–10

Av 21–40 11–20 11–20

Ex 41– 21– 21–

(figures = M.N.I. of each species, not the percentage of the total M.N.I.) Table 9. Proposed animal husbandry levels

Consumption Min Ex Av

The sites of kings or higher status lords should produce extensive evidence of at least one of the three main species, lower status lords and upper grades of freemen average evidence, and the lowest grades of free farmers, minimum evidence.

Table 8. Theoretical three-tier husbandry model It must be remembered, however, that some farmers were both client and lord, and would have imported/received and exported/given goods.

Table 10 incorporates neither the total percentage of a site excavated nor its preservation conditions, though it does provide a rough guide to levels of animal husbandry. The evidence from Oughtymore can be discarded as it represents the remains from a midden not an excavated settlement. The minimal activity at Millockstown, Seacash, Killyliss and Knockea possibly reflects poor preservation (very low M.N.I. numbers compared to those of other sites), and that at Rathgurreen and Lough Faughan the excavation of approximately one quarter and one-half of the sites (respectively).

In practice, it is impossible to apply such a model due to a lack of relevant data and the differing conditions of preservation between sites. A more general indicator is required though these problems must still be taken into consideration. When survival rates are roughly consistent, the more livestock represented on a site, the wealthier the inhabitants. While sizeable quantities of bones are not necessarily indicative of extensive production, they do reflect control over a large resource base consisting of primary herds and land and/or those of their clients. The higher the social

45

CHAPTER 4

Site Ballyfounder Knowth 1 Knowth 2 Lagore 1a Lagore 1b Lagore 2 Lagore 3 Larrybane Lough Faughan Marshes Upper 3 Moynagh Lough Rathmullan 1 Rathmullan 2 Rathmullan 3 Deer Park Farms Cathedral Hill Oughtymore Millockstown 1 Millockstown 2 Millockstown 3 Seacash Killyliss Knockea Rathgurreen 1 Rathgurreen 2

Cattle Min. Av. Av. Ext. Ext. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Min. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min.

Pig Min. Av. Ext. Av. Av. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Av. Ext. Av. Ext. Av. Ext. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min.

Sheep Min. Min. Ext. Ext. Ext. Ext. Av. Min. Min. Ext. Min. Av. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min.

Husbandry Min. Av. Ext. Ext. Ext. Ext. Min. Av. Min. Av. Ext. Av. Ext. Av. Ext. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min.

Table 10. Levels of animal husbandry on excavated Early Medieval sites In addition, site size may have influenced the quantity of remains recovered, with four of the above sites measuring no more than 35m in diameter (Table 11). Average activity was discovered at phase 1 of Knowth, Larrybane, phase 3 at Marshes Upper, and phases 1 and 3 at Rathmullan. Cathedral Hill, Knowth phase 2, Lagore 1a, 1b and 2, Moynagh Lough, Rathmullan 2 and Deer Park Farms produced extensive remains.

It is interesting to note that of these sites, Knowth, Lagore, Moynagh Lough and Deer Park Farms have all been completely excavated and, with the exception of Knowth, preserved bone in waterlogged contexts. Although providing a general indication only, it is evident from this that a definite economic hierarchy of sites did exist in Early Medieval Ireland.

SITE

SIZE (m)

HUSBANDRY

EXC. INFO.

Ballyfounder

21

Min.

Large %

Cathedral Hill

-

Ext.

Limited Complete

* Deer Park Farms

25

Ext.

* Killyliss

42

Min.

Limited

Knockea

31

Min.

Limited

Knowth

90

Av.-Ext.

Complete

* Lagore

41

Ext.

Complete

Larrybane

-

Av.

Limited

* Lough Faughan

34

Min.

c. 50%

Marshes Upper

Souterrain

Av.

-

Millockstown

60

Min.

Limited

* Moynagh Lough

36

Ext.

Complete

Rathgurreen

95

Min.

c. 25%

Rathmullan

28

Ext.

c. 25%

Seacash

35

Min.

Limited

Table 11. Site sizes and excavation information (* = presence of waterlogged contexts

46

NATURAL RESOURCES

Chapter V

Non-Agricultural Resource Exploitation Ailinne albeit in very small quantities (Raftery 1994, 126). The remains of a hare were found at Freestone Hill, while neither fish nor bird bones have been recovered from the period. Dún Ailinne produced a sizeable quantity of hazelnut shells and some wild plant seeds, such as pale persicara and goosefoot which may have supplemented the diet.

Introduction The exploitation of local natural resources often supplemented agricultural practices in Early Medieval Ireland, and provided the raw material for a variety of other activities. The role of hunting, gathering, fishing and fowling is easily underestimated due to the relatively small quantity of evidence visible in the archaeological record. This is also reflected in a lack of specific studies on the topic, the most comprehensive review consisting of a short section of Edward’s chapter on food and farming (1990, 64–66). The uses of wood and woodland have been examined by Tierney (1998) and O’Sullivan (1994), coastal resources studied by Murray in a PhD thesis (Queens University Belfast 1999), articles relevant to fishing have been written by O’Sullivan on fish-weirs (1993, 1994) and Went on fishing spears (1952), while the practice of fowling has been largely ignored in published sources.

Other items obtained from the local environment probably included beeswax and salt, the former used in the manufacture of cire perdue casting models, the latter important for the preservation of foodstuffs. In addition to building (see chapter 7 on wood-working), wood was also burned in hearths and fires and as charcoal in furnaces. Pollen diagrams from the Iron Age (e.g. Weir 1995) show a marked regeneration of woodland which did not end until approximately 300 AD, reflecting diminished use of woodland compared to that of other periods. The absence of large-scale settlement information precludes any detailed consideration of the importance of wild foodstuffs and raw materials in this period.

Most of the source information for this area can be found in individual site reports, some containing specialist studies of relevant material. Pollen analyses were undertaken at Killyliss and Rathbeg (Goddard 1984 and Pilcher 1969, respectively), charcoal examinations at sites such as Ballyutoag (Monk 1984), Dalkey (Scannell 1968) and Knockea (Scannell 1967), and a specialist shell report at Rathgurreen (Murray, Appendix 3). In addition, early Irish literature contains several references to hunting, gathering, fishing and fowling compensating, in part at least, for the gaps in many archaeological assemblages. Most of the relevant documentary evidence has been compiled by Kelly (1988 and 1997).

Archaeological and documentary sources confirm that a range of items, both edible goods and non-foodstuffs, were obtained from the natural landscape in the Early Medieval period. The former included meat from wild animals, hazelnuts, mast (the fruit of the beech and oak) for feeding livestock, a range of wild fruits, roots and herbs, some varieties of edible seaweed, shellfish and occasionally whale meat. The latter consisted of materials such as metalliferous ore, timber and brushwood, peat, naturally shed antler, seaweed for fertilizer, certain shellfish for bait or dye, whale bone, clays for pottery construction and other purposes, stone for building and artefact manufacture, and wild madder and woad (sometimes cultivated) used as dyestuffs.

Evidence of foraging activities from the Iron Age is even more scant than in the following centuries. Hunting is evident in the discovery of the bones of wild animals, namely red deer, at Freestone Hill and Dún SITE

RED DEER

HARE FERRET OTTER

FOX

MARTEN

WOLF

SEAL

B ADG ER

Ballinderry 2, Westmeath

*

-

-

*

*

*

-

-

*

Cahercommaun, Clare

*

*

-

-

*

*

-

-

*

Carraig Aille, Limerick

-

*

*

-

*

-

-

-

*

Church Island, Kerry

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

*

-

Deredis Upper, Cavan

-

-

-

*

-

-

-

-

-

Inishkea, Mayo

*

*

-

-

-

-

-

*

-

Knockea, Limerick

-

-

-

-

*

-

*

-

-

Lagore, Meath

*

*

-

*

*

-

-

-

-

Leacanabuaile, Kerry

*

*

-

-

-

-

-

*

-

Table 12. Wild species from excavated faunal assemblages 47

NATURAL RESOURCES

Fig. 17 A–C. Leaf-shaped iron spearheads from Lagore, D–F. shouldered iron spearheads from Lagore (Hencken 1950) For the nobility, at least, hunting appears to have been more an élite social activity and possible form of military training than an economic necessity. Kings were expected to have both hunters and trappers in their households. Certain laws governed the hunting of wild animals with the carcass of an animal, for example, to be shared between the hunters and the owner of the land upon which the prey was caught. Also, if trappers set a spike or dug a deer-pit on common ground, they were obliged to issue a warning regarding their location. Failure to do so made them liable for any injuries caused to people or livestock. In addition to deer, the literary sources also refer to the hunting of badgers, hare, fox, otter, wolf, seal and porpoise (ibid. 282). It is also apparent that hunting was not purely a secular activity. The document detailing life at the monastery of Tallaght, for example,

states that only guests were permitted to eat meat, and then only that of wild swine or deer (Gwynn and Purton 1911, §3 and §16). Relevant archaeological evidence, then, includes the bones of both horses and dogs which may have been employed in hunting. Horse remains are known from sites including Ballingoola 3, Millockstown, Seacash, Killanully, Leacanabuaile, Lisdoo, Carn, Rathgurreen, Rathmullan, Carraig Aille and Cahercommaun. A large range of canine species are known from the period, from small lap-dogs to animals of alsatian size. Remains have been found at Ballingoola 3, Beginish, Millockstown, Shaneen Park, Killanully, Leacanabuaile, Lisdoo, Carn, Ardcloon, Rathgurreen, Carraig Aille, Cahercommaun, Ballinderry 2, Lagore and Cathedral Hill. Both horses and dogs are generally 49

CHAPTER 5

found in small numbers, though the remains of nine horses and seven dogs were recovered at Lagore. Weapons possibly used in hunting include spears and bow-and-arrows, though no actual wooden bows survive. Iron spear-heads were found at Garryduff, Feltrim Hill, Meadowbank, Carraig Aille, Solar, Ballinderry 2, Lagore (Fig. 17) and St. Gobnet’s, and iron arrow- or projectile-heads at Caherconnell, Rathmullan and Carraig Aille.

In the law texts, salt is referred to as murlúaithe, literally translated as ‘sea-ashes’, reflecting an indirect role of the sea in Early Medieval economy. The literary sources also reveal the use of seaweed, both as fertilizer (Ó Cróinín 1995) and foodstuff. Edible varieties mentioned include duilesc (dulse) and medbán. If the land along a seashore was commonly owned, the whole community was entitled to its resources, however such areas could also be private property (Kelly 1998, 305). Tír Cumaile states that the presence of ‘productive rock’ on a shore added three cows to the value of the land (MacNiocaill 1971, 82), with ‘productive rock’ most likely referring to the exploitation of both seaweed and shellfish. Currently, no archaeological evidence for the use of seaweed is known, however its possible use has been suggested at Rathgurreen. Amongst the shellfish recovered during the latter excavation were a few small winkles of a species which live on seaweed. This led Murray to speculate that they may have reached the site still attached to strands of seaweed, their size rendering specific collection uneconomical (Appendix 3).

Gathering A wide range of foodstuffs was gathered from the natural environment in the Early Medieval period. Hazelnuts are mentioned in the early literary sources and their shells found at Ballyutoag, Caherconnell, Rathbeg, Rathmullan, Killanully, Killyliss, Garryduff, Garranes and St. Gobnet’s. At Rathbeg, the hazelnuts were probably imported as the pollen samples from the site show a very low percentage of hazel-tree pollen in the area (Pilcher 1969). Animals were often fed on mast with many references to exceptionally good or poor crops, for example the Annals of Ulster record that in the year 835 AD, the crop was heavy enough to dam up streams, blocking the water flow (Kelly 1998, 305). The literature also refers to wild apples, sloes, blackberries, bilberries, strawberries, haws, hips, rowanberries, elderberries, cranberries, cherries, juniper and herbs and roots such as garlic, watercress, nettle and sorrel (ibid. 307–308). Archaeobotanical remains include mustard, radish, blackberry drubes and, very occasionally, sloe stones and elder pips (Monk et al. 1998, 68). Ballinderry 1 produced cherry stones, with blackberry seeds and sloe stones at Lisleagh, and an eighth- or ninth-century pit in Armagh contained blackberry and elderberry seeds (Edwards 1990, 66).

Few references are made to the use of shellfish in the documentary sources, possibly reflecting the ‘low status of such foods’ (Kelly 1997, 298). The archaeological evidence, however, suggests a more widespread exploitation of shellfish, both as foodstuff and in the production of purple dye (Table 13). The midden at Oughtymore contained winkles, cockles, mussels, oysters, whelks, limpets and a queen scallop. Of these, only the first three species were deliberately collected, the others probably acquired during the gathering process (Edwards 1990, 66). Dooey produced middens of oysters, mussels, clams, periwinkles and limpets, though the assemblage was dominated by dog-whelks.

The seashore was another important food resource, providing the meat and oils of beached whales, shellfish and edible species of seaweed. The Annals of the Four Masters record that in 739 AD; The sea cast ashore a whale in Boirche, in the province of Ulster [south-east Ulster]. Everyone in the neighbourhood went to see it for its wondrousness. When it was slaughtered, three golden teeth were found in its head, each of which contained fifty ounces. Fiachna, son of Aedh Roin, king of Ulidia, and Eochaidh son of Breasal, chief of UíEathach, sent a tooth of them to Beannchair, where it remained for a long time on the altar to be seen by all in general. (Lynn 1982, 154) This, and other references, indicate that whales were occasionally stranded and were exploited by local communities. Fragments of ribs and shoulder blade were found on Inishkea, two fragments (one with chop marks) at Rathmullan, and a butchered vertebra at Raheens (McCarthy 1998, 62).

On Inishkea, similar quantities of dog-whelks were discovered, along with some very large limpets. Winkles and limpets were found at Beginish, Ballycatteen and Rinnaraw, whelks, mussels, oysters and land snails at Rathmullan, mussels, periwinkles and some oysters at Feltrim Hill, oysters at Ardcloon and Lismahon, and winkles at Spittle Ballee. Mussels, scallops and cockles were exploited at Cahercommaun, oysters, cockles, mussels, limpets and winkles at Drumcliffe, winkles, limpets, oysters and clams on Church Island, limpets at Reask, freshwater and marine mussels at Lagore (ibid. 66), dogwhelks on Omey, a mussel at Deredis Upper, and winkles, whelks, cockles, mussels, limpets, clams and oysters at Rathgurreen. The oyster shells at the last site bore small notches on their edges, where they had been prised open. Some types of shellfish may also have been gathered for use as fishing bait, while the dog-whelk was employed in the manufacture of a purplish dye, its ultimate whorl being broken off in the process (see chapter 10 on textile production). Shells broken in this manner are known from Inishkea, Dooey, Omey Island and Rathgurreen (Murray pers. comm.). 50

NATURAL RESOURCES

SITE

WINKLES COCKLES MUSSELS OYSTERS WHELKS LIMPETS SCALLOPS CLAMS

Ardcloon, Mayo

-

-

-

*

-

-

-

-

Ballycatteen, Cork

*

-

-

-

-

*

-

-

Beginish, Kerry

*

-

-

-

-

*

-

-

Cahercommaun, Clare

-

*

*

-

-

-

*

-

Church Island, Kerry

*

-

-

*

-

*

-

*

Deredis Upper, Cavan

-

-

*

-

-

-

-

-

Dooey, Donegal

*

-

*

*

*

*

-

*

Drumcliffe, Sligo

-

*

*

*

-

*

-

-

Feltrim Hill, Dublin

*

-

*

*

-

-

-

-

Inishkea, Mayo

-

-

-

-

*

*

-

-

Lagore, Meath

-

-

*

-

-

-

-

-

Lismahon, Down

-

-

-

*

-

-

-

-

Omey Island, Galway

-

-

-

-

*

-

-

-

Oughtymore, Derry

*

*

*

*

*

*

*

-

Rathgurreen, Galway

*

*

*

*

*

*

-

*

Rathmullan, Down

*

-

*

*

-

-

-

-

Reask, Kerry

-

-

-

-

-

*

-

-

Rinnaraw, Donegal

*

-

-

-

-

*

-

-

Spittle Ballee, Down

*

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Table 13. Shellfish from excavated sites Non-foodstuffs were also collected, and are examined in separate chapters – ore in chapters 11 and 13 on metal-working, clay in chapter 8 on clay-working, stone in chapter 6 on stone-working, woad and madder in chapter 10 on textile production, and wood in

chapter 7. In addition, peat was burned at Ballypalady, Church Island, Loher, Leacanabuaile and Reask, while deer antler though no deer bones was discovered at Dooey and Carraig Aille, perhaps reflecting the collection of naturally shed antler.

SITE

SPECIES

REFERENCE

Ardcloon, Mayo

Unspecified

Rynne 1956

Ballinderry 2, Westmeath

Unspecified

Hencken 1942

Beginish, Kerry

Wrasse

O'Kelly 1956

Carraig Aille, Limerick

Unspecified

Ó Ríordáin 1949

Church Island, Kerry

Cod, wrasse

O'Kelly 1973

Deredis Upper, Cavan

Unspecified

Davies 1946

Dooey, Donegal

Unspecified

Ó Ríordáin and Rynne 1961

Drumcliffe, Sligo

Unspecified

Enright 1984

Dundrum, Down

Cod

Waterman 1951, 1958

Inishkea, Mayo

Unspecified

Henry 1945, 1952

Lagore, Meath

Unspecified

Hencken 1950

Larrybane, Antrim

Cod, saithe, pollack, whiting, wrasse

Proudfoot and Wilson 1962

Loher, Kerry

Unspecified

O'Flaherty 1982-1985

Lough Faughan, Down

Cod

Collins 1955

Movilla Abbey, Down

Cod

Ivens 1984

Oughtymore, Derry

Eel, cod, plaice, haddock, salmon, trout

Mallory and Woodman 1984

Rathgurreen, Galway

Scad, hake, angler

Appendix 3

Rathmullam, Down

Cod

Lynn 1982

Table 14. Fish species from excavated faunal assemblages 51

CHAPTER 5

Fig. 18 Stone net-sinkers from Reask, Co. Kerry (Fanning 1981)

Fishing Fishing formed an important supplementary food source and was undertaken on both inland and coastal waterways, with a range of fish species being exploited (table 14). Bones provide the bulk of the evidence, however it must be remembered that their small size led, in many cases, to their lack of preservation and/or recovery during excavation. Fish bones, of unspecified species, were found at Dooey, Inishkea, Ardcloon, Loher, Carraig Aille, Drumcliffe, Ballinderry 2, Lagore and Deredis Upper. Oughtymore produced the remains of eel, cod, plaice/flounder, haddock, salmon and sea trout, Beginish mostly ballan wrasse, Rathmullan possible cod, and Church Island mostly cod and ballan wrasse. Cod bones were found at Movilla Abbey, Dundrum and Lough Faughan, cod, saithe, pollack, whiting and wrasse at Larrybane, and scad (horse mackerel), hake and angler (monkfish) at Rathgurreen. No inshore species were represented at the last site, reflecting considerable skill in the catching of deepwater fish. This was probably undertaken using a long line from a boat (for boat types see chapter 14), the early documentary sources containing several references to sea-fishing from boats (Kelly 1997, 296). In addition to the skeletal remains, fish scales were preserved at Loher cashel, Co. Kerry (O’Flaherty 1985).

Fig. 19 Sun-spears A. and B. Strokestown, Co. Roscommon, C. Rover Inny, Co. Westmeath; Mudspears D. Tuam, Co. Galway, E. Lagore, Co. Meath (saw, NOT spear-tine); Salmon-spear F. Strokestown, Co. Roscommon (Went 1952)

52

NATURAL RESOURCES

Fig. 20 A. and B. Tridents from Lagore, C. Roman trident from the Saalburg (Hencken 1950) Fish may have been caught with hooks-and-lines, nets, fishing spears or in specially constructed weirs. The use of line-and-hook is attested to in the early literature where the Life of St. Máedóc of Ferns, for example, records the fishing of trout in this manner (ibid. 295). Iron fish hooks were found at Dooey, while linesinkers (simple perforated stones) were identified at Beginish, Rinnaraw and Reask (Fig. 18). Both the law texts and hagiographies also refer to the use of nets in fishing (ibid. 289), while the archaeological evidence consists of stone net-sinkers from Beginish, Rathmullan and Reask, a double-pointed bone tool possibly used in net-making from Larrybane, and a series of such tools from Rathmullan.

namely those used to catch eels and those used to catch salmon (Fig. 19, Went 1952). The former consist either of a row of barbed tines which transfixed the eel (often called ‘sun-spears’ as sunshine was required to render the eels clearly visible to the fisherman), or more widely-spaced blunt prongs between which the eels were trapped (known as ‘mud-spears’ as they were driven blindly into the mud where the eels were to be found). Examples have been discovered at Strokestown (ibid.) and Larne (Edwards 1990, 66). The object identified by Went as the tine of a mud-spear from Lagore is, in fact, the remains of an iron saw (see Hencken 1950, 108). Salmon spears were, most commonly, of trident form, with a barbed example known from Strokestown and two un-barbed from Lagore (Fig. 10, ibid. 117).

Fishing spears can be divided into two main groups,

Fig. 21 Location of Fergus Estuary East 2 (weir), Upper Shannon Estuary (O’Sullivan 1993) 53

CHAPTER 5

Both the archaeological and literary evidence reflect the use of fish-weirs in Early Medieval Ireland. Weirs could be privately owned by individuals or kin-groups (Kelly 1997, 288), while the law tract Coibnes Uisci Thairidne states that they could be erected adjacent to a neighbour’s property (O’Sullivan 1994, 10). Elsewhere, the length a weir may extend across the width of a river and the problem of theft are discussed, with a fine of five séts imposed on those caught stealing fish from a weir (Kelly 1997, 289). The structures themselves may have taken one of two basic forms. The more primitive ‘fish-pounds’ consisted of long, low stone walls erected on sand flats. Fish moving out to sea were trapped in pools behind the walls, from which they could be easily taken (O’Sullivan 1994, 12). Head-weirs, however, were probably the type most commonly used in Early Medieval Ireland. Two long post-and-wattle fences, Vshaped in plan, funnelled fish into a net or basketry trap located at the apex or point of the ‘V’. These were generally used in estuaries, with the widest opening facing upstream or towards the shore, trapping fish descending on the ebbing tide (ibid. 11).

The importance of fishing to the early Irish is evident in the literary sources where fasting from meat was recorded as a regular religious observance. Tír Cumaile states that proximity to a river or estuary increased the value of land (MacNiocaill 1971), while the seventhcentury wisdom text, Audacht Morainn, lists the abundance of fish swimming in his streams as one of the attributes of a good king (O’Sullivan 1994, 11). The lost, though oft referred to, Muirbretha or ‘SeaJudgements’, evidently included a section on fishing rights, while one of the common rights enjoyed by members of a tuath was the ‘quick dip’ of a fishing net in a stream. Uraicecht Becc mentions professional fishermen with a generally low honour-price of one yearling heifer and that every king or lord was expected to hire at least one such fisherman (Kelly 1997, 285). Fowling Early literature makes many brief references to gamebirds including woodcock, snipe, wild duck, red grouse, swan and goose (ibid. 298–299), though the faunal remains reflect a much wider range of species (Table 15). Bird bones, of unspecified type, were discovered at Oughtymore, Inishkea, Feltrim Hill, Ardcloon and Drumcliffe. Beginish produced the remains of cormorant, gannet and red-throated diver, Lisdoo swan or goose, Rathmullan goose and possible crow. The bones of raven and white-tailed or sea eagle were found at Cahercommaun, blackbirds, goose and Manx shearwater at Rathgurreen, cormorant and great crested grebe at Deredis Upper, starling, shag and gull at Larrybane, and heron, duck, goose, cormorant, puffin and razorbill at Leacanabuaile. Three sites have produced greater numbers of species; the bones of raven, jay, heron, common crane, wild duck, pintail duck, tufted duck, scaup duck, teal, goose and common gull were found at Ballinderry 2, wild goose, wild duck, raven, crow, rook, barn owl, common buzzard, sea eagle, cormorant, swan, heron, crane, gull, red-throated diver, great crested grebe, coot, moorhen and corncrake at Lagore, and marsh harrier, black-headed gull, wild duck, tufted duck, goose, barnacle goose, Bewick’s swan, whooper swan, cormorant, moor hen and coot at Carraig Aille.

Fig. 22 Post-and-wattle fence, Fergus Estuary East 2 (O’Sullivan 1993)

Of the various species, it is often difficult to distinguish between the domestic and wild goose, while some bones, such as the passerine/blackbird from Rathgurreen, may represent natural mortalities. The majority of the remainder, however, were edible water birds, with the exception of species such as the eagle, owl and buzzard. The equipment employed in the capture of birds is uncertain, though it seems possible that they may have been caught using nets or perhaps lured into traps. The same problems of poor preservation and recovery of fish bones can also be applied to bird remains, clearly influencing any attempt at an overall assessment of wild fowl exploitation.

The majority of known Irish fishweirs date to the Medieval period, with one exception located on the Fergus Estuary in south Co. Clare (Figs. 21 and 22). Here, a post-and-wattle fence, 3.6m in length and orientated east-northeast–west-southwest, formed a barrier running down the shore, diagonal to the current. The fence consisted of roundwood vertical posts, 2– 3cm in diameter at 25–35cm intervals, driven up to 70cm deep into the clays. Interwoven between these were horizontal rods 1.7–1.9cm in diameter (O’Sullivan 1993, 63). This probable leading fence of a head-weir was radiocarbon dated AD 534–646, the earliest known Irish weir (O’Sullivan 1994, 10). 54

CHAPTER 5

at Reask formed one half of two conjoined structures, perhaps built specifically for the processing of shellfish (Fig. 23). On both Inishkea and Dalkey Island some effort seems to have been made to distance the somewhat odorous shells from the living area. The same, however, is not true at Rinnaraw where one midden occurred within the house.

Discussion Archaeological evidence relating to the hunting or gathering of wild food sources is rarely forthcoming, as the activities generally took place at some distance from parent settlements. The excavation record from ringforts, crannógs and other sites sheds light on the processing, consumption and disposal of food refuse. However, a lack of preservation and/or failure to record concentrations of material makes it almost impossible to determine whether or not fish, fowl or deer were processed in particular areas. Hazelnuts, it seems, are generally found in and around hearths, though this may have more to do with their preservation through carbonization than their consumption in such places. The most abundant evidence comes from shellfish remains, with middens or dumps of shells found on many sites. On Inishkea, large rubbish heaps of broken purpura shells were located along the edge of the settlement platform, while on Dalkey Island the midden was placed just inside the enclosing bank. At Rinnaraw, two shell middens were discovered, the smaller of the two inside the north wall of the house and the larger just outside the entrance. At Reask, eleven small dumps of shells were found, four associated with structure B and seven with structure D. Interestingly, both of these buildings SITE DEER

Ardcloon Ballycatteen Ballyfounder Ballypalady Boho Cahercommaun Carn Carraig Aille Deer Park Farms Dundrum Feltrim Hill Garranes Garryduff Knockea Killanully Killyliss Leacanabuaile Lisdoo Lisleagh Lismahon Lissachiggel Loher Oldcourt Raheens Rathbeg Rathgurreen Rathmullan Rinnaraw Shaneen Park Spittle Ballee

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Unfortunately, as far as these resources are concerned, it is as yet impossible to archaeologically identify any trade or exchange between sites. The status of the people involved in these activities is another question not fully answered by the available evidence. The archaeological record reveals little, with all manner of sites producing proof of hunting, gathering, fishing and fowling. Documentary sources do provide some information, indicating a low honour-price for fishermen, and that lords and kings were expected to ‘employ’ hunters, trappers and fishermen. It seems likely that these specialists held full-time positions, however no mention is made of professional ‘gatherers’, suggesting a more commonplace, perhaps temporary or seasonal activity. No evidence of gender segregation in any of these activities is evident in either the archaeological or documentary records.

HUNTING | GATHERING | FISHING | FOWLING| OTHER EQUIP. | SHELLS NUTS OTHER | BONES EQUIP. | BONES |

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Table 16. Evidence from ringforts 56

Ì Ì Fins Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

LEVEL

Ext. Min. Av. Min. Av. Av. Min. Ext. Min. Av. Av. Min. Av. Min. Av. Min. Ext. Av. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Av. Min. Ext. Ext. Av. Av. Min.

NATURAL RESOURCES

SITE DEER

HUNTING | GATHERING | FISHING | FOWLING| OTHER EQUIP. | SHELLS NUTS OTHER | BONES EQUIP. | BONES |

LEVEL

Monastic sites Cathedral Hill Church Island Clonmacnoise Drumcliffe Inishkea Killederdadrum Movilla Abbey Omey Island Reask St. Gobnet’s

Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì -

Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì -

Ì Ì -

Av. Av. Av. Ext. Ext. Min. Min. Min.? Av. Av.

Crannógs Ballinderry 2 Deredis Upper Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough Strokestown

Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì -

-

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì -

Av. Av. Ext. Av. Av. Min.

-

-

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì

Min. Av. Min. Av. Min. Ext. Av.

Miscellaneous sites Ballyutoag Beginish Dalkey Dooey Larne Larrybane Oughtymore -

Table 17. Evidence from excavated sites Fitting the evidence of these activities into a three-tier hierarchical model is difficult (tables 16 and 17). It is true that literary sources associate such practices as hunting and salmon-fishing with the social élite, though this is not corroborated by the archaeological record. Salmon bones have only been found in the midden at Oughtymore, while evidence of hunting is known from sites ranging from the relatively small, univallate ringforts of Ardcloon and Lisdoo, to the larger impressive or ‘royal’ settlements of Carraig Aille, Cahercommaun and Lagore, in addition to the monastic sites of Killederdadrum and Cathedral Hill.

consists of the remains of four or more deer, and large quantities and a wide range of fish and fowl species. Relevant sites would then include Lagore, Rathgurreen, Cahercommaun and Carraig Aille. The role of hunting, gathering, fishing and fowling in the settlement economy of Early Medieval Ireland probably varied a great deal from one site to the next. When viewed in association with agricultural activities, many site assemblages reflect ‘rural, self-sufficient economies in which there was a certain degree of opportunism – shellfish, fish, birds etc. – most likely in the lean months in early Spring’ (Murray 1999). Clearly, however, this really does not apply to sites such as Cahercommaun or Lagore where ‘lean months’ do not appear to have been a common occurrence, judging by the quantities of animal bone recovered (even taking into account the duration of occupation). The exploitation of non-agricultural natural resources, then, seems to have been sparked either by economic necessity or social status.

Even the division of the material in terms of quantity is fraught with hazard due to the differential preservation, recovery and recording from site to site. Another factor which needs to be considered is the local availability of resources such as rivers, coastline, and woodland. It should also be noted that what represented a pastime for the nobility (hunting, for example) might provide an essential subsistence supplement for the lower classes, though perhaps only the former would have had the human resources necessary to obtain large quantities of foodstuffs etc. Extensive evidence

57

CHAPTER 5

58

CRAFT PRODUCTION: STONE

Chapter VI

Craft Production: Stone stone is provided by Hodges (1964). More traditional methods of stonecutting and masonry work of recent times are dealt with by Shaw-Smith (1986), no doubt reflecting earlier techniques and practices.

Introduction Stone, one of the most basic raw materials available, was widely exploited in Early Medieval Ireland though there has been little research in this area. A range of stone types were utilised, including granite, limestone and sandstone, the last particularly favoured due to the relative ease with which it can be shaped. In a continuation of earlier practices, both chert and flint were used in the manufacture of small artefacts and tools. Chert is a chalcedonic form of silica and very similar to flint. It is, however, usually black while flint can range in colour from dark grey to amber. A belt of chert runs from Leitrim through north Cavan and Monaghan to north Meath. Flint deposits are located in Ulster while flint nodules can be found scattered in beach sands and shingle around the coast (Jackson 1991, 35). Closely related in technological terms, both to each other and to stone, were jet and lignite. The former is a hard, dark-black type of lignite, almost certainly imported into Early Medieval Ireland. Lignite is a brown coal ‘formed by the alteration of lake muds or peats in which tree stumps and logs were embedded’ (Mitchell and Ryan 1997, 21). This vegetable debris slowly accumulated and gradually transformed into thick beds of lignite. These are found close to the surface, covered only by a thin skin of glacial deposits. Lignite may also have been imported, though extensive deposits are located in Co. Antrim and around Lough Neagh.

Iron Age Background The use of stone in pagan Celtic Ireland is evidenced in both monuments and artefacts, albeit in small quantities (Raftery 1983, 176). The tools with which these were produced, however, have not been identified in the archaeological record. Luxury items include a fragment of a jet bracelet, ‘D’-shaped in section, found in a burial deposit at Dunadry, Co. Antrim. The original internal diameter of the ring was approximately 5.6cm. A complete jet bracelet came from Lambay, Co. Dublin. All surfaces of the piece were polished and it measured 5.7cm in internal diameter. A third jet artefact, a spoon, was discovered on Carbury Hill, Co. Kildare. It consists of a sub-oval shaped bowl with a broken horizontal loop handle, the whole piece highly polished. A stone bead was found at Lisnacrogher, Co. Antrim. It is sub-rectangular in section with convex sides decorated with closely-spaced oblique hatching. A small number of highly polished stone cones, possible gaming pieces, are known from Iron Age Ireland. Examples, from Dunbell Big and Freestone Hill in Co. Kilkenny and Knowth and Tara in Co. Meath, have convex or straight sides and measure 3–5cm in height. Also found at Knowth were 21 water-rolled pebbles of oval or sub-oval shape (1–1.5cm in length), accompanying crouched burials (no. 10/11) with gravegoods that included bone dice and gaming pieces.

Very few studies of the uses of stone in either the Iron Age or the Early Medieval period in Ireland have been undertaken. Raftery’s 1994 textbook on the earlier of these contains a brief paragraph which barely touches on the subject. More information can be gleaned from his catalogue of Irish Iron Age antiquities (1983) and the discussion of that material (1984). Specific studies have been carried out on beehive rotary querns (Caulfield 1977) and carved stone heads (Rynne 1972). Work on the Early Medieval period is similarly limited. Edwards (1990) does include a short discussion of the uses of stone in the period, while Caulfield examines the rotary quern in pre-Medieval Ireland (1966) and O’Connor the form and function of whetstones (1991). The most useful information on the craft in Early Medieval Ireland comes from excavation reports, through an examination and compilation of the relevant evidence. A small number contain short descriptions of the artefacts found and their method of manufacture. In the report on his excavations at Crossnacreevy ringfort, for example, Harper includes an examination of flint from Early Medieval settlement sites, discussing its role in the period (1974). General technological information regarding the working of

More practical implements such as whetstones and quernstones were also manufactured and used in the Iron Age. A total of 53 whetstones, of square and rectangular section, were found at Freestone Hill, Co. Kilkenny, along with several natural pebbles used for polishing (ibid. 226). Rotary querns have been divided into two classes by Seamus Caulfield (1977). The first group consists of thick stones of small diameter, usually with a horizontal hole in the side for the handle. The second type have thin flat stones with a high diameter/thickness ratio (rarely below 4:1) and a vertical hole-handle. The former are the beehive querns of the Iron Age (Fig. 24), while the latter were common in the Early Medieval period with their use extending into later medieval times. Over two hundred examples of the former are known and are almost wholly confined to the northern half of the country (Caulfield 1977, 107). These beehive querns are roughly circular with a rounded profile, the majority 59

CHAPTER 6

measuring 28–36cm in diameter and 9–19cm in thickness. A small number were decorated, the ornament ranging from simple grooves around the central perforation, to radial motifs, to elaborate curvilinear designs.

in numerous ringforts throughout the country. These are generally ‘D’-shaped in section and highly polished. Most were fragmentary when discovered, though a number of complete examples are known. Where the original internal diameter of the rings can be determined, they fall between 4cm and 7cm. This small size has led to suggestions that they were bracelets worn by children. Two shale armlets were found at Dressogagh, 52 lignite fragments at Cahercommaun, 42 at Carraig Aille, and 15 jet fragments at Feltrim Hill. A small number of beads are known, including two circular disc beads of shale from Lagore and two jet beads, one each from Feltrim Hill and Carraig Aille. No gaming pieces have been identified from ringfort excavations, though a stone gaming board was found at Movilla Abbey (Fig. 25) and a possible gaming piece at Lagore, a small truncated stone cone.

Fig. 24 Beehive querns: A, from Northern Ireland, B. from Ticooly O’Kelly, Co. Galway (Waddell 1998) Iron Age masons also turned their hand to larger stone sculpture. Five carved pillar stones are known, one each from Derrykeighan, Co. Antrim, Killycluggin, Co. Cavan, Mullaghmast, Co. Kildare, Castlestrange, Co. Roscommon and Turoe, Co. Galway. A number of stone idols were also carved, mainly in the form of human heads. These, like the beehive querns, are mostly from the northern half of the country (Rynne 1972, 79). They are usually, on stylistic grounds, associated with the pagan Celtic cult of the human head, though most have been found on early ecclesiastical sites. Concentrations occur in counties Armagh, Cavan, Fermanagh and Donegal, with a minor grouping in Kilkenny.

Fig. 25 Stone artefact from Movilla Abbey, Co. Down (Yates 1983) The board consisted of a block of dressed sandstone, approximately 34cm by 28cm. It bore incised lines (for ‘Nine Mens Morris’) and was damaged before being re-used as a pavement stone (Yates 1983). Stone was also employed in the manufacture of equipment for use in contemporary crafts. In metalworking, ingots were cast in stone moulds while ornamental designs may first have been devised on stone motif-pieces. Metal objects were finished and sharpened using whetstones and grindstones. Stone ingot moulds have been found at Ballinderry 2, Lagore, Cathedral Hill and Garranes (see chapter 13 on nonferrous metalworking). Stone motif-pieces, though not exclusively associated with metalworking, have been found at Dalkey, Lagore (Fig. 26), Ballinderry 2, Movilla Abbey, Gransha and Garryduff. The excavation of the last produced nine examples, of shale, slate and sandstone. These bore interlaced and other motifs, mostly incised freehand, though occasionally with the aid of a compass (O’Meadhra 1979; 1987).

It is evident from this cursory examination that stonemasons and stone- workers in Iron Age Ireland produced a range of work, from luxury personal ornaments, to functional domestic equipment, to ritualistic icons. In addition, stone was used in the construction of structures such as forts or cashels, with some examples (including Dún Aonghasa) dated to the Iron Age and earlier. The organisation of the craft, however, is invisible in the current archaeological record. Artefacts of the Early Medieval Period Stone continued to be used in the manufacture of a wide range of artefacts in the Early Medieval period. As well as beads and gaming pieces, luxury items included bracelets or rings of stone, jet or lignite, found 60

CHAPTER 6

period is obviously extremely difficult, however early Irish literature (see chapter 2) describes a standard stone wall as being three feet (c.1m) thick and four feet (1.2m) high, composed of three courses of stonework (Kelly 1997, 373–374). While a limited amount of skill was involved in their construction, the same is not true of stone cashels. A great deal of organisation and experience was required in building the walls of these forts. Up to four or five metres in height and three or four metres thick, these walls may have internal terraces and flights of steps, and chambers within the thickness of the walls (Cahercommaun for example, Fig. 29).

Craftworking Residues Very little stone-working residue survives in the archaeological record. No quarries have been identified as having been exploited in the Early Medieval period and no stock-piles of raw material have been discovered. One probable source of raw material, however, can be identified. Chlorite was worked in House A, Site 3 on Inishkea North, Co. Mayo, and large lumps of this stone are found on the shores of the island. Chlorite waste, in the form of chippings, and discarded, partially worked, pieces were also found on Inishkea. A soft stone, chlorite is easily cut with a simple knife and some of the small lumps found bore traces of cutting and scraping. Others were roughly cut into discoid shape ‘some of them showing traces of the break or the veins of quartz which caused them to be abandoned’ (Henry 1952, 172). The most common waste material consists of flint flakes and cores and a relatively small number of lignite pieces. These are circular discs cut from the centre of lignite bracelets/rings. Such cores are known from Ballybrolly, Cathedral Hill, Feltrim Hill and Cahercommaun.

Structures enclosed by these ramparts were also, in many cases, of stone. Early monastic sites such as Reask and Skellig Michael were almost entirely built of stone. On other sites, houses and domestic buildings may have been partially of stone, perhaps stone walled with thatched roofs. Another feature of Early Medieval settlements, some examples of which had a stone element, was the souterrain. These underground passages were often of simple drystone construction or slab lined. That some structures were roofed with slates is evidenced by the several hundred perforated slates of soft blue shale from Ballycatteen, Co. Cork (Fig. 30).

Incomplete objects in various stages of manufacture have been found on several sites. Unfinished quernstones were discovered at Moynagh Lough and a partially worked lignite bracelet at Lislear, Co. Tyrone. Inishkea produced a few spindle-whorls, evidently discarded when they split during the drilling of central perforations (Henry 1952). Nine unfinished examples of shale and sandstone were recovered from Garryduff. The Carraig Aille excavations produced five unperforated spindle-whorls of sandstone and shale and an oval pendant with an incomplete perforation. Similar spindle-whorls were found at Cahercommaun and Reask, an unfinished quern at Lagore and lignite bracelets at Cathedral Hill. Structural Uses

Fig. 30 Stone tiles from Ballycatteen, Co. Cork (Ó Ríordáin and Hartnett 1943) The shale was of local origin, being identical to the site bedrock. The holes in the slates measured 6mm to 18mm in diameter, most formed by striking the rougher side of the stone with a pointed tool. One example was perforated by placing the slate on a tubular implement and driving a nail through from the opposite side. Another slate still contained such a cutout plug in situ while the mark of a pointed punch was visible on the opposite surface. A wide variety of shapes and sizes was represented and it seems likely that they formed a pegged slate roof, possibly of one of the three semi-subterranean souterrains on the site (Ó Ríordáin and Hartnett 1943).

Fig. 29 Cahercommaun, Co. Clare (after Hencken 1938) In addition to the manufacture of artefacts, one of the main uses of stone was as a building material. Simple drystone field walls were used where stone was readily available, safeguarding crops from grazing animals. Ascribing any one type of stone wall to an individual

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Fig. 31 Unfinished cross, Kells, Co. Meath As in the preceding Iron Age, stone continued to be used in a religious role. In addition to stone oratories built in some areas, stone features of the early church in Ireland included High-Crosses, cross-inscribed pillars, bullauns and grave-markers. The earlier high crosses were mostly carved in sandstone and granite, with an unfinished example from Kells, Co. Meath giving some idea of the later stages of manufacture (Fig. 31). The cross, found in fragments and re-erected in the nineteenth century, has two completed panels – a crucifixion scene at the centre of the head facing east and a group of figures on the north arm, also facing east. The rest of the cross bears square or rectangular raised blank panels, awaiting carving (Harbison 1994, 75). Perhaps the initial form of the cross was shaped by a mason, with the decoration undertaken by a sculptor or number of sculptors.

The most common abrasive was the simple whetstone (Fig. 32). Though wear patterns indicate that these were definitely employed in metalworking, some may also have been used by stone-masons. The same is true of grindstones, examples known from Lagore, Seacash and Carraig Aille. Rounded stone pebbles are found on many Early Medieval settlements and may have been used in a range of activities. One example from Garryduff, however, bore ‘one striated flattened face which is due to abrasive rubbing on another stone’ (O’Kelly 1962, 88). This may have been a stoneworking tool, though it is also possible that it was used to grind some other material placed on another stone. Over 35 rubbing or pounding stones were discovered at Cahercommaun.

Artefact Remains It is impossible to definitely identify individual artefacts as the components of a mason’s tool-kit in Early Medieval Ireland. Hammers and mallets were essential to the mason’s work, whether used in conjunction with chisels, punches or wedges. Wooden mallets are known from Ballinderry 2 and Lagore, hammer-stones from Ballyutoag, St. Gobnet’s, Reask, Rathmullan, Letterkeen and Carraig Aille, and iron hammers or hammer-heads from Dooey, Garryduff and the vicinity of Lagore. Iron punches have been found at Ballyvollen, Lagore and Carraig Aille, and chisels at Dooey, Tullylish, Garryduff, Feltrim Hill, Ballyfounder and Carraig Aille. Wooden wedges, possibly used to cleave stone, were discovered at Ballinderry 2. The surface dressing of stone could have been undertaken with hammers, chisels, punches or axes. Stone axes came from the excavations at Letterkeen (1), Carraig Aille (16) and Cahercommaun (4).

Fig. 32 Whetstones from Garranes, Co. Cork (Ó Ríordáin 1942) No lathes have survived in the archaeological record, their existence merely inferred by the presence of lathe-turned artefacts such as bone spindle-whorls and wooden bowls (see chapters 9 and 7, respectively). As 63

CHAPTER 6

already mentioned, flint tools may have been used in conjunction with the lathe. Some may also have been employed in drilling or boring. The wear on a triangular-sectioned flint point from Reask reflects its use as a boring tool, worked mostly in an anticlockwise direction. The central perforation of a littleused spindle-whorl from the site was formed by this implement. ‘When experimented with on soft material, the flint point produced rills in the perforated area closely resembling those on the whorl’ (Fanning 1981, no. 315).

soft lignite was pared away in a series of long sweeping cuts producing a highly faceted ring. Next, the projection was removed, completing the rough ring. The final stage involved polishing the ring to remove the carving facets, resulting in the characteristic glossy finish. This could have been done by hand or on a lathe. Discussion It is not possible to identify areas of stone-working on most Early Medieval sites. One exception is that of Inishkea. Here, lumps of chlorite were worked in a hut (also used for the production of purple dye) situated to the north-west of the main monastic settlement (Henry 1945), not far from an ironworking area. Stoneworking was a noisy and potentially messy activity and may have been located away from the domestic area for these reasons. Alternatively, the source of the rock being used may have been closer to this location. At the monastic site of Nendrum, Co. Down (Lawlor 1925) approximately 30 stone motif-pieces were discovered in the remains of a building termed the ‘school’ by the excavator (Fig. 34).

Finally, some ornament was inscribed on stone with the aid of a compass. Iron dividers, which could be used for such a purpose, were found at Garryduff. Even if the artefact examples listed here were not actually used in stone-working themselves, those that were cannot have been substantially different in form. Lignite Ring Production Several stages involved in the manufacture of lignite rings or bracelets have been identified (Fig. 33, Ivens 1987). At Tullylish, seven fragments of hand-carved rings were found. Here, the first step involved the selection of a suitable piece of raw material and its rough carving into shape, somewhat larger and thicker than the desired end-product.

Also found were a number of polishing stones, the arm of an iron compass and four iron styli, all possibly used in creating the motif-pieces. The ‘school’ was located on the west side of the middle enclosure, a craftworking area outside the sacred inner sanctum. Although scant evidence of actual stone-working, 50 of the 53 fragments of lignite rings and the lignite disc from Cahercommaun were all found in the north-west quadrant. This area also contained the largest quantity of miscellaneous household objects, tools and weapons, while the south-west quadrant appears to have been the area of ‘heavier’ crafts such as ironworking (Ó Ríordáin 1949). However, two instances of locating the craft in a larger ‘industrial’ area cannot be seen as evidence of a standard practice. It seems probable that larger stones intended for building or monument construction would have been roughly shaped on, or near, their quarry site, and smaller stones for artefact manufacture carried back to the settlement. The position of stone-workers in Early Medieval Ireland is not known. The early literature makes no mention of specialised stone-masons, stonecutters or sculptors. Neither is there a record of stone quarries adding to the value of land. While the manufacture of simple stone items was probably relatively easy to master, the sculptors who carved the high-crosses and masons who supervised the construction of cashels and other structures must have been highly skilled and experienced. It is possible, however, that these may have been part-time activities. Perhaps the sculptor of High-Crosses was also a fine metalworker or manuscript illuminator. Similarly, stone houses could have been built by other craftsmen, the ‘wright of oaken houses’ for example (see chapter 2).

Fig. 33 Lignite artefacts: 1. core, 2.4.5. ring fragments, 3. bead, 6. core, 1–5 from Lagore (Hencken 1950), 6 from Ballybrolly (Lynn 1983) Then, two concentric irregular polygons were incised, probably with a knife point. As these incisions were gradually deepened, thin plates of the lignite were prised away, the Tullylish lignite being sufficiently laminar (Ivens 1987, 108). This formed a rough ring, a short handle or projection left on the outer edge to provide an easier grip during secondary carving. The 64

CRAFT PRODUCTION: STONE

Fig. 34 Location of ‘school’ at Nendrum, Co. Down (Lawlor 1925) The efficiency of the craft is hard to gauge. Raw material was abundant and waste is difficult to identify in the archaeological record. It would appear, however, that local sources of rock were generally exploited. The chlorite used on Inishkea came from the island’s shoreline, the slates from Ballycatteen were made of the same soft blue shale that formed the bedrock of the site, while on many Ulster sites Mourne granite was used in the manufacture of quernstones.

Extensive evidence in the case of stone-working applies to specialist activity – either the large scale production of items for ‘export’ (possibly the quernstones from Moynagh Lough), or the work of an artist or sculptor. The latter is evident in the production of stone motif-pieces such as those from Nendrum, Lagore and Garryduff, and also in the high-crosses exemplified in the finished, unfinished and broken examples from the monastic site of Kells, Co. Meath.

It is evident from this that very few sites produced evidence of actual stone-working and, therefore, it is not easy to identify different levels of activity within the craft (Tables 18 and 19). The inhabitants of all sites must have used stone implements and probably had the ability to produce certain basic items. This minimal evidence would consist of some finished stone artefacts and possibly stone-working tools, for example at Rathmullan and Lissue. An average level of activity included the additional production of semi-luxury items such as lignite or jet bracelets, perhaps even for ‘export’, for example Feltrim Hill and Cahercommaun.

The production of everyday objects such as whetstones or flint tools was perhaps taken somewhat for granted, undertaken whenever need arose. The manufacture of luxury objects, such as items of personal adornment, and projects requiring some skill and experience were probably carried out by a smaller number of more specialised workers, though they were not necessarily permanently employed in the activity.

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SITE

Altanagh Ballingoola Ballybrolly Ballycatteen Ballyegan Ballyfounder Ballyhenry Ballyhill Lower Ballyvollen Ballywillwill Boho Cahercommaun Carraig Aille Castleskreen Cathair Fionnúrach Corliss Crossnacreevy Dressogagh Dromore Dunbell Feltrim Hill Frishtawn Garranes Garryduff Grange Gransha Killanully Killyglen Killyliss Knockea Leacanabuaile Letterkeen Lisduggan Lislackagh Lislear Lissachiggel Lissue Meadowbank Mullaghbane Oldcourt Raheennamadra Rathbeg Rathgurreen Rathmullan Ringmackilroy Rinnaraw Scholarstown Seacash Shaneen Park Simonstown Whitefort

FINISHED TOOLS UNF. WASTE

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì -

FLINT

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

JET LIGNITE

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Table 18. Stone-working evidence from excavated ringforts

66

LEVEL

Min. Min. Av. Av. Av. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Ext. Min. Av. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Min. Min. Av. Min. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Av. Av. Av. Min.

CRAFT PRODUCTION: STONE

SITE

FINISHED TOOLS UNF. WASTE

FLINT

JET LIGNITE

LEVEL

Monastic Sites Cathedral Hill Dunmisk Inishkea Killederdadrum Movilla Abbey Nendrum Reask St. Gobnet’s Tullylish

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

-

Ì -

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì -

Ì Ì

Av. Min. Av. Min. Av. Ext. Av. Min. Av.

Crannógs Ballinderry 1 Ballinderry 2 Deredis Upper Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ì

-

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì

Ì Ì -

Min. Min. Min. Ext. Av. Ext.

Miscellaneous Sites Ballyutoag Beginish Dalkey Dooey Knowth Larrybane Millockstown

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

-

-

-

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ì Ì -

Av. Min. Av. Min. Av. Min. Min.

Table 19. Stone-working evidence from excavated sites

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68

CRAFT PRODUCTION: WOOD

Chapter VII

Craft Production: Wood aspects of the craft have been written. One of the earliest of these was by S.P. Ó Ríordáin (1940) who described a twentieth-century pole-lathe from Borrisokane, in Co. Tipperary, suggesting the possibility of a similar design in earlier periods. More recently, Earwood has examined the turned wooden vessels found in Early Medieval Ireland and western Scotland (1992), discussing their relationship with imported ceramic vessels. O’Sullivan has also turned his attention to the topic, briefly examining the early Irish literary evidence and the species and uses of trees in Ireland (1994). General technological information is provided by Hodges (1964), while the most comprehensive study of wood-working in Britain and Ireland was undertaken by Earwood (1993) in a book which deals with all relevant artefactual evidence dating from the Neolithic right through to the Viking era, detailing techniques and tracing patterns and developments.

Introduction The retrieval and examination of ancient wood-working can provide new insights into the working of communities at both artefactual and environmental levels, and may also help in efforts to gain insight into the structure of early societies. (Coles in McGrail 1982, 1) While wood-working was almost certainly a major craft in Early Medieval Ireland, there is little information on the scale and organisation of this activity. This is mainly due to the organic nature of the evidence and its lack of preservation in the archaeological record. The picture presented by the surviving wooden remains is often one of a society occasionally exploiting timber for either structural or artefactual purposes, however it is clear that the archaeological record does not directly reflect the importance of wood. An examination of the more indirect evidence (such as post- and stake-holes), however, reveals the widespread use of wood in the construction of buildings, in the provision of fuel for various purposes, and in the production of tools and luxury items. As with other organic remains, the evidence of leather and textile production for example, the results of crannóg excavations provide vital information on the craft of wood-working. The anaerobic preservation of wet contexts is, unfortunately, largely absent from ringfort investigations with rare exceptions such as Deer Park Farms.

Unlike wood itself, charcoal often survives on archaeological sites and, accordingly, a number of excavation reports include brief specialist studies as appendices. These include the work of Pilchard for Rathbeg (Warhurst 1969), Goddard at Killyliss (Ivens 1984), Balfour-Browne at Ballyfounder (Waterman 1958) and Scannell at Killederdadrum (Manning 1984). Similar reports are presented for Seacash (Lynn 1978), Shaneen Park (Proudfoot 1958) and Letterkeen (Ó Ríordáin and MacDermott 1952). Finally, a preliminary report on the wooden remains from Moynagh Lough was undertaken by Anne Crone (in Bradley 1986).

The limited nature of wood-working evidence from early Ireland is reflected in the past research on the topic. The general textbooks of both Raftery (1994) and Edwards (1990) on the Iron Age and the Early Medieval period (respectively) contain typically short sections on the subject, giving brief reviews of the surviving evidence. Comparative folk-life material is provided by Shaw-Smith (1986) though is really only of value in areas such as cooperage. He concentrates more on the production of later items such as tobaccopipes and musical instruments and offers little information on larger constructions. McGrail has studied the archaeology of timber ships in some detail, though this work is somewhat irrelevant due to the lack of Irish examples. McGrail has also edited a study of wood-working techniques prior to AD 1500 (1982), though these are of little relevance to the craft in Early Medieval Ireland as they are mostly concerned with prehistoric, Roman and Viking/medieval remains.

Iron Age Background It seems likely that wood was exploited in the Irish Iron Age in much the same manner as in the following Early Medieval period. In many respects, however, the surviving pagan Celtic evidence is even more limited than that from later centuries. The small number of wooden artefacts from the Iron Age include a wheel from Timahoe East which consisted of three main units of alder, held together by yew dowels, while the cylindrical sleeves within which the axle articulated were of ash. This apparently deliberate selection of certain woods for specific tasks reflects the knowledge of skilled craftsmen very familiar with the working properties of different timbers. Alder, for example, is tough yet light, yew is very compact even in small units, and ash is tough yet elastic and easily worked (Raftery 1994, 117).

A number of important articles dealing with specific

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Fig. 35 Wooden artefacts from Ballinderry 2, Co. Westmeath: 01. oar, 2–4, 7–11. pegs, 5, 12. spindles, 13–15. pins, 6, 16–17. objects, 18, peg with wedge, 19. box base, 21. dice, 20, 22. handles (Hencken 1942) The use of wooden vessels in the period is evidenced by the Altartate cauldron, hollowed out from a single block of poplar. Globular in form, it bore incised ornament around the shoulder and was suspended from a pair of two-piece ‘ingeniously-made’ rings of wood (ibid. 115). The largest quantity of wood-working evidence, however, was uncovered in Corlea, Co. Longford (Raftery 1996). Brindley and Lanting (1998, 46–56) obtained 124 radiocarbon and 19 dendrochronological dates for 112 Irish trackways,

from the Mesolithic through to the nineteenth century. Nine of these were constructed in the Iron Age between 500 BC and 400 AD, namely those at Bray and Coarha Beg on Valencia Island, Co. Kerry, Lullymore 2, Co. Kildare, Broughal A and B, Co. Offaly, Leigh B, Co. Tipperary, Derryoghil 38, Derryart, and Corlea 1, Co. Longford. The trackways or ‘toghers’ excavated at the last site consisted mostly of oak, birch and hazel planks (both sleepers and runners). The timbers and artefacts discovered reflected 70

CRAFT PRODUCTION: WOOD

the use of a number of wood-working tools. Numerous axe facets were preserved, produced by implements with cutting edges averaging 5cm in width, the blades gently convex though very sharp. Adzes were also used, though there was no evidence of the use of a saw. One plank had been shaped by splitting the timber with wedges, an oak example found during the excavations. Smaller artefacts from the site(s) exhibited the marks of knives, chisels and gouges, while dowel-holes and perforations must have been formed by some sort of fine drill. (Raftery 1994, 119). Very few tools survive from the Iron Age. They include a small number of iron axe-heads and adzes. An adze and round-sectioned rod, once possibly a wood-working tool, were found at Dún Ailinne (ibid. 118).

Early churches were also built of wood as evidenced by the discovery of post- and stake-holes beneath the remains of stone oratories on monastic sites (e.g. Reask, Fanning 1981). Other timber structures included bridges (e.g. Clonmacnoise), trackways or toghers (e.g. Castletown and Derrynagun bogs, Co. Offaly, I.A.W.U. 1997), horizontal-mill housings (e.g. Ballykilleen, Co. Offaly, Lucas 1955; Baillie 1980) and fishweirs (e.g. Fergus estuary). Essential items such as ploughs, carts and chariots, weaving looms and canoes/boats were also largely made of wood. Artefacts consisted of a wide range of vessels (buckets, bowls, tubs, mugs etc.), tools (mallets, ladles, wedges etc.), trays, boxes, spinning and weaving equipment, handles or hafts, gaming pieces and pins.

It is obvious from the bog trackways and other artefacts that skilled woodworkers were practising their craft in the Iron Age. The properties of different woods were understood and timbers selected accordingly. It can be assumed, to some degree at least, that the shaping and joining expertise evident in the trackways was also employed in the construction of other structures such as domestic and agricultural buildings. The organisation of the craft in the Iron Age, however, is still uncertain.

Trees were also used in a more secondary role. Charcoal was produced in relatively large quantities for use in metalworking. Multi-purpose ropes were manufactured by plaiting tree-bark or twigs (e.g. Lissue). Certain barks also provided tannin for the tanning of leather, while others could be used in the production of various dyes or, perhaps, for medicinal purposes (e.g. willow; Raftery 1994, 117). The range of fruits provided by trees also added to their value, feeding both humans and animals.

Wood Uses in the Early Medieval Period In Early Medieval Ireland wood was a basic material used in the construction of a wide range of structures, artefacts, equipment, and transport vehicles (Fig. 35). The largest and most complex wooden structure was probably the crannóg. Wood formed a major component of the majority of these artificially constructed islands. The inhabitants of both crannógs and a large number of ringforts used wood in the construction of domestic houses or huts (e.g. Deer Park Farms), storage barns and animal pens, and for palisades (e.g. Moynagh Lough) and fences (e.g. Killyliss).

An essential step in attempting to use the evidence of wood-working to gain insights into the social structure of Early Medieval Ireland (as Coles suggested) is to acquire an understanding of the technological level achieved in the period. Wood-working ‘Residues’ No woodpiles or stocks of timber intended for working have survived on excavated sites. A number of cut sticks found in the fosse at Lissue may have been intended for use in wattling (Bersu 1947). Woodchippings or shavings were also discovered in the ditch, and in House 1 at Ballinderry I and outside the palisade at Ballinderry II. Waste from lathe-turning came from the excavations at Lissue, Moynagh Lough and Lagore (Fig. 36).

The early Irish law tract Bretha Comaithchesa or ‘Judgements of Neighbourhood’ (dated to the seventh/eighth century AD) describes four main types of field boundaries. Two of these were wooden fences (Kelly 1997, 372–376; Ó Corráin 1983). The nochtaile or ‘bare fence’ was 1.2m high consisting of a row of stakes set approximately 0.2m apart. The stakes were cut using a billhook and hammered into the ground with three blows of a wooden mallet. Three bands of flexible rods were then woven between the stakes, the tops of which projected approximately 0.3m above this wattling. On top of the whole structure was placed a crest of blackthorn. Small animals should not have been able to penetrate the wattle while larger animals were to be deterred by the blackthorn. The second wooden field boundary was the oak fence, composed of posts of split oak, roughly the same height as the wattle fence (Ó Corráin 1983).

Fig. 36 Turning waste: 1. Lagore, 2. and 3. Lissue (Earwood 1993) 71

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If necessary, the wood was split using wooden wedges. Adzes or axes were used to hollow out the interior. Smaller, one-piece artefacts may have required secondary splitting and additional shaping and carving. Also manufactured in this way were ladles and roughouts for bowls. The latter could be used in their crude form or, more likely, finished by turning (Earwood 1993, 145–154). Fig. 37 Dug-out boat from Lagore, Co. Meath (Hencken 1950)

Vessels were also made of bark or very finely split wood. This was bent and then sewn or pegged to a flat base. Two very similar bases were found, one at Ballinderry II (Hencken 1942, W56), the other at Lagore (Hencken 1950, W. 192). These were elliptical in shape with tiny wooden dowels along the sides, originally six in each (Earwood 1993, 164–168). A relatively large number of wooden vessels were lathe turned. Prior to turning, the piece was roughly shaped, having been cut from a suitable timber with the grain running across the vessel. Occasionally some of the interior wall was cut to shape leaving a central projection to which the spindle was attached (ibid. 200–201).

When a vessel, for example, was turned it was attached to the lathe by inserting the spindle into the workpiece. In the case of wooden bowls this was located in the centre top of the artefact, an area later cut away. This discarded fragment is termed a ‘core’. At Lissue, three waste pieces were found, one of which was a flat disc with a rectangular central hole (for insertion of lathe spindle), possibly the waste from a turned wooden bracelet (Earwood 1993, 199). An oak chuck was also discovered at Lissue. An artefact from Lagore reflects a slightly different method of turning. It consists of a long (263mm), thin (18mm in diameter) cylindrical piece with a small circular hole in its flat end, the other end bluntly pointed. Earwood suggests that this is the waste from the production of an item such as a wheel spoke or a chair leg. No spindle was required, the piece was directly attached to the lathe. The cord was wrapped directly around the workpiece and not a spindle. When the item was fully turned, a waste piece was cut off on either end. The Lagore artefact is one such waste piece (Earwood 1993, 200).

Many wooden containers from Early Medieval Ireland were stave-built, including buckets, tubs and drinking vessels. An easily-split, hard-wearing wood was required for the manufacture of the individual staves. The wood was trimmed to the required size and roughly dressed with an axe. The inner and outer faces of the stave were then shaped with a draw-knife and the correct angles cut along the sides. An experienced cooper could judge this by eye, with very accurate angles needed to produce a water-tight container. Once complete, the staves were gathered together and ‘raised-up’, i.e. arranged into vessel shape and held there by a series of hoops around their exterior. A groove was cut along the interior base of the staves and a wooden base inserted into this groove, prior to the application of the lowest hoop (ibid. 169–183).

Although not strictly residues, some unfinished artefacts have been discovered, reflecting on-site working. At Seacash numerous fragments of an incomplete lathe-turned vessel, with pronounced footring for attaching the bowl to the chuck, were found. A fragment of an unfinished vessel was also recovered from Lissue and the remains of 15 unfinished vessels came from outside the palisade at Moynagh Lough, while period II at Lagore produced two roughed-out pieces of alder, with a third unstratified example from outside the palisade. This had a hole for the lathe in the middle of its rounded side. Perhaps the piece was discarded due to misplacement of the hole on the actual surface of the finished vessel.

Hoops were mostly made of wood, usually hazel. A hazel rod was split in two along its length, producing two ‘D’-sectioned strips. The flat edge of these was laid against the surface of the vessel. The ends of the hoop tapered, sometimes fastened together with iron clamps/flat strips, e.g. Ballinderry I and Seacash. More commonly, however, the hoops were secured to the vessel with round wooden pegs. Staves from both Ballinderry and Lagore have holes through their thickness. Some vessels, especially buckets, had handles attached. These handles could be of wood (yew example from Deer Park Farms, Earwood forthcoming), metal (iron example from Lagore), and possibly rope. Churns were also stave-built. An example recovered from Lissue, Co. Antrim was roughly cylindrical in shape, though swelling to its greatest diameter approximately two-thirds of the way down (51cm tall). The staves were banded with split wood and metal hoops. The iron bands circled the rim and the centre of the vessel. Two iron rings were

Construction Techniques The most numerous surviving wooden artefacts are vessels, including containers of varying size, shape, and manufacture. One-piece vessels such as troughs (e.g. Ballinderry II), and the basic form of other, larger items such as dugout canoes (Fig. 37), were the most simple to make. Starting with a felled tree trunk or branch, the first step was the trimming of the piece by cutting off side branches. The bark was then removed. 72

CRAFT PRODUCTION: WOOD

attached to the central hoop, one opposite the other. The churn was suspended from these rings and swung back and forth when in use (Earwood 1993, 90).

The waterlogged fosse at Killyliss preserved the remains of a wooden fence (Ivens 1984, 21). It consisted of a series of split-oak rails, each one up to 1.9m in length and 0.06m in thickness. The uprights were connected by at least two cross-rails. The original location of the fence is uncertain, though it seems likely to have once stood atop the rath bank. The palisades encircling the crannóg at Moynagh Lough consisted almost entirely of oak posts, wattle and planks. Smaller quantities of willow, hazel, ash, alder, birch and poplar were also used, especially in the construction of the landing stage. A large number of saplings or young trees (12 to 40 years old) were exploited for the palisade (Crone in Bradley 1986).

Indirect evidence provided by slot trenches, stake-holes and post-holes indicates the use of timber in constructing houses and other buildings in Early Medieval Ireland. Unfortunately, the actual structures themselves rarely survive. One notable exception is the site of Deer Park Farms in Co. Antrim (Lynn forthcoming). Excavation uncovered the remains of a series of seventh-century circular houses. These consisted of double walls of post-and-wattle, woven in a quite complex basket style. The largest house uncovered would have required approximately 6,000 rods. All of the rods found were of hazel, while the upright posts were of mixed woods – alder, birch, ash, holly and oak. ‘Tree-ring analysis has shown that these [the hazel rods] were possibly being taken from a managed area of woodland at eight-year intervals’ (O’Sullivan 1994, 676).

The ongoing underwater investigations in the River Shannon at Clonmacnoise have revealed the presence of a substantial timber bridge (Fig. 38). At least one phase of the bridge has been dated to AD 804 by both dendrochronological and radiocarbon dating (Moore 1996, 26). It consisted of a series of large vertical oak timbers, set approximately 5–7m apart. These were connected by longitudinal oak beams inserted into their tops using a plain bridle joint. This created a frame onto which transverse oaks were fitted with halved lapjoints. The larger timbers had been hewn to near square section with axes, while the planks appear to have been sawn and the smaller beams cleft with wedges and mallets.

Intertidal survey uncovered the remains of a sixthcentury wooden fishweir in the Fergus estuary, Co. Clare. It consisted of a post-and-wattle fence, used to guide fish into a trap. Willow, alder and hazel were the main woods employed. Immature willow and hazel branches were selected for their size, while the agerestricted alder posts and rods were ‘possibly ... taken from a coppiced alder stool’ (O’Sullivan 1994, 677).

Fig. 38 Location of bridge at Clonmacnoise, Co. Offaly (Moore 1996)

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Fig. 39 Wood-working tools from Lagore, Co. Meath (Hencken 1950) The oaks used were rarely over 40cm in diameter and some planks retained traces of iron nails. Found nearby, amongst the timber debris, were the remains of approximately ten dugout canoes, perhaps associated with the construction of the bridge. One of the canoes contained an iron axehead and a whetstone. A second iron axehead was found on the riverbed. Although the River Shannon is quite shallow at this point (maximum depth 5m), the bridge still had to span a distance of over 150m, a striking indication of the wood-working expertise available in Early Medieval Ireland.

socket bearing traces of a wooden haft (Ó Ríordáin 1949, 77). Four iron axe-heads were recovered from Lagore, prior to Hencken's excavation. All were socketed, one much smaller than the others – possibly a specialised wood-working tool (Hencken 1950, 106– 109). Also found at Lagore were an iron billhook (for the cutting of timber rods) and an iron adze, again prior to excavation (Hencken 1950, 109). A basic component of the carpenter’s tool-bag was, of course, the hammer. A small example from Garryduff, Co. Cork, found with an iron awl, consisted of a tubular ring or socket, from which a rectangularsectioned projection tapers. The end of this projection is flattened and spread, as if by use as a hammer. This small piece (socket only 1cm in diameter) could only have been used for very fine work (O’Kelly 1962, 64– 65). A small hammer, made completely of iron, was found, prior to the excavation, at Lagore (Hencken 1950, 108–109). Also used to hammer both tools and wood were timber mallets. An example was recovered from Ballinderry II, probably of birch. It consisted of a simple, straight wooden shaft, inserted into a hole in the sub-rectangular sectioned head (Hencken 1942, 60). Two similar artefacts came from unstratified deposits at Lagore. Both were made of oak, the head of the larger example measuring 21.2cm in length (Hencken 1950, 163). Simple hammer stones were probably also used.

Artefact Remains The toolkit of the Irish woodworker contained many implements which could have been used in other craft activities. It is, therefore, often difficult to definitely associate any one artefact with the craft. The majority of tools required in the working of wood, both largeand small-scale, are present in the archaeological assemblages of the Early Medieval period, the most comprehensive site collection probably coming from Lagore (Fig. 39). However, this was due, in part at least, to the excellent preservation conditions on the site, and the lack of same elsewhere. The initial felling of trees was undertaken with an axe. One example here is a small, badly rusted iron axehead found at Carraig Aille II, Co. Limerick. It measured 97mm in length and 63mm in width at the blade, its

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Fig. 40 Iron awls and saws from Garryduff, Co. Cork (O’Kelly 1962) In addition to the axe and adze, other implements were used to cut and shape wood. These included chisels, knives, draw-knives, saws and possibly gouges, and perhaps flint tools. Two iron chisels were found at Garryduff, including one large socketed example, 15cm in length and a second smaller implement, 9.3cm in length, and tanged (O’Kelly 1962, 46). A further pair of iron chisels were discovered at Carraig Aille. Again, one was large and socketed (15.8cm in length), the other small and tanged (5.9cm in length) (Ó Ríordáin 1949, 79). Simple tanged and shouldered, single-edged, iron knives have been found on many Early Medieval sites. In some cases, large numbers of these multi-purpose tools occur, 63 at Cahercommaun, Co. Clare for example (Hencken 1938, 44–46). A complete iron draw-knife and parts of two others were also found at Cahercommaun. The complete example consisted of a slightly curved blade with tangs bending away from the blade on either end (ibid. 48–49). An iron draw-knife was also discovered at Lagore, again consisting of a slightly curved blade with a projecting tang at either end (Hencken 1950, 109).

A handle would have been fitted between these, parallel to the blade. The excavation also produced evidence of a different type of saw. This narrow blade bore the impression of wood grain across its surface, suggesting its hafting by inserting it in a wooden frame (Ó Ríordáin 1949, 79). The two examples from Lagore were found prior to excavation and were very crude. The saw illustrated by Hencken consists of a subrectangular shaped blade, tapering to a blunt point at one end and leading into a sub-circular sectioned tang at the other (Hencken 1950, 109). Wood may also have been cut with metal gouges and flint tools, though probably for fine shaping or decoration. Lagore produced three iron gouges, one large socketed example and two smaller hand-held implements (ibid. 110). A very similar iron gouge was found at Cahercommaun (Hencken 1938, 50). The final shaping or finishing of a wooden artefact was possibly undertaken with a file, a tentatively identified example is known from Moylarg crannóg, Co. Antrim. Although once written off as ‘prehistoric leftovers’, it now seems likely that flint was both worked and used in the Early Medieval period. A large number of excavated settlements have produced finds of flints, the majority rather crudely worked – scrapers, points, flakes, cores and waste. It appears probable that at least some of these were used in craftworking. Most sites produce a small number of flints, though larger assemblages are also known. Ballycatteen produced 30, Garryduff 54, and Lagore just under 300.

Iron saws, or their remains, have been discovered at Garryduff, Carraig Aille and Lagore. At Garryduff, large fragments of two iron saw blades survived (Fig. 40). The blades were rectangular in shape with a projection leading away from the blade at either end. It seems likely that these would have connected the blade with a handle of wood or bone. They average six to seven teeth per 2cm, resulting in a rather coarse cut (O’Kelly 1962, 46–47). A similar saw was discovered at Carraig Aille, consisting of an iron blade with teeth along one edge and projections on either end of the other.

Holes could be produced in wood using punches and awls, and possibly slotted-and-pointed iron artefacts. 75

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The latter are known from Carraig Aille, Cahercommaun, Ballinderry II and Lagore (Fig. 41) and consist of a sub-rectangular shaped body with a longitudinal slot in its centre, shouldered and tapering to a round-sectioned point. These measure 8.7cm to 14cm in length. This is suggested by an example from Lagore. Similar in shape to those already described, the broader end of this implement has been hammered flat ‘suggesting some relationship to the punch’ (Hencken 1950, 118). Perhaps a piece of bone or timber was passed through the slot to enable it to be held securely while safe-guarding the worker’s hand from hammer slippage, or the heat emanating from a softened metal workpiece.

Discussion The positive identification of wood-working areas within sites is not possible from the current published archaeological record. Relevant tools are invariably found scattered throughout sites, with no specific concentrations apparent. The discovery of wooden remains in the fosses of ringforts such as Lissue and Killyliss probably reflects dumping and slippage into wet contexts, rather than actual craft activity within the ditch. Wood chippings and unfinished vessels have been discovered outside the palisades of Ballinderry II, Moynagh Lough and Lagore. This, however, is probably indicative of the use of such areas as refuse dumps. Similar evidence is often also found within the area enclosed by the palisades. Of course, heavier work such as cleaving and rough shaping may have occurred at, or near, the place of felling. Cogitosus records the felling of a large tree and its subsequent dragging out of the wood, using ‘skilled devices’, to the ‘appointed place’ (Connolly and Picard 1987). Whether or not the ‘appointed place’ was an intermediate work area or the final destination of the timber, is uncertain. Adomnán described the importation of already dressed timbers of pine and oak to the island of Iona ‘with boats and currachs to tow the timber through the sea’ (Anderson and Anderson 1961). The archaeological evidence tells little of the position or status of the woodworker in Early Medieval society nor the organisation of labour. The literary evidence does, however, provide some information. It is evident in the early law tracts that woodworkers or wrights were, next to metalworkers, held in very high regard. A distinction is made between woodworkers and turners. The latter held a low position in society with an honour-price of a mere half-sét. Four grades of wright are identified in the literature, the lowest consisting of the chariot wright, the house carpenter, the relief carver and the shield maker. These had an honour-price of three séts. The next, ‘standard’, grade included the wright of oaken houses, of ships, barks and hidecovered boats and vessels, the millwright and the master of yew-carving – all with an honour-price of seven séts. A wright possessing all of the last four abilities had an honour-price of 15 séts, while the chief wright's honour-price was 20 séts. The honour-price of standard wrights (seven séts) equated them in status with the lowest grade of noble, the aire déso. It is also suggested by the literature that these wrights may have employed unskilled or semi-skilled labourers. Triad 164 states that there are three payments in which workmen are entitled to a share - for a cauldron, mill or house (Kelly 1988, 61).

Fig. 41 Pointed and slotted tools from Lagore, Co. Meath (Hencken 1950) Metal awls, simple rods tapering to a point at one or both ends, have been found on a number of sites, including Lagore, Carraig Aille, Cahercommaun and Garryduff. Nine iron examples came from Garryduff. These were round sectioned for half of their length and rectangular for the other half, both ends tapering. Lengths vary from 7.1cm to 12.5cm. The tapered rectangular ends may have functioned as narrow chisels (O’Kelly 1962, 44–46). Iron punches have been found at Carraig Aille and Lagore. The Lagore example is almost identical in shape to the pointed and slotted implement already mentioned, the only difference being the lack of a longitudinal slot (Hencken 1950, 110). Pieces of wood were occasionally joined together using iron nails or wooden pegs. Nails are found on many Early Medieval sites though usually in small quantities, one exception being Lagore with 150 examples. Wooden pegs generally do not survive in archaeological contexts, however, 42 were recovered at Lagore. These were made of oak, yew, pear or apple, hazel and one of ash (Hencken 1950, 166). Two pieces of equipment that do not survive, or have not been identified, in the archaeological record are the lathe and the drill. Perhaps some of the flints were components of such objects, providing cutting or boring points.

The sources do not mention whether or not the work of a wright was full- or part-time. It would seem likely, considering the many and varied uses of wood, that there were at least some permanent woodworkers. The low social standing of the woodturner in the literature, however, might suggest a part-time or seasonal activity. 76

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Fig. 42 Turned ‘E-ware’ vessels: Ei 1. Lagore, Eiii 2. Lissue, 3. Dreenan, Eii 4. Lissue, 5. Seacash, 6. Iona (Earwood 1993) The largely aceramic nature of Early Medieval Ireland must have kept the producers of wooden vessels very busy, even allowing for the use of both leather and metal containers. A series of turned wooden bowls from a small number of Early Medieval sites, for example, must have been manufactured by highlyskilled craftspeople. These bowls were copies of, or at least based on, imported ceramic vessels of types A and E (Fig. 42).

Farms, points to some degree of woodland management and controlled exploitation. Although early literature makes no mention of the deliberate planting of trees, it does contain frequent references to the orchards attached to monasteries, the fruit forming an important component of the often vegetarian ecclesiastical diet (O’Sullivan 1994, 675). Also, there are no indications of a shortage of wood or timber in the early sources, the exploitation of woodland evidently efficient enough to meet the likely strong demand.

The wooden versions probably served as fine tablewares in the same manner as the imported pottery and were not necessarily of lower status. The coarser souterrain ware, for example, was not imitated in wood. The wrights who produced the fine wooden bowls must have been familiar with the prestigious imports, either living on a high status site or working for a wealthy patron who could provide a model to copy. It seems probable that the wealthier in society, those generally associated with E-ware use, would have employed a full-time wright. Also, the law tracts treat the four grades of wrights as full-time positions, never once mentioning their involvement in any other activity.

While, in theory, it is possible to identify different levels of activity within the craft, this is much less clear in archaeological terms. Extensive evidence, reflecting the production of excess or a surplus for ‘export’, would consist of a range of relevant tools, finished and unfinished artefacts, and waste. Sites producing woodwork for internal consumption only should produce average evidence consisting of a limited range of relatively crude finished artefacts and some tools and waste. Finally minimal evidence, reflecting the use of wooden artefacts and structures on a site and not their manufacture, would simply consist of a range of finished artefacts. The quality of these artefacts was probably dictated by the wealth of the inhabitants though, as already suggested, the wealthiest may have employed their own wright(s). More crudelymade pieces were possibly produced by their intended users, perhaps semi-skilled or part-time craftworkers. Activities such as cooperage, however, required the knowledge of an experienced wright.

The working of wood in Early Medieval Ireland appears to have been widespread in what was a heavily forested environment (see chapter 3 for pollen evidence of land clearance). The laws provide evidence for the ownership and protection of woodland (see chapter 2) and also recognise the importance and various properties of different species. Archaeological evidence, such as that of the hazel rods from Deer Park 77

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Of the sites producing evidence of wood-working, the most extensive relevant assemblages come from Lagore, Moynagh Lough and Ballinderry II, with average quantities from Lissue and Seacash, minimal from Killyliss (Table 20). Details of the Deer Park Farms material are as yet not fully published. It is obvious from this short list, though, that the archaeological record is heavily influenced by preservation conditions. Entire crannógs can be waterlogged, whereas anaerobic conditions have been

SITE

WASTE

found only on small areas of a limited number of ringforts. It is impossible to examine the relationships between sites from such limited and biased evidence. It is clear, however, that sites such as Lagore and Moynagh Lough did produce a surplus of wooden goods intended for ‘external’ consumption. The inhabitants of many other sites, though, must have known just enough to satisfy their daily needs.

FINISHED

TOOLS

LEVEL

Ringforts Carraig Aille Deer Park Farms Garryduff Killyliss Lissue Seacash

Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì -

? Ext. ? Min. Av. Av.

Crannógs Ballinderry 1 Ballinderry 2 Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough

Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì

Min. Ext. Ext. Av. Ext.

Table 20. Wood-working evidence from excavated sites

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Chapter VIII

Craft Production: Clay detailed study of modern coarse-ware is provided by McManus (in Shaw-Smith 1984, 186–190). Excavation studies are the primary source of archaeological information pertaining to ceramic technology in the Early Medieval period. These include the description of individual artefacts and/or structures, and occasionally, where larger assemblages are present, more comprehensive analyses.

Introduction Clay has long been exploited as a raw material, used mostly in the production of pottery. As such, it has operated as a valuable indicator of chronology and levels of trade and technology. One of the most intriguing aspects of the archaeological record is the fact that at least 75% of Early Medieval Ireland site assemblages are aceramic. Pottery vessels were made and used in some parts of Ulster, while elsewhere their function was fulfilled by wooden, leather and/or metal containers. The working of clay, though, was not confined to pottery manufacture. A relatively small range of other objects were made, while clay also had some structural uses (see below). It can be assumed that clay was probably exploited in the preceding Iron Age (as reflected in cast bronze objects - see chapter 13 on fine metalworking), although no clay artefacts survive in the archaeological record. That period may have been completely aceramic also, a few isolated finds (such as at Freestone Hill, Co. Kilkenny) can no longer be definitely associated with Iron Age levels (Raftery 1994, 116).

Artefacts of the Early Medieval Period The best known native pottery of the Early Medieval period is souterrain ware, found mainly in Ulster. These are cooking pots mostly, simple bucket-shaped coarse-ware vessels. Colours vary, and the interior and/or exterior may be blackened. Many pots were left unadorned, others decorated with a plain cordon, and yet more ornamented with incised motifs and fingertipping. The largest concentrations occur in counties Down and Antrim, with smaller quantities in Louth, Armagh and Derry. This distribution may be connected with the kingdom of Dalriada and the Ulaid confederation (Edwards 1990, 74–75). Souterrain ware has been found on upwards of 90 sites, including Movilla Abbey (c.5000 sherds), Ballyutoag (c.900 sherds), Castleskreen (402 sherds), Ballyhenry (c.900 sherds), Dressogagh (over 4.5kg), Rathbeg (c.23kg), and Seacash (2885 sherds).

The total absence of relevant material from the Iron Age is reflected in the lack of past works on the topic. A number of texts do, however, deal with the technology of pottery production, some of the information relevant to all artefacts of clay. These include the books by Gibson and Woods (1997, chapter 2), Orton, Tyers and Vince (1993, chapter 10), and McCarthy and Brooks (1988, chapter 1). Hodges’ book (1964) contains two relevant chapters, one on pottery manufacture (chapter 1), the other on glazes (chapter 2). Clay artefacts employed in metalworking are described in some detail by Bayley (1995), Craddock (1989), Comber (1996) and Tylecote (1986). The different types, and methods of production, of crucibles, moulds and tuyères are all dealt with. A theoretical, rather than a technological, approach is taken by Arnold (1985). This work contains a chapter dealing with the exploitation and availability of resources, and their effect on the archaeological record.

Fig. 43 Sherd of native ware from Ballycatteen, Co. Cork (Ó Ríordáin and Hartnett 1943) Outside Ulster, four sites have produced sherds of native pottery. At Lagore and Moynagh Lough a few of coarse, black-ware fragments were found. These are not known from any other site. Approximately 60 sherds of pottery came from Ballycatteen, mostly imports from the Continent. One, however (Fig. 43), was a darker red with a rough surface and numerous grits (Ó Ríordáin and Hartnett 1943, 37). It ‘represents an attempt to copy the imported wares in an inferior paste, and without the technical skill necessary for the use of a potter’s wheel’ (ibid.).

Brief general information on Early Medieval Irish ceramics is provided by Edwards (1990). This consists mostly of a description of the pottery found in Ulster. In an unpublished thesis (1969) and subsequent article (1973), Ryan examined the surviving native pottery from Ireland. The contributions of both Baillie (1986) and Ivens (1984) take the form of short notes. Baillie described the discovery of a sherd of souterrain ware in a dated context, while Ivens writes a short note on grass-marked remains. A general overview of Irish pottery, from the Neolithic onwards, ending in a 79

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The largest assemblage of native, non-souterrain ware, pottery was discovered at Reask (Fig. 44). Two types were identified from approximately 100 sherds. The first (c.90 sherds) was a light, porous, grass-tempered ware, brownish in colour. These sherds frequently exhibited blackened surfaces and the possible remains of carbonized food was found adhering to some. The second type (c.30 sherds) was heavier, more compact and contained sandy-grit inclusions. Mostly grey or brown externally, their interiors were blackened. All of the sherds (of both types) measured between 7.5mm and 11.5mm in thickness and no parallels have been identified for either (ibid. 112).

Fragments of clay moulds, used in the casting of nonferrous artefacts, have been recovered from Lagore, Moynagh Lough (Fig. 45), Ballinderry 2, Tullylish, Cathedral Hill, Dooey, Sluggary, Gransha and Garranes.

Fig. 45 Clay moulds from Moynagh Lough, Co. Meath (Bradley 1991) Crucible remains are known from Lagore, Moynagh Lough, Ballinderry 2, Reask, Tullylish, St. Gobnet’s, Cathedral Hill (Fig. 46), Knowth, Dooey, Marlinstown, Garranes, Carraig Aille, Lisduggan, Ballycatteen, Letterkeen, Castleskreen, Garryduff, Rathmullan and Lisdoo.

Fig. 44 Sherds of native ware from Reask, Co. Kerry (Fanning 1981)

Fig. 46 Crucibles from Cathedral Hill, Co. Armagh (Gaskell Brown and Harper 1984) 80

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and exploited. Craftworking Residues Very little relevant craftworking residue is known from Early Medieval Ireland. Clay sources have been identified at four sites. Metalworking Area 2 at Moynagh Lough was located on the east side of the crannóg. Amongst the features discovered there was a spread of pink clay. The excavator saw this as the source of the clay used in the manufacture of the numerous moulds and crucibles found on the site (Bradley 1991). At Cathedral Hill, Area F contained an irregularly dug-out hollow on the edge of the ditch enclosing the site. It measured 2.14m x 1.83m x 1.22m (deep). A similar feature, 2.74m x 3.05m x 1m, was found in the adjacent Area G. Finds here included clay mould fragments, crucibles, tuyères, some sherds of souterrain ware and lumps of baked clay. This led the excavators to suggest that ‘this area and area F could perhaps have begun as an excavation for clay for moulds and crucibles, and then continued as a shelter or workshop’ (Gaskell Brown and Harper 1984, 119).

Fig. 47 Fired clay tuyère from Garryduff, Co. Cork (O’Kelly 1962)

At Reask, a small area of unfired whitish clay was located to the south of pit C in structure D. This ‘may have belonged to a deposit of clay used in repairing tuyères or relining the pits’ (Fanning 1981, 107). Immediately south of the period I furnace at Garryduff was found a dump of clean yellow clay. This appeared to have been ‘specially provided so as to be available for sealing the tuyère into position and for other such purposes’ (O’Kelly 1962, 101).

Clay tuyères were used in conjunction with metalworking furnaces and have been found at Lagore, Moynagh Lough, Reask, Tullylish, St. Gobnet’s, Cathedral Hill, Movilla Abbey, Lisleagh, Meadowbank, Cahergal, Knockea, Garryduff (Fig. 47) and Coolcran (for detailed descriptions of moulds, crucibles and tuyères, see chapter 13 on fine metalworking). A small number of other miscellaneous clay artefacts are known. Carraig Aille II produced a perforated object which the excavator identified as a line-sinker as it was too crudely-made to be a bead, and its perforation too small for a spindle-whorl (Ó Ríordáin 1949, 93). A disc-shaped clay bead, 10mm in diameter, was found at the ‘Spectacles’ at Carraig Aille (ibid.). The excavations at Garranes turned up a possible clay lamp, smaller and much simpler than Roman examples and, therefore, probably of native manufacture. It consists of a small bowl (22mm in diameter and 13mm deep) with a smaller bowl beside it (8mm in diameter). The former held the fuel-oil, the latter the wick. A rough handle was formed by the tapering off of the clay at one side (Ó Ríordáin 1942, 124–125).

Over 200 sherds of souterrain ware and a lump of clay were discovered at enclosure I at Ballyutoag. The clay consisted of a surplus lump which had been squeezed in someone’s hand, suggesting the ‘possibility that pottery could have been made on the site’ (Williams 1984, 45). Somewhat similar evidence came from Ballintoy cave and Nendrum. Burned clay and lumps of kneaded clay were found in Ballintoy cave, Co. Antrim, in addition to kiln remains (Jackson 1933 and 1934). A quantity of pottery-making residue was identified at Nendrum, just north of the round tower in the inner enclosure (Fig. 48). Many sherds of souterrain ware were uncovered though these, however, were only half-fired ‘as if they were pieces of pots that had got broken or cracked in the process of firing’ (Lawlor 1925, 166). The same area also produced a number of clay lumps bearing finger and thumb impressions. Lawlor noted that these marks appear to have been made by large, probably male, hands (ibid. 167).

It is clear from this that artefacts of clay were not widely used in Early Medieval Ireland. The majority of surviving objects had some functional association with a process involving firing or heating, most notably cooking, smelting or casting. It appears that the refractory qualities of well-fired clay was recognised

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Fig. 48 Location of pottery-production, sherds of souterrain ware, and lumps of worked clay bearing fingerimpressions from Nendrum, Co. Down (Lawlor 1925)

Fig. 49 Location of kiln at Reask, Co. Kerry (after Fanning 1981) 82

CRAFT PRODUCTION: CLAY

Structural Remains and Uses One of the main uses of clay in the Early Medieval period, though not readily visible in the archaeological record, was as daub. This was often applied to wattlebuilt structures. At Lagore, 145 fragments of daub were found, 123 of which were located in the southern half of the site. Several fragments of burnt daub with wattle impressions came from Rath na Frishtawn, possible daub pieces from Ballypalady and Rathbeg, and the burnt remains of a ‘hut made of wattles plastered rather heavily with clay on the outside’ at Grange (Ó Ríordáin 1949b, 131).

Fig. 51 Plan of kiln at Ballycatteen, Co. Cork (Ó Ríordáin and Hartnett 1943) A single sherd of native pottery was recovered from Ballycatteen, and the excavation also revealed the remains of what may be a pottery kiln. Located in the south-west quadrant, it consisted of three parallel lines of upright stones (Fig. 51). These were closely set, edge-to-edge, the spaces between the stones sealed with daub. The rows ran roughly east-west, were 2.7m long, 1m wide, and 0.4m apart. Coarse-grained sandstones were used, some found with a vitrified surface, while the soil and clay was vividly firereddened. The double flue opened onto two shallow pits, one at either end; a stoke-hole and a furnace chamber. Divided flues have been used in flax-drying kilns in recent times. The fill of the kiln contained slates and a considerable amount of baked clay, much of which bore slate impressions. The excavators suggested that the structure was originally roofed with slates, and made airtight by plastering with clay (Ó Ríordáin and Hartnett 1943, 11–12).

Structural remains possibly associated with clayworking include a small number of kilns. An example was found just outside the enclosure wall of the southwest corner at Reask (Figs. 49 and 50). It consisted of a bowl and flue dug into the subsoil and bedrock, and stone-lined. The bowl or chamber was elliptical in shape and one metre deep, tapering from 1.2m in diameter at the top to 0.9m at the base. The sides were composed of at least 12 courses of drystone walling, and no remains of a roof or cover survived.

Fig. 50 Kiln at Reask, Co. Kerry (Fanning 1981) The flue or passage leads into the bowl from the southwest and measures 1.75m in length, 0.40m wide and 0.60m high. Its walls consist of upright slabs with drywalling on top, and three roof lintels in situ. The fill contained fire-reddened earth, peat-charcoal and blackened peaty soil. The excavator interpreted this structure as a corn-drying kiln (with the corn laid on a timber platform across the open mouth of the bowl) dated to the eighteenth or nineteenth century because of its external location (Fanning 1981, 101–102). The possibility also exists, however, that the pottery made on site may have been fired here, though no proof of such was discovered.

Fig. 52 Location of kiln at Rathbeg, Co. Antrim (Warhurst 1969) The final example of a kiln from a site which also produced native pottery is at Rathbeg, Co. Antrim (Fig. 52). Situated on the inner slope of the enclosing bank, the remains consisted of a bowl set in a hollow, with walls carefully built of boulders set in clay. It measured 1.5m in diameter and 0.8m deep. 83

CRAFT PRODUCTION: CLAY

Running from the base of the hollow in a southeasterly direction was a straight-sided flue, 0.6m wide. The flue contained a solid mass of charcoal, 0.08m thick, while its clay sides were highly fire-reddened. Charcoal ran half way across the bowl of the kiln and was covered by a quantity of small boulders. The whole area was covered by disturbed orange clay. Warhurst suggested that this was used for flax- or corndrying (1969). However, approximately 80 vessels are represented in the pottery assemblage recovered, some of which may have been made on site.

and gouges were employed in shaping pieces. The pottery-making area at Nendrum produced several small stone tools including some bluntly-pointed chisels ‘used by some of the potters for making the indents on the rims and strengthening bands found on many potsherds’ (Lawlor 1925, 166). An object consisting of an oval ‘blade’, convex on its upper surface and flat on the other, with a narrow tang projecting upwards from it at an outward sloping angle, was found at Garryduff. O’Kelly imagined it ‘being used like a small trowel for smoothing some soft material such as clay or sand’ (1963, 64). It seems probable, however, that the most useful tools for the shaping of clay were the fingers. Some objects identified as styli might also have been utilised. Two examples were found at Carraig Aille II, one of bronze, the other of iron (Fig. 55). Both consisted of tapering shanks with a spatulate expansion at one end and measured 73mm and 74mm in length, respectively (Ó Ríordáin 1949, 73 and 81). Other styli are known from Cathedral Hill and Gransha.

Crucible fragments and a large quantity of burnt clay were discovered at Letterkeen, in addition to a slablined trench (Fig. 53). This measured 0.6m in depth, 1.6m long and 0.5m wide. It was flat-bottomed, with two lintel stones in situ at the east end. The fill included charcoal and tiny fragments of burnt bone. The excavators suggested that corn was dried by placing it on the lintel stones (Ó Ríordáin and MacDermott 1952). A pit in the centre of the ringfort at Ardcloon measured 4.5m in length and 0.7m in width, deepening to 0.18m at its north-eastern end, which was almost entirely blocked off from the length of the trench by large flat stones (Fig. 54). This deepest section was filled with black material, while the flue contained red matter (Rynne 1956). Site II on Dalkey Island produced the remains of a kiln or oven, formed by two parallel lines of upright stones. The base between these rows was covered by a number of slabs placed atop a layer of ash. The sides were deeply burned, though ‘whether the flat slabs at the bottom indicated that when the oven had been heated, slabs were laid down over the embers, or whether the floor had at some time been raised, is not clear’ (Liversage 1968, 102).

Fig. 55 Styli from Carraig Aille, Co. Limerick, A. iron, B. bronze (Ó Ríordáin 1949)

The horizontal flue of a kiln was discovered in Ballintoy Cave, Co. Antrim. It was built of stone slabs and contained sherds of souterrain ware, burned clay and charcoal, with lumps of kneaded clay found nearby. A second possible kiln on the site consisted of a small domed stone structure, the interior of which had been blackened by burning (Jackson 1935, 107). A flue was uncovered at Carraig Aille II, consisting of a double line of upright stones. These were capped by flat stones, forming a covered channel approximately 2.4m long (Ó Ríordáin 1949, 45). Finds included clay crucibles, a possible line-sinker and a disc-shaped bead.

Ceramic Technology Souterrain ware has been found on over ninety sites of Early Medieval date in north-east Ireland. These include ringforts, souterrains, crannógs and monastic sites. The vessels most often represented are flatbottomed with splayed or cylindrical walls. Occasional round-bottomed, carinated pots have also been found. Several vessels have a stepped profile, caused by the joining of separately manufactured upper and lower halves. A range of rim types were used, including flat, rounded, everted, pointed or bevelled, internally or externally (Ryan 1973, 619–645). Lugs and cordons facilitated lifting, while holes below the rim may have been for suspension or perhaps for the escape of steam where lids were used (Edwards 1990, 73). Cordons were usually applied, though some examples were pinched up from the body of the vessel. Colours ranged from orange to black while a concentration of buff or brick-red pots in north Antrim ‘appears to represent a local tradition’ (Ryan 1973, 621).

Some of these structures may have been used in the firing of clay artefacts, however other interpretations (e.g. corn-drying) are possible. Artefacts The tools used in the working of clay are difficult to identify and, in the case of wooden artefacts, are poorly preserved. It is possible that implements such as knives 85

CHAPTER 8

Fig. 56 Souterrain ware: A, B. Ballymacash, C. Lissue, D. Hillsborough Fort (Edwards 1990) Souterrain ware was of coil construction, sometimes decorated with impressed or incised ornament (Fig. 56). Though little work has been undertaken in the area, it appears that local raw materials were generally used to produce a coarse fabric with quantities of grits used as temper (Edwards 1990, 73). Impressions of vegetable matter such as grass, seeds and straw are abundant. These are mostly found on vessel bases and wall exteriors. It is thought that this was probably caused by forming pots on a surface covered with cut grass or straw, to prevent the clay sticking to the work surface. Any organic matter adhering to an object would have been burned out during firing (Ryan 1973, 623). Pots are frequently heavily sooted or blackened, reflecting their use in cooking. Other, ‘clean’ forms were probably used as tableware, principally dishes and cups measuring from 0.06–0.04m in diameter (ibid).

emerges with regard to the location of clay-working within sites. At Nendrum, pottery-making remains were located immediately north of the round tower in the north-east corner of the innermost enclosure (Fig. 48). The kiln at Rathbeg was situated just inside the inner slope of the rath bank, while at Ardcloon it was centrally placed and at Reask immediately outside the enclosure. While the positioning at Rathbeg and Reask might be indicative of deliberate distancing from domestic areas, the same cannot be said of Ardcloon or Nendrum, industrial activities at the latter site were mostly located in the middle enclosure.

Souterrain ware ranges in date from around the sixth or seventh century AD to the second half of the twelfth. Within this, it is possible to trace a rough development in forms. At a small number of sites, such as Lissue, the earliest pottery is quite plain, later examples have plain cordons, while the most recent vessels have decorated cordons and/or rims. Ornamented rims were common in north Antrim, while plain cordons were preferred in south Antrim. Ryan suggests that the final stage of souterrain ware may represent a fusion of these two localised traditions (1973, 639).

The position of clay-workers in Early Medieval society is unknown. No mention of the craft is made in the literary evidence, perhaps suggesting that clay extraction and processing were non-specialised activities. It seems highly possible that items such as crucibles, moulds and tuyères were manufactured by the metalworkers who required them. As for the pottery, ‘we have as yet little idea of whether there may have been distinctive local groups or whether such pottery was produced by a household for their own use or by professional potters in workshops, and if the latter was the case, how widely it may have been distributed’ (Edwards 1990, 73). The large quantity of sherds found on some sites, however, might suggest that some settlements produced surplus vessels, perhaps intended to meet demand elsewhere (see below).

Discussion In an examination of the relevant evidence, no pattern

The question of efficiency is even more difficult to gauge than usual, due to the limited nature of the craft 86

CRAFT PRODUCTION: CLAY

and relevant evidence. The small, horizontal-flued kilns would have been more efficient in firing clay artefacts than open bonfires. Irrespective of kiln type, the firing of pottery was often unsuccessful, as evidenced by the discovery of waste pottery sherds at both Nendrum and Ballintoy, the latter from a flued kiln, the former possibly an open fire (no structural evidence found).

undertaken at Nendrum and Rathbeg. The remains of a kiln were found at Rathbeg, in addition to sherds from at least 80 vessels. Large quantities of souterrain ware and manufacturing debris came from Nendrum. Both sites produced more than enough pottery to meet the needs of their inhabitants and may have employed long-term or full-time potters. In most of Early Medieval Ireland, clay was not widely used for artefactual purposes. It was employed when required, probably by the person who needed it and not a specialist clay-worker. The one exception to this may have been the manufacture of souterrain ware in Ulster. A small number of sites may have supplied several settlements, though for the vast majority, ‘if it is accepted that souterrain ware was intended mostly for household use it may be suggested that its manufacture was more in the nature of a domestic craft rather than an organised industry and that the vessels were made, perhaps in small batches, on or near the sites where they are found’ (Ryan 1973, 622).

A low level of production, to meet domestic needs, is apparent from the quantities of pottery on many sites. Approximately 30 sherds of souterrain ware were discovered at Killyliss, with the remains of 17 vessels at Ballykennedy – both sufficient for internal site use only. Reask, Ballyutoag and Ballycatteen have all produced average evidence, indicating both use and manufacture (Tables 21 and 22). A kiln, native pottery sherds (exclusive to the site), crucibles and tuyères were uncovered at Reask, a lump of clay and over 200 sherds of souterrain ware at Ballyutoag, and a kiln, one sherd of native pottery and nine crucible fragments at Ballycatteen. Extensive working, in relative terms, was SITE

KILN DAUB MOULDS CRUC. TUY. POTTERY MISC. RESIDUE LEVEL

Ardcloon Ballycatteen Ballyfounder Ballyhenry Ballyhill Lower Ballykennedy Ballywee Ballywillwill Ballypalady Ballyvollen Cahergal Carraig Aille Castleskreen 1 Castleskreen 2 Coolcran Crossnacreevy Deer Park Farms Dressogagh Dromore Dundrum Dunsilly Garranes Garryduff Glenkeen Gransha Killanully Killyglen Killyliss Knockea Letterkeen Lisdoo Lisduggan Lisleagh Lissue Marlinstown Meadowbank

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì -

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì 87

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì -

-

Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Min. Min. Av. Min. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. [CONTD.]

CHAPTER 8

SITE

KILN DAUB MOULDS CRUC. TUY. POTTERY MISC. RESIDUE LEVEL

Raheennamadra Rathbeg Rathmullan Frishtawn Ringmackilroy Seacash Seafin Shaneen Park Sluggary Tully Whitefort

SITE

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Table 21. Evidence of clay-working from excavated ringforts

Min. Ext. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Min. Min. Min.

KILN DAUB MOULDS CRUC. TUY. POTTERY MISC. RESIDUE LEVEL

Crannógs Ballinderry 1 Ballinderry 2 Deredis Upper Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough

-

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ì

Min. Av. Min. Av. Av. Ext.

Monastic Sites Cathedral Hill Clonmacnoise Dunmisk Movilla Abbey Nendrum Reask St. Gobnet’s Tullylish

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

-

Ì Ì -

Av. Av. Av. Av. Ext. Av. Av. Av.

Ì Ì -

Ext. Min. Av. Min. Min. Av. Av. Av. Min. Min.

Miscellaneous Sites Ballintoy Cave Ì Ballybrolly Ballyutoag Beginish Craig Hill Dalkey Ì Dooey Knowth Larrybane Millockstown -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Table 22. Evidence of clay-working from excavated sites

88

CRAFT PRODUCTION: SKELETAL MATERIAL

Chapter IX

Craft Production: Skeletal Material however, has been the focus of some attention on the Continent and in Scandinavia. Some of these works contain relevant technological information. Ambrosiani (1981), for example, includes a general section on comb-making, followed by an examination of the evidence from Birka and Ribe.

Introduction Whereas there has in the past been a tendency to regard bone, antler and horn as inferior substitutes for metal or even ivory, the respective mechanical properties which each of these possesses are in many ways truly remarkable, and often render them supremely suitable for particular tasks. (MacGregor 1985, 1) Although not as technologically complex as other crafts such as glassworking or non-ferrous metalworking nor as aesthetically pleasing, the working of skeletal material was probably among the most widely practised crafts in Early Medieval Ireland. This may have been due to the simpler methods of shaping the widely available raw material or, as MacGregor suggests, the recognition of working properties conducive to the manufacture of certain artefacts. The term ‘skeletal material’ (borrowed from MacGregor 1985) is here understood to incorporate bone, antler and horn. The animals represented in the artefactual record include cattle, sheep/goat, pig, deer, dog and whale.

Iron Age Background Information regarding the working of skeletal material in the Irish Iron Age is confined to that derived from an examination of finished artefacts of bone, antler and horn. Luxury items included pins, beads, gaming pieces and some combs. Both pins and combs also served a more practical purpose. Bone pins are known from the ring-barrow at Grannagh, Co. Galway and the Lough Crew passage-tomb cemetery, Co. Meath. The remains of six pins were found at Grannagh. These were circular or oval in section, with heads ranging in shape from domed to slightly flattened and expanded (Raftery 1983, 165). One example from Lough Crew, passage grave R2, consisted of a straight shank, broken at one end. This was recessed and perforated by two tiny transverse rivet holes, one with a portion of a miniature iron rivet still in situ. Raftery saw this as ‘indicating the former existence of a separate pinhead’ (ibid. 166). Approximately 40 beads have been discovered on Iron Age sites, with 12 from Carrowbeg North, Co. Galway. Most of these were barrel-shaped and came from a secondary burial in the ditch fill of the ring-barrow. A dumb-bell bead and three pearshaped examples came from Cremation I in the fosse at Grannagh, four barrel-shaped beads from the Oranbeg occupation site, Co. Galway, and 11 (mostly pearshaped) from Knowth, Co. Meath. The remainder were found at Cairn H at Lough Crew, at Newgrange, in Cremation 8 in Tumulus VIII at Carrowjames, Co. Mayo, and the cremation deposits at The Long Stone, Cullen, Co. Tipperary (ibid. 194–196).

The craft in the preceding Iron Age is briefly dealt with by Raftery (1994) in the form of a list of artefact types made of bone and antler. More detailed information can be obtained from his earlier works (1983 and 1984) where all the objects then known are catalogued and described. More specific studies include an examination of the bone slips from Lough Crew (Crawford 1925), while in 1960, Flanagan studied the bone beads and bone ring found at Newgrange. Basic technological data, applicable to both the Iron Age and Early Medieval period, is provided by MacGregor (1985) and Hodges (1964). Of these, MacGregor’s work is the most useful as it deals specifically with the technology of artefacts from northern Europe since the Roman period.

Three types of artefact from the Iron Age have been identified as gaming pieces. The first consists of a group of three flat, rectangular bone plaques, one each from Cush, Co. Limerick (28mm x 15mm x 2mm), Mentrim Lough, Co. Meath (6.5mm x 2.25mm x 2.5mm) and Lough Crew, Co. Meath (17mm x 26.5mm x 2.5mm). The first two bear compass-drawn ornament on both of their large flat surfaces and long sides. All three are polished. The next class of gaming piece consists of five die and one rough-out. These are of parallelepiped type – rectangular in shape and generally twice as long as they are broad. One example was discovered in the occupation levels under the cairn at Navan Fort, Co. Armagh, three at Knowth, and one at Newgrange. The last also produced a rough-out,

Edwards’ textbook on the Early Medieval period (1990) includes a short section on the finished bone and antler objects, paying little attention to the actual craftworking. Individual artefact types have also been examined. Motif-pieces, including bone examples, are dealt with by O’Meadhra (1979; 1987) in a discussion of their form, function and date. Bone combs have been studied by Dunlevy in an M.A. thesis (1969), partially published in the Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy (1988), while a short note on three bone combs was published by Rynne (1958). It is evident from this that little work has been undertaken on the Irish Early Medieval material. Viking material, 89

CHAPTER 9

consisting of a polished piece with no markings. Finally, thirteen pegged gaming pieces were found at Knowth. Each piece consisted of a sub-spherical head with a vertical perforation from which projected a short, pointed peg (ibid. 227–231). Fragments of approximately twelve bone combs were found at Lough Crew, representing secondary Iron Age activity in cairn H. Originally, these combs were roughly semicircular or ‘D’-shaped with teeth projecting from the straight edge. Some were decorated with compassdrawn curvilinear ornament (ibid. 199–202).

These flakes were carefully shaped, highly polished oval or ovoid slips. Raftery estimated the original number to be between 500 and 600. All were made from animal ribs and have an average length of 9cm to 10cm, width of 2cm to 2.5cm, and thickness of 0.3cm to 0.4cm. The small percentage that are decorated bear, mostly, compass-drawn ornament (ibid.).

Practical domestic equipment included handles for implements such as knives, weaving combs and spindle-whorls. A bone weaving comb was found in the occupation levels under the cairn at Navan Fort, Co. Armagh, and a horn example at Glassamucky Brakes, Co. Dublin. The latter was roughly trapezoidal in shape with a rectangular section. It originally had nine teeth and showed considerable signs of wear (ibid. 223–224). Four plain perforated spindle-whorls were discovered on Freestone Hill, Co. Kilkenny. Although not suitable for weapon production, a number of iron swords had grip components of antler and bone. An antler pommel was recovered from the Collican River near Dungarven, Co. Waterford. This was oval in shape with a central circular perforation, all-over polish, and a couple of deeply-incised ornamental circles. Two swords from the River Shannon, one near Banagher, Co. Offaly, had antler hilt-guards, while an example from Edenderry, Co. Offaly, had a grip of highly polished tubular bone. A second sword from the same place had a similar grip and an antler hilt-guard and pommel (ibid. 93–95).

Fig. 57 Decorated bone flake from Lough Crew, Co. Meath (Raftery 1983) As with most crafts of the Irish Iron Age, little or nothing can be said of the organisation of boneworking. No residues or workshops have been identified and no literary evidence exists to help fill the archaeological gap. Artefacts of the Early Medieval Period Bone was used for many of the same purposes in the following Early Medieval period, though the quantity of artefacts in the archaeological record increased. Luxury items included pins, beads, pendants, bracelets, combs, gaming-pieces and drinking horns. The most common type of pin was the simple pig-fibula pin. These consisted of a relatively straight shank with slightly expanded head, often perforated and occasionally decorated (Edwards 1990, 86). Examples are known from Rathmullan, Feltrim Hill, Carraig Aille (Fig. 58), Cahercommaun, Knockea, Inishkea North and Lagore.

Lough Crew, Co. Meath produced, probably, the most enigmatic bone artefacts of the Irish Iron Age. In total, approximately 5,000 fragments of bone were found, almost all from Cairn H. Of these, 14 were from combs, one from a plaque, and two from pins. The remainder consisted of bone flakes or slips, 11 of them perforated and 138 decorated (Fig. 57).

Fig. 58 Bone artefacts from Carraig Aille, Co. Limerick (Ó Ríordáin 1949) 90

CHAPTER 9

Fig. 61 Antler motif-piece from Dooey, Co. Donegal (Ó Ríordáin and Rynne 1961) been sawn across the shaft near the distal end. In Early Medieval Ireland, the saw was never used in the butchering process, rather is ‘indicative of the use of bone as a raw material for industrial manufacture’ (McCormick 1984). At Rathgurreen, a cut or sawn antler tine was found with a pile of large animal bones – evidently a stockpile intended for use.

Craftworking Residues The raw material for the working of skeletal material was, clearly, readily available to a large number of people. Animal bone suitable for working was found in some quantity on sites where animals were butchered. Lagore produced nearly 22,680kg of animal bone, and Ballinderry 2 6623kg (including a bovine skull with the horns broken off). Other sites where bone, horn and antler artefacts and animal bones have been found include Cahercommaun, Carraig Aille, Ballyfounder, Castleskreen, Feltrim Hill, Killyliss, Rathmullan, Carn, Lisdoo, Seacash and Rathgurreen. The actual working of this available raw material can only be suggested for a couple of these sites. At Killyliss, a bovine femur had

That bone and antler were worked at Rathgurreen is evidenced by the discovery of a finished antler handle, fragments of finished bone and antler combs, a finished bone pin and button, an unfinished bone pin, an antler ring and a roughly shaped piece of antler (Figs. 62 and 64). 92

CHAPTER 9

known workshops or concentrations of working debris. It seems probable that on many sites the working of bone etc. was not undertaken on a large scale and not confined to a designated area of the settlement. Once retrieved from a butchery site or midden heap, the raw material could be easily transported and working need not have occurred adjacent to such unpleasant places. In only one case has a concentration of relevant material been noted. At Cahercommaun, the majority of the worked bone and antler fragments were found in the north-east quadrant, along with a quantity of ironworking evidence (Hencken 1938, 67–69). The largest number of finished artefacts of bone, antler and horn, however, came from the south-east quadrant. Some information regarding the status of the boneworker in Early Medieval Ireland is provided by the early literature. The Uraicecht Becc (MacNeill 1924, v.151) mentions a craftsperson identified as a ‘woolcomber’ by MacNeill and as a ‘comb-maker’ by Kelly (1988), with an honour-price of half a sét. This very low value is reflected in the one other relevant reference. Bretha Nemed (Corpus Iuris Hibernici 2220.5–7) states that the three things which confer status on the comb-maker are ‘racing a dog in contending for a bone, straightening the horn of a ram by his breath without fire [and] chanting on a dunghill so that he summons on top what there is below of antlers and bones and horns’ (Binchy 1955). It appears that, as far as the authors of the law texts were concerned, the working of skeletal material was not a very worthy activity.

Fig. 63 Bone combs from Lagore, Co. Meath (Hencken 1950) The cancellous tissue in the centre was cut away and billets of dense outer tissue sawn or shaved with a draw-knife. The cut pieces were filed to the required thickness, and cut and filed into shape, then smoothed, polished and decorated. The side-plates may have been temporarily fixed together to facilitate symmetrical shaping and decoration. Next, the blank tooth-plate was inserted between the side-pieces. If more than one tooth-plate was used, they were carefully matched in thickness and laid side-by-side. The various components were riveted together and, finally, the teeth were cut with a saw, the cut marks often extending onto the edges of the side-plates (MacGregor 1985, 74–75). At Carraig Aille, the combs were double-edged and composed of three pieces (excluding rivets). The side-plates were long and almost semicircular in section, and both iron and bone rivets were used. Some of the combs had four rivets, the two end ones of iron and the middle two of bone. The sideplates do bear cut marks caused by the cutting of the teeth and ‘in some instances this seems to have been deliberately emphasized to give an ornamental effect’ (Ó Ríordáin 1949, 81).

How efficient the craft was is difficult to ascertain from the surviving evidence. The plentiful supply of raw material would have facilitated much trial-anderror, though there seems to be little archaeological evidence of this. Although there are some examples of unfinished artefacts, there is little sign of waste or objects discarded due to a manufacturing flaw. The varying levels of preservation on different sites, however, hampers a true assessment. In identifying three levels of activity within the craft, minimum working is represented by the discovery of a small number of finished artefacts and, perhaps, a few tools – reflecting the use and occasional repair of bone, antler and horn objects. Average evidence, of item use and manufacture, would consist of a larger quantity of finished artefacts, including more luxury items, possibly a few unfinished pieces, and a wider range of relevant tools. Finally, extensive activity would be evident in a relatively large number and range of finished goods, work-in-progress, and tools. These were settlements with potential to export objects manufactured on-site. Castleskreen and Ballyfounder both produced evidence of minimal activity; Castleskreen a bone pin and five knives, Ballyfounder a comb fragment, knife handle, pin and chisel (Table 23). Average working took place at Rathmullan and Rathgurreen.

Pig fibula pins utilised the end of the whole bone without much alteration. The proximal ends of pig fibulae expand to form a natural head while a second expansion around the middle of the shaft was either trimmed off while pointing the tip, or incorporated as an impediment to slippage during wear (MacGregor 1985, 120–121). Spindle-whorls of bone were usually made from the ‘head’ or articular condyle of a bovine femur. Antler examples were formed by cutting a discoid or sub-spherical shape from near the base of the beam and then turning it on a lathe. Very little spongy tissue is present in this area, the solid material suitable for incised decoration (ibid. 187). Discussion The location of these craft activities within sites is generally difficult to identify, with an absence of 94

CRAFT PRODUCTION: SKELETAL MATERIAL

SITE Ringforts Ballyegan Ballyfounder Boho Cahercommaun Carn Carraig Aille Castleskreen Corliss Dressogagh Dunbell Feltrim Hill Garryduff Killanully Knockea Leacanabuaile Raheennamadra Rathgurreen Rathmullan Shaneen Park Sluggary Smithstown Spittle Ballee Tully

UNFINISHED

FINISHED

TOOLS

LEVEL

Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Min. Min. Min. Ext. Min. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min.

Monastic Sites Cathedral Hill Clonmacnoise Inishkea Killederdadrum Nendrum

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Min. ? Av. Av. Ext.

Crannógs Ballinderry 1 Ballinderry 2 Deredis Upper Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough

Ì Ì ?

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Min. Ext. Min. Av. Av. Av.?

Miscellaneous Sites Beginish Dalkey Dooey Knowth Larrybane

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì -

Min. Av. ? Min. Min.

Table 23. Bone-working evidence from excavated sites The Rathmullan evidence consisted of antler spindlewhorls, fibula pins (one unfinished), a goat-horn handle, an antler needle and antler pins. Fragments of six bone combs and one antler comb, a bone button, pin and unfinished pin (Fig. 64), two antler tines (one a handle), a shaped piece of antler, a boar-tusk pendant, an antler ring (possibly unfinished) and eight knives were found at Rathgurreen.

Extensive evidence was discovered at Carraig Aille (Fig. 65) and Cahercommaun. Recovered from the former site were 53 combs, 44 pins, 37 spindle-whorls, 35 scoops or gouges, ten points, two buttons, two beads, one needle, dice and handle, in addition to two chisels, 16 axes, two hammer-stones, two punches, three saws, four awls and approximately 78 knives (Ó Ríordáin 1949).

95

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Fig. 64 Bone artefacts from Rathgurreen, Co. Galway: 1–2. pins, 3. unfinished pin

Fig. 65 Bone and antler artefacts from Carraig Aille, Co. Limerick (Ó Ríordáin 1949)

96

CRAFT PRODUCTION: SKELETAL MATERIAL

Cahercommaun produced 81 pig fibula pins and one dog-rib pin, five bone beads, two antler beads, one bone pendant and one antler pendant, an unspecified number of bone combs, one antler whorl and several unfinished examples, 37 bone spindle-whorls, 14 bone points, 23 antler points (Fig. 66), three buttons, a needle, an awl, four antler picks, two bone handles, one antler handle and tools including two iron awls, an axehead, three draw-knives and 63 plain knives (Hencken 1938). In combining the literary evidence with the archaeological, it becomes clear that while boneworking (etc.) was undertaken on a number of settlements, this activity was not held in very high regard. It does not appear to have been a very specialist activity (with the exception of comb-making), with only a limited amount of skill required. That some sites did not possess even this rudimentary level of ability can be seen in a brief comparison of a small number of ringforts. The sites of Ballyfounder, Knockea and Seacash have all produced roughly the same quantities of animal bones, reflecting similar conditions of preservation. Ballyfounder, however, is the only one of the three where bone artefacts were recovered. At the other end of the scale, relatively large numbers of finished artefacts have been found on sites such as Cahercommaun, some of which may represent a surplus intended for off-site consumption. The working of skeletal material, then, was neither a very common activity practised on all settlements, nor a highly specialised craft employing socially respected, necessarily full-time workers.

Fig. 66 Antler artefacts from Cahercommaun, Co. Clare (Hencken 1938)

97

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98

CRAFT PRODUCTION: TEXTILES AND LEATHER

Chapter X

Craft Production: Textiles and Leather examples of this are Lucas’ ‘Cloth-finishing in Ireland’ (1975) and Shaw-Smith’s Ireland’s Traditional Crafts (1986). The first chapter of the latter details traditional methods of fabric manufacture, from spinning to fulling and napping. It also contains useful illustrations and photographs depicting methods and equipment.

Introduction The evidence for both textile and leather manufacture in Early Medieval Ireland is relatively scant. The largely organic nature of the residues and end-products of this work must account for the low visibility in the archaeological record. The preservation and recovery of such organic remains is limited to the anaerobic conditions of wet contexts. This, unfortunately, excludes the majority of ringfort excavations in Ireland, with the most notable exception of Deer Park Farms, Co. Antrim. Therefore, in examining this aspect of textile and leather production, the contemporary evidence provided by crannóg investigations must be considered. Evidence of these crafts is not, however, confined to organic remains. A limited range of tools and equipment has been identified in various site assemblages, including artefacts of bone, stone, metal and wood. The paucity of surviving evidence is reflected in the limited research which has been carried out on leather and textile production in Early Medieval Ireland.

A few more specific studies have been undertaken, forming parts of larger excavation reports. Only three excavations (thus far) from Early Medieval Ireland have produced actual textile remains. Two of these were crannógs, both excavated by Hencken and the Harvard expedition to Ireland. Start has examined the fragments from Lagore Crannóg, Co. Meath (Hencken 1950), and contributed a lengthy report to the final work (1950, 203–224). She also studied the two pieces from Ballinderry II, Co. Offaly (in Hencken 1942, 57– 58). One fragment was found at the monastic site on Church Island, Co. Kerry, and was examined by Henshall (in O’Kelly 1958, 135). Patterson (1955) studied a small group of artefacts from the crannógs of Lough Faughan, Co. Down, Lagore, Co. Meath, and Ballinderry, Co. Westmeath, all identified by the author as hand distaffs. In 1987, Hodkinson wrote a short article which examined the evidence for weaving, in which he discounts the use of the warp-weighted loom and provides a brief catalogue of the relevant evidence from Irish sites. An M.A thesis by O’Brien (1993) examined the use of stone spindlewhorls in the Early Medieval and Medieval periods. These various studies provide an insight into the processes employed in Early Medieval Ireland and the nature of the finished products. They do not, however, pay much attention to the non-organic tools and equipment, nor do they examine the activity in relation to settlement patterns. Much the same can be said of leather production in Ireland, with regard to the technical processes involved. Again, both Forbes (volume five, 1966) and Hodges (1964) devote sections of their books to the stages of leather production.

Textiles The processes involved in textile production throughout the ancient world are examined by Forbes in volume four of his Studies in Ancient Technology series. This 1964 book contains sections on the fabrics of antiquity, spinning, weaving, finishing methods, dyes and dying. It also includes a useful, albeit short, list of terms and definitions used by the Textile Museum in Washington. The same topics were also dealt with by Hodges in a number of chapters in his book on ancient technologies (1964). Further technical information, with an emphasis on Roman evidence, was provided by Wild (1970). A collection of essays, edited by Walton and Wild, was published in 1990, the result of a textile symposium held in York in 1987. Amongst the contributors was Heckett, whose paper (based on an M.A. thesis, 1986) examined the wool and silk head-coverings recovered from Viking Dublin (1990, 85–96). Bender Jørgensen’s North European Textiles until AD 1000 was published in 1992. Although largely concerned with the more abundant Continental evidence, the book does contain a useful section (chapter 2) on weave types and deals with the evidence from Great Britain and Ireland. The latter includes a catalogue of surviving textiles from Anglo-Saxon England, Early Medieval Ireland and Viking Dublin.

The evidence of textile production in the Early Medieval period and preceding Iron Age is similar in terms of artefact type, though not quantity. Three tiny fragments of textiles are attributed to the Iron Age, all of which were found adhering to bronze objects. Two were recovered from burials, at Carrowbeg North, Co. Galway and Bettystown, Co. Meath. The third was attached to the Navan Fort mount, Co. Armagh. The fragment from Bettystown consisted of a very fine gauze or net, probably of horse hair. The other two were linen, and all three were simple tabby weaves (Bender Jørgensen 1992, 215).

Folk-life studies provide useful comparative material, especially in the identification of tools that may have been employed in textile production. Two good 99

CRAFT PRODUCTION: TEXTILES AND LEATHER

to the later stages of cloth manufacture has, however, been excavated. A dye-production workshop was recognised on the island of Inishkea North, off the coast of Mayo (Henry 1952). While the dye may have been intended for other uses, such as the colouring of stone sculptures or manuscript illumination, the workshop in question was also engaged in the manufacture of spindle-whorls for spinning.

contemporary with one of these structures (House A, site 2), both dated to the late seventh century. Several sites dated to the Early Medieval period have produced finds of whelks or purpura shells, though rarely have they been examined for the relevant breakage pattern. While smaller fish were crushed with their shells, larger examples had their ultimate whorl broken in order to extract the fish and obtain the dyesecreting gland (Murray, pers. comm.). Such shells have been identified at Rathgurreen, Co. Galway (Murray, Appendix 3) and at the sandhills site of Dooey, Co. Donegal. The latter were found in separate middens, unmixed with the shells of the purely edible shellfish. Both sites contained several pits, shallow and deep examples, which may have been used in dye manufacture, as on Inishkea.

House A, Site 3, on Inishkea was located on a sandy platform and consisted of a wooden hut with stone foundations (Fig. 67). The main house, oval in plan, extended into a second room on the west side. Located in the main room was a central hearth. This consisted of a square area of clay (71cm x 74cm) delimited by four slabs of mica-schist set on edge. The smaller room contained a pit, 30cm x 30cm x 10–15cm. The western side of the pit was covered by a large flat stone (64cm x 28cm), while the eastern end was lined with four stones. A few broken purpura lapillus shells were found immediately adjacent to the pit, while a much larger pile was located to the south-east of the pit. The remains of a small enclosure, measuring 1.5m by 2.1m internally, were situated on the north side of the house. This was a well constructed stone structure, built at the level of a cellar for the main house.

Slight evidence of other dyestuffs is known from Early Medieval Ireland. The excavation of a rath at Boho, Co. Fermanagh, produced five madder seeds, though it is uncertain whether they were from a wild or cultivated plant (Proudfoot 1958). Analysis of residue surviving in an E-ware pot from Teeshan crannóg, Co. Antrim revealed traces of cultivated madder, perhaps reflecting its importation (Ó Ríordáin 1979, 30). Finally, woad pods were recovered from Deer Park Farms, Co. Antrim (Lynn in Ryan 1991, 130).

There were three main steps involved in the production of purple dye from the aforementioned shellfish. First, the live fish were crushed, then salt was added and the pulp allowed to steep for three days. Finally, the mixture was boiled for approximately ten days until it was completely liquid (Henry 1952). Understanding the process involved in the dye production, it is possible to interpret the function of the structural features. The pit was probably used for crushing the shellfish. They were first broken with a stone on the transverse slab, then thrown into a vessel at the bottom of the pit. Among the finds from the site was a shallow iron bowl, 9cm in diameter. This was the perfect size to fit into the pit though, as the excavator pointed out, ‘the only objection is that iron is known to have a dulling effect on any dye’ (Henry 1952, 172). The cellar structure may have been used for storing the live fish or pulp whilst soaking them/it in salt. The shells themselves could be easily collected from the shoreline of the island, or recovered from deeper waters.

Similar evidence, though of textile production proper, is known from the house sites at Carraig Aille II, Co. Limerick. Carbonised flax seeds were found here, reflecting the production of linen. Raw material was also found at Lagore, Co. Meath, consisting of fleece and locks of hair, both intended for spinning. Five quantities of hair were recovered, possibly goat hair, some of which were partly spun. Four small bundles of natural wool fleece were also discovered, one of which consisted of a length of unevenly spun thread, wrapped around a portion of the fleece from which it had been spun. Another of the small bundles of wool had been partly teased-out, in preparation for spinning. Artefact Remains Most of the tools required in the production of textiles are represented in the archaeological record. Many of these were made of wood and only survive in waterlogged contexts such as crannógs. Distaffs, forked sticks in their simplest form, might have been used to hold fleece or flax in preparation for spinning. They are known from the crannógs of Lough Faughan, Lagore and Ballinderry (Patterson 1955, 81). Wooden spindles were found at these three sites, and also at Deer Park Farms (Fig. 68). The majority of these tools are bulbous in shape, though some are more elaborate. One of the ten Lagore examples has a series of six cordons cut into one end to form a knob (Hencken 1950, 162). Three spindles from Deer Park Farms have a much thicker central portion which tapers to a point at either end (Earwood 1993, 135).

As already mentioned, the association of this dye with textile production is suggested by the discovery of a number of chlorite spindle-whorls in various stages of manufacture. It should also be remembered that, while little evidence of actual textile manufacture was discovered, sheep were ideal animals to keep on an island and would have provided a ready supply of wool. House A is just one of a series of such remains on the island which, if excavated, may reveal further workshops. A small number of nearby huts were dug and identified as monastic or religious remains (Henry 1945). The workshop (House A, site 3) was roughly 101

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Fig. 68 Wooden spindles: 1. Ballinderry 2, 2.4. Lagore, 3. Ballinderry 1, 5. Dublin, 6. Viking (Earwood 1993)

Fig. 69 Spindle whorls from Cahercommaun, Co. Clare (Hencken 1938) 102

CRAFT PRODUCTION: TEXTILES AND LEATHER

Fig. 70 A. Warp-weighted loom, B. two-beam vertical loom (Forbes 1964) Spindle-whorls were made of bone, stone and wood, with different weights used to spin various qualities of wool or flax. Whorls, occasionally decorated, have been discovered on a relatively large number of sites. It is the presence of these artefacts in ringforts that reflects the working of textiles on such sites. The quantity found on any one site can range from an incomplete example, such as at Dressogagh, to 55 at Cahercommaun (Fig. 69). The majority of sites, however, produced just one or two examples.

this evidence is tenuous at best. If a warp-weighted loom had been used on a site, a number of loomweights would be found in its excavation (Fig. 70). This, however, is not the case. According to Hodkinson, upwards of 20 loom-weights would have been required on a warp-weighted loom (1987, 47). Approximately this number have been found from the whole of Early Medieval Ireland, barely enough for one such loom. Alternative functions, such as sinkers for nets or lines, must be sought for these perforated artefacts. It seems likely that the simple two-beamed vertical loom was used in Ireland. Weaving tablets are known from both Lagore crannóg and the enclosure at Killederdadrum, Co. Tipperary. The latter is made of stone and bears six perforations. One of the seven possible examples from Lagore was formed from a fragment of cattle scapula. It is triangular in shape and has three perforations (Fig. 71, Hencken 1950, 195/6).

The weaving of yarn into textile leaves very little archaeological evidence. At only one site, that of Dromore, Co. Antrim (a flat-topped mound), has the presence of an actual loom been suggested by the excavator (Collins 1968). Here, in a hollow north of house 1, were found four small, close-set postholes. These were positioned along a straight line suggesting ‘some industrial fitment, such as a loom, rather than any part of a house’ (Collins 1968, 62). Clearly, even

Fig. 71 Tablet-weaving (Start 1950) and weaving tablet from Lagore, Co. Meath (Hencken 1950) 103

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Fig. 72 Bone needles and pin-beaters from Carraig Aille, Co. Limerick (Ó Ríordáin 1949) During weaving, the weft yarns had to be pushed close together to prevent any gaps in the fabric. This was done with a ‘pin-beater’. Similar to a spindle in shape, these artefacts are generally shorter with a circular cross-section, though a thicker middle. Often, one end is pointed, while the other may be trimmed and perforated. These were used either by thrusting them directly into the warp from the front, or by drawing them across the face of the warp (Wild 1970, 66). A group of pin-beaters, made from animal long-bones, have been identified on Irish sites of the Early Medieval period (Hodkinson 1987, 49). These sites include the ringforts of Shaneen Park, Co. Antrim (two examples), Cahercommaun, Co. Clare (20), Carraig Aille, Co. Limerick (Fig. 72, 34), and the crannóg of Lagore, Co. Meath (16). A wooden knife-like implement, with curved blade and insular fret pattern, was found in Littleton Bog, Co. Tipperary, and identified as a weaving sword (Lang 1988).

Galway bears a textile impression (Jorgensen 1992).

Fig. 73 Textile fragment from Lagore, Co. Meath (Start 1950) The 77 fragments from Lagore were examined by Start (in Hencken 1950, 203–224). All except one example (from period Ib) came from period Ia, probably the first occupation of the crannóg. Twelve cords were found amongst the assemblage, the cords formed by twisting threads together. Of the 56 examples of actual fabric recovered (Fig. 73), 55 were tabby weaves. These can be subdivided into three groups. Fragments of the first type contain roughly the same number of warps and wefts to the inch (c.2.5cm), 22 of each on average. One piece was 34.3cm in width and had both selvedges (sides) intact, reflecting the use of a narrow loom. Another piece was stitched or hemmed with double thread which was both decorative and functional (Start 1950, 210). The second group were more unevenly spun, with an average of 24 warps and 32 wefts. The warp threads were much coarser than the weft which was irregularly beaten up. In the final group of c.20 examples, the number of wefts was at least double the number of warps (on average 20 warps, 46 wefts). This resulted in a firm, hard-wearing cloth.

The tools required in the manufacture and application of dye are difficult to identify as having been specifically used in this activity. Artefacts such as stone hammers, for example, may have been used in the crushing of purpura shellfish, or perhaps in other crafts such as carpentry. One artefact most probably used in dye manufacture is the aforementioned shallow iron vessel from Inishkea, Co. Mayo. While dye is mostly relevant to the working of textiles, it is also possible to dye leather. Surviving Textile Fragments Surviving textiles from Early Medieval Ireland are very rare. A small fragment of cloth was found at the bivallate ringfort at Tully, Co. Antrim, and another at the monastic settlement on Church Island, Co. Kerry. Two fragments were recovered from Ballinderry II crannóg, Co. Offaly, while the largest collection of surviving pieces came from Lagore crannóg, Co. Meath. Finally, a bronze bell from Templemoyle, Co.

The final piece was of twill weave, its ends plaited to finish off the lower edge. This suggests the use of a more elaborate loom as four heddles were necessary to 104

CRAFT PRODUCTION: TEXTILES AND LEATHER

lift the warp threads. Start observes; ‘the fact that very fine yarns were used and the weaving is very close and even suggests that the cloth was woven by an expert worker and therefore the use of this more advanced type of loom is probable’ (1950, 212). Consisting of 32 warp threads and 60 wefts, this piece may originally have been red in colour. Also found at Lagore were two, tablet-woven, braids. One of these, a woollen example, was fringed and constructed with three, fourholed tablets. The other was made of a mixture of wool and hair. Four, four-hole tablets were used this time, with only the first one having all four holes threaded, the others only three.

Clonoura, Co. Tipperary, provides the most definite evidence of leather use in the Iron Age (Fig. 74). The shield consists of an alder plank covered on both surfaces with a tightly-drawn sheet of leather. The edges of these sheets were secured with narrow binding strips which were stitched in place with thin leather thongs (Raftery 1994, 120). Tools possibly used in leather production include bone spatulae with rounded ends from Freestone Hill, Co. Kilkenny, perhaps used in the tanning process (Raftery 1994, 120). Also, two large iron needles were found at Freestone Hill (Raftery 1970), and a needle of pig bone at Dún Ailinne, Co. Kildare (Wailes 1990). These three were large enough to have been used for stitching leather.

The two fragments from Ballinderry II were both tabby weaves (Start in Hencken 1942, 57). One was 25cm in width and ‘being practically constant indicates considerable skill in weaving on a primitive type of loom which was probably not more than a foot in width’ (1942, 58). The second piece was very fragile and both of its edges had been cut by a sharp instrument. The piece from Church Island measured approximately 3cm by 3cm and was folded over diagonally, suggesting that it came from a hem. It was composed of wool in a twill weave, with 20 finer yarns and 18 heavier threads per inch. The resulting fabric was quite firm and possibly partially fulled (Henshall in O’Kelly 1958, 135). The textile impressed on the bronze bell from Templemoyle in Co. Galway was a tabby weave (Bender Jørgensen 1992, 215). Leather Leather should have been an important craft in Early Medieval Ireland given the importance of cattle in said economy, however the end products of leather-working are as elusive as those of textile manufacture in the archaeological record. The limited leather remains represent, for the most part, the manufacture of shoes. These have been studied, in part, by Barber (1981), Swann (1973) and Thornton (1973), who identified broad types of shoes and methods of manufacture. Comparative folk-life material is again provided by Shaw-Smith (1986) and Lucas (1956). Eight excavated Early Medieval sites have produced leather remains, including the ringforts of Killyliss, Co. Tyrone, Cahercommaun, Co. Clare, Seacash and Lissue, Co. Antrim, the crannógs of Ballinderry II, Co. Offaly, Moynagh Lough and Lagore, Co. Meath, and the monastic site on Church Island, Co. Kerry. No specific studies of relevant tools or sites have been undertaken.

It would appear from the archaeological record, that one of the main uses of leather in Early Medieval Ireland was in the manufacture of shoes. The majority of preserved leather fragments from Irish excavations have been identified as pieces of shoes. Of these, two main types can be isolated (Hencken 1942, 56). Type A are made from a single piece of leather which is cut to shape, folded, stitched and turned inside-out. The upper part of the shoe is known as the ‘vamp’, and some have a central seam running along their entire length. This seam was closed using leather thongs as laces. Some examples were very well made while others were rough in appearance. These shoes are similar to the ‘pampooties’ made and worn on the Aran Islands until relatively recently (Shaw-Smith 1986, 156).

Surviving artefacts of leather are very rare from Iron Age Ireland, though several undated fragments of leather were found in recent excavations at Teltown, Co. Meath. A set of three bronze horns from Cork, probably once part of a head ornament, were said to have had pieces of leather adhering to them when they were found (Raftery 1994, 120). The numerous iron horse-bits from the period were very likely used in association with leather straps or traces. A shield from

Shoes of type B were stronger, composed of a separate thick sole with a thinner upper which may have been multi-piece. The shoes may have been strengthened further with an insole and a thin band of leather to protect sewn seams (Edwards 1990, 80). Leather was, of course, used to make other items also. Knife-sheaths have been found at Moynagh Lough and it seems likely that sword scabbards of a similar nature would also have been made. Various straps, bags, belts, blankets,

Fig. 74 Leather-covered wooden shield from Clonoura, Co. Tipperary (Raftery 1994)

105

CRAFT PRODUCTION: TEXTILES AND LEATHER

Fig. 78 Objects of leather from Killyliss, Co. Tyrone (Ivens 1984) It seems likely that metal awls were used to pierce thicker leather prior to sewing or lacing with a leather thong. Other implements which may have been used for much the same purpose include a small socketed and pronged (three-pronged) tool and a pointed and slotted hand-held tool (Fig. 77). Ringfort excavations have produced examples of all of these (as have some crannógs and monastic sites). Awls have been found on a number of sites, including Knockea, Carraig Aille, Garryduff and Garranes. Pointed and slotted artefacts are known from Cahercommaun, Gransha, and Carraig Aille. Socketed and pronged implements were recovered from Carraig Aille, Cahercommaun and Garryduff.

implements and, partly, by our inability to recognise the original function of some surviving artefacts. Surviving Leather Fragments Seven Early Medieval sites have produced finds of leather. At Seacash, Co. Antrim, a triangular scrap 16cm long was found, possibly the remains of a shoe upper. Also found was a thong 38cm in length and 0.8cm in width (Lynn 1978, 69). Approximately 44 fragments of leather were recovered from the fosse at Killyliss ringfort, Co. Tyrone (Fig. 78). These were mostly the remains of simple turnshoes with the lower edge turned under and sewn to the bottom (Ivens 1984, 26). Cahercommaun produced a single small scrap of leather, while the excavations at Lissue produced pieces of two or three shoes. These were made of three parts; an outer sole of thick flexible leather, an insole of thinner leather, and an upper or vamp. The edges of

Uncertainty still surrounds many of the tools employed in both textile- and leather-working. This is caused, partly, by the use of organic materials in creating these 107

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the two soles were folded inwards and sewn with close stitches to the folded-in edge of the vamp (Bersu 1947).

east of the main monastic settlement (Henry 1945), not far from an ironworking area. On a practical level, it seems likely that activities such as spinning and weaving could have been undertaken within or immediately adjacent to the domestic area. These are quiet, odourless and relatively clean, whereas the processes involved in dye production and/or tanning would have been the opposite. The latter might have been located in a general industrial sector as distant as possible from the living area, if such a sector existed on a site.

Approximately 20 shoe fragments were discovered at Ballinderry II. Types A and B were both represented, with one definite example of the former and five of the latter. Also found were five pieces of worked leather, two with edge stitching, and over 250 fragments or clippings (Hencken 1942). The interim reports from Moynagh Lough, Co. Meath, mention leather knife sheaths, a shoe sole, and over 800 worked pieces or clippings (Bradley 1983/84). At Lagore, Co. Meath, 268 pieces of worked leather were found, dating from all periods of the occupation except III (Fig. 79). These included the remains of type B shoes – a heel fragment, two shoes, and two sole fragments (Hencken 1950). Finally, on Church Island, Co. Kerry, several small fragments of leather were recovered from the bottom of a well. These bore no worked features and the excavator suggested they may have come from a leather vessel (O’Kelly 1958, 135).

It is possible to identify a pattern in the production of textiles in Early Medieval Ireland, despite the small quantity of evidence. Of all the excavated sites from the period, including crannógs and monastic centres, approximately 50% have produced no evidence of this craft (Hodkinson 1987, 48). In 1961, Proudfoot wrote that weaving was an essential component of the economy of the ringfort (1961, 115), however this does not appear to be the case. The evidence now seems to point towards a number of production sites which must have supplied other settlements. Even then, there are apparent differences between manufacture sites. A large number of these, such as Seacash or Leacanabuaile, produced just one spindle-whorl. At other sites, however, such as Cahercommaun and Carraig Aille, much larger quantities have been found, 55 and 53 respectively. From this alone, it seems that some sites produced textiles for their own consumption, while others may have supplied a much larger area or community. The literary evidence does provide us with some clues regarding the organisation of these crafts. Leatherworkers are mentioned in the law tract Uraicecht Becc where it is stated that they had an honour-price of half a sét (MacNeill 1924, v.151). The low status of this is evident when compared to the honour-price of a master smith; twenty séts. Spinners and weavers, however, are not mentioned anywhere in the laws. Uraicecht Becc does list a craftsperson which MacNeill (1924) translated as a ‘wool-comber’. Fergus Kelly, however, identifies this person as a comb-maker (1988). This absence suggests that perhaps spinning and weaving were purely domestic activities. In the Life of Brigit, the saint visits a poor woman whose only assets are her cow and calf, and her wooden loom. The eighthcentury Life of St. Philibert, of Noirmoutier, records that Irish ships brought clothes and footwear to the island (Doherty 1980). Another reference can be found in Triad 305 of the Triads of Ireland which describes the oénach of Carmain. This consisted of three markets; food, livestock, and ‘the great market of Greek foreigners where were gold and fine raiment’ (Doherty 1980).

Fig. 79 Shoes from Lagore, Co. Meath (Hencken 1950) Discussion Due to the often uncertain nature of the relevant evidence (and the lack of find locations in published reports), it is difficult to identify leather and textileworking areas within sites. The scant organic remains from ringforts generally survive in the wetter contexts at the base of the fosse surrounding the site. It is possible that, as suggested by the excavator (Collins 1968), the Dromore evidence does mark the position of a wooden loom. Here, then, weaving was undertaken in a hollow with a cobbled base. This was located on the northern edge of House 1, which was roughly central within the site. The dye-hut on Inishkea (Henry 1952) was situated on a small sandy platform to the north108

CRAFT PRODUCTION: TEXTILES AND LEATHER

SITE

WHORL SPINDLE WEIGHT TOOLS LEA./TEX.

Ballycatteen Ballyegan Ballyfounder Ballyvollen Ballywee Ballywillwill Cahercommaun Carn Carraig Aille Castleskreen 1 Castleskreen 2 Cathair Fionnúrach Deer Park Farms Dressogagh Feltrim Hill Garranes Garryduff Grange Gransha Killyliss Knockea Leacanabuaile Lisdoo Lisduggan Lismahon Lissachiggel Lissue Raheennamadra Rathbeg Rathmullan Scholarstown Seacash Shaneen Park Smithstown Spittle Ballee Tully White Fort

1 1 Ì Ì 1 55 1 56 1 2 1 1 2 3 19 1 Ì 1 Ì 6 1 1 10 1 1 1 2 1

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

LEVEL

Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Ext. Min. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Av. Min. Av. Av. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Min. Min. Av. Min. Min. Av. Min. Av. Av. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min.

Table 24. Textile and Leather-working evidence from excavated ringforts All of this can be taken into account when examining the efficiency of the crafts in Early Medieval Ireland. The fact that enough textiles were produced by a percentage of the sites does suggest an efficient exploitation of resources, both in terms of raw material and labour. If the Life of St. Philibert is to be interpreted as referring to Irish goods being transported on Irish ships, then it seems possible that enough basic clothes and shoes were available, that the surplus could be exported. On the other hand, both Cogitosus and Triad 305 suggest the possibility that luxury textiles, and perhaps articles of leather, were imported from abroad.

raw material through to finished item, consists of finds of raw material and finished pieces (if preservation conditions allow), a range of tools such as shears, and a large quantity of spindle-whorls, some spindles and pin-beaters. Average evidence consists of spindlewhorls and pin-beaters, reflecting both spinning and weaving on a site. Finally, minimal evidence consists of just one or two spindle-whorls and perhaps some needles. A site producing the latter evidence may have manufactured yarn, then sent it elsewhere (to a site of average evidence, for example) for weaving and finally, when it was returned, used the fabric to create items of clothing.

As already mentioned, different levels of activity can be identified within the craft of textile production (Tables 24 and 25). Extensive evidence of fabric manufacture, reflecting the large-scale production from

Evidence of extensive leather-working should consist of tanning and artefact production remains. Early Medieval tanning, however, has left no identifiable trace in the archaeological record. Average evidence 109

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would consist of a range of tools, found in some quantity, reflecting the fabrication of artefacts for internal and external consumption. Minimal activity would be represented by a limited range and number of tools, reflecting the manufacture and/or repair of items for internal consumption only.

domestic context for textile production, the archaeological evidence does not. If solely domestic, then the vast majority of excavated sites, if not all of them, would have produced relevant remains. As already mentioned, this is not the case. Some sites seem to have had a more ‘industrial’ emphasis, producing enough fabric or finished items for export (within Ireland or abroad). Of course, not everyone would have possessed the ability to spin and weave. Some of those who did, while still of low status, may have been employed by the wealthier elements of society and perhaps worked in groups on their employers sites. Such organisation, however, is not reflected in the literature.

Lagore crannóg produced the best example of an extensive assemblage. This was, however, at least partly due to its anaerobic preservation conditions. Non-organic components of this assemblage were found on ‘dryland’ ringforts such as Cahercommaun and Carraig Aille. These included a range of iron tools, large quantities of spindle-whorls (55 at Cahercommaun, 56 at Carraig Aille) and pin-beaters (20 at Cahercommaun, 34 at Carraig Aille). Average evidence, in the form of one or two whorls and pinbeaters, is known from Shaneen Park and Feltrim Hill, while minimal evidence (one or two spindle-whorls) has been discovered at Seacash and Ballywee. It was once thought (e.g. Proudfoot 1961) that textile production was a common domestic activity. Some excavations, however, have not provided any relevant evidence. In comparing four univallate ringforts, where preservation conditions were very similar (as evidenced by the survival of animal bone), two produced the remains of leather-working (Seacash and Killyliss), one of textile production (Ballyfounder), and the final site no relevant evidence (Knockea). This points to some degree of craft specialisation. (Tables 24 and 25)

Whether or not the production of textiles and leather was carried out by a full-time craftsperson is uncertain. The fact that leather-workers are mentioned in the laws might suggest that they held permanent positions. A full-time worker would produce enough end-products to supply quite a large area, reducing the number of production sites required. Spinners and weavers employed by the wealthy, and producing a surplus of textiles, were probably also full-time. Those producing sufficient quantities for their own use may have viewed the craft as a seasonal activity. It can obviously be assumed that all inhabitants of Early Medieval Ireland required clothing and other items manufactured from textiles and leather, however it now seems that some may have had to go to more effort than others to obtain them.

While the literary evidence might suggest a purely SITE

WHORL SPINDLE WEIGHT TOOLS LEA./TEX.

LEVEL

Monastic Sites Church Island Dunmisk Inishkea Killederdadrum Movilla Abbey Nendrum Reask St. Gobnet’s

1 1 4+ 2 2 Ì 9 1

-

Ì -

Ì Ì -

Ì -

Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. ? Av. Min.

Crannógs Ballinderry 1 Ballinderry 2 Clea Lakes Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough

3 10 2 24 4 1

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Av. Ext. Av. Ext. Av. Av.

Miscellaneous Sites Dalkey Dooey Millockstown Oughtymore

1 Ì 1 1

-

-

Ì Ì -

-

Min. Min.? Min. Min.

Table 25. Textile and Leather-working evidence from excavated sites 110

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Craft Production: Iron ironworking, including an examination of the Lagore ‘slave-collars’ (1987, 213–230). In the same year, the work of several authors was gathered together in The Crafts of the Ancient Blacksmith, the proceedings of a symposium held in Belfast and edited by Scott and Cleere. The technologies of ironworking and nonferrous metals were dealt with by Tylecote in The Prehistory of Metallurgy in the British Isles (1986) and The Early History of Metallurgy in Europe (1987). The culmination of Scott’s work was achieved in 1990 with the publication of his book Early Irish Ironworking. This brought the technology of ironworking, the results of various scientific analyses, and evidence of language and literature together in one volume. In 1992 Tylecote published A History of Metallurgy and in 1995 Paul Craddock dealt with the technology of metal production in Early Metal Mining and Production. Both books cover iron and the non-ferrous metals.

Introduction Ironworking played an essential role in the economy of many early societies, including that of Early Medieval Ireland. Its organisation, on both a micro and macro level, forms an important component of the study of ringfort economy. However, despite its uses in everyday life, or perhaps because of them, the study of iron production and use was somewhat neglected until recent times. Prior to the 1960s, iron artefacts tended to be discussed in terms of their function with little or no consideration of their manufacture. This was perhaps due to the simple form of many iron objects, such as the abundant knives and nails recovered from a large number of Early Medieval settlements. Some of the earliest ironworking studies undertaken in Ireland consisted of technical analyses. In 1853 Mallett examined the chemical composition of a collection of antiquities in the then museum of the Royal Irish Academy. Amongst these were some iron sword blades from Viking burials in Kilmainham, Dublin (313–342). In the 1930s and 1940s Estyn Evans carried out similar analyses on iron artefacts from Aghnaskeagh cairns A and B, Co. Louth (1936 and 1940, 235–256 and 1–18 respectively) and two iron blooms from Co. Fermanagh (1948, 58–64). Whilst not directly relevant to ironworking in Irish ringforts, these studies do mark the introduction of the scientific analyses of Irish iron artefacts.

It is clear from this review of published sources that the technological aspects of ironworking have been studied in some detail. The results of such work take on added significance when viewed against a social background. By placing the technology (and literary evidence) in its archaeological context, much can be determined regarding the social significance and organisation of ironworking in Early Medieval Ireland. Excavation reports are of particular relevance here, with more recent reports adding to our knowledge (e.g. Carlin et al. forthcoming). While concentrating on the ringfort, material from both crannógs and monastic sites may be cited, especially when relevant evidence is lacking from excavated ringforts.

Three important works relevant to ironworking were published in the 1960s. In 1961 ‘The ancient Irish method of smelting iron’, by O’Kelly, contained the results of the author’s iron smelting experiments, some of the earliest undertaken in Britain and Ireland (459– 461). In 1962 Tylecote published the first of several books dealing with metallurgy in archaeology. This contained a chemical analysis of an iron bloom from Downpatrick (263) in addition to general sections on ironworking technology in Britain. Two years later, in the ninth volume of Studies in Ancient Technology, Forbes turned his attention to ironworking and the technical processes involved (1962). Research on early Irish ironworking was significantly advanced by Scott who published a series of articles throughout the 1970s. These detailed the techniques and value of metallographic analysis and the results of various artefact examinations (e.g. Scott 1971; 1977).

Iron Age Background Before examining the Early Medieval period, an understanding of ironworking in the preceding Iron Age provides a useful technological background. The defining characteristic of the period, namely iron artefacts and technology, were first introduced into Ireland around the middle of the first millennium BC. They would eventually have a strong impact on the economy of Ireland, in the production of both craftworking tools and agricultural implements. Relatively few iron artefacts, however, are known from this period suggesting ‘the possibility that ironworking was practised on only a limited scale for much of the so-called Iron Age in Ireland’ (Raftery 1994, 147). However, the poor preservation of iron artefacts in bogs and rivers must also, at least partially, explain this lack of finds. ‘It seems very possible that complete dissolution of iron objects could occur within one hundred years depending upon the size of the object

Much of Scott’s work in the 1980s turned to the literary evidence of ironworking, studying the information provided in early Irish law tracts. He also continued his work on the scientific aspects of 111

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and the macro-environment’ (Kelly 1995, 145). Of the recovered objects, swords and spearheads are most common, with a small number of tools, dress-fasteners, and rare pieces of horse harness also present in the archaeological record.

Iron Artefacts of the Early Medieval Period In Early Medieval Ireland, the production of ornate items centred on the work of the bronze-, silver- and gold-smith, occasionally entering the realm of the blacksmith. Simple iron pins are relatively common finds on excavations of Early Medieval settlements. While several forms are represented, ring-headed pins are most frequently found. Such pins were also manufactured in bronze and consisted of a straight shank or stem with a ring attached to the top. This ring was sometimes passed through a hole in the shank or occasionally the shank was hammered flat at one end and curled over to form a loop through which the ring was passed. Iron examples are known from the excavated ringforts of Garryduff Co. Cork, Feltrim Hill Co. Dublin, Carraig Aille Co. Limerick and Cahercommaun Co. Clare.

Iron ores are reasonably abundant in Ireland, especially bog ores and, to a lesser extent, those ores present in small rock outcrops (see below). Good quality rock deposits are found in north-east Ireland, in counties Antrim and Derry, though archaeological evidence of actual mining in this period (of any ore) is unknown. The remains of smelting are more plentiful, with a small open-air bowl furnace dating to the second or third century AD discovered at Rathgall hillfort, Co. Wicklow (Raftery 1994, 148). This consisted of a hemispherical pit lined with clay, and which would have produced relatively small quantities of iron in each smelt. Several other furnaces and ironworking hearths have recently been excavated in various parts of Ireland, especially in the midlands during work associated with road development. Both smelting and smithing are represented by these features, and a number have produced dates in the Late Bronze Age, pushing the earliest working of iron back farther than previously accepted (see Carlin et al. forthcoming). A metalworking hearth, and related features (used for ferrous and non-ferrous metalworking), were also found at Ráith na Ríg on Tara (see chapter 13).

The penannular brooch, a common form in bronze, was also produced in iron, though on a much smaller scale. These iron brooches were copies of their ‘finer’ counterparts, consisting of the same penannular ring with splayed terminals. A straight pin was attached to the ring and passed through the gap between the two terminals. As with the bronze examples, decoration was concentrated on the terminals. In general, however, the small number of iron penannular brooches were not lavishly decorated, the ornament perhaps reflecting the value of the metal upon which it appeared. Iron penannular brooches are known from Cahercommaun Co. Clare, Altanagh Co. Tyrone and Rathgurreen, Co. Galway.

Identifying the manufacturing techniques employed is difficult due to the lack of recognised ironworking tools and workshops. An examination of finished artefacts, however, does provide indirect evidence. As Barry Raftery points out (1994, 149), a narrow bladed chisel was used to decorate the base of the spearhead from Lisnacrogher, Co. Antrim while a ‘swage or something similar was almost certainly responsible, for instance, for creating the fine midribs of some spearheads and the longitudinal grooving and ribbing of sword blades such as that from Dangan Lower, Co. Galway’ (Raftery 1994, 149).

Iron was an ideal material from which to manufacture a range of tools, due to its strength (when correctly treated during production) and relatively abundant raw material (see below). A wide variety of implements were made of iron, the simple single-edged tanged knife probably the most numerous item from excavated sites. Over 60 examples were recovered from Garryduff alone. While no ringfort has produced a ‘full’ tool-kit (see below), most excavations do uncover at least one or two relevant objects. These include hammers (e.g. Garryduff), awls (Lisdoo), chisels (Feltrim Hill), tongs or pincers (Garranes), punches (Carraig Aille), shears (Cahercommaun), axes (Carraig Aille), saws (Cathair Fionnúrach) and anvils (Garryduff). Two other iron tools are quite common finds on Early Medieval settlements, though their functions are uncertain. These take the form of pointed and slotted implements and socketed pronged tools. Many of the artefacts listed here could have been, and probably were, used in a number of different activities, ranging from simple carpentry to fine metalworking.

The quality of the earliest ironwork produced in Ireland was rather variable. In some cases, a high level of technical skill is evident (for example, the deliberate carburisation of the axe-heads from Rathtinaun, Toome and Lough Mourne) while elsewhere basic deficiencies are encountered. The latter occur mostly in the quality of iron produced, rather than in the fabrication of objects from that metal. The high technical level occasionally associated with poor quality metal possibly reflects the use of a ‘new’ metal by smiths familiar with working in bronze. Throughout the millennium prior to the arrival of Christianity, the output of the craft continued to grow and its workers to improve their techniques. By the time Christianity had become fully established in the sixth/early seventh century, so too had ironworking. Iron became the metal of preference in the manufacture of most, if not all, domestic and agricultural tools and weapons.

The most common iron find, however, appears to be the simple nail. These consisted of a straight shank with a plain flat or round head, and provide some evidence of timber construction techniques. Agricultural tools made of iron included sickles (Poulacapple), bill-hooks (Cahercommaun), and 112

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ploughing equipment. A plough-sock was found at Carraig Aille and a ploughshare at Ballyfounder, Co. Down. Several other objects of iron have also been found in ringforts. These include tweezers (Gransha), styli (Gransha), vessel fragments (Carraig Aille) and fittings (Cahercommaun), items of horse harness (Carraig Aille), ladles (Garryduff), buckles (Garryduff), keys and barrel padlocks (Cahercommaun), and bells (Cahercommaun).

and its use confirmed by chemical analysis of slag at Johnstown, Co. Kildare. Indirect evidence of the use of bog ore is also provided by Spence’s analysis of the slag from Mullaghbane, Co. Tyrone which he describes as ‘the product of a direct reduction with charcoal of bog iron ore’ (in Harper 1972, 43). Limonite was found at Garryduff and Oldcourt, both in Co. Cork, haematite at Cahircalla More, Co. Clare and Ballyhenry, Co. Antrim, and siderite nodules at the monastic site of Nendrum, Co. Down. The limonite from Garryduff was a low grade ore, outcrops of which were readily available in the locality. Found adhering to slag and furnace-bottoms, a small dump of ore was also discovered next to a furnace in phase II of the occupation, enough for one charge of the adjacent furnace. This ore had been roasted in preparation for smelting. Although already an oxide, it would have contained many impurities some of which were removed by roasting.

The final group of artefacts made of iron in Early Medieval Ireland were weapons, including swords, arrowheads, shield and spear fittings. Examples of all of these have been recovered from settlement excavations. Only two swords are known from ringforts, namely Killyliss and Altanagh, both in Co. Tyrone. Irish swords of the period appear to have been influenced by Roman weapons. The short La Tène swords are replaced by longer thrusting and slashing weapons. The Altanagh example is of a sub-Roman type, characterised by a blade with almost parallel sides, a central ridge and straight shoulders. The sword from Killyliss is an Irish variation of this type. Dated between AD 710 and 790 (by the radiocarbon dating of an associated timber), this weapon has parallel sides and a central fuller or ‘blood-groove’ on both faces of the blade.

Slag is the most commonly found evidence of ironworking on excavated sites. It is not, however, always indicative of smelting. Both bloomsmithing and forging also produce slags which are often not easily distinguishable from smelting slags. Basic visual slag classifications are usually made on the basis of size (e.g. Tylecote 1986, 133f), with the larger planoconvex pieces termed ‘furnace-bottoms’ and resulting from smelting. Smaller lumps are merely referred to as slag, most likely resulting from smithing and/or forging. This method, however, is not necessarily accurate. As Scott points out, many Irish bowl furnaces were quite small and may not have produced the typical plano-convex lump of slag (1990, 156). Conversely, smithing slag may have collected at the bottom of the smithing hearth and formed a shallow plano-convex mass. Indications of slag type can be provided by its location within a site, through the identification of associated features such as smelting furnaces or smithing hearths. Difficulties may be encountered here also, as a furnace might have been reused as a smithing hearth.

Metal arrowheads are very rare in early Ireland and are known from only three excavated ringforts. Three tanged iron arrowheads were found at Carraig Aille, a single tanged arrowhead at Caherconnell, and a possible example at Leacanabuaile. These may have been employed in military activities or hunting, or both. This also applies to the function of the spear in Early Medieval Ireland. Both spearheads and ferrules of iron have been found during ringfort excavations. The spearheads were socketed and examples are known from Garryduff, Feltrim Hill, Carraig Aille, Meadowbank and Knoxspark. Iron ferrules were found at Rathmullan, Gransha, Garryduff, Carraig Aille and Cahercommaun. As yet, no shield bosses have been identified from ringforts, though perhaps a closer examination of ‘miscellaneous’ iron pieces from various excavations might yield some examples. Iron shield bosses are known from some crannógs, including Ballinderry II and Lagore.

‘Furnace-bottoms’ have been recorded from a number of excavated ringforts, including Mullaghbane, Altanagh, Coolcran, Garranes, Garryduff, Ballycatteen, Cahercommaun, Lisleagh, Rathgurreen, Sluggary and Knockea, Dunsilly, and Lislackagh. Of these sites, the remains of furnaces were found at Rathgurreen, Coolcran, Altanagh, Garryduff and Lisleagh. Scott analysed slags from a number of sites, including Ballyhenry, Lisleagh and Altanagh (Table 26). Unfortunately, the results reveal little of the processes from which the samples resulted, other than identifying them as ironworking slags.

It is clear from this summary that iron was a common and utilitarian metal, not much concerned with ornament. The raw material, therefore, must have been relatively easy to acquire and work. The knowledge of repair and sharpening of iron tools, at least, must have been quite widespread in Early Medieval Ireland. Ironworking Raw Material and Residues Finds of iron ore (Fig. 80) on excavated Early Medieval sites are very rare. Bog ores have been identified from the house-site at Ballyvourney, Co. Cork and the crannóg of Lough Faughan, Co. Down, 113

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At Coolcran, Co. Fermanagh, three features were identified as iron-smelting furnaces (Williams 1985). The first (F40) consisted of an oval depression measuring 90cm x 53cm x 14cm. The base was formed of a thin layer of rust-coloured sand, quite compact and devoid of slag and charcoal. This was sealed by a light yellow sand which, in turn, was covered by a concentration of charcoal, slag, burnt bone, and a tuyère fragment. The second furnace (F36) measured 118cm x 100cm and was 4–10cm in depth. Its fill consisted of soft brown earth mottled with yellow sand and with a concentration of charcoal and slag towards the centre of the feature. The final furnace (F64) measured 120cm x 50cm and was 2–7cm deep. Its base was lined with charcoal while the underlying subsoil had been burnt to a vivid orange colour. Its fill consisted of greyish-brown soil, burnt stones and a large quantity of slag.

was lined with burnt clay and filled with dark soil, charcoal and slag (see Appendix 3). The small bowlfurnace at Lisleagh, Co. Cork was located in the interior of the fort and measured 50cm in diameter and 20cm in depth. The brief note detailing excavations at Deerfin Lower, Co. Antrim (Bratt 1976) mentions five ‘industrial hearths’ with shallow ancillary pits, though no further details are provided. A ‘smelting area’ was recorded at Simonstown, Co. Meath, a bowl furnace at Petitswood, Co. Westmeath and an ‘ironworking pit’ at Meadowbank, Co. Antrim. Unfortunately, no details are given and these sites have not been published. The existence of a furnace can be postulated for some sites, including Garranes, Co. Cork and Cahergal, Co. Kerry, where ‘furnace-bottoms’, slag, possible fragments of lining, and tuyère fragments have been found. Of these, Scott counts as definite iron-smelters the furnaces from Dressogagh, Garryduff, Lisleagh and Altanagh. He regards the published information on the other ‘furnaces’ as insufficient to make positive identifications (Scott 1990, 159). The example from the unpublished excavation at Rathgurreen also appears to be a definite iron-smelting furnace. The feature with the low superstructure at Garryduff is tentatively regarded by Scott as a smithing hearth (1990, 159).

Iron-smelting furnaces were also uncovered at Altanagh, Co. Tyrone, in both of its settlement phases (Williams 1986). Four depressions were tentatively identified as bowl furnaces in phase I. One (F8) consisted of an irregular shallow depression filled with dark grey silt, much charcoal, burnt bones and a large deposit of slag. There was evidence of in situ burning, while the base of the feature was punctuated by fourteen stakeholes of unknown function. Three other depressions contained charred soil, burnt clay, charcoal and slag (F4, F59 and F63). A group of similar bowl furnaces were excavated in phase II.

The recent excavations at Killickaweeny and Johnstown in Co. Kildare both produced multiple examples of metalworking furnaces and hearths. Six bowl-furnaces were identified at the former, alongside several smithing hearths, while at least twelve bowlfurnaces and four smithing hearths were excavated at the latter. The furnaces comprised relatively shallow pits, dug into the ground, all with evidence of in situ burning and fills containing charcoal and slag. Many of the smithing hearths were quite similar in appearance, however chemical analyses of the slag confirmed whether or not the features had been used for smelting or smithing (Photos-Jones in Carlin et al. forthcoming).

Garryduff, Co. Cork also produced furnace evidence, again in both phases of occupation (O’Kelly 1962, 99– 101). In phase I, located just to the north-west of house 2, the furnace consisted of a bowl-shaped hollow with a low superstructure of clay and small stones. The latter survived to a maximum height of 0.18m and measured 0.23m to 1m in thickness. The depression was 0.1m deep and 0.3m in diameter. The bottom of the furnace was lined with 0.08m-thick clay, burnt bright red and partially vitrified. ‘Immediately south of the furnace there was a dump of clean yellow clay which appeared to have been specifically provided so as to be available for sealing the tuyère into position and for other such purposes’ (O’Kelly 1962, 101). Six examples were attributed to phase II, consisting of circular hollows 0.3m to 0.46m in diameter and 0.23m to 0.3m in depth. These had heavily burnt sides and contained fragments of furnace linings, i.e. partly vitrified burnt clay coated with slag. The finds from the site included at least 44 ‘furnace-bottoms’, slag, and eight tuyères (and fragments of others). The last were cylindrical in shape with maximum lengths of 20cm and diameters of 15cm.

Whether or not any of the Irish bowl furnaces had a superstructure, most likely dome-shaped, is uncertain. Such an addition would have greatly increased the capacity and efficiency of the furnace, though the walls of the superstructure would have had to be 0.08–0.1m in thickness to be thermally efficient. Scott proposes two possible explanations for the lack of superstructure remains from Irish sites. A well constructed structure might have been lifted from the furnace after a smelt, allowing the retrieval of the raw bloom and the use of the feature as a smithing hearth. The superstructure could be moved and used over another bowl furnace. Alternatively, if fresh clay were heaped up around and over the furnace, it would have been broken down and scattered upon the completion of smelting to retrieve the bloom. Unlike deliberately fired clay artefacts, such as tuyères and moulds, the scattered clay would be largely unrecognisable as structurally significant. However, a small assemblage of slagged clay fragments have been discovered at Ross Island, Co.

An iron-smelting furnace was located in the innermost fosse at Rathgurreen, Co. Galway, dated to the second phase of occupation. It consisted of a bowl-shaped hollow with a maximum diameter of 0.6m. The furnace 116

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Kerry, and may have formed part of a superstructure wall (O’Brien 2004, 405–424).

Tuyères (Fig. 82) also provide evidence of metalworking on a site, though do not indicate the metal in question. There were three main forms of tuyère used in Early Medieval Ireland. The first was a comparatively small clay tube with an aperture measuring one to one and a half centimetres in diameter and walls two to three centimetres thick. A fragment of such a tuyère was found at Garranes (Ó Ríordáin 1942, 138). The second type consisted of a larger version of the previous form, measuring 13cm to 15cm in overall diameter, walls 3cm to 5cm thick, and apertures 3cm in diameter. Examples are known from Garryduff (O’Kelly 1962, 100) and Lisleagh (in Scott 1990, 162). The final type comprised a perforated clay disc 12cm to 16cm in diameter and 1–4cm thick. The disc was generally flat or slightly convex with an aperture one to three centimetres in diameter. Scott suggests that this type of tuyère was used to protect a bellows in an open hearth as opposed to a furnace (1990, 167). Examples are recorded from Garryduff (O’Kelly 1962, 100) and Lisleagh (in Scott 1990, 163). Tuyère fragments were also found at Coolcran and Knockea.

It is possible that fragments of clay superstructures have been found on Irish sites though not identified as such. Remains would consist of clay fragments burnt red-orange and possibly vitrified and/or slagged on their inner surface. Items termed ‘furnace lining’ might just as easily have formed part of a superstructure as a substructure. Small fragments, which would be produced by digging through a superstructure to obtain the bloom, might be mistaken for tuyère fragments or large crucible sherds. A few such ambiguous fragments have been found at Garryduff, Letterkeen, and Rathgurreen. The three fragments from Rathgurreen measure 1–2cm in thickness, are vitrified on one surface, while the reverse side is very rough and firereddened. If a superstructure of fresh clay had been used these pieces might represent the innermost layer of clay, that affected by the heat of the furnace. The relatively unaffected outer material could have been reused, scattered or dumped elsewhere. Two of the vitrified pieces were found in the fosses on the north side of the entrance, a location apparently used as a dump for animal bones and shells, perhaps also for furnace remains. The Rathgurreen furnace, situated on 0.6m of silting in fosse 1, was surrounded by a band of boulder clay up to 0.3m in width, possibly the remains of superstructure material.

Though inefficient compared to the shaft furnaces in use in contemporary Britain and Europe, the simple bowl furnace was adequate for the production of metal for local consumption. There existed no urban centres whose populations created a demand for large-scale production of artefacts, rather dispersed agricultural communities whose needs were satisfied by the smaller quantities of metal manufactured in the bowl furnaces. Artefact Remains The various components of the blacksmith’s tool-kit are not all directly represented in the archaeological record, though their existence can be inferred from an examination of finished artefacts. Examples of the central implement of most forging activities, the anvil, are rare in Ireland. A very small iron anvil was found at Garryduff (O’Kelly 1962, 56), its work surface measuring a mere 3cm x 3cm and tapering to 2.5cm x 2.5cm (Fig. 83). A spike projects from the anvil, indicating its insertion probably in a timber block. The small size of the piece suggests its use in relatively fine metalworking.

Fig. 83 Iron anvil from Garryduff (O’Kelly 1962)

Fig. 82 Clay tuyères: A. Ballyvollen, Co. Antrim, B. Garranes, Co. Cork, C. Ballyvourney, Co. Cork, D. Cathedral Hill, Co. Armagh (Scott 1990) 117

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comprised of files, whetstones and grindstones. These were used for sharpening, shaping and smoothing. Due to the generally poor preservation of iron, it is difficult to identify iron files and, as yet, none have been recovered from ringforts. Possible examples are recorded from Clones and Moylarg crannógs. Grindstones (circular stone discs with central perforations) were recorded from Seacash and Carraig Aille. Whetstones or hones are numerous and are found on a large number of Early Medieval sites. These are usually flat and are occasionally perforated at one end for suspension. Mudstone was used at Rathmullan and sandstone at Seacash, Cush, Letterkeen, Ballycatteen, Lisduggan North, Carraig Aille and Cahercommaun. A shale example was also recovered from Lisduggan North. Most sites have produced a few fragments while a smaller number of excavations have uncovered large quantities of whetstones. Approximately 25 examples were found at Garranes, 107 at Carraig Aille, 125 at Garryduff, and 524 at Cahercommaun. A number of these (approximately 18%), from several sites, bear narrow grooves on their surfaces, indicating their use in sharpening pins or points (O’Connor 1991, 57). Others have different wear patterns, reflecting their use in the sharpening of thick, heavy blades, objects with a working edge at one end (e.g. chisel), or narrower, fine blades (ibid.).

From the meagre record, it would appear that specialist smiths (archaeologically represented by a range of relevant tools) operated on a small number of sites only, while general repairs and sharpening of weapons and tools would seem to have been relatively commonplace. The latter is evidenced in the widespread finds of whetstones. Artefact Examination Much technological information can be determined through the examination of finished iron artefacts, be they weapons, tools or ornaments. The most simple of visual examinations can usually identify the techniques used in forging an object, and therefore the probable tools used. A simple iron pin, for example the bifid pin from Rathgurreen, may have been made using swages to produce the round-sectioned shank, the metal drawn down to a point at the bottom, cut at the top and the two halves bent or curled away from each other. A plain knife (i.e. without an attached carburised blade) was probably made by forging (hammering) out a triangular- sectioned piece of stock and forming a tang by drawing down the metal at one end of the blade using a fuller. Swords would have been manufactured in much the same way as knives, with a fuller used to draw down the metal to create a tang at one end, and to thin out the blade while making it broader.

Fig. 86 Sword from Killyliss, Co. Tyrone, shaft-hole axe from Deer Park Farms, Co. Antrim, and plough-share from White Fort, Co. Down (Scott 1990) 119

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Fig. 87 Iron knives: 1–3 Deerfin, Co. Antrim, 4–5 Ballywee, Co. Antrim, 6 Gransha, Co. Down (Scott 1990) Metallographic and chemical analyses are necessary in order to determine the earlier processes through which an artefact passed, i.e. the techniques of production applied prior to forging. Scott undertook a series of such analyses on both Iron Age and Early Medieval artefacts, some of the latter from ringforts (Figs. 86 and 87) (1990, 120–142). He found that the sword from Killyliss had been forged from stock of low, though evenly distributed, carbon. The shaft-hole axe from Deer Park Farms was made from one sheet of stock metal with a very uneven carbon content. The piece was folded to form a socket, while the blade was forged out and then folded back on itself so that the line of the fold became the cutting edge. The two halves of the blade were then welded together and allowed to cool fairly rapidly. The axe was then reheated and quenched to produce a very effective tool which is still quite sharp. The ploughshare from White Fort was formed mostly of iron devoid of carbon though with many slag inclusions. Welded to the blade was a plate of heterogeneously-carburised iron. For a significant part of its length, however, the weld was imperfect, resulting in a not very effective tool.

however, was forged from high carbon metal which had been quenched. Despite one crack, this was a very useful and serviceable tool. Two knives from Ballywee were examined. The first, from Rath A, was low in carbon though did show signs of secondary carburisation and quenching and therefore was an effective tool. The second knife, from House A in Rath A, was neither effective nor well finished. A multipiece construct, all pieces were uniformly low in carbon, thus producing a relatively soft cutting edge. In addition, the smith responsible for the knife was not very adept at welding resulting in the imperfect joining of the two pieces. The importance of examining finished artefacts is clear from these examples. The complete technological history of objects can be determined which is obviously essential to an understanding of early Irish ironworking. This is especially important considering the problems encountered in the interpretation of furnace and slag remains and the scarcity of relevant finds from excavated sites. Discussion The location of ironworking activities within a site is often difficult to identify, due either to a lack of discernible spatial patterning or as a result of poor recording of find co-ordinates in excavation reports. The presence of a furnace or smithing hearth does clearly indicate ironworking in a given area, with or without an associated spread of relevant artefacts. Where such determinations can be made, an expected pattern becomes evident. It appears that the early stages of production at least (i.e. smelting and smithing) were undertaken at a distance from the

Scott also analysed a group of iron knives from the sites of Gransha, Co. Down, Deerfin and Ballywee, Co. Antrim. The Gransha example was a composite object with a high carbon cutting edge welded to an iron back. The cutting edge had been quenched after heating which caused at least one serious crack or flaw. Despite this, however, the knife would have been quite an effective implement. Three knives from Deerfin were analysed, two of which (Scott 1990, nos.180 and 203) contained little carbon and much entrapped slag. Neither knife was particularly effective. The third, 120

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domestic structures. The distance, of course, depended on the size of the site. This protected the inhabitants from the fumes, noise and dangers of the work.

nodules formed in bands of compact sand (Byrnes in Grogan et al. 2007, 333–334). These sites, and a couple of other undated examples (Mulderricksfield, Co. Limerick and Kilwarden, Co. Meath – Hull and Tobin in Grogan et al. 2007, 302 and 326, respectively), represent primary smelting and smithing to produce iron metal suitable for forging into artefacts.

At Dressogagh the furnace, slag and charcoal were located on the south-east side of the site, while the main domestic house was centrally placed within the ringfort. Additional domestic activity was found in the north-west and eastern parts of the site. At Coolcran the relevant evidence was located on the eastern side of the site, however no house remains were identified. Little domestic evidence was uncovered at Altanagh where, in phase I, ironworking was undertaken on the north-east. In phase II, activities had been moved to the south-east of the site. The situation at Garryduff is not very clear due to the lack of locational detail in the published report. The main phase I furnace/hearth was located to the north-west of House 2, while the locations of the six phase II furnaces are not noted or recorded on the published plans.

Just as patterns may be identified in internal site organisation of ironworking, so too in intra-site relationships. The evidence indicates that ironworking was not practised to the same extent on all sites. Scott identified five levels of activity on Irish sites (1990, 101). At the top of the production ladder he placed specialist sites, where ore was smelted and smithed to produce raw stock for working elsewhere. He regards Ballyvollen and Lisleagh as examples of this type of site. Both produced furnaces and hundreds of kilos of slag and ironworking debris, though there was little evidence of on-site use of the metal manufactured. Next he places sites with evidence of occasional smithing and smelting, for example the univallate ringfort of Knockea, Co. Limerick which produced ‘furnace-bottoms’, tuyère fragments and whetstones. An early literary reference to a group called Na Cuirc (see below) may refer to the occupants of one such specialist site.

At Petitswood a furnace was located in the fosse surrounding the site, and so too at Rathgurreen. At the latter site, a furnace and possible anvil stone, slag and charcoal were found in the innermost fosse (Fosse 2) on the south of the ringfort. The five industrial hearths identified at Deerfin were also located away from the probable domestic area in the north-west of the site. Three, with ancillary pits or flues, were found in the south, with one in the north-east and a final example in the south-west.

Scott’s next two groups are closely related. Both types of site seem to have forged artefacts from imported stock, though one manufactured goods for a relatively wide local market or community while the other satisfied internal site demand only. Differentiating between these two in the archaeological record, however, is quite difficult. For the former, Scott cites the house remains at Ballyvourney, Co. Cork. The latter group is represented by Garranes, a ‘royal’ site. No furnace was uncovered at Garranes and Scott suggests that the small ‘furnace-bottoms’ found there may actually be the result of smithing or forging activities (ignoring the limited area excavated). Of course the possibility also exists that a production surplus may have been intended for ‘external’ consumption.

In these examples ironworking appears to have been an activity isolated from agricultural and domestic areas, protecting both people and livestock. In no instance is the evidence centrally placed within the site, rather it tends to be found nearer to the enclosing bank or rampart. Perhaps this was simply the result of distancing it from other activities whilst still taking advantage of the protection afforded by the enclosing element. Alternatively, the smith(s) may have been seeking the shelter from the elements provided by the bank or wall especially if, as seems likely, smelting was an outdoor activity.

The final type of site identified by Scott was one which saw occasional production and repair of iron artefacts. Archaeologically, most of the evidence seems to fall into this group. On the majority of sites, such as Letterkeen and Feltrim Hill, ironworking was one component of a larger economy. The inhabitants of these sites did not depend on iron production for survival and probably did not have a full-time smith. It seems more likely that a system of seasonal production and repair of simple objects operated.

Recent excavations along the route of the new M4 in Leinster have revealed unenclosed ‘isolated’ ironworking features – hearths and furnaces. These were situated close to stretches of bog that probably provided a plentiful supply of bog iron ore (Carlin et al. forthcoming). Similarly-isolated ironworking remains were uncovered along the line of the recent gas-pipeline to the West (Grogan et al. 2007). These included Early Medieval bowl furnaces and associated features at Dollas Lower (Dowling and Taylor in Grogan et al. 2007, 273–274) and Kiltenan South, Co. Limerick (Emer Dennehy in Grogan et al. 2007, 291), and Aghamore, Co. Westmeath. The latter site also produced evidence of primary ore-extraction, in the form of nine pits or quarries dug to retrieve iron-rich

The Smith The position of the smith is difficult to determine from the archaeological evidence. Much useful information, however, can be obtained from early Irish literature. 121

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Together, the two sources do paint a picture of the smith in Early Medieval Ireland as specialist rather than part-time worker. The blacksmith appears to have worked in iron only and not all metals. This distinction also applied to their places of work, the smithy or forge. The Blaí Ord Indeoin tract suggests the open or flimsy nature of the early Irish iron workshop. It also indicates the involvement of a team of people though this, as with the majority of the early law tracts, probably represents an ideal situation as opposed to the everyday organisation of the activity. Within the trade, three different levels of craftsmen are identified. The ollav or master-smith supervised the work of all cerd or smiths operating in his area, while both trained in apprentices (felmac).

ore exploitation and production technology might be determined through an analysis of smelting slags, though in practice this does not occur. An efficient process would produce slag containing just enough iron to form the slag. The iron, however, also played an important role in reducing the melting point of the ore impurities, enabling the formation of slag. Thus, the more iron oxide present in the slag, the lower the temperature required in the smelting furnace. Therefore, the smith may have accepted a smaller bloom in return for the easier working of the furnace (Scott 1990, 157). The overall efficiency of the process was sufficient for the manufacture of a large number and wide range of iron artefacts. That some of these tools and weapons were not very effective in themselves has been shown by Scott (1990, 108–142), perhaps reflecting manufacture by an inexperienced smith.

It seems probable that the large ‘royal’ sites, such as Garranes, were associated with a master-smith who controlled the production of iron and iron artefacts in the territory under his patron’s control. Again, this is an ideal situation, the reality possibly somewhat different. Evidence of the patronage of metalworkers by ‘royalty’ or the upper classes is present in the early literature. It would appear likely that the local nobles controlled iron production through their chief- or master-smith, providing subsistence and facilities for all involved, though not necessarily all within the patron’s settlement.

In general, ironworking in Early Medieval Ireland seems to have reached a certain level of technology and then, instead of continuing to improve, levelled off. This can be seen in the lack of pattern-welding in Ireland, a technique which was widely used in contemporary Britain and Europe. It involved the forging together of bundles or layers of different sheets of metal, generally for decorative effect. If the compilation consisted of alternate layers of iron and steel then the hardness and efficiency of the implement was increased. This, however, does not appear to have been the primary motive in pattern-welding (Craddock 1995, 271–275). In Ireland, smiths did weld iron and steel together, though in a relatively slow process. In order to pattern weld, the sheets of metal must be hammered together in a short length of time so that their joins remain visible (and form a design). The absence of this technique from Ireland points to a preference among the Irish for a basic level of functional technology.

Scott’s specialist activity was surely governed by a master-smith, whether from the site in question or a site being supplied with stock. Na Cuirc, mentioned in the tributes due to the Connacht dynasty in Lebor na Cert, are one possible group of specialists. Their tribute consisted of 350 blooms of iron and, although the figure itself is exaggerated, this still represents a sizeable commitment in terms of labour. The presence of full-time iron-smelters and smiths seems probable. The smith, according to the laws, held a somewhat privileged place in early Irish society. His honour-price of seven séts included him in the nobility, albeit at the lowest level. However, in some ways the smith was more privileged than other nobles. The metalworker was, for example, free to move between tuatha whereas other craftworkers were not. This may have been to facilitate the transfer of ore, stock and artefacts from one type of production site to another, or to the final consumers. No specialist traders are mentioned in the laws, suggesting the possibility that the smiths themselves undertook the relevant transactions.

This contentment with a technology which satisfied basic demand can also be seen in the type of furnace employed. The bowl furnace was not the most efficient smelting structure available. In Britain and Europe, the shaft furnace with facilities for slag-tapping was used (see chapter 17). Contacts did exist between Ireland and the rest of Europe and are evident in ironworking, for example, in the form of the Roman-influenced Irish swords. Nonetheless, Irish smiths apparently ignored the superior furnace technology and the use of patternwelding, their needs met by the existing level of technology. Scott suggests that the need for a ‘knowledgeable carrier’ (1990, 148) to import new technologies might explain their absence in Ireland. Decorative styles were much easier to adopt/adapt through the importation of mobile artefacts. Technology, on the other hand, required a skilled observer to understand the processes involved and to possess the ability to recreate them elsewhere.

The efficiency of ironworking in Early Medieval Ireland is difficult to determine. Ores were relatively plentiful and appear to have been, for the most part, worked by specialists. These may have been employed on a full-time basis as the early literature suggests. The experience acquired over a period of several years would, undoubtedly, have led to the refining of procedures and more efficient mining, smelting, smithing and forging. Theoretically, the efficiency of 122

CRAFT PRODUCTION: IRON

In the development of an economic model for the Irish ringfort, the evidence of ironworking can be divided into three groups (Tables 27 and 28). Intensive ironworking, reflecting the relatively large-scale production of iron stock, consists of ore, furnace remains (including fragments of lining and tuyères), ‘furnace-bottoms’, slag, raw blooms and some tools. An average level of ironworking is represented by the SITE

Altanagh Ardcloon Ballybrit Ballycatteen Ballyfounder Ballyhenry Ballyvollen Boho Cahercommaun Cahergal Carn Carraig Aille Coolcran Croom East Deerfin Lower Dressogagh Dundrum Dunsilly Feltrim Hill Garranes Garryduff Killanully Knockea Leacanabuaile Letterkeen Lisduggan Lislackagh Lisleagh Lissue Meadowbank Mullaghbane Oldcourt Petitswood Poulacapple Rathgurreen Rathmullan Rinnaraw Seacash Simonstown Sluggary Urney Whitefort

ORE

Ì Ì Ì Ì -

presence of some smelting evidence, smithing hearth remains (including tuyères), iron stock, a range of relevant tools and finished artefacts. Minimal ironworking (basic consumption) on a site is evidenced by a limited tool-kit consisting mostly of whetstones and some basic finished artefacts such as simple knives and nails.

SLAG FURNACE FIN.

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

TOOLS

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

LEVEL

Ext. Av. Av. Av. Av. Av. Av. Av. Av. Av. Av. Av. Ext. Av. Ext.? Ext. Min. Av. Av. Av. Ext. Ext. Av. Av. Min. Min. Av. Ext. Av. Ext.? Av. Ext. Ext.? Av. Ext. Av. Av. Min. Ext.? Av. Av. Min.

Table 27. Ironworking evidence from excavated ringforts Ironworking in Early Medieval Ireland did develop considerably from the technology introduced in the Late Bronze Age/Early Iron Age. A much larger range of artefacts was produced, many of which were of

better quality than their earlier counterparts. The techniques employed were still largely the same, with the exception of deliberate carburisation to manufacture more effective cutting edges which were,

123

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in some cases, welded onto iron backs. Of the artefacts examined by Scott, approximately 40% showed some signs of heat-treatments to improve the quality of the object (1990, 146). However, when ironworking reached a level sufficient to satisfy everyday needs, technological development halted. A degree of stylistic, as opposed to technological, contact was maintained with the rest of Europe, while within the country it appears that specialist smelters may have operated from certain ringforts and specialist smiths from others. It has been suggested that a small number of excavated sites, such as Moynagh Lough crannog, Co. Meath, may have been solely occupied by a group of craftsmen. The enclosure at Cahircalla More, Co. Clare might be viewed in this way, with the only structure identified in the interior having been used as an ironworking smithy. The site did, however, also produce evidence of agricultural activity – a quern for grain processing, charred cereal grains, and the remains of an associated field system. The occupants of this enclosure, no matter the duration of their stay, clearly did not rely solely on ironworking for a living. That they did, indeed, specialise in the craft, whilst

SITE

ORE

supporting themselves with limited agriculture, is quite plausible. Early Irish documentary evidence supports the existence of specialist ironworkers or ‘smiths’. Both archaeological and documentary evidence suggests that such specialists may have been linked with higherstatus settlements, perhaps through the patronage of upper-class occupants. It is uncertain whether or not such smiths operated on these sites on a temporary/seasonal or permanent basis. There is now the possibility that some smiths had their own enclosed settlements (e.g. AR128), while still others may have been ‘nomadic’ (perhaps evident in the unenclosed ironworking hearths and associated features, e.g. M27). The latter might have travelled from one place to another providing services to the communities they encountered, operating with the permission, and under the supervision, of the local master or chief smith (as mentioned in the early literary evidence of the period, Comber 2000). In the majority of cases, though, ironworking (whether minimal, average or even extensive) seems to have been just one component of a larger site economy.

SLAG FURNACE FIN.

TOOLS

LEVEL

Monastic Sites Church Island Clonmacnoise Dunmisk Movilla Abbey Nendrum Reask St. Gobnet’s

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì

Av. Av. Av. Av. Ext. Ext. Av.

Crannógs Ballinderry 1 Ballinderry 2 Deredis Upper Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

?

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Av. Av. Av. Ext. Ext. Av.?

Miscellaneous Sites Beginish Dalkey Dooey Larrybane

-

Ì Ì Ì Ì

-

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Av. Av. Av. Av.

Table 28. Ironworking evidence from excavated sites

124

CRAFT PRODUCTION: VITREOUS MATERIAL

Chapter XII

Craft Production: Vitreous Material and the movement of artefacts within Britain and Ireland. Irish enamels have been examined in relation to English, Scottish, Late Roman and Merovingian material by Françoise Henry (1956), while amberworking is briefly dealt with by Shennan and Beck (1991). Iron Age Irish beads and the methods of bead manufacture are described by Guido (1978).

Introduction Settings of enamel, millefiori, glass and amber were often closely associated with metalworking in Early Medieval Ireland, in particular the production of luxury items. The last two were also, of course, employed in the manufacture of whole artefacts. Although it is difficult to reconstruct fully the various processes of past industries, occasionally we are afforded glimpses of the level of sophistication attained through the discovery of groups of artefacts which reflect the technical complexities involved. (Henderson 1988, 115) The artefacts associated with the working of vitreous materials generally survive quite well in the archaeological record, though in some cases the exact method of their creation or use is uncertain.

Of the general textbooks, Edwards includes a short section on the vitreous materials in Early Medieval Ireland (1990), while Barry Raftery barely mentions Iron Age glass artefacts (1994). His earlier works (1983 and 1984), dealing with artefacts from Iron Age Ireland, however, do include armlets/bracelets and beads of glass. It is clear from this that, with the exception of Henderson’s study of Dunmisk, little attention has been given to the contexts of relevant finds.

The general technology involved in the working and manufacture of these materials is dealt with in a small number of works. The fifth volume of Forbes’ Studies in Ancient Technology series (1966) contains a section on glass technology, while Artifacts includes a chapter on the working of both glass and enamel (Hodges 1964). Finally, Frank’s textbook (1982) provides basic information on the composition of glasses. Of these three, Hodges’ work is the most useful, clearly and methodically detailing the manufacture and uses of glass and enamel. A series of relevant articles also exist, the earliest of which describes the discovery of a large block of red enamel in Co. Meath (Ball 1892). Unfortunately, the lack of context and secure date for the find limit the value of the work. A section in the Sutton Hoo report compares Irish and contemporary Anglo-Saxon millefiori (Bimson and Oddy in BruceMitford 1983).

Iron Age Background The organisation of the craft in Iron Age Ireland is largely unknown. The tools used, and residues produced, in the work are unidentified or absent from the archaeological record. Guido suggests that ‘Ireland may not have had much interest in glass during the Roman occupation of Britain. Perhaps it was the difficulty in obtaining raw glass, combined with the lack of glass technicians, that explains why a site of such regal importance as Tara yielded such small and miserable specimens of beads, acquired in all probability from some area (Wales perhaps) under Roman influence’ (1978, 40). Barry Raftery, on the other hand, writes ‘there is no reason not to believe that beads were also being made here [Ireland] during the pagan Iron Age’ (1984, 198). Whatever their origin, a number of both glass beads and armlets or bracelets have been discovered and dated to the Iron Age. A burial mound at Dunadry, Co. Antrim produced a fragment of a clear armlet, the probable cremation burial at Loughey, Co. Down, two complete examples, one deep purple and the other deep blue. A blue glass fragment was also discovered at Freestone Hill, Co. Kilkenny (Raftery 1983, 175).

Henderson has written a series of articles on the technological aspects of both glass production and analysis, examining the manufacture of prehistoric glass beads (1978), the raw materials of glass production (1985), and the use of electron probe microanalysis in the scientific study of glass (1988b). He made his most relevant contribution in the context of Early Medieval Ireland in a study of the evidence from Dunmisk, Co. Tyrone (Henderson 1988c). He detailed the individual finds, included a scientific analysis of the remains and ended with a discussion of the organisation of the glass industry in the whole country. Glass vessels were dealt with by Harden (1956) in an article incorporating finds from burials and settlements, and including a classification system. He also discussed the origins of the raw materials used

Glass beads are known from approximately 10 Iron Age sites. Over 150 globular beads were recovered from Loughey, eight of which were clear with yellow spirals marvered onto them. The remainder included one blue bead with three tiny yellow projections on one side, one amber bead and 140 blue and yellow examples (ibid. 186). The cremation at Kiltierney, Co. Fermanagh produced four beads. One was yellowbrown and barrel-shaped, while the second was a dumb-bell bead of dark blue with yellow streaks. The 125

CHAPTER 12

third was a greenish circular bead, decorated with white and brown circles. The final dark blue bead was much larger, almost rectangular in shape and ornamented with white spirals (ibid. 187).

beads. An adult inhumation, number 12, contained 43 small blue beads, while an adult female, number 13, was found with 56 beads about her right arm and 165 about her left. Finally, inhumation number 20, that of an adult female, contained a single toggle bead. It is evident from Raftery’s catalogue, which contains no other relevant material, that barrel-shaped and simple globular or circular beads were the most common. Occasional dumb-bell, segmented or ring-beads were also present. However, much about the craft is uncertain due to the lack of craftworking residues, tools and workshops.

Ten beads were found at Grannagh ring-barrow, Co. Galway. These included barrel-shaped beads ranging in colour from translucent green to brown to blue, decorated with spirals and circles of white, red and yellow. Also among the ten were a dumb-bell toggle bead of faint green and a segmented bead of dark blue (ibid. 188–190). Approximately 78 tiny circular beads of yellow paste came from the ring-barrow at Oranbeg, Co. Galway, along with five tiny blue glass beads. Six ring-beads, blue to greenish-blue, and one opaque green example were discovered at Freestone Hill. Approximately 11 beads came from Carrowjames, Co. Mayo, an unspecified number from Lough Crew, Co. Meath, and seven blue beads from Pollacorragune burial mound, Co. Galway (ibid. 190–193).

Artefacts of the Early Medieval Period In Early Medieval Ireland enamel, millefiori and amber were used to decorate metal artefacts. During the earlier part of the period, millefiori and red enamel were often employed in the ornament of penannular brooches, hand-pins and latchets. In the eighth century more complex pieces were decorated with multicoloured enamel and glass studs. Later, however, amber settings became more common on brooches and other artefacts. This is reflected, for example, in a comparison of the ornament on the Ardagh and later Derrynaflan chalice (Organ 1973 and Ryan 1983a).

Four of the inhumations at Knowth, Co. Meath produced quantities of glass beads (ibid.). Inhumation number 2 consisted of the crouched burial of a female child accompanied by a necklace of 285 small blue

Fig. 88 Ballinderry 2: 1, 3, 5–8 amber beads, 2 amber stud, 4 amber ring, 9–18 glass beads (Hencken 1942) 126

CRAFT PRODUCTION: VITREOUS MATERIAL

Fig. 89 Garryduff: 1–17 glass beads, 18 glass bracelet fragment, 19 amber bead (O’Kelly 1962) Glass has been found in the form of vessels, beads, studs and artefacts termed bangles, bracelets or armlets. Vessels of glass were not manufactured in Ireland, rather imported from either Britain or the Continent. Small fragments of such vessels were reused or recycled as cullet in Ireland. Examples have been found at Garryduff, Ballycatteen, Carraig Aille II, Dalkey and Lagore. These represented beakers and palm-cups from Anglo-Saxon England, Northern France, Belgium or the Rhineland (Edwards 1990, 92). Two complete vessels are known; a cone beaker from Cathedral Hill, Co. Armagh, and a small pale yellow flask decorated with an opaque white raised spiral trail from Mullaroe souterrain, Co. Sligo (Edwards 1990, 92).

they are very common in Anglo-Saxon contexts), segmented and dumb-bell or toggle beads. Polychrome examples may be decorated with twisted cables, spiralled knobs, spots or millefiori insets (Edwards 1990, 94). Beads are known from sites including Seacash, Garryduff, Ballycatteen, Cahercommaun, Garranes, and Ballinderry 2. Amber beads have been found at Lagore, Ballinderry 2, Carraig Aille, Garranes and Garryduff. Glass studs were discovered at Garryduff, Carraig Aille I, Ballinderry 2 and Lagore. The use of terms such as bangle, bracelet and armlet is somewhat misleading as the majority of items being referred to have diameters too small to have fitted an adult arm or wrist. While possibly worn by children, some may have functioned as pendants. They are generally ‘D’-sectioned with a core of dark blue, though some light blue, grey and green examples are also known. Decoration usually consists of blue or white cables and dots, either fused directly to the core or to a band applied to the core. This is then smoothed, leaving no relief ornament (Edwards 1990, 94).

Glass beads have been discovered on a large number of Early Medieval sites, and a wide variety of types are represented (Figs. 88 and 89). Both plain and polychrome beads are known. Of the former, small dark blue beads are especially common. Other types include melon-shaped, tubular (possibly imports as 127

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Fragments and complete examples are known from Seacash (Fig. 90), Lagore, Moynagh Lough, Ballinderry 2, Cahercommaun, Letterkeen, Carraig Aille, Quinn’s rath, Tobin’s rath and Garryduff.

have been identified as glass spilled while molten. A limited quantity of unfinished or unused items of glass are known from Early Medieval sites. At Garryduff, a blob of green-tinted clear glass was found, and may represent a failed attempt at bead-making. A brokenthrough central bubble may be the remains of a deliberate perforation (O’Kelly 1962, 72). A second piece from Garryduff consisted of a flattened sphere of blue glass. While the glass was still soft, it had been partially flattened and a pointed tool pressed into one of its flat faces, presumably to create a perforation. The glass, however, solidified before the tool could go right through it. The other face of the piece bears impressions possibly made by the grain of a piece of timber, suggesting a wooden work-bench (O’Kelly 1962, 77). A glass piece from Cahercommaun bore the traces of two perforations. It was slightly curved, similar to a bracelet, though the decoration was on the inside, ‘perhaps part of a glass bracelet spoilt in the making’ (Hencken 1938, 39). Finally, a clay mould was discovered at Lagore, with a green glass stud still in situ within (Fig. 92). The stud bears a cast sunken geometric pattern which would, presumably, have later been filled with a metal or enamel inlay/grille. Amberworking evidence is known from the Scotch Street excavations in Armagh and possibly from Lagore where an unfinished and a finished stud were found. Amber appears to have taken the place of the more intricate and ornate polychrome glass studs in the ninth century AD.

Fig. 90 Glass artefacts from Seacash (Lynn 1978) Vitreous Residues Evidence of the raw materials used in glass manufacture in Early Medieval Ireland is present in archaeological assemblages from the period. Remains of glass production, in the form of scrap vessel fragments probably intended for re-use, were found at Garryduff, Ballycatteen, Carraig Aille II, Dalkey Island and Lagore. Remnants of glass working, rods or cane, were discovered at Ballycatteen, Garranes, Movilla Abbey, Cathedral Hill and Moynagh Lough. Rods of millefiori came from Garranes, Lagore, Scotch Street, Armagh and Dooey. The Lagore example had a blue and white chequer-board pattern, while the Garranes millefiori was found in situ within a copper alloy tube (Fig. 91). This was, evidently, a support device used to facilitate the slicing of the rod (Edwards 1990, 93). Moynagh Lough produced a block of yellow enamel, Cathedral Hill two sticks of opaque yellow enamel, and Garranes two fragments of crucibles with droplets of red enamel still attached.

Fig. 92 Lagore: moulds for glass studs, A. and B. mould with stud found in it (Hencken 1950) Structural Remains The structural remains associated with the working of vitreous materials are similar to those of precious metalworking. The furnaces employed in metalworking could also have been used in this craft, especially likely considering the application of enamel, millefiori and glass ornament to metal artefacts. The same is also true of metal workshops or work areas. On sites such as Garranes and Lagore, for example, the evidence of both crafts are found together – Ó Ríordáin’s ‘site D’ (Fig. 93), and the eastern sectors at Lagore.

Fig. 91 Millefiori glass, bronze tube with fragment of millefiori and glass beads from Garranes (Ó Ríordáin 1942) Small lumps of glass from Lagore and Movilla Abbey 128

CHAPTER 12

Fig. 94 Objects of glass from Dunmisk (Henderson 1988) charcoal and baked clay adhering to it, ‘probably a failed attempt at bead manufacture’ (Henderson 1988, 117). Other finds included two fragments of a translucent blue rod, four fragments of very thin, palegreen glass, all containing dirty inclusions possibly from having been dropped on the workshop floor, and a thin pale-blue ribbed rod. The ribs were of opaque white glass. The possible remnants of a yellow and green cable bead were discovered, the remains of a reticella rod of blue and white, a short rod of white and translucent blue, two short blue and white reticella rods, a fragment of a yellow and green rod, a fragment of a translucent blue rod, and several fragments of glass-bearing crucibles.

Artefact Remains The tools used in glass, enamel, millefiori and amber working may, of course, have been used in other activities such as metal, leather, or wood-working. None are exclusively associated with the application of non-metal ornament or the manufacture of glass artefacts, though a few have useful excavation contexts. For example, an iron plate with a projecting strip at either end was found in a pit containing glassworking debris at Armagh (Scotch Street). This was possibly used for heating and/or rolling glass rods (Lynn 1988). Similarly, iron ladles have been found on sites producing evidence of glassworking and may have been used for melting glass (Craddock in Youngs 1989).

A chemical analysis of the glass remains revealed that the translucent glass from the site was a very uniform soda lime-silica, low-lead glass, defined by the presence of sodium oxide (16–20%), lime (5–8%) and silica (c.65–70%). Henderson points out that this is a standard recipe for glass in Early Medieval Ireland. The opacifier used in the white glass was tin oxide (SnO2), while the colorants included cobalt oxide for blue, and copper combined with iron for green. Six crucible sherds were also examined. These were relatively thin, from conical vessels, with an opaque yellow accretion on their inner surfaces. One fragment had an external layer of green glass. The yellow matter consisted of lead oxide, soda, lime, silica and the colorant, lead-tin oxide – ‘all the characteristics of a tin-opacified high lead opaque yellow glass’ (Henderson 1988, 121). The results of Henderson’s crucible tests indicate both the manufacture and working of glass at Dunmisk. The crucible residues were composed of relic raw materials used in glassmaking, particularly silica and tin oxide. He does, however, allow for the importation of some glass also.

Case Study: Dunmisk The excavation of Dunmisk Fort, Co. Tyrone, a possible Early Medieval monastic site, produced a range of glass-working evidence which was examined by Henderson (1988, 115–126). The glass finds were concentrated in an industrial zone in the north-east quadrant of the site (Figs. 94 and 95). This area was covered by a layer of charcoal derived from a number of hearths in the vicinity. One of these (Ivens 1989, no.39.15) contained various pieces of glass-working remains, associated with a radiocarbon date of 570–890 cal. AD from the charcoal spread. The relevant remains included a pale blue stud, part of which is absent due to a moulding failure. The molten glass was clearly not viscous enough to flow into all parts of the mould. It is also partially covered with a concreted, quartz-rich opaque while material. This may have coated the inside of the mould to prevent the glass sticking to it. A sub-triangular lump of translucent blue with opaque white sheets running through its thickness was also recovered. One side had an indentation and 130

CHAPTER 12

unfinished beads. It is interesting to note that while the smaller, traditionally lower status sites produced the minimal evidence, those with average remains, Garranes and Cahercommaun, are far from ‘average’ in terms of their morphology and archaeological SITE

UNF.

FIN.

Altanagh Ballycatteen Ballygortgarve Ballyhenry Ballypalady Ballywee Cahercommaun Carraig Aille Castleskreen Crossnacreevy Dunbell Feltrim Hill Garranes Garryduff Gransha Knockea Letterkeen Lisduggan Lislackagh Lisnagun Lissachiggel Lissue Loher Mullaghbane Oldcourt Poulacapple Quinn’s Rath Rathbeg Seacash Simonstown Tobin’s Rath

Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì -

Ì -

Ì -

Min. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min.

Monastic Sites Cathedral Hill Clonmacnoise Dunmisk Movilla Abbey Nendrum Reask St. Gobnet’s

Ì Ì -

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì -

-

Ì -

Av. Min. Ext. Ext. Min. Min. Min.

Crannógs Ballinderry 1 Ballinderry 2 Deredis Upper Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough

Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì

Ì -

-

Min. Min. Min. Ext. Av. Ext.

-

Min. Min. Min.

Miscellaneous Sites Dalkey Dooey Larrybane

SCRAP

assemblages. Both would seem more impressive than Garryduff, yet the latter has produced evidence of extensive glass-working. Perhaps this craft required wealth though not necessarily high status patronage. AMBER CANE

MILL. ENAMEL

Ì Ì Ì Ì Table 29. Vitreous material from excavated sites 132

LEVEL

CRAFT PRODUCTION: NON-FERROUS METALS

Chapter XIII

Craft Production: Non-Ferrous Metals book, Early Irish Ironworking (1990), does not directly deal with non-ferrous metalworking, sections concerning the early literary period and settlement organisation are obviously relevant.

Introduction The lure of ornate bronze, silver and gold objects has for several centuries attracted the attention of both antiquarian and treasure-hunter alike. The importance of such well known artefacts as the Tara Brooch and Ardagh Chalice lies both in their immense aesthetic value and their reflection of technical achievement. Little consideration, however, has been given to their site production and the resulting archaeological record. The study of on-site evidence for non-ferrous metalworking in Early Medieval Ireland has been, hitherto, largely unexplored, despite the obvious potential to shed light on various aspects of contemporary society. At a local level, an examination of physical remains may reveal the nature of a site and its internal organisation. Regionally, a study of site evidence may reflect the existence, or not, of a broader infrastructure encompassing production, trade and consumption.

Scientific research in this area is very scarce, limited to analyses of crucibles and their residues for the most part. In 1927, Moss carried out an analysis of several crucibles, then in the Royal Irish Academy collection of antiquities, the results of which are relevant to our understanding of the use of such vessels. Unfortunately, the application of scientific analyses has not improved greatly since then. Recent excavation reports frequently include scientific examinations, although where non-ferrous evidence is concerned they are still largely confined to the analysis of crucible residues. Detailed studies of other items, such as possible furnace remains, have yet to be undertaken despite the potential of such work. One exception is provided by the detailed analytical analyses of nonferrous slag undertaken at Ross Island (Meyerdirks, Rehren and Harvey in O’Brien 2004, Appendix 8). There has also been very little experimentation on the production side of Early Medieval non-ferrous metallurgy comparable to, for example, O’Kelly’s work on early iron smelting (1961).

Recent publications on the Early Medieval Period have dealt only briefly with the subject of non-ferrous metalworking in Ireland (e.g. de Paor 1967; Youngs 1989; Edwards 1990) or not all (Ó Cróinín 1995). Research into mining and metal sources is particularly weak, with little firm archaeological evidence to corroborate the sparse literary record (see Whitfield 1993). However, some information on primary copper smelting at a mine site has been provided by the excavations at Ross Island, Co. Kerry (O’Brien 2004). The general technology of non-ferrous metallurgy has been comprehensively covered by Tylecote, his 1986 publication dealing specifically with the metallurgy of the British Isles. Native non-ferrous metalworking in Early Medieval Ireland has, however, been studied in some detail by the author in an M.A. thesis (1996), published as a British Archaeological Report in 2004. This examined the relevant technology, early literary evidence and archaeological remains.

The main source of published research in this area consists of the excavation reports of the relevant sites and the technical description of various artefact studies. The most recent attempt to bring this information together is Proudfoot’s 1961 article on the economy of the Irish rath where he briefly discussed the available excavation evidence. The majority of the excavation evidence dates from the 1940s to the present, with a number of recent reports highly detailed and often including various scientific analyses (e.g. GaskellBrown and Harper’s excavation of Cathedral Hill, published 1984). The various references and relevant information must be drawn together to form a coherent account, though fortunately, the majority of relevant sites are well documented.

An article by the author demonstrates the potential of the literary sources when used in conjunction with archaeological evidence. In this case, site use at Garranes ringfort is examined (1998). An earlier article (1997) dealt with the relevant evidence from Lagore crannóg, placing it in a wider context. Ryan has explored metalworking techniques largely from the finished artefact viewpoint, tending to concentrate on the techniques of decoration (e.g. Ryan 1983). Specific metalworking techniques from this period have also been studied, for example Whitfield’s 1987 work on filigree, while there are a wealth of publications dealing specifically with individual artefacts, largely from an art-historical perspective. Although Scott’s

Iron Age Background The status of non-ferrous metallurgy in prehistoric Ireland is understandably affected by the introduction of iron-working in the period c.600–300 BC. There is very little evidence of non-ferrous metalworking from the pagan Iron Age which follows, up to the advent of Christianity in the fifth century AD (Scott 1990). This largely reflects the limited settlement record from the Iron Age. Recent work at Ráith na Ríg on Tara has, however, produced evidence of the first non-ferrous workshop dated to the Iron Age (Roche 2002). Beneath 133

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the enclosing bank of Ráith na Ríg were found the remains of industrial activity including ‘precious’ metalworking. Evidence consisted of a large metalworking hearth, structural/workshop remains, and an assemblage of relevant finds. Both iron-smithing and bronze-working occurred in this area. The crucibles employed were triangular in shape, similar to examples found in Iron Age Britain. Unfortunately, the clay mould fragments were too small to positively identify the objects cast therein. Bronze waste and finished objects were also recovered from this industrial area.

forms of these brooches were popular (Fowler 1960, type F). The terminals of these rings were shaped as elongated animal heads and were often decorated with enamel, millefiori and spiral designs (Kilbride-Jones 1980). Type F forms were most common in Ireland, with a much smaller quantity of types G and H. Type G brooches consisted of small faceted terminals with lozenge ornament, and date from the seventh to the ninth century. Type H forms have flattened and expanded terminals (Fowler 1960). Penannular brooches remained common throughout the Early Medieval period becoming larger, heavier and more ornate with time. Eventually, the gap between the terminals was closed, resulting in the pseudopenannular brooch, as exemplified in the Tara brooch.

The hearth at Ráith na Ríg consisted of a shallow scoop cut into the subsoil, its sides and base heavily burnt. Numerous stake-holes around its edge suggest the presence of a reinforced clay superstructure, while the excavator also mentions a possible flue for this hearth. Analysis of the metalworking debris revealed no evidence of on-site copper smelting, causing Crew and Rehren to rule out the use of this feature as a smelting furnace (ibid. 83–102). Radiocarbon analysis of the hearth fill produced a date of 200 BC–16 AD (ibid. 34). There is abundant evidence in the finished artefact record that bronze continued to be produced in this period (Raftery 1983). Obviously, with the initial introduction of iron technology one would expect the native bronze-workers to have experimented with this ‘new’ metal. Such experimentation is evident in several early iron artefacts e.g. the Lough Mourne axehead and the Drumlane cauldron, Co. Cavan (Scott 1990, 48). Both of these iron objects were made in a manner identical to that of their Late Bronze Age equivalents.

Simpler pins were also used as dress-fasteners, probably by a greater number of people. The earliest type of pin, from the beginning of the period, was the hand-pin. These consisted of a straight shank of copper-alloy and a flat semi-circular pin-head with three to five ‘digits’ on top, often decorated with red enamel and spiral designs (Edwards 1990, 136). Later, during the seventh and eighth centuries, the ringed-pin became common. Mostly of copper alloy, a small number of iron examples are also known. These consisted of a straight pin with a looped or perforated head, through which a ring was inserted. The earliest sub-type was the spiral ringed-pin where a ring of spiralled wire was passed through a baluster pin-head. They bore simple ornament on the pin-head and occasionally on the ring. These were gradually replaced by plain ringed-pins which continued in use into the ninth century. The ring was attached through a looped pin-head, occasionally polyhedral or baluster pin-heads. A related type of dress-fastener, developed in the eighth and early ninth century, was the ringbrooch. This was, essentially, a cross between the pseudo-penannular brooch and the ringed-pin (Edwards 1990, 142).

Other metalworking/decorative techniques were introduced in the Iron Age, for example the use of enamel and the cire perdue technique of casting (e.g. the three-dimensional bird’s head handles from Somerset, Co. Galway and the cup from Keshcarrigan in Leitrim; Raftery 1994). Unfortunately, there is no known site or equipment evidence of non-ferrous working in Iron Age Ireland – no workshops, moulds or crucibles (with the possible exceptions of Feerwore and Rathgurreen, Co. Galway, which may have early dates). In this period we are forced to infer the techniques and tools of non-ferrous metalworking through the finished artefacts, which are relatively few in number compared to the Early Medieval period.

Other artefacts from the beginning of the Early Medieval period include latchets and hanging-bowls. Latchets, possible dress-fasteners, consist of a circular head with a an ‘S’-shaped tail, and are occasionally decorated with enamel (ibid. 136). Hanging bowls were formed from sheet metal (copper-alloy most commonly) and bore decorative escutcheons and mounts. These featured openwork patterns, spirals, interlace, animal ornament, enamel and occasionally millefiori (ibid. 136). Whatever their place of manufacture (only two escutcheons have been found in Ireland), the metalworking techniques they display were all practised in Ireland.

Artefacts of the Early Medieval Period The non-ferrous metals in Early Medieval Ireland, mostly copper-alloy, lead, tin, silver and gold, were used almost exclusively in the manufacture of luxury items. One of the best known artefacts from the period is the penannular brooch. Evolving sometime during the Iron Age and Roman period, these pieces consisted of a separate pin and penannular ring, the pin attached to the ring though free to move along it. A dressfastener, the brooch was worn with the pin pointing upwards (Edwards 1990, 133). During the earlier part of the period (sixth–seventh century AD), zoomorphic

While many of these artefact types may have been both secular and ecclesiastical, a smaller number of items can be definitely associated with the latter. A series of shrines decorated with precious metals are known from Early Medieval Ireland. These include three small, house-shaped, shrines for carrying portable relics 134

CRAFT PRODUCTION: NON-FERROUS METALS

(Emly, Shannon, Lough Erne), the Lough Kinale bookshrine and the Moylough belt-shrine (ibid. 138). A small quantity of altar plate has also been found, most notably the Ardagh Chalice (Organ 1973) and the Derrynaflan Hoard (Ryan 1983). Miscellaneous other ecclesiastical items include a fragmentary copper-alloy processional cross from Co. Antrim, decorated with enamel and millefiori, a number of bronze hand-bells, and the crucifixion plaque from near Athlone, possibly once attached to a book (ibid. 140).

may have acted as ‘blanks’ from which various objects could have been forged. The hoard from Carraig Aille II contained fragments cut from silver bracelets (Fig. 96). With the ingot association this would suggest that the hoard was possibly a stock-pile of silver intended for use in the manufacture of items on site. The excavations also produced considerable evidence of bronze working. A fragment of a Viking silver bracelet was found at Lagore, along with scraps of bronze sheet and wire. Short lengths of gold wire were found at both Movilla Abbey and Moynagh Lough. All of these may represent items of scrap intended for re-use or merely fragments of objects broken after loss.

The ninth century saw the beginning of a decline in Irish fine metalworking, perhaps due to the Viking impact. Artefacts became much coarser and plainer. Amber replaced the use of millefiori and enamel, and both kerbschnitt and filigree disappeared. Animal motifs and simple plait-work remained, while spirals, intricate interlace and step-patterns died out (Henry 1967).

Waste Discarded fragments of bronze have been found on a number of Early Medieval settlements. These include a lump of metal from Lagore which the excavator identified as having come from a flat-bottomed crucible, though this is unlikely considering the probable use of such crucibles as stands (see below). The fragment may have been a circular ingot, cast in a stone mould such as one found at Lagore. Solidified drops of molten bronze, spilled while pouring, are known from Lagore. Irregular fragments of bronze were also found at Carraig Aille II, while a bronze jet discarded from a cast was found at Garranes.

Metalworking Residues and Associated Remains Raw Materials From the present evidence it is very difficult to determine the source or form of the raw materials used on any particular Early Medieval site in Ireland. The almost complete lack of ore from Early Medieval settlement sites in Ireland would suggest that metal was smelted elsewhere and transported in the form of ingots or cakes. One site, Lagore crannóg, Co. Meath, did produce finds of copper ore. The two pieces of ore were of copper pyrites, such ore having been commercially worked in the past at both Beauparc and Brownstown in Co. Meath, twelve and eight miles (respectively) from Lagore. Several pieces of the lead ore, galena, were found at Ardcloon, Co. Mayo, the nearest sources of which are Ballisodare Bay, Co. Sligo and Ballinrobe, Co. Mayo. It is impossible, however, to accurately source either find as copper pyrites and galena are very common in Ireland. The lack of any tin ore from Early Medieval Ireland may reflect the importation of the metal in smelted form. Two lumps of metallic tin are known from Garranes ringfort, Co. Cork.

Structural Remains Furnaces obviously bear witness to metalworking on a site, though whether or not the process in question involved iron or non-ferrous metals requires a closer examination of the structure and its associated residues. It is very difficult to interpret the function of these features when there are no associated finds and all that remains is a spread of burnt clay and charcoal. In such circumstances, it is easy to confuse this evidence with activities connected to the use of domestic hearths and pottery kilns. No furnaces from the relevant settlement sites have been definitely associated with non-ferrous smelting. The fragmentary nature of the remains and the lack of scientific analysis of associated residues may explain this, however it is more likely that smelting was carried out elsewhere, probably close to mine sources.

If on-site smelting of ore was not the direct source of the metal worked, then scrap metal and ingots must have been used, with both ingots and ingot moulds found on several sites of the period. This may indicate the smelting of ore or, alternatively, the casting of metal into convenient forms for storage or trade. Ingots of bronze are known from Movilla Abbey, Moynagh Lough, Garranes and Moylarg. A gold ingot was also found at Moynagh Lough, while silver ingots formed part of the silver hoard from Carraig Aille (Fig. 96). These precious metal ingots are generally bar-shaped with an average length of between 5 and 10cm, and are usually approximately 1cm thick. The known ingots do correlate well with the contemporary mould evidence, both in terms of shape and size. In addition to their possible use for metal storage or circulation, ingots

Furnaces Definite Early Medieval furnace remains have recently been discovered at the Ross Island copper mines near Killarney, Co. Kerry. Excavations in 1995 within the mine complex revealed four concentrations of copper smelting slag, two of which can be associated with the use of two small metalworking furnaces. Three of these slag deposits are dated to the late sixth/early seventh century AD. The remains were found on the periphery of an early Beaker work-camp and mining site (O’Brien 2004).

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Fig. 96 Crucibles and silver hoard from Carraig Aille (Ó Ríordáin 1949) Charcoal-rich sediments containing local spreads of comminuted plate slag marked the location of the two furnaces, both of which were revealed by magnetic susceptibility survey prior to excavation. Small amounts of vitrified ceramic and slagged sandy clay were also found, possibly the remains of clay tuyères and furnace wall material (ibid.).

depth of 0.12m. Associated with this feature also were fuel ash deposits and small quantities of vitrified ceramic and slagged clay (ibid.). Scientific analysis of the metallurgical remains undertaken at the Institute of Archaeology, London revealed that these furnaces were employed in the smelting of sulphide ores (chalcopyrite) (Meyerdirks et al. in O’Brien 2004, Appendix 8). Both of these bowl furnaces originally had a low shaft superstructure, which was destroyed on completion of the metalworking operation (ibid.).

The first furnace consisted of a small circular, bowlshaped pit [Context 784] with a maximum diameter of 0.50m and depth of 0.15m. This pit had a lower side opening, perhaps to facilitate the use of bellows or blow-pipe at this point. The sides of the furnace were intensely fire-reddened and the pit contained three undisturbed layers of fine silty sediment, probably fuel ash deposits. No metallurgical residues were recovered from the furnace, though it was covered by the slag and charcoal spread. Immediately adjacent to this furnace was a second pit most likely employed in some aspect of the metallurgical operation, however its exact function is unknown.

There is no evidence of metal casting on the site (no mould or crucible remains), therefore this evidence appears to indicate an Early Medieval primary processing site. Radiocarbon dates place the smelting activity in the seventh/early eighth century AD. This somewhat substantiates the slightly later, ninth century, reference by the British monk Nennius to the mineral wealth of the Killarney area. Although this evidence does not confirm Early Medieval mining at Ross Island, it does strongly suggest the possibility.

The second furnace was found approximately 26m to the north of the first. Again, a black sediment containing large amounts of plate slag covered the actual furnace pit. This pit [Context 788] is ovalshaped and measures 0.44m by 0.39m with a central

Identical plate slag was also found during nearby rescue excavations at Scrahane on the outskirts of Killarney town. This slag was associated with a number of pit features, though no actual furnaces have been found (O’Donnell 2000).

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Its use for non-ferrous metallurgy is suggested by its location in a metalworking area which produced finds including a tuyère, 67 crucible sherds (both pyramidal and oval-mouthed), over 600 clay mould fragments, and one kilogram of slag. Due to the relatively small amount of slag found, Bradley suggests that the furnace was employed in melting metal rather than smelting ore. It must be remembered, however, that a relatively pure ore does not produce a large amount of slag, while the melting of smelted and refined metal should produce very little. Bradley suggested that cooling moulds may have been stacked on a nearby pebbled area where a dump of mould fragments was found. Also, a pink clay spread probably marks the source of the clay used to make both moulds and crucibles.

remains of a workshop structure (Fig. 99). This workshop had been burnt twice, with the layers of burning overlying clay floors and relevant finds. Adjacent to this structure was a large hearth which, due to its location, may have been employed in non-ferrous metalworking. The probable source of the clay used in manufacturing the moulds and crucibles was also located in this area (Gaskell Brown and Harper 1984). A timber-built workshop at Tullylish, Co. Down, was marked by stone packed post-holes and settings cut into a ditch surrounding the site (Fig. 100). A layer of industrial debris consisting of charcoal-rich earth and relevant finds accumulated while the structure was in use. Near these remains were found a large hearth, hotplates and many mould fragments. This area was subsequently, at an uncertain date, infilled while industrial activities continued in the vicinity (Ivens 1987).

Indirect evidence for metalworking furnaces is provided by tuyère fragments which have been found on Cathedral Hill, Lagore, Garranes, Dunmisk and Clonmacnoise. Though indicative of the presence of a furnace on a site, tuyères obviously do not reveal either its form or function and may in some cases have been connected with glassworking or some such activity.

Fig. 100 Workshop remains at Tullylish, Co. Down (Ivens 1987) At the monastic site of Kilpatrick, Co. Westmeath, the evidence consisted of a semi-circular foundation trench, the open side of which may have been partially enclosed by a line of very small post-holes. These remains were associated with a forging area and two iron-smelting furnaces as well as relevant non-ferrous metalworking equipment. The features were stratigraphically coeval, cut into the underlying boulder clay (Swan 1995).

Fig. 99 Workshop remains at Cathedral Hill, Co. Armagh (Gaskell Brown and Harper 1984) Workshops The evidence for workshop locations on Early Medieval sites usually consists of a concentration of relevant finds in association with structural remains. Possible workshops have been identified on several of the above sites. At Cathedral Hill, four large post-holes forming a rectangular plan were identified as the

Fig. 101 Site D at Garranes, Co. Cork (Ó Ríordáin 1942) 138

CRAFT PRODUCTION: NON-FERROUS METALS

A possible workshop at Garranes, Co. Cork, consisted of the stone foundation arc of a hut (Fig. 101). Though the remains are very fragmentary, their location in the industrial area (site D) would suggest the possible function of the structure in metalworking. Hut C at the monastic settlement on Illaunloughan Island, Co. Kerry appears to have functioned as a non-ferrous workshop at some point, though it is uncertain if this was the primary function of the structure. The metalworking debris associated with this damaged, semi-circular or circular, hut included over 80 fragments of bi-valve clay moulds, a crucible and a tuyère (White-Marshall and Walsh 2005, 16–21). Finally, the relevant evidence from Reask, Co. Kerry came from hut G indicating its use as a workshop, though one in which both iron and non-ferrous working took place (Fig. 102). The hut is sub-circular in plan with a maximum internal diameter of 2.75m. In the interior were found two pits, one dug after the other went into disuse. It appears that they were both initially used in the smelting of iron ore before being filled in and re-used as a large hearth. The small number of relevant remains were probably associated with these hearths.

been used for both copper and iron production, early documentary sources suggest that these activities were kept separate on many settlements, with different craftworkers involved (see chapter 2), though both activities are found in the same locations at Reask and Kilpatrick. One artefact type which is commonly found and was specific to non-ferrous metalworking is the crucible. Other metalworking tools include anvils, awls, punches, chisels, files, hammers, and tongs. Also relevant are moulds, heating trays, trial or motif pieces, metal ingots, scrap metal, miscellaneous lumps of waste, slag, ore and tools. Crucibles Crucibles are the most easily recognisable indicator of non-ferrous metalworking as they were not used in the Early Medieval iron smelting bloomery process. Crucibles may have been used to reduce ore minerals as part of a controlled smelting process or in the refining and alloying of metal and in the casting of final metal. Recently, a crucible from Moynagh Lough, Co. Meath, was found to have been employed in smelting copper matte directly with a tin ore (Bradley 1991, 23). The vast majority of crucibles from Early Medieval Ireland are made of clay although some stone examples are known. Three main forms of crucible have been identified on Irish sites (Fig. 103), with the pyramidal type, or more accurately triangular as they have three sides not four, being most common. These have a triangular mouth with the sides coming to a point at the base. Examples were found at Lagore crannóg, Co. Meath and Garranes ringfort, Co. Cork. Somewhat resembling these are the bag-shaped crucibles which are deeper and have irregular mouths (e.g. Lagore). The third type of crucible is flat-bottomed with low sides and the examples found at Lagore are similar to those referred to as semi-spherical at Garranes (Ó Ríordáin 1942).

Fig. 102 Hut G at Reask, Co. Kerry (Fanning 1981) Artefact Remains Archaeological evidence of non-ferrous metalworking in Early Medieval Ireland consists of a wide range of artefacts, many of which are specific to this technology. There are some however which are more ambiguous in purpose and could have been used in other craft activities such as carpentry, leather-working and ironworking. When evidence of both ironworking and non-ferrous metalworking are found in close proximity on a site, it is often difficult to identify separate tool-kits.

While simple clay crucibles of these three types are by far the most commonly found, some variants are known. A small number of seventh-century crucibles have the added feature of a lid, e.g. Garryduff, Co. Cork (O’Kelly 1962, no.374). Such a lid would allow more time for the pouring of the molten metal, slowing down the cooling process and subsequent solidification of the crucible contents. It has been suggested that such ‘crucibles were intended for making glass, the covers being necessary so as to exclude impurities, small amounts of which could affect the colour of the finished product’ (ibid. 96). However, as he readily admits, there is no residue of such a process evident on these vessels. A polypod crucible (one provided with legs to enable it to stand free of a support) is known from Lagore crannóg, Co. Meath (Comber 1996, E14:364).

This also applies to furnaces which were typically of a primitive bowl type and could have been used for smelting or re-melting a range of metals and alloys. Both ferrous and non-ferrous smelting and refining can produce fayalite, an iron silicate and so the presence of slag is not an obvious indicator of the type of metal produced. While many metalworking tools may have 139

CRAFT PRODUCTION: NON-FERROUS METALS

Seven stone moulds found on Cathedral Hill would have produced bar-shaped ingots up to 1cm thick. Made of Carboniferous sandstone, the moulds also included matrices for the manufacture of circular and rectangular objects with bar-shaped extensions. An example from Garranes with an added cross-like feature, was interpreted as a matrix used in the hammering out of a sheet-metal lamp (Ó Ríordáin 1942). Gaskell Brown and Harper (1984) suggest that the smaller Cathedral Hill examples may have been used in the manufacture of ladles similar to those found on contemporary sites. Stone ingot moulds have been found at sites including Lagore, Dooey, Moylarg, and Ballinderry II.

clay and charcoal. The uppermost pad of one of these was burnt yellow-red and formed a shallow, verticalsided dish. At Moynagh Lough, one of the heating trays bears the annular impression of an object worked on it. Stone Moulds Another artefact type commonly associated with nonferrous metalworking is the mould. Both stone and clay moulds were used in Early Medieval Ireland, with the latter apparently more versatile (i.e. easier to shape) than its stone counterpart. The vast majority of stone moulds found are ingot moulds (Fig. 105). The ingots cast were oblong in shape, the simplest form to carve in a block of stone. Stone ingot moulds may have been either one piece or bi-valve, examples of the latter including mould no.1 from Garranes, Co. Cork (Ó Ríordáin 1942). It is therefore possible that some single moulds may have originally had a corresponding half. Many of these moulds had more than one casting area or ‘matrix’ carved into them. The aforementioned mould from Garranes, for example, had four casting grooves. A bronze ingot from this site, no.99, fits perfectly into one of these matrices.

Clay Moulds Clay moulds were used in the production of finer objects such as penannular brooches and ringed pins. Despite the immense suitability of the cire perdue technique to the manufacture of such items, it appears that only bivalve clay moulds were used (Fig. 106). However, much of the Irish mould evidence is extremely fragmentary and therefore very difficult to interpret. It is possible to cut the design of a mould into clay by hand though it is more likely that a pattern of some sort was used. This pattern may have been of carved wood, bone or metal, with the latter suggested for a mould from Cathedral Hill (Gaskell Brown and Harper 1984, no.92). The mould may have been formed using a metal pattern possibly made from a wax original. The use of such an enduring master pattern would have allowed large scale reproduction of items. Also, the intricate detail with which wax is capable of being carved could be transferred to the object being cast. Moulds no. 1214–28, 3191 and 3193–4 from Moynagh Lough were made in this way and were all used in casting interlaced mounts of a similar design and size, suggesting the use of a master pattern or model (Bradley 1991, 20).

Fig. 105 Stone moulds from Garranes, Co. Cork (Ó Ríordáin 1942)

Fig. 106 Clay mould from Dooey, Co. Donegal (Ó Ríordáin and Rynne 1961) 141

CRAFT PRODUCTION: NON-FERROUS METALS

Fig. 108 Iron tongs from Garranes, Co. Cork (Ó Ríordáin 1942) Tools Very few tools were required in the actual smelting of ore or the melting of metal. A bellows or blow-pipe was required to achieve the high temperatures necessary, however these were generally made of organic materials and do not survive. Another tool likely to have been widely used in an Early Medieval metal workshop was an iron tongs. As already mentioned, many crucibles (e.g. Comber 1996 catalogue B, no.47) bear the marks of the tongs used to handle them. Iron tongs are known from Moynagh Lough and Garranes (Fig. 108).

Bronze and iron awls and punches have been recovered from Cathedral Hill, Garranes, Garryduff, Lagore (Fig. 110), Carraig Aille II, Clea Lakes, Illaunloughan, and Clonmacnoise. Both may have been used in the decoration of fine objects. The awls are simple, onepiece, pointed iron rods. They bear no evidence of having been hafted and may have been used in boring holes. They may also have been used as engraving tools or as punches. The latter, however, are generally identified by a striking platform and such features are not evident on the awls.

While the smelting tool-kit was limited, a wide range of implements was employed in the later stages of fabrication. One important piece of equipment in this process was the anvil, serving as a stable base for hammering and other activities. Surprisingly, very few anvils are known from archaeological sites, the only definite example being that from Garryduff (Fig. 109). This is a very small iron anvil with a working surface of 3.2cm square, probably employed in the working of very fine items. A small spike projects from its base to facilitate insertion into a timber workbench (O’Kelly 1962). Another possible example is recorded as coming from Randalstown crannóg (Wood-Martin 1886).

Fig. 110 Iron chisel (?) and punch from Lagore, Co. Meath Iron chisels are known from Garryduff, Carraig Aille and Clonmacnoise. Such tools were required for cutting and decorating purposes, though once again it is hard to be certain about their specific use. A corroded iron implement from Moylarg has been tentatively identified as a file (Buick 1893). Files were

Fig. 109 Iron anvil from Garryduff, Co. Cork (O’Kelly 1962)

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styli may have been indirectly involved in the manufacturing process. An object like the Ardagh Chalice could only have been produced in a wellequipped workshop by specialist craftsmen with access to a furnace or hearth of some form. Unfortunately, the literary sources (chapter 2) provide very little evidence regarding the equipment used. Any references to tools are incidental and many occur in the myths and legends where they act as props to a story. The anvil of the god Dagda is mentioned in several tales though no description of it is given. The anvil is also referred to in the law tract Uraicecht Becc (MacNeill 1923) where the distraint of a smith is marked by tying a withe around his anvil though, again, no details of the object are provided. The most useful source of information is the Blai Ord Indeoin (Scott 1983) which deals with the workshop of a smith and mentions such tools as hammers, sledge-hammers and anvils. None of these are described though the anvil is mentioned as having been fixed to a block, whether of stone or wood is unspecified.

Fig. 113 Location of metal workshop at Reask, Co. Kerry (Fanning 1981) Where space was limited, it appears that all metalworking was located in one place. At Reask, both iron and non-ferrous metalworking were carried out in the same area (Fig. 113, Hut G) although evidence of iron-working alone is also found on the opposite side of the enclosure outside huts C and D. On the larger sites, non-ferrous and iron working are usually well separated. At Dunmisk Fort, the north-east quadrant of the enclosure was utilised in non-ferrous working, while ironworking was carried out in the south-west area (Fig. 114).

From the evidence of finished artefacts, such as the Ardagh Chalice, it is clear that the tool-kit which survives in the archaeological record is not completely representative of that employed in the Early Medieval Period. The decay of organic materials and the difficult interpretation of many objects may account for much of this. The range of recovered items may also be limited to broken and discarded tools which, combined with problems of preservation and interpretation, produces a biased view of the tool-kit of the period. Discussion The metalworking area within an Early Medieval ringfort is generally marked by a high concentration of relevant finds, features and residues. Excavation evidence indicates that this activity was generally located within the settlement enclosure, though away from the domestic habitation area. This reflects the desirability of locating the flammable and noxious metalworking zone as far as possible from the living area, while still taking advantage of the security and shelter afforded by the enclosing element.

Fig. 114 Location of metalworking areas at Dunmisk, Co. Tyrone (Ivens 1989)

Extra-mural activity areas have rarely been subjected to archaeological investigation and, as yet, there is no evidence of metalworking having ever occurred in such places. At Ballinderry II, the excavator found a hearth situated between the water's edge and the palisade enclosing the site. It is clear, therefore, that such areas were being utilised, though it might also be noted, in this regard, that metalworking areas do not have to be associated with enclosed or defended sites. The settlement in the sandhills at Dooey, Co. Donegal, produced substantial evidence of both iron and nonferrous metalworking.

Such a separation can also be clearly seen at Knowth where the two took place on opposite ends of the site (Fig. 115). This distinction is also made in the contemporary literature, between blacksmith and worker in precious metals and their places of work (chapter 2). Physical separation may, of course, reflect chronology rather than contemporary site organisation. However, at Dunmisk the excavator treats the evidence as contemporary on the basis of C-14 dates though he does not specify what these are (Ivens 1989, 20). The settlement evidence at Knowth belongs to one phase, dated between the ninth and eleventh centuries AD, however it is possible that the metalworking areas were not contemporary within this period.

The location of craft-working within settlements generally depends on the size of the site. 146

CRAFT PRODUCTION: NON-FERROUS METALS

Fig. 115 Location of metalworking areas at Knowth, Co. Meath (Eogan 1977) All settlement types have produced a similar range of evidence with no apparent differences between religious and secular sites, either in terms of wealth or the range of items being manufactured. Moulds provide evidence of the objects manufactured on a site and generally represent the casting of pins, brooches and decorative mounts. One might expect the evidence from an ecclesiastical site to reflect religious items such as chalices and croziers. Most of these artefacts, however, are composite in nature, perhaps formed

largely of sheet metal and then decorated with separate panels. Decorative panels were used to decorate both secular and religious items, making it impossible to distinguish between the two from the mould evidence alone. No substantial archaeological evidence of itinerant fine-metalworkers is known from Early Medieval Ireland. If travelling smiths did exist, they practised their trade within or adjacent to settlement sites. Sites 147

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producing large quantities of relevant evidence must reflect the activities of a resident metalworker(s), working under patronage. The sites producing lesser amounts of relevant evidence may also have had permanent workshops or working areas though smiths need not have been exclusively or continuously employed in non-ferrous metalworking. They may also have been occupied with other craft activities or perhaps engaged in agricultural work at certain times of the year. If itinerant smiths did exist during the Early Medieval period, they have left no trace in the archaeological record.

practised in Ireland though its extent is uncertain. It would seem probable that the royal sites (e.g. Lagore) and larger monastic centres (e.g. Cathedral Hill) employed the most skilled craftsmen while others (e.g. Reask) may have had to rely on the talents within their own community. It would appear that metalworkers operating under patronage did so within their employer’s enclosure (secular or ecclesiastical), though whether or not they were permanently attached to a single patron or site remains a matter of conjecture. The efficiency of the craft is difficult to ascertain, due to the uncertain nature of the raw materials exploited and the variable scale of organisation. It is clear, though, that a large quantity of non-ferrous objects were manufactured throughout the period with no shortage of metal apparent. A difference in status is visible in the metalworking assemblages from certain of the relevant sites. Some, such as Garranes and Carraig Aille, do appear to be more impressive than sites like Raheennamadra or Ardcloon. The difference between large ringfort enclosures like Garranes and smaller sites like Ardcloon is particularly striking. A site producing a few crucible fragments is, clearly, not on the same level as a site where a whole range of nonferrous metalworking artefacts has been discovered.

Evidence regarding the role and position of individuals and groups engaged in non-ferrous metalworking is largely confined to the literary sources. In the literature, the cerd is portrayed as a specialist working in bronze and/or precious metals. Unlike ironworking, which can occasionally be spatially distinct from nonferrous working, it is impossible to suggest the existence of an individual goldsmith or silversmith from the archaeological evidence. The possibility also exists that some cerds may have been female. If a smith did not have a male heir to succeed him, he could instead have a daughter trained in his profession. Status-wise, the smith was equal to that of the lowest grade of noble and as such enjoyed certain rights and privileges, one of the most important of which was freedom of movement. The smith could travel from region to region without losing status, though only allowed to practice metalworking in a new area when given permission to do so by that region’s mastersmith. This would facilitate a travelling or itinerant smith, however whether this applied to non-ferrous workers as well as blacksmiths is not specifically stated.

The three levels of craftworking identifiable in other activities are also evident in the precious metalworking ‘industry’ (Tables 30 and 31). The minimal use and repair of objects is evidenced by a number of finished artefacts and a limited range of simple tools, most commonly whetstones. Low-scale production, reflecting use, repair and manufacture, consists of finished items, residues, tools and equipment. Finally, the remains of extensive metalworking, suggesting the possibility of excess production for external consumption, include a relatively large quantity of finished objects, tools, equipment and residues.

There is also evidence to suggest a more permanent role for the metalworker in society. The demand for a fine metalworker was limited to higher-status sites, whereas the blacksmith could be employed in the average ringfort, making and repairing domestic tools. Larger sites, however, probably had a resident blacksmith engaged in both tool and weapon production. The large quantities of non-ferrous evidence left behind on some sites appears to indicate the activities of a residential cerd, a permanent member of the community. Unfortunately, it is impossible to say for certain whether or not all non-ferrous metalworkers held such a place in society.

Examples of each of these can be identified in the archaeological record. Sites such as Seacash and Lissue have produced minimal evidence in the form of a small number of simple bronze pins and whetstones. Lowscale production, evident in such remains as crucibles, miscellaneous tools and a range of finished artefacts, is known from sites including Raheennamadra and Rathmullan. Extensive evidence has been found at Garranes, Garryduff and Carraig Aille, all producing a relatively large quantity of finished items. A hierarchy is evident in this, the smaller sites less active than the larger.

It is difficult to determine the importance of patronage in Early Medieval non-ferrous metalworking. We know from literary references that the system was

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SITE

FIN.

UNF. TOOLS

RAW M. CRUCS. MOULDS

LEVEL

Ardcloon Ì Ì Av. Ballycatteen Ì Ì Av. Ballyfounder Ì Min. Ballykennedy Ì Min. Ballypalady Ì Min. Cahercommaun Ì Min. Carraig Aille Ì Ì Ì Ì Ext. Castleskreen Ì Av. Croom East Ì Min. Deer Park Farms Ì Min. Feltrim Hill Ì Ì Ì Av. Killyglen Ì Min. Knockea Ì Av. Garranes Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ext. Garryduff Ì Ì Ì Ì Av. Gransha Ì Ì Ì Ì Av. Lisdoo Ì Av. Lisduggan Ì Ì Av. Lissue Ì Min. Ì Min. Marlinstown Ì Meadowbank Ì Min. Raheennamadra Ì Ì Av. Rathgurreen Ì Ì Av. Rathmullan Ì Ì Av. Seacash Ì Min. Shaneen Park Ì Min. Sluggary Ì Ì Av. Tully Ì Min. Table 30. Evidence of non-ferrous metalworking from excavated ringforts

SITE

FIN.

UNF. TOOLS

RAW M. CRUCS. MOULDS

LEVEL

Monastic Sites Cathedral Hill Clonmacnoise Dunmisk Movilla Abbey Nendrum Reask St. Gobnet’s Tullylish

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ext. Av. Ext. Ext. Av. Av. Av. Av.

Crannógs Ballinderry 2 Clea Lakes Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough

Ì Ì Ì Ì

-

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Av. Av. Ext. Av. Ext.

Miscellaneous Sites Clogher Dalkey Dooey Knowth

Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ext. Av. Av. Av.

Table 31. Evidence of non-ferrous metalworking from excavated sites

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150

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Chapter XIV

Transport, Trade and Exchange Introduction The primitive economy was tied to kinship and political and religious obligations. Men were bound to each other in a variety of relationships, the outward expression of which was reciprocal agreements by which goods and services circulated according to the relative status of the parties involved. (Doherty 1980, 67) Early Irish society and economy were bound together by various mechanisms of trade and exchange, physically linked by modes of transport and communication. Although it may not be possible to distinguish commercial trade from social exchange in the archaeological record, they did not serve the same function, nor were they of equal importance in Early Medieval Ireland. Reciprocal exchange was an economic mechanism employed towards social ends, specifically to the creation of alliances between peoples. The giving of a gift was an expression of superiority, while its acceptance one of submission (ibid. 73). Trade (be it barter or sale), on the other hand, ‘is transacted between relative strangers who are not tied to each other by special relations, who meet each other on special occasions or in special places where peace is assured. As trade is a matter of bargaining, it is always balanced, or at least meant to be balanced, and it is impersonal. It does not have, nor is it meant to have, a unifying effect’ (Van Baal 1975, 43–44). The dispersed nature of ringforts in the Irish landscape might lead to the misguided assumption that their inhabitants had little, or no, contact with each other. Although somewhat limited in volume, evidence to the contrary is provided by both the literary and archaeological records.

influence in Ireland, sparked by the finds from Drumanagh promontory fort, Co. Dublin, is dealt with in a number of articles, for example Raftery 1996a.

The Iron Age evidence of transport has been discussed by Raftery in his general textbook on the period (1994), while very detailed accounts of a number of bog trackways are provided by the transactions of the Irish Archaeological Wetlands Unit (for example, Raftery 1996b). Evidence of trade and exchange in the centuries just prior to, and indeed overlapping, the beginning of the Early Medieval period is largely confined to Roman material. This has been studied in some detail by Bateson (1973 and 1976) and Warner (1976), while classical references to Ireland and the Celts during the period have been examined by Killeen (1976), Tierney (1976) and Rankin (1996). Recently, Brindley and Lanting detailed the Roman construction of a boat found in Lough Lene, Co. Westmeath (1990), while the controversy over the extent of Roman

General works dealing with the exchange of goods in various societies, have been written by Mauss (1925) and Cheal (1988), with the position of women in reciprocity examined by Van Baal (1975). Texts containing information relevant to both local and foreign trade and exchange in Early Medieval Ireland include Fergus Kelly’s two books on the literary evidence (1988 and 1997) and the useful synopsis completed by Charles Doherty (1980). Information on specifically local trade and exchange is presented by Gerriets (1983 and 1987), MacNiocaill (1981) and Ó Corráin (1974), all of whom examine how the clientship system operated in Ireland. Kilbride-Jones’ work on zoomorphic penannular brooches provides an artefactual example of the transfer of goods between peoples (1980). Additional, albeit tenuous, evidence

Clearly, modes of transport and communication were essential to the movement and transfer of goods, both within the country and further afield. Roads and trackways from a range of periods have been excavated and published by the I.A.W.U., while a recent article by Aonghus Moloney (1998) summarises the Early Medieval evidence from the environs of Clonmacnoise, Co. Offaly and Brindley and Lanting (1998) provide a catalogue of dated examples. The River Shannon, adjacent to Clonmacnoise, has preserved the remains of a wooden bridge dated to the first decade of the ninth century. The excavation report by O’Sullivan and Boland is as yet unpublished (1998), though a short article describing the work did appear in Archaeology Ireland (Moore 1996). Unfortunately, no carts or chariots have been identified in the archaeological record, necessitating a reliance on literary and pictorial evidence. The form of the wheeled vehicle in early Ireland is deduced by both Harbison (1971) and Greene (1972) using the terminology employed in the early documentary sources. The former also draws on Continental evidence and depictions of chariots on high-crosses. Finally, boats have been dealt with in a number of publications, with a summary of most of the relevant information provided by Blackwell (1992). Lucas examined the dugout canoe in Ireland (1963) as did McGrail (1987), though in a European context. Greenhill studied the archaeology of the boat (1976) while McGrail edited two relevant volumes; one dealing with aspects of maritime archaeology and ethnography (1984), the other with maritime Celts, Frisians and Saxons (1990).

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may be obtained from individual site reports where the exportation or importation of some items can occasionally be suggested.

and hazel planks. Fifteen sections of track were excavated, revealing the existence of at least three different roads with some constructed of denselypacked brushwood rather than heavier timbers or planks (Raftery 1996b). These roads probably facilitated the movement of people on foot, livestock, people on horseback, and horse- or oxen-drawn carts/chariots. No Iron Age chariots survive in Ireland, though such vehicles were in use in contemporary Europe (see Harbison 1971).

The most notable evidence of international trade in Early Medieval Ireland consists of an assemblage of imported pottery. This has been the subject of detailed study by Charles Thomas (1959; 1981), while specific works on E-ware have been undertaken by O’Donnell in an M.A. thesis (1984) and Campbell (1984), and A and B-ware by Doyle (1996). Related articles include those by Thomas (1990) and James (1982), both of which discuss Irish connections with Gaul in the Early Medieval period. In addition to pottery, it is also possible to identify sherds and vessels of imported glass which were included by Harden (1956) in an examination of glass vessels found in Britain and Ireland. Again, references to imported artefacts can be found in individual excavation reports, occasionally accompanied by a specialist appendix (e.g. Harden 1968). [Note – this chapter formed the basis of the author’s article on trade and exchange in Early Medieval Ireland, published in the Journal of Irish Archaeology in 2001.]

Travel on Irish waterways is evidenced by the discovery of boats, including dugout canoes, the small gold model from the Broighter hoard, Co. Derry (Fig. 116), and the full-scale, though now incomplete, vessel from Lough Lene, Co. Westmeath (Fig. 117). The former was found during ploughing near Lough Foyle in 1895 and dates to the first century BC. Made from sheet gold, it measures 18.4cm in length, 7.6cm in width, and 4.9cm in depth. Originally, the vessel was equipped with 18 oars, nine on either side, a mast amidships, and a steering oar fastened on the port side (Blackwell 1992, 11–12). The latter, known as the ‘Monk’s boat’, was carvel-built, in the Mediterranean tradition. The planks forming the sides of the vessel (the ‘strakes’) were joined, one to the other, by mortise-and-tenon, and did not overlap.

Fig. 117 Sunken boat of Mediterranean type from Lough Lene, Co. Westmeath (Raftery 1994)

A date no later than the fourth century AD, and probably earlier, is suggested by this method of construction, while ‘the boat itself can be considered on the basis of its construction and rarity as arguably either a Roman import or built by someone from the Mediterranean ship-building tradition, i.e. a Roman settler in Ireland’ (Brindley and Lanting 1990, 11). A radiocarbon date of 400–100 BC was obtained, though allowing for the ‘old-wood effect’ of yew, the date can be pushed forward to coincide with the early Roman period (Raftery 1994, 208). The vessel was too small for marine travel, its use restricted to inland waterways, perhaps for trading purposes (ibid. 209). It is also probable that some of the large number of dugout canoes known from Ireland were used during the Iron Age (Lucas 1963).

Fig. 116 Broighter boat, Co. Derry (Raftery 1994) Iron Age Background The present archaeological record reveals little of modes of transport and communication in the Irish Iron Age. That roadways and trackways were constructed is suggested by the literature and confirmed by archaeological excavation. Many of the early tales, the Táin Bó Cuailgne for example, describe journeys and routes, though the accounts may reflect conditions between the sixth and tenth centuries when the tales were committed to written record (Ó Lochlainn 1940). Archaeologically, evidence is provided by a number of trackways or ‘toghers’ of stone and wood, that at Corlea, Co. Longford, composed mostly of oak, birch 152

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Fig. 119 Roman artefacts from Lambay; A. and B. bronze fibulae of Roman type, C. bronze beaded torc, D. and E. decorated sheet bronze mounts (Raftery 1994) The recent controversy concerning the promontory fort of Drumanagh in north Co. Dublin (Fig. 120), and the extent of Roman contact with Ireland, has revealed the potential importance of the site. Covering an area of approximately 16 hectares, a first-century Samian sherd and two second-century Roman coins were found nearby, in addition to an assemblage of Roman-type artefacts illegally uncovered by metal-detector. There are, however, no signs of a military encampment at the site, leading Raftery to suggest that ‘it could have been a native Irish settlement serving as a distribution centre for Roman produce, but it is also possible that it was a foreign, perhaps Romano-British, establishment’ (1994, 208). Either way, a trading post seems likely. Fig. 120 Plan of coastal promontory fort at Drumanagh, Co. Dublin (Raftery 1994) 154

TRANSPORT, TRADE AND EXCHANGE

and warfare. From the rank of bóaire febsa upwards, all lords and kings were expected to own at least two horses, one for riding and one for farm-work, while kings should have a professional, horseback messenger in their retinue. A number of texts refer to the importation of horses, most probably from Britain. ‘Choice foreign steeds’ are included, for example, in the list of items acceptable as compensation for illegal injury (Binchy 1966, §30). Ornate bridles are often mentioned in the sources, their value depending on the status of the owner. Archaeologically, however, only iron bits are known, from sites such as Lagore and Carraig Aille I, while saddles were not used in Ireland before their introduction by the Norse, and not in common use until the Medieval period (ibid. 88-98).

Fig. 121 Distribution map of Roman finds in Ireland (Raftery 1994) In general terms, the material from Ireland can be divided into two groups, both geographically and chronologically (Fig. 121). In the first and second centuries AD the evidence clusters in the eastern lowlands between the rivers Liffey and Boyne, and along the Antrim and Donegal coasts. The fourth and fifth centuries are marked by a spread inland, particularly in the south, and is perhaps related to Irish raids into Britain (Raftery 1994, 214). It seems possible, however, that increased work in the west might produce more Roman evidence, altering the current geographical trends - for example, the recent recognition of an oil lamp from Rathgurreen ringfort, Co. Galway. Interestingly, the site lies between two major routeways running from east to west as illustrated by Warner (1976), based on an examination of literary evidence by Ó Lochlainn (1940). It is evident from all of this that Ireland was in contact with the outside world during the late Iron Age, though what part trade played is difficult to determine.

Fig. 122 Ó Lochlainn’s routeways, plus natural harbours and refuges, as mapped by Warner (1976) Closely associated with the horse as a method of transport was, of course, the cart and/or chariot. Unfortunately, such vehicles are not represented in the archaeological record from Early Medieval Ireland, excepting a small quantity of pictorial evidence from a few High-Crosses. The basic form of the early Irish chariot can, however, be deduced from several of the documentary sources, with the vehicles generally associated with kings, bishops, charioteers and chariotbuilders (Kelly 1997, 497). From an examination of a number of early tales, David Greene produced an image of a typical vehicle of ‘clear’ wood with two black wheels with iron tyres, a white pole, two hard straight shafts, two reins, a very high frame, two bridles and a ridged firm yoke (Harbison 1971, 172). This suggests that the chariot may have had an ‘A’frame, two shafts protruding from the rear and a single

Transport and Communication One of the most common forms of transportation in Early Medieval Ireland was probably the horse, at least for the upper classes (see Kelly 1997, 89). Most excavated sites have produced the remains of one or two horses, though whether they were work-animals or horses for riding is unknown. The early literary evidence differentiates between horses employed for load-carrying or draught (of carts/chariots rather than ploughs) and those used for riding (ibid. 94). The latter were employed in racing, hunting, message-carrying, 155

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pole at the front. Both the literary and pictorial evidence point towards the use of a pair of horses to pull these vehicles, and also reflect the use of large spoked wheels, simple boards as side-pieces, and a floor at least one metre off the ground (ibid. 173-174). The sagas often describe the movement of warriors in chariots driven by their personal charioteers, as in the Táin Bó Cuailgne where Cúchulainn is driven by Loég (Kinsella 1970). Women of high rank are also depicted as travelling by chariot – Brigit, for example, had her own chariot which was drawn by two horses (Connolly and Picard 1987).

Archaeological Wetland Unit. Their work has centred on the large midland bogs where they have identified over 250 previously unrecorded sites, many of which are wooden and/or stone trackways. These range in date from the Bronze Age to the Medieval period, with a small number definitely constructed between the sixth and ninth centuries AD. A series of gravel roads have been excavated in the bogs surrounding Clonmacnoise, Co. Offaly, in the Bloomhill bogs in counties Offaly and Westmeath, and at Coolumber, Co. Roscommon, and Lemanaghan, Co. Offaly. A large gravel and flagstone roadway was found at Bloomhill, built and used between 566 and 770 AD, and then intermittently until the second half of the thirteenth century. McDermott interpreted the excavated sections as part of a broader pattern of routes with Clonmacnoise as the possible focus (1995, 66). Local glacial deposits provided the gravel used in all instances, though this still represents a high level of labour. The Coolumber road originally covered at least 2.2km of the bog and may have been one of the main western approaches to the large timber bridge built over the Shannon adjacent to Clonmacnoise. A total of 15 trackways have been dated to the Early Medieval period (Brindley and Lanting 1998). These include the toghers of Valencia Island, Co. Kerry, Lullymore 3, Oghil, Timahoe, Co. Kildare, Corlea 5 and 7, Knappoge, Co. Longford, Bloomhill, Clonsast 1 and Lemanaghan Co. Offaly, Mount Dillon, Derrynaflan A and B, Co. Roscommon, and Leigh C, Co. Tipperary.

While horses could be ridden across relatively rough country, chariots and carts required flatter routeways, necessitating the construction of tracks and roads. Both the archaeological and literary evidence confirm the existence of road-networks, ranging from simple cowtracks to roads capable of holding two chariots side-byside. Using ten early texts, including the Táin, the lives of several of the saints from the Book of Lismore, and Fled Bricrend, Ó Lochlainn identified five great roads, concluding that ‘from the frequent mention of certain nodal points on the various routes ... in the minds of the storytellers and chroniclers, from the sixth to the tenth centuries, the idea of a great road system existed quite clearly’ (Fig. 122) (1940, 470). He identified the ‘Great Road’, following the line of the Eiscir Riada, the dividing line between Leth Chuinn and Leth Mhoga, the ‘Road of Dála’ leading from west Munster to Tara, the ‘Road of Assal’, the main road from Connacht to Midhe, the ‘Road of Mid-luachar’ leading from Tara to Emain Macha, and the ‘Road of Cuala’ from the Dublin area to the south-east of the country. A network of smaller routeways are also mentioned, adjoining the major roads (Ó Lochlainn 1940). The presence of a road increased the value of land, adding up to three cows to its worth, depending on its size and where it led (Kelly 1997, 390-391). It is also evident that clients were responsible for both the construction and maintenance of roadways. Cogitosus describes the building of a road, by order of the Rí Tuath; They were to lay a foundation of tree branches and rocks and some very solid earthworks in the deep and virtually impassable bog and in the sodden and marshy places through which a large river ran so that, when it was built, it could bear the weight of charioteers and horsemen and chariots and wagonwheels and the rushing of people and the clash of enemies from all sides. When many people had gathered, they divided into their own sections by kinship groups and households the road which they had to build so that each clan and household built its own allotted section. (Connolly and Picard 1987, 23)

Dated, by dendrochronology, to the first decade of the ninth century, the wooden bridge at Clonmacnoise measured 160m in length and 5m in width, spanning a narrow and shallow stretch of the river. The foundations of the bridge survived relatively intact in the riverbed, indicating a linear structure composed of paired posts with transverse and horizontal beams. The sharpened verticals had been driven 3.5m into the riverbed and secured in position by a rough timber base-plate, preventing further sinkage. Large oak timbers of relatively poor quality were used, while the varying quality of the workmanship suggests the activity of general labourers probably supervised by a master-wright. The remains showed little evidence of repair or re-building, with the unseasoned wood having a working-life span of approximately 50 years. Finds recovered during the excavation included eight dugout boats, four iron axes, a whetstone, an iron dish, iron slag, a decorated copper-alloy basin and a small assemblage of animal bone. The axes, whetstone and boats may all be related to the construction of the bridge (O’Sullivan and Boland 1998). That boats of various types were used on Irish waterways in the Early Medieval period seems very probable. Dugout vessels have been found throughout Ireland and are not confined to any one period (Lucas 1963). They are often found associated with crannógs, for example at Lagore and Ballinderry 2, and now also with the bridge at Clonmacnoise.

The archaeological investigation of roadways in early Ireland has recently been undertaken by the Irish 156

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provided by the client included labour and hospitality, while the lord provided both military and legal protection in return. The Church operated within the client system, receiving patronage from the wealthy in return for the prestige acquired, and gifts, rents and services from its clients in exchange for religious rites such as baptism and marriage. Two types of client are mentioned in the early literature: base clients and free clients. The former were subordinate peoples tied to their lords, receiving a fief and paying an annual rent, while the latter were allies of an overlord or king, though of nearly equal power (Gerriets 1987, 44). Free clients provided services to, and received gifts from, their lord, and were free to withdraw from an agreement without incurring any penalties. Base clients, on the other hand, were tied to their lords for the agreed period of their contract (generally seven years) and any attempt to break this had severe consequences. Both forms of clientship ended on the death of the lord (ibid. 46).

groups with access to specific resources or skills exploited them, the clientship system facilitating circulation of their products. The goods provided by such semi-specialists can be divided into two classes; common items available to the majority of society, and higher status luxuries which only moved upwards through the social hierarchy. Sites which produce extensive evidence of a particular craft may have manufactured a surplus intended for trade and/or exchange. Unfinished quernstones were found at Lagore and Moynagh Lough, along with quantities of finished examples, while 524 whetstones were uncovered at Cahercommaun, surely not all for ‘internal’ use. In Ulster, souterrain ware appears to have been made on some sites and then exported to others, known production centres including Ballyutoag, Ballintoy cave, Nendrum and possibly Rathbeg (where at least 80 vessels were found). It is also possible that iron ore or stock may have circulated throughout a large sector of society, not just the upper classes, with limited evidence of ironworking found on a number of sites. Bog iron ore, used at St. Gobnet’s, Co. Cork, Lough Faughan, Co. Down, and Mullaghbane, Co. Tyrone, is relatively common, the siderite nodules from Nendrum, Co. Down, are found around Lough Allen in Co. Leitrim, the limonite at Garryduff and Oldcourt in Co. Cork came from local, low-grade outcrops, and the haematite smelted at Ballyhenry, Co. Antrim, may have come from deposits in counties Down or Tyrone. The occupants of a site may have themselves travelled to obtain the ore, or might have received it through clientship or trade. Scott (1990) identified Ballyvollen, Lisleagh and St. Gobnet’s as specialist sites providing material for a relatively wide local community, though other sites such as Altanagh, Rathgurreen and Garryduff may also have produced a surplus.

Archaeologically, it is not possible to distinguish goods acquired through trade from those obtained via exchange in a clientship contract. The early law texts, however, do list certain commodities in relation to base clientship. The Cáin Aicillne, for example, mentions bacon, beef, calves, sacks of grain and malt, pigs, candles, curds, butter, bread, garlic and leeks (Gerriets 1983). In general, it appears that foodstuffs were commonly exchanged between client and lord, with evidence of the importation or acquisition of shoulders of lamb and joints of pork at Seacash, and legs of mutton at Lisdoo. On the other hand, joints of pork were exported from both Lisdoo and Rathmullan (see chapter 4 on animal husbandry). Unfortunately, it is impossible to trace the circulation of these foodstuffs, preventing archaeological identification of livestock/meat exchange. Generally, the archaeological record also lacks evidence for the exchange of other foodstuffs (for example, coastal foods), though hazelnuts may have been imported at Rathbeg.

Other items which probably circulated throughout most grades of society include shoes, clothing and, perhaps, some bone items. Although partially influenced by preservation conditions, approximately 50% of excavations have produced no evidence of leather or textile production, suggesting the importation of goods onto some sites. Large quantities of finished bone and antler artefacts have been found at both Carraig Aille and Cahercommaun. Of the 53 combs, 44 pins, 37 spindle-whorls, 35 ‘gouges’, ten points, two buttons and two beads from the former, and 81 pig fibula pins, five beads, unspecified number of combs, 37 spindlewhorls, 14 bone and 23 antler points from the latter, it seems likely that some must have constituted a surplus for export.

That some peoples may have specialised in certain crafts, probably in conjunction with some measure of subsistence farming, is suggested by a number of early documents. The Frithfholad Ríg Caisil fria Thuatha, or ‘counter-obligations of the king of Cashel and his subject tribes’, associates the Cerdraige with bronzeworking and the Arada Cliach with charioteers and horsemen (Byrne 1973, 197–198). MacNeill also identified the Cerdraige as a craftworking people, the Semonrige or ‘people of rivets’ as copper-workers, the Fir Taiden as the people of mantles, the Fir Bolg as the people of leather bags, and the Scíathrige as the people of shields. He goes on to suggest that ‘their vassal-rents may have been paid in the products of the industries indicated by their names’ (MacNeill 1911, 82). In Lebor na Cert, the Book of Rights, Na Cuirc are recorded as paying their tributes to the Connacht dynasty in the form of iron blooms. It seems likely that

Goods found in more limited quantities in the archaeological record, perhaps indicating a higher status, include artefacts of lignite, amber, glass and the precious metals. Lignite deposits are found in county Antrim, around Lough Neagh, while artefacts of lignite 159

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Kilbride-Jones divided the Irish brooches into four main groups, three of which were further subdivided (1980, 39–62). He suggested two workshops for group A, one in central Ireland and the other near the east coast, though this is far from proven by the distribution maps. Group B1 may have been manufactured in Meath, B2 in the midlands, C1 around Lough Neagh, C2 and C4 in the Meath area, with no location offered for a C3 brooch workshop. Groups C5 and D consist of brooches produced at Clogher. It is, however, often very difficult to identify possible workshop locations due to the small number, and scattered distribution, of brooches in several of the groups.

system in the early sources. Various units of currency were used to value all possessions, including the sét, the cumal, the ounce, and later the scruple (borrowed from Latin), the pinginn (Anglo-Saxon) and the crosós (Anglo-Saxon or Norse). The last three suggest trade contacts with the late Roman world, the Anglo-Saxons and the Norse. An Old Irish poem, entitled Sét no tíag (‘The Path that I walk’), describes the travels of a merchant, using commercial vocabulary, as he prays for a safe and profitable return home (Doherty 1980, 80). A couple of early ecclesiastical texts also contain relevant references; the Tallaght document mentions a ‘certain itinerant pedlar in Munster’ (Gwynn and Purton 1911, §.61), while the eighth-century Cáin Domnaig (‘Law of Sunday’) states that ‘buying’ is not permitted on Sundays (Hull 1966, §.1). Trade itself can, of course, be divided into barter and sale. The Additamenta to Tírechán’s record of Patrick includes references to both; Cummen made a mantle which he exchanged with Éladach for a brown horse (barter), later Éladach sold a horse to Colmán for a cumal of silver (Kelly 1988, 112).

The terminal of a brooch of Kilbride-Jones’ type A1 was found at Millockstown, Co. Louth, at the easternmost edge of its distribution which stretches from Galway/Mayo to the east coast. A workshop in central Ireland, not too far from the Shannon, is suggested. If this is the case, then the Millockstown example clearly travelled some distance. The zoomorphic penannular brooches from Ballinderry 2 (type C2) and Knowth (types B1 and C4) all appear to have been manufactured in the general locality, both sites producing evidence of precious metalworking. Other brooches of B1 type are known from Kildare, Lough Neagh, Louth, Offaly and Longford, C2 from Meath, Westmeath, Kildare and Armagh, and C4 from Louth, Westmeath, Carlow and Dinas Powys in Wales, all reflecting some measure of trade or exchange. Finally, a brooch factory was identified within the inner citadel or large ringfort at Clogher, Co. Tyrone. Dated to the fifth/sixth century by sherds of imported B amphorae, the evidence consisted of a number of zoomorphic penannular brooches, metalworking equipment, and a raw terminal casting, indicating onsite manufacture. In addition to Clogher, brooches from this factory have been found in counties Westmeath and Armagh, at Gransha, Co. Down, and a type D pin on Inishkea, Co. Mayo, again reflecting the circulation of goods.

The early literary texts, most dated eighth century or earlier, place an emphasis on reciprocal exchange over trade. From the ninth century, however, references to trade become more common, accompanied by the growth of the large monastic ‘towns’ with their oénachs, and the eventual large-scale establishment of trade, through the Viking towns with their very regular, set markets and monetary economy. Foreign Trade and Exchange The early literary evidence makes little or no mention of the forging of alliances, through gift-exchange, between Irish kings and their foreign counter-parts. Trade, on the other hand, involving no social ties, is suggested by a number of documentary references, many ecclesiastical. The fifth-century tale of Patrick’s escape from Ireland, sailing from the south coast to the northern shores of Armorica, led Thomas to conclude that ‘individual trading between Ireland and Gaul forms the least unlikely explanation for a trip that is not, in Patrick’s version, implied to be anything remarkable’ (1990, 3). Jonas of Bobbio’s Life of Columbanus records the saint’s expulsion from Burgundy, via Nantes, in the seventh century. There he boarded a vessel ‘which was concerned with trade with the Irish’ and was given departing gifts of 100 hogsheads of wine, 100 of beer, and 300 of wheat (Doherty 1980, 377). The eighth-century Life of St. Philbert of Noirmoutier, an island just south of the River Loire mouth, describes the arrival of Irish ships ‘with various goods aboard...and supplied the brethren with ample quantity of shoes and clothes’ (ibid.).

Specific references to local trade are occasionally made in the early literary sources. The oénach, or ‘fair’, was a communal gathering initially convened for social, administrative and legal reasons, often incorporating trade as a secondary activity. The oénach was generally held in an area bordering two or more territories on traditional feast days or religious holidays, with peace assured by the relevant king and lords. Later, in the eighth and ninth centuries, large monastic sites began to adopt the oénach. In the late ninth-century triad, no. 35, the monastic oénach of Lynally, Co. Offaly, was celebrated alongside those of Tailtiu (Teltown, Co. Meath) and Cruachu (Rathcroghan, Co. Roscommon) (Meyer 1906, 5). The fact that trade did take place in Early Medieval Ireland is mostly evident in the use of a developed ‘commercial’ terminology and existence of a currency

In the 28th chapter of his first book on the Life of Columba, Adomnán details a vision experienced by the saint of a fiery volcanic eruption destroying an Italian

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city. Columba then declared that ‘before the year ends you will hear news of this form Gallic sailors arriving here from Gaul’ (Sharpe 1995, 132). A few months later, Columba’s companion was visiting the ‘capital of the country’ (possibly Dunadd) where he spoke to the crew of a ship that had just arrived from Gaul and who confirmed the events depicted in the earlier vision. Adomnán calls the Gaulish ship a barca, a term not applied to local vessels, rather reserved for a larger or exotic merchantman (Thomas 1990, 3). The Life of Ciarán of Clonmacnoise records the arrival of merchants at the monastery, bringing wine from Gaul (Plummer 1910, vol. 1, 214), while Cogitosus in his Life of Brigit, notes that Bishop Conleth wore foreign vestments (Connolly and Picard 1987).

practice of dairying, both of which were instrumental in sparking an agricultural revolution at the beginning of the Early Medieval period in Ireland (reflected in pollen diagrams and leading to a population increase and the rise of powerful dynastic families). The largest body of imported evidence, however, consists of a number of different pottery wares; types A, B, D, E, F and G (as defined by Thomas 1959, 1981). A-ware bowls include both Phocaean Red Slip Ware (A1) and African Red Slip Ware (A2), the latter from western Turkey, the former from north Africa. In 1959, Thomas identified a sherd of A2 ware from Garranes, while in 1981 he added sherds of A1 from both Garranes and Garryduff and failed to include the A2 sherd. Various amphorae form type B, B1 vessels with near-globular bodies and relatively low necks, B2 slightly shouldered and ribbed. The former have an Aegean source and examples are known from Garranes and Clogher, the latter of unknown source with sherds found at Garranes, Reask, Inishcaltra, Dalkey and Clogher. B amphorae, of uncertain sub-type, were recovered from Dalkey, Clogher and Cathair Fionnúrach. Class D vessels are low mortaria with rounded rims, the only Irish example coming from Clogher. Dalkey produced a sherd of class F, thinwalled large vessels of unknown origin, while both Dalkey and Garyduff provided evidence of class G; small bowls and dishes, reddish in colour (Thomas 1959, 1981).

A smaller number of secular references are also known. The law texts occasionally mention the importation of horses from Britain (Kelly 1988, 497) with Bretha Déin Checht, for example, including ‘choice foreign steeds’ among the compensation expected after the infliction of certain illegal injuries (Binchy 1965, §.30). The second recension of a seventh-century tract on kingship describes the benefits earned by having a ‘truthful’ king, one example being the presence of a nearby merchant ship laden with valuables (Kelly 1976, 61). A number of commentaries on the law tracts list ships’ cargoes of hides, iron, salt, foreign nuts, horns, wine and honey as goods cast ashore after a shipwreck, referring to both imports and exports (Binchy 1978 I, 315; VI, 2155). Surviving only in extracts and brief references, a law tract entitled Muirbretha or ‘Sea Judgements’ once existed, the text of which seems to have been concerned with salvage laws and shipwrecks (Doherty 1980, 78). Finally, Cormac’s Glossary explains the term escop as a vessel used by the Gauls and Franks to measure wine (Stokes 1882, 19).

E-ware (Fig. 127), however, accounts for the bulk of sherds from Irish sites. Consisting of kitchen- and table-ware, type E is sub-divided into five classes. E1 consists of rounded cooking pots and jars, E2 of beakers, small drinking vessels with a pronounced carination, E3 of carinated bowls, E4 of pitchers, and E5 of lids for E1 vessels. Dated between 550 and 650 AD, the source of E-ware is controversial, with many favouring western France (see Campbell 1984 for arguments). E1 sherds were found at Ballinderry 2, Ballycatteen, Clogher, Dalkey, Garryduff, Gransha, Lagore, Lisdoo, Lisduggan North, Lough Faughan, Nendrum, Teeshan crannóg and Rathgurreen, E2 at Ballyfounder, Clogher, Dalkey, Garryduff, Inishcaltra, Killederdadrum, Lagore and Spittal Ballee, E3 at Lagore, E4 at Clogher and Scrabo, Co. Down, E5 at Clogher and Dalkey, and unspecified E-ware at Knowth, Randalstown crannóg, Rathmullan, Reask, Lisleagh, Smithstown, Cathair Fionnúrach, Clonmacnoise, Moynagh Lough and Cathedral Hill. It seems likely that the tablewares of type E arrived in Ireland as space-fillers in cargoes of larger containers, the latter containing, perhaps, wine, dried fruits or oils. Many sites produce the remains of just one or two vessels, suggesting that a small number of higher status settlements, Clogher for example, received the initial shipments, the pots then redistributed through reciprocal exchange or local trade.

The literary evidence of foreign trade is corroborated by the archaeological record, with a variety of imported artefacts found on excavated settlements of the Early Medieval period. An assemblage of Roman items are known, either imported from post-Roman Britain/Europe or survivals from earlier contact. A bronze coin, an imitation of a Roman coin of Constantine II (324–361 AD), was found at Carraig Aille, such coins possibly manufactured into the fifth century (Raftery 1994, 212). A fourth/fifth-century date is suggested for the Roman oil lamp discovered at Rathgurreen, a lamp of type R, manufactured somewhere near Rome (Bailey pers. comm.). The excavations at Ballinderry 2 produced a sherd of Arretine ware, a Romano-British pot, a Roman melon bead, and a possible Roman or Roman-derivative finger-ring. A similar ring was discovered at Dunbell ringfort (Jones 1999), while sherds of Samian ware were uncovered at Dalkey, Knowth, Lagore, Island MacHugh and Lough Faughan, and coarse RomanoBritish ware at Clogher. Less tangible post-Roman imports probably included the coulter-plough and the 162

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Fig. 127 Class E ware: 1. jars, 2. carinated beakers, 3. carinated bowl, 4. spout from a handled pitcher, 5. conical pot-lids, 6. tiny jar (Thomas 1990) Other imports probably included tin ore or stock and mercury for the metalworking industry. The former, necessary for the production of bronze, may have come from sources in Cornwall or Brittany, while the latter, required in gilding, occurs as the red sulphide, cinnabar, in Tuscany in Italy and around Almaden in Spain. Craftworking techniques might also have been imported from abroad, one definite example being kerbschnitt, the Anglo-Saxon decorative method adapted by the Irish in the casting of precious metal artefacts. Often associated with fine metalworking, amber also had to be imported, either from Britain or the seashores of the western Baltic region. Amber beads are known from Lagore, Moynagh Lough, Ballinderry 2, Carraig Aille, Garranes and Garryduff. Jet was almost certainly imported into Early Medieval Ireland, and is recorded from Cahercommaun, Feltrim Hill, Moynagh Lough and Knowth. Scotch Street in Co. Armagh has produced the only known find of imported porphyry from Early Medieval Ireland. It consists of a fragment of green porphyry, a hard igneous rock with well-formed feldspar crystals floating in a fine homogeneous groundmass, mostly used by the Romans (Lynn 1984, 19). The Armagh piece was quarried in Laconia, Greece, and was probably obtained either as a direct contemporary import from the Roman world, or from recycled positions (buildings, altars etc.) perhaps as souvenirs or keepsakes taken by pilgrims (ibid. 26–29).

Garranes produced four fragments, two of light yellow with marvered white trails and two monochrome, all of which could be Merovingian, the first two almost certainly (Harden 1956, 151). A fragment of a typical Merovingian vessel was also found at Ballycatteen, while a possible Egyptian sherd came from Garryduff (Radford in Harden 1956, 151). Imported fragments were also discovered at Ballinderry 2, Lagore, Cathedral Hill and Dalkey. The Lagore assemblage included the rim of a palm-cup (equally common in Britain and on the Continent during the sixth century or later) and a piece of maroon glass ‘presumably Carolingian red’ (ibid 154). A fragment of an imported beaker, a green cone-beaker of Harden’s type 3C of the fifth or early sixth century AD, was discovered at Cathedral Hill, while Dalkey produced fifth-sixth century Teutonic bowl rims and sherds of cone-beakers with ‘a strong family resemblance in the glass-metal from all three ... so that we may assume that each of them derived its fragments from the same centre or centres of fabrication - presumably from somewhere in north France, Belgium or the Rhineland’ (Harden 1968, 193). Finally, a flasklet of pale yellow glass was found in Mullaroe souterrain in Co. Sligo, ‘most likely to be a late Dark Age piece’ (Harden 1956, 154). Lagore crannóg, Co. Meath, produced a small number of artefacts of possible foreign origin, including three scramasaxes, their presence possibly ‘due to direct contact with northern Europe and Merovingian Gaul [though] it is more probable that the nearest Germanic people, the Anglo-Saxons, were the intermediaries’ (Hencken 1950, 94). A sword of ‘distinctly Frankish

Glass vessels, or fragments thereof, were also imported, either for primary use as whole containers, or as raw material or ‘cullet’ intended for recycling. 163

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Fig. 129 Sites producing average-extensive evidence of foreign trade, with Warner’s 1976 map overlaid These have been identified as ‘gateway communities’ or ‘importation centres’ which allowed the élite access to, and control of, prestige goods. Other sites lacking the attributes of a ‘royal’ settlement, Dalkey Island for example, may have acted as ‘exchange points’ for higher status sites located further inland or away from trade routes (Doyle 1998, 102). The distribution of zoomorphic penannular brooches epitomises the movement of goods, probably between lords and their (in this case, noble) clients. The suggestion could then be made, for example, that the occupants of the site at Gransha, Co. Down, were in some way connected with

those at Clogher, Co. Tyrone, where the brooch was manufactured (Fig. 130). The Clogher brooch factory was in operation in the fifth/sixth century, the occupation at Gransha commencing in the sixth century (Lynn 1985). Clogher was the capital of the Airgialla, a people initially allied with the Ulaid, from which the Cruithin were descended, and who later shifted allegiance to the increasingly powerful and dominant Northern Uí Néill. The Cruithin held eastern Down where Gransha is located, the brooch perhaps obtained when the Airgialla still had ties to the Ulaid.

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Fig. 130 Clogher, Co. Tyrone and Gransha, Co. Down An interesting pattern emerges from an examination of imported-artefact distribution. Of the pottery wares, the two sherds of A-ware from Ireland were discovered in Cork, the B1 and B2 amphorae came from a scatter of sites, Clogher being the only Ulster example, other Bvessels from four sites along the east/north-east coast, and E-ware concentrations in Cork, Meath and northeast Ulster (though this may reflect an excavation bias). Finds of amber on excavated sites are confined to counties Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny, Tipperary, Offaly, Westmeath and Meath, with one northern example at Dunmisk, Co. Tyrone. Excavated examples of imported glass are known from Cork, Westmeath, Meath, Dublin and Armagh, and jet from Kerry, Clare, Dublin, Meath and Tyrone. It is evident from this that, in the cases of B1 and B2 ware, jet, glass and amber, a distribution bias exists, favouring the southern half of the country. Differential excavation patterns cannot be blamed as approximately half of the Early Medieval sites excavated in Ireland are located in the northern third of the country. It is also interesting to note that all four categories contain one find-spot in Ulster - jet was found at Altanagh, Co. Tyrone, glass at Cathedral Hill, Co. Armagh, amber at Dunmisk, Co. Tyrone, and B1 and B2 ware at Clogher, Co. Tyrone - three in county Tyrone and one in neighbouring Armagh, the general territory of the Airgialla. The concentration of E-ware in north-east Ulster might reflect a less visible foreign trade – perhaps in wine or foodstuffs, transported in perishable wooden containers. The finds of E-ware are clustered in the territories held by the original Ulaid peoples, displaced by the Northern Uí Néill, and at Clogher, Co. Tyrone, perhaps suggesting (as with the brooch at Gransha) some connection between them and the Airgialla.

III. In the fifth century (Phase I), the Northern Uí Néill began to encroach on the lands of the Ulaid, pushing them gradually eastwards, the period marked by constant warfare between the two. If, on the other hand, the Airgialla offered allegiance to the Uí Néill, Clogher might have retained the relative stability necessary to maintain foreign contacts. These conditions are perhaps reflected in the distribution of B-ware. Phase II is marked by the presence of E-ware throughout several parts of the country, the dense concentration in north-east Ulster in the sixth/seventh centuries probably due to the Ulaid consolidation of power in the area. The period also saw strong connections between this region and Scotland, possibly reflected in the distribution of E-ware there also (Fig. 131). The annals record military expeditions into both Scotland and the Isle of Man by the chief Ulaid dynasties. Evidence of foreign trade declines again in Phase III, a phase which saw the firm establishment of the Northern Uí Néill as the dominant power in Ulster, regularly vying with their southern counterparts for the ‘high-kingship’. Similar patterns elsewhere in Ireland are very difficult to identify, often due to a lack of either archaeological or historical evidence. The two areas for which most evidence exists, Cork and Meath, appear to have been relatively consistent in their international contacts, in so far as the available evidence permits interpretation. In Cork, Phase I evidence is known from Garranes (dated c.500 AD), and Phase II from Garryduff and Lisleagh (seventh/eighth centuries), while the Phase III levels at Lisleagh produced no relevant material, perhaps reflecting a decline in foreign contacts? Phase I evidence is absent from Meath (if the Roman-derived material is ignored), though both Phases II and III are represented at Knowth, Lagore and Moynagh Lough, with the not-too-distant Dalkey also dating to Phase II. The continuation of external trade in Phase III was probably facilitated by the proximity of Norse Dublin.

A comparison of Ulster’s geographical and chronological trends suggests foreign contacts with Co. Tyrone in Phase I, more extensive activity in the northeast in Phase II, and a general decline again in Phase 166

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least four imported vessels and/or other imported goods, such as at Garranes, Clogher and Dalkey (Table 32). Average activity would then be represented by less than four vessels and/or other foreign imports, for example at Rathgurreen and Ballycatteen, and minimal evidence by just one imported item, at sites such as Altanagh, Lisdoo and Lisduggan North. A problem, of course, is that the presence of foreign material on a site does not necessarily reflect international trade links for that site, with goods possibly acquired via internal trade. Unfortunately, evidence of reciprocal exchange is practically impossible to identify and, therefore, cannot be included in this model. The type of general economy represented by the available evidence is one largely based on subsistence, though not entirely. It seems likely that a certain amount of specialisation, or semi-specialisation at least, may have existed, with some groups depending on others for specific commodities, clothing and metal products for example. It is evident from this examination of interaction with, and within, Early Medieval Ireland, that both politics and society (including the Church) were inextricably linked with the economy. A custom economy operated in Ireland for most of the period in question, an economy based on traditional roles and rights and the existence of a tribute/contribution system, a society grounded in agriculture, with some form of government and a limited handicraft industry. The oénach provided an opportunity for trade, and it gradually grew from a subsidiary activity in a reciprocal exchange system, to develop into a market economy. The larger, more permanent markets associated with the monastic ‘towns’ and contemporary Viking settlements, saw the emergence of a new order in Irish society – a merchant class. Unlike in the previous custom economy, where craftspeople worked for patrons or lords (and where the laws make no mention of specialist traders), under the market economy they produced goods for traders who acted as middlemen in transactions, acquiring profit in the process. It is possible, then, ‘by looking at reciprocity and trade ... to see Irish society undergoing a transformation in the early middle ages’ (Doherty 1980, 85), moving from a relatively dispersed agricultural client-lord hierarchy, towards a more diverse system with urban centres offering an alternative to traditional clientship, and facilitating the growth of both local and international trade.

Fig. 131 Distribution of E-ware, correct to end of 1989 (Thomas 1990) In the western half of the country, both Phase I (if the Roman oil lamp is included) and Phase II are represented at Rathgurreen, while material datable to Phase III is conspicuously absent from two, otherwise very impressive, sites at Carraig Aille, Co. Limerick, and Cahercommaun, Co. Clare, perhaps reflecting uneasy relations with nearby Norse ports and their marketplaces. During Phases I and II in Munster, the Eóganachta were dominant, though dynastic incohesion in the following phase lessened provincial power, preventing any challenge to the Uí Néill highkingship. In Meath during Phase I, the Uí Néill were relatively new to the area, however by Phases II and into III they had consolidated their position. Perhaps these broad political events are mirrored in the imported assemblages. In terms of an economic model, extensive evidence of international trade might consist of the remains of at

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IMPORTED VESSELS AMBER JET GLASS ROMAN

SITE

LEVEL

Ringforts Altanagh Ballycatteen Ballyfounder Cahercommaun Carraig Aille Cathair Fionnúrach Clogher Dunbell Feltrim Hill Garranes Garryduff Gransha Knockea Lisdoo Lisduggan North Lisleagh Poulacapple Rathgurreen Rathmullan Simonstown Smithstown Spittle Ballee

1 2 1 2+ 20 5+ 16+ 1 1 2 Ì 1 Ì Ì 1

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Min. Av. Min. Min. Av. Av. Ext. Av. Min. Ext. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Av. Min. Min. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min.

Misc. sites Dalkey Knowth Mullaroe

20+ Ì -

-

Ì -

Ì Ì

Ì Ì -

Ext. Av. Min.

Crannógs Ballinderry 2 Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough Randalstown Teeshan

1 4 1 Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì -

Ì -

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì -

Av. Ext. Av. Av.? Min.? Min.

Monastic sites Cathedral Hill Clonmacnoise Dunmisk Inishcaltra Killederdadrum Nendrum Reask

Ì Ì Av.? Ì Ì Av. Ì Min. 2 Min. 2 Min. 1 Min. 1+ Ì Av. Table 32. Evidence of international trade from excavated sites

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Chapter XV

Development of Economic Model of brief entries in the annual excavations bulletin. In addition, many earlier publications include minimal detail and frequently lack specialist reports. All of these limitations must be acknowledged in any interpretation of the following model, an evaluation which will also incorporate distributional and morphological evidence.

Introduction In recent years, a number of studies have been undertaken to investigate the spatial distribution of ringforts, correlating morphological clusters with historically attested social classes. Such statistical analyses, however, are based on the assumption that all sites examined are contemporary. Matthew Stout, for example, writes ‘If the majority of ringforts were built during a period of three centuries, and if many ringforts were multi-phase sites ..., then it becomes more likely that many ringforts are contemporary with one another’ (1997, 30). If ‘contemporary’ is taken to mean that sites were occupied at the same time, even a brief examination of published ringfort dates suggest otherwise. Of the 43 excavated sites included in Table 33, the majority date from the seventh to the tenth centuries, though it must be remembered that this in itself represents occupation at any time over a period of 400 years, not necessarily continuous habitation. Even accepting that a large number of ringforts may have been contemporary, inhabited from the seventh to the tenth centuries, a number of notable excavated examples fall outside this time span. Lisdoo is dated to the fourth and fifth centuries, as is phase I at Rathgurreen, while both Garranes and Mullaghbane date to the fifth. Post-tenth century sites include Shaneen Park, Ballyfounder, Dromore, Castleskreen 1 and 2, and Seafin. The assumption of contemporaneity, then, appears tenuous at best. Spatial geography-type studies of ringfort distribution do, of course, have other objectives besides status/ranking, being concerned with territorial analysis. However, this approach is less useful when considering the relative status of sites.

Individual Economic Components In the preceding chapters dealing with the various economic components of an excavated site assemblage, all relevant material was categorised into minimum, average and extensive levels of activity. The criteria used to define these categories are outlined in the final sections of chapters 6–14. An analysis of over 100 excavated sites allows the development of an overall economic model, and the isolation of twelve components. These include A. Crop cultivation, B. Animal husbandry, C. Non-agricultural natural resource exploitation, D. Stone-working, E. Woodworking, F. Clay-working, G. Bone and antlerworking, H. Textile and leather production, I. Ironworking, J. Glass-working, K. Non-ferrous metalworking, L. International trade. Starting with crop cultivation, definite evidence of this activity has been published in 30 ringfort excavations (Table 33a, with uncertain remains from Cahergal, Lisnagun and Loher). Of these, 52% produced minimal evidence, 33% average, and 17% extensive. Of the seven crannógs included (Table 33b), minimal activity was represented at 14% of sites, average at 57%, and extensive at 29%. Seven miscellaneous sites produced the same percentages, though in a different order – 57% minimal, 14% average, and 29% extensive.

In attempting a gradation of sites, therefore, it seems preferable to employ an alternative approach, one which does not rely on the chronology of the monument type. It is suggested that excavated economic evidence provides a more useful analytical tool when considering issues of settlement status. The aim of the economic model is the identification of different economic classes, and the development of a hierarchy of excavated sites. Reliant on excavated material rather than morphological characteristics, the model constructed may be applied to settlements which can not, normally, be compared with the typical earthen ringfort – cashels, crannógs, miscellaneous secular sites and monastic sites.

Perhaps influenced by the early literary evidence, monastic sites have been associated with a significant emphasis on cereal cultivation. An examination of the evidence from excavated sites, however, reveals little difference between ringforts and ecclesiastical settlements as far as crop cultivation is concerned. Admittedly, very few monastic sites have been excavated. Crannógs have produced the largest quantities of relevant material suggesting, perhaps, that a lack of suitable preservation conditions (for the organic remains at least) on ‘dryland’ sites has influenced the level of activity represented in their archaeological assemblages. It is difficult to assess the significance of the miscellaneous category as some of the sites included were definitely secular, others possibly monastic. Considerable caution is needed when discussing environmental evidence of cereal cultivation from these Early Medieval settlements.

Reliance on excavated material, however, also has its disadvantages. Clearly, unexcavated sites cannot be included, while the standard of excavation and publication of other settlements varies greatly. Rescue work is often very limited and rarely published outside 169

CHAPTER 15

(Ì = evidence present) SITE Ardcloon Ballycatteen Ballyegan Ballyfounder Ballyshanagill Ballywee Cahercommaun Carraig Aille Carrigillihy Castleskreen Coolcran Deer Park Farms Dundrum Frishtawn Garranes Garryduff Killanully Knockea Leacanabuaile Letterkeen Lisduggan Lisleagh Lissachiggel Lissue Poulacapple Rathbeg Rathmullan Rinnaraw Seacash Whitefort

KILN

Ì Ì Ì -

Ì -

Ì -

Ì -

QUERNS SICKLE PLOUGH 2 4 Ì 1 Ì 1 1 33 54 Ì 2 1 1 Ì Ì Mill Ì 2 1 4 Ì 4 4 Ì Ì 2 1 1 Ì 6 1 Ì 1 Ì 4 -

SEEDS -

Ì F B/O/W B/O/R B/W F -

LEVEL Av. Av. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Ext. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Av. Av. Min. Av. Ext. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Av.

B=Barley O=Oats W=Wheat F=Flax R=Rye Table 33a. Evidence of crop cultivation from excavated ringforts

SITE Monastic Sites Ballyman Church Island Clonmacnoise Drumcliffe Dunmisk Inishkea North Killederdadrum Movilla Abbey Reask Solar St. Gobnet’s Tullylish Crannógs Ballinderry 1 Ballinderry 2 Clover Hill Lough Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough Newtownlow Miscellaneous sites Ballinamona Ballyutoag Beginish Dalkey Larrybane Millockstown Oughtymore

KILN

Ì

QUERNS SICKLE PLOUGH

-

3 1 2 2 7 1 7 -

-

-

7 10 43 3+ 15+ 1

-

-

1 2 2 1 2 -

-

-

Ì Ì -

Ì -

Ì

Ì -

-

Ì

Ì Ì -

Ì -

-

Ì -

SEEDS B/W/O B

LEVEL

O/B/R/W? -

Ext. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Ext. Min. Av. Min. Av. Min.

W W O/B F? -

Av. Av. Ext. Ext. Av. Av. Min.

Ì Ì

B/O/W B/O/W/R?/F R/B

Min. Ext. Min. Av. Min. Ext. Min.

Table 33b. Evidence of crop cultivation from excavated sites 170

DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC MODEL

(%) Min. Av. Ext.

Ringforts 52 34 14

Monastic 50 33 17

Crannógs 14 57 29

Misc. 57 14 29

Table 33c. Levels of crop cultivation on excavated Early Medieval sites Few sites were excavated with due care for the systematic recovery of macro-botanical remains and research in this field is still in its infancy.

excavation of Cathedral Hill which produced extensive remains (Table 34b). Of the seven ringforts represented, 71% produced minimal evidence, 14.5% average, and 14.5% extensive. Again, little can be deduced from this, other than the majority of excavated ringforts operated at a minimal level. Even so, it must be remembered that those with minimal evidence, such as Rathgurreen, Rathmullan and Knockea, were only partially excavated. Only three crannógs are included, preventing any useful analysis of the percentages.

Due to a lack of relevant analyses, little can be determined from Table 34a regarding the levels of animal husbandry on excavated sites. Relatively few excavations have produced faunal assemblages of sufficient quantity and quality for specialist study. The small number of relevant sites is a further problem. Only one monastic site is included, namely the limited SITE Ballyfounder Knowth 1 Knowth 2 Lagore 1a Lagore 1b Lagore 2 Lagore 3 Larrybane Lough Faughan Marshes Upper 3 Moynagh Lough Rathmullan 1 Rathmullan 2 Rathmullan 3 Deer Park Farms Cathedral Hill Oughtymore Millockstown 1 Millockstown 2 Millockstown 3 Seacash Killyliss Knockea Rathgurreen 1 Rathgurreen 2

CATTLE Min. Av. Av. Ext. Ext. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Min. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min.

PIG Min. Av. Ext. Av. Av. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Av. Ext. Av. Ext. Av. Ext. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min.

SHEEP Min. Min. Ext. Ext. Ext. Ext. Av. Min. Min. Ext. Min. Av. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min.

LEVEL Min. Av. Ext. Ext. Ext. Ext. Min. Av. Min. Av. Ext. Av. Ext. Av. Ext. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min.

Table 34a. Levels of animal husbandry on all excavated Early Medieval site types

(%) Min. Av. Ext.

Ringforts 71 14.5 14.5

Monastic 0 0 100

Crannógs 33 0 67

Misc. 40 40 20

Table 34b. Levels of animal husbandry on excavated Early Medieval sites

171

CHAPTER 15

SITE DEER

Ardcloon Ballycatteen Ballyfounder Ballypalady Boho Cahercommaun Carn Carraig Aille Deer Park Farms Dundrum Feltrim Hill Garranes Garryduff Knockea Killanully Killyliss Leacanabuaile Lisdoo Lisleagh Lismahon Lissachiggel Loher Oldcourt Raheens Rathbeg Rathgurreen Rathmullan Rinnaraw Shaneen Park Spittle Ballee

Ì -

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì -

HUNTING OTHER

-

EQUIP.

-

-

Ì

Ì

-

-

Ì

Ì -

Ì -

Ì -

Ì -

Ì -

Ì -

| GATHERING | SHELLS NUTS OTHER

Ì Ì Ì

-

-

Ì -

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì

Ì

Ì Ì

-

-

-

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

-

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

| |

FISHING | FOWLING| BONES EQUIP. | BONES | LEVEL

Ì

-

-

-

Ì

Ì

-

Fins -

Ì Ì

Ì -

Ì

Ì

-

-

-

-

Ì

Ì

Ì Ì

-

-

-

Ì

Ì

-

Ì -

Ì -

Ì -

Ì -

Ì Ì -

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì -

Ext. Min. Av. Min. Av. Av. Min. Ext. Min. Av. Av. Min. Av. Min. Av. Min. Ext. Av. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Av. Min. Ext. Ext. Av. Av. Min.

Table 35a. Evidence of hunting, gathering, fishing and fowling from ringforts SITE DEER

Monastic sites Cathedral Hill Church Island Clonmacnoise Drumcliffe Inishkea Killederdadrum Movilla Abbey Omey Island Reask St. Gobnet’s Crannógs Ballinderry 2 Deredis Upper Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough Strokestown Miscellaneous sites Ballyutoag Beginish Dalkey Dooey Larne Larrybane Oughtymore

Ì -

Ì -

Ì Ì -

HUNTING OTHER

-

Ì -

EQUIP.

-

Ì

| GATHERING | SHELLS NUTS OTHER

FISHING | FOWLING| BONES EQUIP. | BONES | LEVEL

-

Ì

-

-

Ì

Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì

-

-

Ì

-

-

-

Ì Ì -

Ì

Ì

Ì

-

-

-

-

Ì Ì Ì

Ì

Ì

Ì Ì

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

Ì

Ì Ì Ì

-

Ì

| |

-

Ì

-

Ì -

Ì

-

Ì -

Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì

-

-

-

Ì -

-

-

Ì -

-

Ì

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì

Ì

-

-

-

-

Ì

Ì

Ì

-

-

Ì

Ì Ì Ì

-

-

Ì

Ì Ì

-

-

Av. Av. Av. Ext. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Av. Av.

Av. Av. Ext. Av. Av. Min.

Min. Av. Min. Av. Min. Ext. Av.

Table 35b. Evidence of hunting, gathering, fishing and fowling from excavated non-ringfort sites 172

DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC MODEL

(%) Min. Av. Ext.

Ringforts 38 45 17

Monastic 30 50 20

Crannógs 17 66 17

Misc. 43 43 14

Table 35c. Levels of non-agricultural resource exploitation on excavated Early Medieval sites Evidence of non-agricultural natural resource exploitation – hunting, gathering, fishing and fowling – has been discovered on 30 ringforts, ten monastic sites, six crannógs and seven miscellaneous sites (Tables 35a and 35b). Of the ringfort remains, 38% were minimal, 45% average and 17% extensive, the monastic settlements 30% minimal, 50% average and 20% extensive, the crannógs 17% minimal, 66% average and 17% extensive, while the miscellaneous sites were 43% minimal, 43% average and 14% extensive. These percentages reveal that the majority of excavated ringforts, crannógs and monastic sites produced average evidence of the activity, probably exploiting SITE Monastic Sites Cathedral Hill Dunmisk Inishkea Killederdadrum Movilla Abbey Nendrum Reask St. Gobnet’s Tullylish

their immediate surroundings on a seasonal basis to supplement their agricultural produce. The possible working of stone has been identified on 63 excavated ringforts, nine monastic sites, six crannógs, and seven miscellaneous sites (Tables 36a and 36b). 67% of the ringforts produced minimal evidence, 32% average and 1% extensive, 33% of monastic sites revealed minimal activity, 56% average and 11% extensive, while the crannóg remains were 50% minimal, 17% average and 33% extensive, and the miscellaneous sites 57% minimal and 43% average.

FINISHED TOOLS UNF. WASTE FLINT JET LIGNITE LEVEL Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

-

Ì -

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì -

Ì Ì

Av. Min. Av. Min. Av. Ext. Av. Min. Av.

Crannógs Ballinderry 1 Ballinderry 2 Deredis Upper Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ì

-

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì

Ì Ì -

Min. Min. Min. Ext. Av. Ext.

Miscellaneous Sites Ballyutoag Beginish Dalkey Dooey Knowth Larrybane Millockstown

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

-

-

-

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ì Ì -

Av. Min. Av. Min. Av. Min. Min.

Table 36a. Stone-working evidence from excavated sites

173

CHAPTER 15

SITE Altanagh Ballingoola 3 Ballingoola 4 Ballybrolly Ballycatteen Ballyegan Ballyfounder Ballyhenry Ballyhill Lower Ballyvollen Ballywee Ballywillwill Boho Cahercommaun Cahergal Carn Carraig Aille Carrigillihy Castleskreen 1 Castleskreen 2 Cathair Fionnúrach Coolcran Corliss Crossnacreevy Dressogagh Dromore Dunbell Feltrim Hill Frishtawn Garranes Garryduff Grange Gransha Killanully Killyglen Killyliss Knockea Leacanabuaile Letterkeen Lisduggan Lislackagh Lislear Lisnagun Lissachiggel Lissue Meadowbank Mullaghbane Oldcourt Poulacapple Quinn’s Rath Raheennamadra Raheens 2 Rathbeg Rathgurreen Rathmullan Ringmackilroy Rinnaraw Scholarstown Seacash Shaneen Park Simonstown Spittle Ballee Whitefort

FINISHED Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

TOOLS UNF. Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

WASTE Ì Ì Ì Ì -

FLINT Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

JET LIGNITE Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

LEVEL Min. Min. Min. Av. Av. Av. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Min. Min. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Ext. Min. Av. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Min. Min. Min. Av. Min. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Av. Av. Av. Min. Min.

Table 36b. Stone-working evidence from excavated ringforts (%) Min. Av. Ext.

Ringforts 67 32 1

Monastic 33 56 11

Crannógs 50 17 33

Misc. 57 43 0

Table 36c. Levels of stone-working on excavated Early Medieval sites 174

DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC MODEL

SITE Ringforts Deer Park Farms Killyliss Lissue Seacash Crannógs Ballinderry 1 Ballinderry 2 Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough

WASTE

FINISHED

TOOLS

LEVEL

Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ext. Min. Av. Av.

Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì

Min. Ext. Ext. Av. Ext.

Table 37a. Woodworking evidence from excavated sites

(%) Min. Av. Ext.

Ringforts 25 50 25

Monastic -

Crannógs 20 20 60

Misc. -

Table 37b. Levels of wood-working on excavated Early Medieval sites It is evident from this that most ringforts, crannógs and miscellaneous sites played host to minimal stoneworking, while the majority of monastic sites produced average evidence. Most of the extensive stone-working occurred on crannógs, in this case the bias not due to differential preservation conditions.

It is clear from this that the majority of ringforts produced minimal evidence, while both crannógs and monastic sites operated at a higher level, producing average remains. This may be due, in some part, to an excavation bias, with a much smaller number of crannóg and ecclesiastical excavations than those of ringforts. In several cases, the clay-working can be associated with non-ferrous metalworking – in the construction of furnaces, and the manufacture of tuyères, crucibles and moulds. Perhaps the quantity of average evidence on monastic sites could be viewed in this light, as many of these sites were also centres of fine metalworking.

It seems probable that wood-working was a relatively common activity on most sites, though surviving evidence is rare, mostly confined to wet contexts. Therefore, relevant remains are known from five crannógs and waterlogged areas of four ringforts (Table 37a). One of the latter produced minimal evidence, two average, and one extensive. Of the crannóg material, 20% was minimal, 20% average and 60% extensive. The greater quantity of relevant evidence from crannógs is attributable to the whole of these sites being waterlogged, while generally the same is true of only a small percentage of ringforts that have waterlogged fosses. Some monastic sites also had an enclosing fosse, though relatively few (when compared to ringforts) have been excavated, hence the lack of evidence.

The survival of evidence of leather and textile production is, like that of wood-working, somewhat limited by preservation conditions, though stone, bone and metal tools (spindle-whorls, weaving tablets, needles and draw-knives) used in these crafts are easily preserved. Relevant material has been discovered on 37 ringforts, seven monastic sites, six crannógs and four miscellaneous sites (Table 39a). Minimal remains came from 68% of ringforts, 86% of monastic settlements, and 100% of miscellaneous excavations, average from 24% of ringforts, 14% of monastic sites, and 67% of crannógs, while extensive material was represented on 8% of ringforts and 33% of crannógs.

Definite evidence of clay-working is relatively rare, though possible remains are more common, with relevant material recovered from 48 ringforts, eight monastic sites, six crannógs and ten miscellaneous sites (Tables 38a and 38b). Of these, 69% of ringforts produced minimal evidence, 29% average and 2% extensive, monastic settlements 88% average and 12% extensive. Material from crannógs was 33% minimal, 50% average and 17% extensive, while that from miscellaneous sites was 50% minimal, 40% average and 10% extensive.

Table 39b reveals that the majority of sites produced only minimal evidence of leather and textile manufacture, with the exception of crannógs. The anaerobic preservation present on these sites can, at least partly, explain this. The relatively small quantity of material on most sites might reflect a largely domestic activity.

175

CHAPTER 15

SITE

KILN

Ardcloon Ballycatteen Ballyfounder Ballyhenry Ballyhill Lower Ballykennedy Ballywee Ballywillwill Ballypalady Ballyvollen Cahergal Carraig Aille Castleskreen 1 Castleskreen 2 Coolcran Crossnacreevy Deer Park Farms Dressogagh Dromore Dundrum Dunsilly Garranes Garryduff Glenkeen Gransha Killanully Killyglen Killyliss Knockea Letterkeen Lisdoo Lisduggan Lisleagh Lissue Marlinstown Meadowbank Raheennamadra Rathbeg Rathmullan Frishtawn Ringmackilroy Seacash Seafin Shaneen Park Sluggary Tully Whitefort

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

DAUB MOULDS CRUC.

Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì -

TUY.

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

POTTERY MISC.

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì -

RESIDUE

LEVEL

-

Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Min. Min. Av. Min. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Min. Ext. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Min. Min. Min.

Table 38a. Evidence of clay-working from excavated ringforts

176

DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC MODEL

SITE

KILN

DAUB MOULDS CRUC.

TUY.

POTTERY MISC.

RESIDUE

LEVEL

Crannógs Ballinderry 1 Ballinderry 2 Deredis Upper Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough

-

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ì

Min. Av. Min. Av. Av. Ext.

Monastic Sites Cathedral Hill Clonmacnoise Dunmisk Movilla Abbey Nendrum Reask St. Gobnet’s Tullylish

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

-

Ì Ì -

Av. Av. Av. Av. Ext. Av. Av. Av.

Miscellaneous Sites Ballintoy Cave Ì Ballybrolly Ballyutoag Beginish Craig Hill Dalkey Ì Dooey Knowth Larrybane Millockstown -

Ì -

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

-

Ì Ì -

Ext. Min. Av. Min. Min. Av. Av. Av. Min. Min.

Table 38b. Evidence of clay-working from excavated sites

(%) Min. Av. Ext.

Ringforts 69 29 2

Monastic 0 88 12

Crannógs 33 50 17

Misc. 50 40 10

Table 38c. Levels of clay-working on excavated Early Medieval sites

177

CHAPTER 15

SITE

WHORL

SPINDLE WEIGHT TOOLS LEA./TEX.

LEVEL

Ballycatteen Ballyegan Ballyfounder Ballyvollen Ballywee Ballywillwill Cahercommaun Carn Carraig Aille Castleskreen 1 Castleskreen 2 Cathair Fionnúrach Deer Park Farms Dressogagh Feltrim Hill Garranes Garryduff Grange Gransha Killyliss Knockea Leacanabuaile Lisdoo Lisduggan Lismahon Lissachiggel Lissue Raheennamadra Rathbeg Rathmullan Scholarstown Seacash Shaneen Park Smithstown Spittle Ballee Tully White Fort

Ì 1 Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì 1 Ì 1 Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì 6 Ì Ì Ì Ì 1 Ì Ì

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Ext. Min. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Av. Min. Av. Av. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Min. Min. Av. Min. Min. Av. Min. Av. Av. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min.

Monastic Sites Church Island Dunmisk Inishkea Killederdadrum Movilla Abbey Reask St. Gobnet’s

1 1 4+ 2 2 9 1

-

Ì -

Ì Ì -

Ì -

Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Min.

Crannógs Ballinderry 1 Ballinderry 2 Clea Lakes Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough

3 10 2 24 4 1

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Av. Ext. Av. Ext. Av. Av.

Misc. Sites Dalkey Dooey Millockstown Oughtymore

1 Min. Ì Ì Min. 1 Ì Min. 1 Min. Table 39a. Textile and Leather-working evidence from excavated sites 178

DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC MODEL

(%) Min. Av. Ext.

Ringforts 68 24 8

Monastic 86 14 0

Crannógs 0 67 33

Misc. 100 0 0

Table 39b. Levels of leather and textile production on excavated Early Medieval sites SITE Ballyegan Ballyfounder Boho Cahercommaun Carn Carraig Aille Castleskreen Corliss Dressogagh Dunbell Feltrim Hill Garryduff Killanully Knockea Leacanabuaile Raheennamadra Rathgurreen Rathmullan Shaneen Park Sluggary Smithstown Spittle Ballee Tully

UNFINISHED

SITE Monastic Sites Cathedral Hill Inishkea Killederdadrum Nendrum Crannógs Ballinderry 1 Ballinderry 2 Deredis Upper Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough Miscellaneous Sites Beginish Dalkey Knowth Larrybane (%) Min. Av. Ext.

FINISHED TOOLS LEVEL Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Table 40a. Bone-working evidence from excavated ringforts

Min. Min. Min. Ext. Min. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min.

UNFINISHED

FINISHED

TOOLS

LEVEL

Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Min. Av. Av. Ext.

Ì Ì ?

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Min. Ext. Min. Av. Av. Av.

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Table 40b. Bone-working evidence from excavated sites Ringforts 78 9 13

Monastic 25 50 25

Crannógs 33 50 17

Min. Av. Min. Min. Misc. 75 25 0

Table 40c. Levels of bone and antler-working on excavated Early Medieval sites 179

CHAPTER 15

Evidence of bone, antler and horn-working, can often be destroyed by acidic soils, thus limiting survival. A total of 23 ringforts, four monastic sites, six crannógs and four miscellaneous sites produced relevant evidence (Tables 40a and 40b). That from ringforts was 78% minimal, 9% average and 13% extensive, from monastic settlements 25% minimal, 50% average and 25% extensive, from crannógs 33% minimal, 50% average and 17% extensive, while that from the miscellaneous sites was 75% minimal and 25% average. The majority of ringforts, then, produced minimal evidence, with half of both crannógs and monastic sites operating at a higher level. Perhaps the differing numbers of sites excavated within each monument type might, in part, explain this pattern. Alternatively, the wealthy inhabitants of monastic sites and crannógs may have employed specialist craftworkers.

average and 40% extensive, while the level of activity on miscellaneous sites was 75% average and 25% extensive. Of the sites producing relevant evidence, only ringforts show a minimal level of activity. This probably reflects the greater number of small, lesserstatus sites excavated here than in other monument categories. Once again, the majority of monastic settlements and crannógs operated at an average level, though also had a relatively high percentage of extensive activity. Foreign imports are also relatively limited in distribution, found on 22 ringforts, seven monastic settlements, six crannógs and three miscellaneous sites (Table 44a). Of the ringforts, 59% produced minimal evidence, 27% average and 14% extensive, the monastic settlements 57% minimal and 43% average, crannógs 33% minimal, 50% average and 17% extensive, and miscellaneous sites 33.3% minimal, average and extensive. The majority of both ringforts and monastic sites have produced minimal evidence of international trade, while average remains were found on 50% of crannógs. This again reflects a generally higher status for these monuments. Extensive evidence is relatively rare suggesting, perhaps, limited contact with foreign lands.

Iron-working appears to have been a relatively common activity on a number of sites – 42 ringforts, seven monastic sites, six crannógs and four miscellaneous settlements (Table 41a). Ringforts produced 12% minimal evidence, 60% average and 28% extensive; monastic sites 71% average and 29% extensive; crannógs 67% average and 33% extensive, and miscellaneous sites 100% average. In all cases, the majority of excavated sites operated on an average level, with the evidence from 28% to 33% of ringforts, crannógs and monastic sites reflecting extensive activity. The small quantity of minimal remains (from ringforts only) might be attributed to the difficulty involved in identifying the simple repair of iron artefacts (for example, the sharpening of points and blades).

To summarise, crannógs produced the largest amount of tillage evidence, probably as a direct result of preservation conditions. Too few excavations have produced sufficient faunal assemblages to permit detailed analysis. Most sites produce average remains of hunting, gathering, fishing and fowling, and minimal evidence of stone-working (with the exception of monastic settlements). In general, wood-working and clay-working remains rarely survive, though the latter is often associated with precious metalworking particularly on crannógs and monastic sites. Minimal remains of leather and textile production has been found on most sites, again with the exception of crannógs. Crannógs and monastic sites produce evidence of high levels of bone-, glass-, and precious metal-working, while average ironworking was undertaken on most sites, and minimal foreign trade on the majority of ringforts and monastic settlements. The identification of higher levels of activity may reflect a smaller number of excavated sites within a given category, or perhaps the presence of specialist craftsmen/women working under the patronage of a wealthy lord or king.

Remains of glass-working (and associated vitreous materials) has been discovered on 31 ringforts, seven monastic sites, six crannógs and three miscellaneous settlements (Tables 42a and 42b). The ringforts produced 84% minimal evidence, 10% average and 6% extensive, the monastic sites 57% minimal, 14% average and 29% extensive, while the crannógs revealed 50% minimal activity, 17% average and 33% extensive, and the miscellaneous monuments 100% minimal. In all site categories, minimal evidence is the most common, suggesting that the working of vitreous materials was relatively limited. Most of the extensive remains are associated with monastic settlements and crannógs, again suggesting the possibility that (as with bone and antler-working) that these sites may have been more wealthy, possessing sufficient status to acquire both the raw materials and skilled craftspeople. Evidence of precious or non-ferrous metalworking is not as widespread as that of its ferrous counterpart, found on 29 ringforts, eight monastic sites, five crannógs and four miscellaneous settlements (Table 43a). Ringfort remains were 48% minimal, 45% average and 71% extensive, ecclesiastical material 63% average and 37% extensive, crannóg evidence 60% 180

DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC MODEL

SITE Altanagh Ardcloon Ballybrit Ballycatteen Ballyfounder Ballyhenry Ballyvollen Boho Cahercommaun Cahergal Carn Carraig Aille Coolcran Croom East Deerfin Lower Dressogagh Dundrum Dunsilly Feltrim Hill Garranes Garryduff Killanully Knockea Leacanabuaile Letterkeen Lisduggan Lislackagh Lisleagh Lissue Meadowbank Mullaghbane Oldcourt Petitswood Poulacapple Rathgurreen Rathmullan Rinnaraw Seacash Simonstown Sluggary Urney Whitefort

ORE SLAG FURNACE Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

FIN. Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

TOOLS Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

LEVEL Ext. Av. Av. Av. Av. Av. Av. Av. Av. Av. Av. Av. Ext. Av. Ext. Ext. Min. Av. Av. Av. Ext. Ext. Av. Av. Min. Min. Av. Ext. Av. Ext. Av. Ext. Ext. Av. Ext. Av. Av. Min. Ext. Av. Av. Min.

Monastic Sites Church Island Clonmacnoise Dunmisk Movilla Abbey Nendrum Reask St. Gobnet’s

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì

Av. Av. Av. Av. Ext. Ext. Av.

Crannógs Ballinderry 1 Ballinderry 2 Deredis Upper Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

?

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Av. Av. Av. Ext. Ext. Av.

Miscellaneous Sites Beginish Dalkey Dooey Larrybane

-

Ì Ì Ì Ì

-

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Av. Av. Av. Av.

Table 41a. Ironworking evidence from excavated sites 181

CHAPTER 15

(%) Min. Av. Ext.

Ringforts 12 60 28

Monastic 0 71 29

Crannógs 0 67 33

Misc. 0 100 0

Table 41b. Levels of iron-working on excavated Early Medieval sites SITE

Altanagh Ballycatteen Ballygortgarve Ballyhenry Ballypalady Ballywee Cahercommaun Carraig Aille Castleskreen Crossnacreevy Dunbell Feltrim Hill Garranes Garryduff Gransha Knockea Letterkeen Lisduggan Lislackagh Lisnagun Lissachiggel Lissue Loher Mullaghbane Oldcourt Poulacapple Quinn’s Rath Rathbeg Seacash Simonstown Tobin’s Rath Whitefort

SCRAP

Ì Ì Ì -

UNF.

FIN.

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

AMBER

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

CANE

Ì Ì -

MILL.

ENAMEL

LEVEL

Ì -

Min. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min.

ENAMEL

LEVEL

Ì -

Table 42a. Vitreous material from excavated ringforts SITE

UNF.

FIN.

Ì Ì -

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì -

-

Ì -

Av. Min. Ext. Ext. Min. Min. Min.

Crannógs Ballinderry 1 Ballinderry 2 Deredis Upper Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough

Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì

Ì -

-

Min. Min. Min. Ext. Av. Ext.

Miscellaneous Sites Dalkey Dooey Larrybane

-

-

Ì Ì Ì

Ì

-

-

-

Min. Min. Min.

Monastic Sites Cathedral Hill Clonmacnoise Dunmisk Movilla Abbey Nendrum Reask St. Gobnet’s

SCRAP

AMBER

CANE

MILL.

Table 42b. Vitreous material from excavated sites 182

DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC MODEL

(%) Min. Av. Ext.

Ringforts 84 10 6

Monastic 57 14 29

Crannógs 50 17 33

Misc. 100 0 0

Table 42c. Levels of glass-working on excavated Early Medieval sites

SITE

FIN.

UNF.

RAW M.

CRUCS.

Ardcloon Ballycatteen Ballyfounder Ballykennedy Ballypalady Ballywee Cahercommaun Carraig Aille Castleskreen Croom East Deer Park Farms Feltrim Hill Killyglen Knockea Garranes Garryduff Gransha Lisdoo Lisduggan Lissue Marlinstown Meadowbank Raheennamadra Rathgurreen Rathmullan Seacash Shaneen Park Sluggary Tully

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

TOOLS

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

MOULDS

Ì Ì Ì -

Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Min. Ext. Av. Min. Min. Av. Min. Av. Ext. Av. Av. Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Av. Av. Av. Min. Min. Av. Min.

Monastic Sites Cathedral Hill Clonmacnoise Dunmisk Movilla Abbey Nendrum Reask St. Gobnet’s Tullylish

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ext. Av. Ext. Ext. Av. Av. Av. Av.

Crannógs Ballinderry 2 Clea Lakes Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough

Ì Ì Ì Ì

-

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Av. Av. Ext. Av. Ext.

Miscellaneous Sites Clogher Dalkey Dooey Knowth

Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì -

Ext. Av. Av. Av.

Table 43a. Evidence of non-ferrous metalworking from excavated sites

183

LEVEL

CHAPTER 15

(%) Min. Av. Ext.

Ringforts 48 45 7

Monastic 0 63 37

Crannógs 0 60 40

Misc. 0 75 25

Table 43b. Levels of non-ferrous metalworking on excavated Early Medieval sites

SITE

IMPORTED VESSELS AMBER

JET

GLASS

ROMAN

LEVEL

Altanagh Ballycatteen Ballyfounder Cahercommaun Carraig Aille Cathair Fionnúrach Clogher Dunbell Feltrim Hill Garranes Garryduff Gransha Knockea Lisdoo Lisduggan North Lisleagh Poulacapple Rathgurreen Rathmullan Simonstown Smithstown Spittle Ballee

1 2 1 2+ 20 5+ 16+ 1 1 2 Ì 1 Ì Ì 1

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì Ì -

Min. Av. Min. Min. Av. Av. Ext. Av. Min. Ext. Ext. Min. Min. Min. Av. Min. Min. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min.

Misc. sites Dalkey Knowth Mullaroe

9+ Ì -

-

Ì -

Ì Ì

Ì Ì -

Ext. Av. Min.

Crannógs Ballinderry 2 Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough Randalstown Teeshan

1 4 1 Ì Ì Ì

Ì Ì Ì -

Ì -

Ì Ì -

Ì Ì Ì -

Av. Ext. Av. Av. Min. Min.

Monastic sites Cathedral Hill Clonmacnoise Dunmisk Inishcaltra Killederdadrum Nendrum Reask

Ì Ì 2 2 1 1+

Ì Ì -

Ì

Ì -

-

Av. Av. Min. Min. Min. Min. Av.

Table 44a. Evidence of foreign trade from excavated sites Economic Model A comparison of the economic evidence from different sites is facilitated by the attribution of numerical values to each of the three levels previously identified. It is proposed that minimal evidence be worth five, average twice that at ten, and extensive twice that again at twenty. This, then, gives an overall value range from 5 to 240. An arbitrary division into eight classes provides the following model (Table 45).

Each group consists of a value range of 20, except for class 1 as very few sites produce enough extensive evidence to fit into the upper levels of this model – too few to justify its division into several classes.

184

DEVELOPMENT OF ECONOMIC MODEL

Class 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

3 to 6 the nobility, and 7 and 8 the free farmers.

Value Range 5–15 20–35 40–55 60–75 80–95 100–115 120–135 140–240

Conclusion Numbers underpin a solid descriptive foundation for ringforts, permit valid comparisons between morphological and literary references ... and facilitate classification of ringfort type and regional variation. (Stout 1997, 12) This statement is also applicable to the development of an economic model, in this case based on the numerical values attributed to the relevant levels of evidence. While tenuous links can be made with the literary references, a more definite examination of associations with morphological types or clusters can also be undertaken. In addition, the application of an economic model is not based on any chronological assumption, though may in fact be used to identify different economic phases (see following chapter). The definition of economic levels using value ranges of 20 reflects a society where each social grade was slightly more wealthy than that below it, with the possible exception of those few in the uppermost level. The economic and social gap between these people and those below may have been somewhat more substantial. The association with social classes identified in the literary sources is merely a proposal and clearly cannot be proven. The validity of the proposed economic model, identifying eight possible economic strata, can really only be tested through its application – its use in the analysis of excavated remains from a range of Early Medieval sites.

Table 45. Economic classes Following Stout’s work with morphological clusters, these economic groupings could, perhaps, be equated with some of the social classes identified in early Irish literature (table 46). It should be noted, however, that this is merely a possible correlation between two different hierarchical systems. The social divisions used are those of Fergus Kelly (1988, xxiii), with the lowest economic class equated with the lowest grade of free-farmer, as those below the rank of ócaire did not possess any land, living within or adjacent to their lord’s settlement. The distinctions between the four grades of aire are occasionally somewhat blurred, often differentiated by function rather than status. It is possible, therefore, that there may be some ‘cross-over’ between these four in terms of economic classes. A rank higher than that of Rí Túath is also listed by Kelly – the Rí Ruirech, a supreme or provincial king. It seems possible, however, that the settlement of such a king may not have differed greatly from that of a Rí Túath, the two perhaps differentiated more by politics than economics. Basically, economic classes 1 and 2 represent an élite, Economic class 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Social class Rí Túath Rí Túaithe Aire Forgill Aire Tuíseo Aire Ard Aire Déso Bóaire Ócaire

Overking of a few petty kingdoms King of a single petty kingdom Lord of superior testimony Lord of precedence High lord Lord of vassalry Prosperous strong farmer Less prosperous small farmer

Table 46. Possible correlation of economic and social classes

185

CHAPTER 15

186

APPLICATION OF MODEL

Chapter XVI

Application of Economic Model Introduction The true usefulness of the proposed model, based on the economic evidence from over one hundred excavated sites, can only be determined through its application. To this end, it is necessary to compile a series of tables, clearly presenting the levels of each of the twelve economic components discovered on individual sites, and calculating their total numerical value. This will enable the assignation of settlements to certain economic classes. The model will first be demonstrated using a selection of ringfort examples, and will then be applied to a large number of excavated sites, including crannógs, monastic and miscellaneous sites. Settlements will then be grouped together by economic cluster, with their morphology, size and excavation details listed. This information will then be explained and discussed. These tables will facilitate comparisons of earthen raths with stone cashels, crannógs, monastic sites and miscellaneous other settlements.

SITE Ballingoola III Ballyegan Cahercommaun Garranes Garryduff Grange Killanully Leacanabuaile Letterkeen Lissue Raheennamadra Rathgurreen

A Ext 20 Ext 20 Min 5 Av 10 Av 10 Av 10 Av 10 Min 5 -

Application of model Table 47 provides an example of the first step involved in the application of the proposed economic model, developed in the previous chapter. The letters across the top represent the individual economic components; A B C

Crop cultivation Animal husbandry Non-agricultural natural resource exploitation D Stone-working E Wood-working F Clay-working G Bone- and antler-working H Textile and leather production I Ironworking J Glass-working K Non-ferrous metalworking L International trade The twelve ringforts used were chosen to demonstrate the range of material recovered from excavated sites.

B -

C D E F G - Min 5 - Av - Min 10 5 - Av Av - Ext 10 10 20 - Min Min - Av 5 5 10 - Av Ext - Av Ext 10 20 10 20 - Min 5 - Av Min - Av Min 10 5 10 5 - Ext Min - Min 20 5 5 - Min - Av 5 10 - Min Av Min 5 10 5 - Min - Min Min 5 5 5 Min Ext Min - Av 5 20 5 10

H -

I -

J -

K -

L -

Min 5 Ext 20 Av 10 Ext 20 Min 5 -

-

-

-

-

Av 10 Av 10 Ext 20 -

Av 10 Av 10 Ext 20 -

Min 5 Ext 20 Av 10 -

Min 5 Ext 20 Ext 20 -

Av 10 Min 5 Av 10 -

Ext 20 Av 10 Min Min 5 5 Av Min Min 10 5 5 - Av 10 Ext - Av Av 20 10 10

Table 47. Levels of economic activity at 12 ringforts 187

TOTAL CLASS 5

8

40

6

110

3

95

4

160

1

10

8

60

5

60

5

35

7

50

6

35

7

80

4

CHAPTER 16

SITE Altanagh

A -

B -

Ardcloon

Av 10 -

-

Ballingoola III

-

Ballingoola IV

-

-

Ballybrit

-

-

Ballybrolly

-

-

Av 10 Av - Min Av 10 5 10 Ext - Av 20 10 Min Min Av Av 5 5 10 10 -

Ballycatteen Ballyegan Ballyfounder Ballygortgarve Ballyhenry

-

-

Ballyhill Lower

-

-

Ballykennedy

-

-

Ballypalady

-

Ballyshanagill Ballyvollen Ballywee Ballywillwill Boho Cahercommaun Cahergal Carn Carraig Aille Carrigillihy Castleskreen Cathair Fionnúrach Coolcran

C D - Min 5 Ext 20 - Min 5 - Min 5 -

E -

-

Av 10 - Min 5 -

- Min 5 Min 5 - Min 5 Min - Min 5 5 - Min 5 - Av Min 10 5 Ext - Av Av 20 10 10 - Min 5 - Min Min 5 5 Ext - Ext Av 20 20 10 Min - Min 5 5 Min - Min 5 5 - Min 5 Min - Min 5 5

-

F -

G -

H I J K L TOTAL - Ext Min - Min 20 5 5 35 Av - Av - Av 10 10 10 60 5 5 - Av 10 10 10 Av - Min Av Ext Av Av 10 5 10 20 10 10 90 - Min Min 5 5 40 Min Min Min Av - Min Min 5 5 5 10 5 5 65 - Min 5 5 Min - Av Min 5 10 5 30 Min 5 10 Min - Min 5 5 10 Av - Min Min 10 5 5 25 5 Min - Min Av 5 5 10 25 Min - Min - Min Min 5 5 5 5 30 Min - Min 5 5 15 - Min - Av 5 10 30 - Ext Ext Av Av Min Min 20 20 10 10 5 5 110 Min - Av 5 10 20 - Min Min Av 5 5 10 30 Av Ext Ext Av Av Ext Av 10 20 20 10 10 20 10 150 10 Av Min Min - Min 10 5 5 5 35 - Min - Av 5 10 20 Min - Ext 5 20 35

Table 48a. Levels of economic activity from excavated ringforts 188

CLASS 7 5 8 8 8 8 4 6 5 8 7 8 8 7 8 7 7 8 7 3 7 7 1 8 7 7 7

APPLICATION OF MODEL

SITE Corliss Croom East Crossnacreevy Deerfin Lower Deer Park Farms Dressogagh Dromore Dunbell Dundrum Dunsilly Feltrim Hill Frishtawn Garranes Garryduff Glenkeen Grange Gransha Killanully Killyglen Killyliss Knockea Leacanabuaile Letterkeen Lissachiggel Lisdoo Lisduggan Lislackagh

A -

B -

C D E - Min 5 -

F G H I J K L TOTAL - Min 5 10 - Av - Min 10 5 15 - Min - Min - Min 5 5 5 15 - Ext 20 20 Ext Ext Min - Ext Min - Av - Min 20 20 5 20 5 10 5 85 - Min - Min Min Min Ext 5 5 5 5 20 40 - Min - Min 5 5 10 - Av - Min - Min - Av 10 5 5 10 30 Min - Av - Min - Min 5 10 5 5 25 - Min - Av 5 10 15 - Av Av - Min Av Av Min Av Min 10 10 5 10 10 5 10 5 65 Min - Min 5 5 10 Min - Min Min - Av - Av Av Av Ext Ext 5 5 5 10 10 10 10 20 20 95 Av - Av Ext - Av Ext Ext Ext Ext Av Ext 10 10 20 10 20 20 20 20 10 20 160 - Min 5 5 - Min - Min 5 5 10 - Av - Av - Min - Min Av Min 10 10 5 5 10 5 45 Av - Av Min - Av Min - Ext 10 10 5 10 5 20 60 - Min - Min - Min 5 5 5 15 - Min Av Min Min - Min - Min 5 10 5 5 5 5 35 Min Min Min Av - Min Min Min Av Min Av Min 5 5 5 10 5 5 5 10 5 10 5 70 Av - Ext Min - Min Av Av 10 20 5 5 10 10 60 Av - Min - Av - Min Min 10 5 10 5 5 35 Ext - Av Min - Min - Min - Min 20 10 5 5 5 5 50 - Av - Av - Min - Av Min 10 10 5 10 5 40 Min - Min - Min - Min Min Min Av Av 5 5 5 5 5 5 10 10 50 - Min - Av Min 5 10 5 20 Table 48b. Levels of economic activity from excavated ringforts 189

CLASS 8 8 8 7 4 6 8 7 7 8 5 8 4 1 8 8 6 5 8 7 5 5 7 6 6 6 7

CHAPTER 16

SITE Lisleagh Lislear Lismahon Lisnagun Lissue Loher Marlinstown

C D - Min 5 - Av 10 - Min 5 - Min 5 Min - Min 5 5 - Av 10 Av 10 -

Meadowbank

-

Mullaghbane

-

Oldcourt

-

Petitswood

-

Poulacapple Quinn's Rath Raheennamadra Raheens Rathbeg Rathgurreen Rathmullan Ringmackilroy Rinnaraw Scholarstown Seacash Shaneen Park Simonstown Sluggary

-

-

Av 10 - Min 5 - Min Av 5 10 -

Min 5 -

- Min 5 - Min 5 - Min 5 - Av Min 10 5 Av - Min Min 10 5 5 - Min Ext Min 5 20 5 Av Ext Ext Min 10 20 20 5 - Av 10 Min - Av Av 5 10 10 - Av 10 Min Min - Av 5 5 10 - Av Av 10 10 - Av 10 -

Av 10 Av 10 -

Smithstown

-

-

Spittle Ballee

-

Tully

-

- Min Min 5 5 -

Urney

-

-

-

Av 10

-

- Min 5

W hitefort

-

E F G - Min 5 -

-

-

-

K L TOTAL - Min 5 45 10 - Av 10 15 - Min 5 10 Min - Min Av Min Min 5 5 10 5 5 50 - Min 5 15 Min - Min 5 5 10 Av - Ext - Min 10 20 5 45 - Av Min 10 5 20 - Ext Min 20 5 40 - Ext 20 20 - Av Min - Min 10 5 5 30 - Min 5 10 Min Min Av - Av 5 5 10 10 35 15 Ext - Min - Min 20 5 5 50 - Av - Ext - Av Av 10 20 10 10 80 Av Av Av Av - Av Min 10 10 10 10 10 5 110 Min 5 15 - Av 10 35 - Av 10 20 Min - Av Min Min Min 5 10 5 5 5 60 Av Min Av - Min 10 5 10 5 50 - Ext Min - Min 20 5 5 40 Min Min - Av - Av 5 5 10 10 30 - Min Min - Min 5 5 5 15 - Min Min - Min 5 5 5 25 Min Min Min - Min 5 5 5 5 20 - Av 10 10 Min - Min Min Min 5 5 5 5 35

190

H I - Ext 20 -

J -

CLASS 6 8 8 8 6 8 8 6 7 6 7 7 8 7 8 6 4 3 8 7 7 5 6 6 7 8 7 7 8 7

APPLICATION OF MODEL

Crannógs Ballinderry I

TOTAL

CLASS

55

6

130

2

20

7

20

7

40

6

220

1

125

2

180

1

5

8

5

8

5 - Min 5 5 Table 49. Levels of economic activity from excavated crannógs

8

Ballinderry II Clea Lakes Clover Hill Lough Deredis Upper Lagore Lough Faughan Moynagh Lough Newtownlow Randalstown Strokestown Teeshan

Misc. sites Ballintoy Cave Ballyutoag Beginish Clogher Craig Hill Dalkey Dooey Knowth Larne Larrybane Marshes Upper Millockstown

A B C D E F G Av - Min Min Min Min 10 5 5 5 5 Av - Av Min Ext Av Ext 10 10 5 20 10 20 Ext 20 -

-

-

-

-

Av 10 Av 10 Av 10 Av 10 -

Min 5 Ext 20 Av 10 Ext 20 -

Ext Ext 20 20 Av Min 10 5 Av Ext 10 20 Min 5 -

A -

-

-

-

- Min Min 5 5 Ext Ext Av 20 20 10 Av Av Av 10 10 10 Ext Ext Av 20 20 10 -

I Av 10 Av 10 -

J Min 5 Min 5 -

-

-

Ext 20 Av 10 Av 10 -

Av 10 Ext 20 Ext 20 Av 10 -

Min 5 Ext 20 Av 10 Ext 20 -

-

-

-

-

-

-

-

- Min 5 -

-

-

-

-

-

-

B -

-

C -

-

-

-

D -

-

E F G - Ext 20 Ext - Min Av - Av 20 5 10 10 Min - Av Min - Min Min 5 10 5 5 5 -

H Av 10 Ext 20 Av 10 -

-

-

-

K -

L -

Av Av 10 10 Av 10 -

-

Ext 20 Av 10 Ext 20 -

Ext 20 Av 10 Av 10 -

- Min 5 -

-

H -

I -

J -

K -

L -

-

-

-

-

-

-

Av 10 -

-

-

-

-

-

-

Av 10 Av 10 -

Min 5 Min 5 -

-

-

-

- Min 5 Av - Min Av - Av Av Min 10 5 10 10 10 5 - Av Min - Av - Min 10 5 10 5 - Ext - Av - Av Min 20 10 10 5 Min 5 Min Av Ext Min - Min Min 5 10 20 5 5 5 - Av 10 Ext Min - Min - Min - Min 20 5 5 5 5 -

Av 10 -

Ext Ext 20 20 Av 10 Av 10 Av 10 -

Ext 20 Av 10 -

- Min 5 -

-

TOTAL

CLASS

20

7

45

6

40

6

40

6

5

8

95

4

55

6

65

5

5

8

65

5

10

8

-

40 - Min 5 5 Table 50. Levels of economic activity from excavated miscellaneous sites

Mullaroe

191

-

8

6

-

8

CHAPTER 16

Monastic sites Ballyman Cathedral Hill Church Island Clonmacnoise Drumcliffe Dunmisk Inishcaltra Inishkea

A B C Ext 20 - Ext Av 20 10 Min - Av 5 10 Av - Av 10 10 Av - Ext 10 20 Min 5 -

Nendrum

Min 5 Ext 20 Min 5 -

Omey Island

-

-

Reask

Av 10 Min 5 Av 10 Min 5

-

Killederdadrum Movilla Abbey

Solar St. Gobnet's Tullylish

-

-

D -

E -

Av 10 -

-

-

-

-

-

Min 5 -

Ext Av 20 10 Min Min 5 5 Min Av 5 10 - Ext 20 Min 5 Av Av 10 10 -

F -

Av 10 -

-

-

-

Av 10 Ext 20 -

-

H -

Av Min 10 5 - Min 5 Av 10 -

-

-

G -

I -

J -

K -

L -

Av Ext Av 10 20 10 Av 10 Av Min Av Av 10 5 10 10 -

CLASS

20

7

95

4

30

7

65

5

30

7

80

4

5

8

50

6

50

6

85

4

100

3

5

8

95

4

5

8

65

5

35

5

-

- Min Av Ext Ext Min 5 10 20 20 5 - Min 5 Av Min 10 5 Av Min - Min 10 5 5 - Min Av Ext Ext 5 10 20 20 Ext - Ext Min Av Min 20 20 5 10 5 -

-

Av 10 -

Av Min 10 5 - Av 10

Av 10 Av 10

- Min - Min Av 5 5 10 - Av 10

-

TOTAL

Av Ext Min Av Av 10 20 5 10 10 -

Table 51. Levels of economic activity from excavated monastic sites

Using the determined numerical values, it is possible to assign each site to an economic class. Ballingoola III falls into class 8, Killanully and Leacanabuaile class 5, Letterkeen class 7, Lissue class 6, Raheennamadra class 7 and Rathgurreen class 4. These sites, then, represent a range of economic activities and provide some insight into the degree of site specialization. It should be remembered, however, that not all of these settlements were completely excavated. Grange and Ballyegan were approximately 50% excavated, Garranes c.30% and Rathgurreen a mere 25%. The possibility exists that more complete excavation of these sites might push them into a higher economic bracket. Therefore, it is essential to present very brief excavation information alongside economic class (see Table 52 below), and to note that the economic classes to which sites are assigned represent the minimum level of wealth of the inhabitants.

while morphological details facilitate an examination of site type and economic class. Where possible, the size of a site, its diameter in metres, is presented. These range from 18m at Glenkeen South to 183m at the monastic site of Nendrum. Again, an arbitrary division into five size groupings or classes allows a comparison of site size with monument type. Size Class Diameter (m) A 90 + B 70–89 C 50–69 D 30–49 E 0–29 The dates presented are cited in centuries and are based on the excavators suggested dating of a site or on radiocarbon or dendrochronological analyses. Table 52 uses the following abbreviations etc.; Uni. = Univallate Biv. = Bivallate Triv. = Trivallate c. X% = Approximate percentage of site excavated X = Published in annual excavations bulletin Size = in metres

Economic Classes As already mentioned, it is necessary to qualify any determination of economic class. The level of excavation undertaken and, in some cases, the quality of publication must be considered in any interpretation, 192

APPLICATION OF MODEL

Date 8th-11th 8th-11th 7th-8th 7th-8th 7th-11th 7th-8th

Site Carraig Aille I Carraig Aille II Garryduff I Garryduff II Lagore Moynagh Lough

County Limerick Limerick Cork Cork Meath Meath

Morphology Cashel Cashel Cashel Cashel Crannóg Crannóg

Size 43 48 20 35 41 36

Size class D D E D D D

Exc. info. Complete Complete Complete Complete Complete Complete

Size 35 34

Size class D D

Exc. info. Complete c.50%

Size 116 28 183

Size class A E A

Exc. info. Complete 25% Large %

Size 119 110 25 95 73 55 -

Size class A A E A B C -

Exc. info. c. 25% c. 30% Unpub. c. 25% Limited c. 25% Limited Complete Limited

Size 58 21 35 36 31 21 35 90 -

Size class C E D D D E D A -

Exc. info. Limited Large % Complete Complete Limited Complete Limited Limited Complete Complete Limited

Economic Class 1 Table 52a

Date 7th-9th -

Site Ballinderry II Lough Faughan

County Offaly Down

Morphology Crannóg Crannóg

Economic Class 2 Table 52b Date 9th - ? 6th-10th 10th

Site Cahercommaun Rathmullan Nendrum

County Clare Down Down

Morphology Triv. cashel Uni.+motte Triv. monastic

Economic Class 3 Table 52c Date 7th 5th 7th-10th 4th-9th 5th - ? 4th-13th 6th-? 6th-? 6th

Site Ballycatteen Garranes Deer Park Farms Rathgurreen Cathedral Hill Dunmisk Movilla Abbey Reask Dalkey

County Cork Cork Antrim Galway Armagh Tyrone Down Kerry Dublin

Morphology Triv. Triv. Raised Biv. Monastic Monastic Monastic Monastic Misc.

Economic Class 4 Table 52d Date ? - 13th 8th-10th 9th-13th 9th-10th 6th-13th 6th-10th 9th

Site Ardcloon Ballyfounder Feltrim Hill Killanully Knockea Leacanabuaile Seacash Clonmacnoise St. Gobnet's Knowth Larrybane

County Mayo Down Dublin Cork Limerick Kerry Antrim Offaly Cork Meath Antrim

Morphology Uni. Platform Cashel Uni. Uni. Cashel Uni. Monastic Hut-Monastic? Misc. Promontory

Economic Class 5 Table 52e

193

CHAPTER 16

Date 10th 6th-10th 4th-5th 7th 7th 7th 7th-10th 7th-9th 9th-10th 6th-? ?-11th 5th-8th 6th-10th 10th 7th-10th 5th-6th 5th-7th 4th-9th

Site Ballyegan Dressogagh Gransha Lisdoo Lisduggan I Lisduggan II Lisduggan III Lisleagh I Lisleagh II Lissachiggel Lissue Meadowbank Oldcourt Rathbeg Shaneen Park Simonstown Inishkea Killederdadrum Ballinderry I Deredis Upper Ballyutoag Beginish Clogher Dooey Millockstown

County Kerry Armagh Down Fermanagh Cork Cork Cork Cork Cork Louth Antrim Antrim Cork Antrim Antrim Meath Mayo Tipperary Westmeath Cavan Antrim Kerry Tyrone Donegal Louth

Morphology Cashel Uni. Mound Biv. Uni. Uni. Uni. Uni. Uni. Cashel Uni. Raised Uni. Uni. Uni. Uni. Monastic Monastic Crannóg Crannóg Settlement Island Hilltop Sandhills Enclosure

Size 40 22 104 52 58 45 63 58 55 60 30 23 34 30 75 70 30 20 60

Size class D E A C C D C C C C D E D D B B D E C

Exc. info. c. 50% Limited Limited Limited Limited Limited Limited Large % Large % Large % Large % X 50-60% Large % Limited X Limited c. 10% Complete ? Limited Large % Unpub. Unpub. Limited

Size 24 40 34 46+ 27+ 85 30 73 35 35 33 43 80 56 42 26 48 55 40 25 50 70 24 31 46 120 -

Size class E D D D+ E+ B D B D D D D B C D E D C D E C B E D D A -

Exc. info. Limited Limited Limited Limited Limited Limited Limited Limited X Limited Limited Limited X Limited X X Limited Limited Large % X Limited X X Large % Complete X X Limited X Limited X Large % X Limited Limited

Economic Class 6

Table 52f Date 5th-7th 7th-11th 7th-11th 7th ?-13th ?-13th 9th 6th-10th 9th-10th 8th-10th 7th 5th-? 7th-10th 7th-9th 10th 7th-8th 5th-? 7th-? 6th-16th 9th -

Site Altanagh Ballyhenry I Ballyhenry II Ballypalady II Ballypalady III Ballyvollen Ballywee Boho Cahergal Carn Castleskreen I Castleskreen II Cathair Fionnúrach Coolcran Deerfin Lower Dunbell Dundrum Castle Killyliss Letterkeen Lislackagh Mullaghbane Petitswood Poulacapple Raheennamadra Rinnaraw Scholarstown Sluggary Spittle Ballee Tully Whitefort Ballyman Church Island Drumcliffe Tullylish Clea Lakes

County Tyrone Antrim Antrim Antrim Antrim Antrim Antrim Fermanagh Kerry Fermanagh Down Down Kerry Fermanagh Antrim Kilkenny Down Tyrone Mayo Mayo Tyrone Westmeath Tipperary Limerick Donegal Dublin Limerick Down Antrim Down Dublin Kerry Sligo Down Down

Morphology Uni. Uni. Uni. 4 banks Biv. Uni. 2 conjoined Uni. Cashel Cashel Uni. Uni. Cashel Uni. Cashel Uni. Castle bailey Uni. Uni. Uni. Uni. Uni. Uni. Uni. Cashel Uni. Biv. Uni. Biv. Cashel Monastic Monastic Monastic Monastic Crannóg

Economic Class 7

Table 52g 194

APPLICATION OF MODEL

Date 9th ? 7th-8th 12th 5th-13th 9th-13th ?-13th 7th 9th 10th

Site Ballingoola Ballybrit Ballybrolly Ballygortgarve Ballyhill Lower Ballykennedy Ballyshanagill Ballywillwill I Ballywillwill II Carrigillihy Corliss Croom East Crossnacreevy Dromore Dunsilly Frishtawn Glenkeen North Glenkeen South Grange Killyglen Lislear Lismahon Lisnagun Loher Marlinstown Quinn's Rath Raheens Ringmackilroy Seafin Smithstown Tobin's Rath Urney Solar Newtownlow

County Limerick Galway Armagh Antrim Antrim Antrim Antrim Down Down Cork Armagh Limerick Down Antrim Antrim Wicklow Derry Derry Limerick Antrim Tyrone Down Cork Kerry Westmeath Wicklow Cork Down Down Meath Wicklow Tyrone Antrim Westmeath

Morphology Uni. Uni. Uni. Uni. Uni. Biv. Cashel Biv. Uni. Uni. Mound Uni.+motte Uni. Biv. Uni. Uni. Platform ? Mound Uni. Cashel Uni. Mound Uni. Uni. Uni. No enclosure Uni. Uni. Monastic Crannóg

Size 45 40 31 37 24 40 20 36 60 37 30 18 32 24 63 22 50 20 52 28 53 -

Size class Exc. info. 80-90% Very limited Limited X X D Limited D X D Limited D Limited E Limited D Limited E X D Limited Limited C X D Limited D Limited E Limited D c. 50% E Limited C X E Limited C Unpub. E X C X Limited E Limited X Limited X Limited C X X X

Economic Class 8 Table 52h

Economic class 1 comprises four settlements; two crannógs and two cashels (both consisting of pairs of sites), and all of these were completely excavated. It is interesting to note that, of the six individual enclosures, five fall into size D, one into E – all below 50m in diameter. A mere two sites form economic class 2, both crannógs and both size class D (30–49m). Three sites constitute economic class 3 – a trivallate cashel, a univallate ringfort with motte, and an extensive trivallate monastic site. Of these, a large percentage of both Cahercommaun and Nendrum was excavated, and both fall into size class A. Rathmullan is very different, a mere size E, the smallest category of site, and only 25% excavated. The wealth of its inhabitants is reflected in its economic class, though perhaps this was also influenced by the use of modern scientific approaches in both the excavation and post-excavation analyses. Cahercommaun and Nendrum were dug in the 1930s and 40s, Rathmullan in the late 1970s.

Economic class 4 contains nine sites; two trivallate, one bivallate and one raised ringfort, four monastic settlements and one miscellaneous. Ballycatteen, Garranes and Rathgurreen all fall into size class A, and only 25–30% of all three was excavated. The possibility therefore exists that they may actually belong to a higher economic class, while the Deer Park Farms excavations are not yet fully published. The excavations of Cathedral Hill and Movilla Abbey were very limited, investigating a tiny percentage of the overall site and not identifying the size of the enclosures. Dunmisk falls into size B, Reask size C, while excavations on Dalkey were also quite limited. Economic class 5 consists of eleven sites; four univallate ringforts, a platform rath, two cashels, two monastic sites, a promontory fort, and one miscellaneous settlement. The sizes of eight of these are known, four fall into class D, two into E, one into C, and one into A. Excavations at Larrybane and 195

CHAPTER 16

Clonmacnoise were quite limited in extent, while St. Gobnet’s consisted of the excavation of one house site. Generally, the smaller size classes are more common here, the one obvious exception being Knowth. The size of this settlement, however, was largely defined by the pre-existing prehistoric mound upon which it was situated, plus the results of the excavations have yet to be fully published. It seems likely that final publication will push the site into a higher economic class.

reports, namely Dunsilly, a univallate ringfort with motte, univallate Marlinstown and Urney. It is apparent from this, then, that economic class 1 (high status settlements) consists mostly of sites falling into size category D (30–49m in diameter). Similarly economic class 2, while classes 3 and 4 are composed mostly of size A sites (90m+). Enclosures of D and E (0–29m) diameter are most common in economic class 5, C (50–69m), D and E in class 6, D and E in class 7, and D and E also in class 8. The smaller sites are generally found in the lower economic classes, though not exclusively so, with the top class consisting of quite small-diametered sites. Increasing size, then, is not an exact correlation of increasing economic wealth.

Class 6 is composed of 25 sites; eleven univallate and one bivallate ringfort, one raised rath, a mound, two cashels, two monastic sites, two crannógs, and five miscellaneous settlements. Of the univallate sites, one is of size B, five size C, three size D, and one size E. The largest of these, Simonstown, has only received a brief entry in the excavations bulletin, and may belong to a wealthier economic class. Lisdoo is a bivallate site and falls into size category A, its inclusion in this economic class possibly due to the limited extent of its excavation. The raised rath and mound fit into sizes E and D, reflecting the somewhat reduced diameters of their summits. Of the remaining sites, monastic Killederdadrum is assigned to size class B, its inclusion in economic class 6 perhaps due to the low percentage of the site excavated (c.10%). The enclosure at Millockstown falls into size C, again a limited excavation, Ballinderry I size D, and Dooey size E.

Ringforts and Cashels The economic model of Early Medieval settlement in Ireland reveals the absence of earthen ringforts in the top two levels, the first such sites appearing in class 3 with Rathmullan grouped alongside Nendrum and Cahercommaun. This rath is somewhat exceptional, with a wealth of economic evidence recovered from approximately one-quarter of the site, a monument of small diameter at 28m. A series of occupation phases were each marked by the heightening of the rath’s interior, each new level perhaps reflecting an increase in the wealth of the inhabitants – possibly a vertical expression of horizontal expansion through the addition of extra banks and ditches. Economic class 4 contains two trivallate, one bivallate and one raised ringfort; Ballycatteen, Garranes and Rathgurreen, all three of size class A, and Deer Park Farms of class E. Five raths fall into class 5, 14 into class 6, 24 into class 7, and 30 into class 8. The wealthiest of the earthen ringforts generally appear to be those of large size, this size, however, discouraging total excavation and thus influencing the economic evidence recovered. Perhaps larger scale work would place these sites in the uppermost levels of the economic model. Also relevant is the poor archaeological preservation within these dryland ringforts in comparison to the survival of evidence in crannógs. The number of sites increases with the lessening of economic status, reflecting the settlements of a hierarchical society – a relatively small élite supported by larger lower classes. An examination of site size (Table 53) also reflects such a hierarchy, with four falling into size class A, three into B, 15 into C, 27 into D, and 14 into E.

Economic class 7 comprises 35 sites; 30 ringforts, four monastic sites and one crannóg. Of the ringforts, the majority fall into size classes D and E and are mostly univallate. The size of Ballypalady II and III is uncertain, though the former is enclosed by four banks with intervening ditches and the latter is bivallate. Ballywee can be assigned to size B, however this is as a result of the conjoined nature of the site; two univallate ringforts joined together. Three other sites in economic class 7 are also of size B. Carn, Co. Fermanagh, is a cashel, so too Deerfin Lower, while Sluggary is a bivallate ringfort, the last two published only in the excavations bulletin. The monastic site of Tullylish, at size A, may only be present in economic class 7 as a result of its limited excavation. Finally, economic class 8 is composed of 32 ringforts, one monastic site, one crannóg, and one miscellaneous site. As with class 7, the majority of sites (all ringforts) fall into size classes D and E, mostly univallate. Five of the sites are of class C, none larger. These include four sites that are either unpublished or have preliminary SIZE A B C D E

1 0 0 0 0 0

2 0 0 0 0 0

3 0 0 0 0 0

ECONOMIC CLASS 4 5 6 7 3 0 1 0 0 0 1 2 0 1 5 4 0 3 4 11 2 1 2 4

Ringfort size and economic class

Table 53 196

8 0 0 5 9 5

TOTAL 4 3 15 27 14

APPLICATION OF MODEL

Far fewer cashels, the stone counterpart of the earthen ringfort or rath, have been excavated. Two fit into economic class 1, one into class 3, two into 5, two into 6, six into 7, and two into 8. Carraig Aille and Garryduff both consist of pairs of cashels, the latter two thought to have been of earthen construct prior to excavation. Of the fifteen excavated sites, only eight have been extensively dug and published, seven of these eight being the seven economically wealthiest cashels. Yet again, it appears that the economic class of some sites is affected by the extent of excavation, the standard of publication (e.g. four cashels published only in the excavations bulletin), and general preservation conditions.

of the excavated crannógs (67%), though not all. All of the sites for which measurements were available fall into size category D, 30–49m in diameter (Table 55). Again, it is difficult to compare the excavated crannógs with the excavated earthen ringforts due to their differing numbers and preservation conditions. It is evident, however, that none of the latter fall into the top two economic classes, while the majority of the former can be assigned to classes 1 and 2. Lagore, Moynagh Lough, Lough Faughan and Ballinderry II have no rath equivalents, while Ballinderry I and Deredis Upper fall into the same economic class as sites such as Rathbeg and Oldcourt. Ringforts and Monastic sites Of the monastic sites, one belongs to economic class 3, four to class 4, two to class 5, two to class 6, four to class 7 and three to class 8. The wealthiest of these, Nendrum, is also the largest, consisting of a trivallate cashel enclosure of size category A. The majority of other monastic sites have only been partially excavated, in most cases only a tiny percentage was dug. Reask in economic class 4 and Church Island in class 7 are two exceptions.

Cahercommaun is the most exceptional of the excavated cashels, being the only multivallate example (trivallate). It is, therefore, the largest and is also by far the most economically wealthy. The majority of cashels fall into size class D, 30–49m in diameter, with three size B sites (Table 54). Unfortunately, none of these were completely dug and have not been comprehensively published. Unlike the earthen raths, cashels have produced sites of uppermost economic class (e.g. Carraig Aille and Garryduff), while the greatest number of the former fall into economic class 8. If the differing number of sites excavated still allows comparison, then cashels appear to be somewhat more wealthy economically. Carraig Aille I and II and Garryduff I and II have no earthen counterparts, while Cahercommaun produced evidence on a par with that from Rathmullan – two slightly exceptional sites in their own rights. Feltrim Hill and Leacanabuaile appear to be of similar status to the raths of Ardcloon, Ballyfounder, Knockea, Killanully and Seacash, while Lissachiggel and Ballyegan can be equated with several sites, such as Rathbeg, Oldcourt, Lissue and Lisleagh. As already mentioned, the cashels in the lower economic classes may not belong there. Rinnaraw is one possible exception, if the site is accepted as a cashel. Consisting of house sites enclosed by a stone wall, it was completely excavated (though not fully published). Its position in economic class 7 seems quite certain and can, therefore, be compared with earthen ringforts such as Letterkeen and Raheennamadra.

Too few measurements are available for excavated monastic sites to permit any valid interpretations of size data, though there may perhaps be a lack of smalldiametered ecclesiastical settlements (Table 56). It is questionable in any case, whether any valid comparison can be made in economic terms between secular settlements and these church sites. As with the ringforts, neither of the large size A sites fall within the upper two economic classes, indeed no example of either site type does. Monastic sites show no clear preference for any one economic class, with both clusters 4 and 7 containing four sites each. Ringforts and Miscellaneous sites The majority of miscellaneous sites fall into economic classes 6 and 8, with examples in classes 4, 7 and two in 5. A variety of settlement is represented – a promontory fort at Larrybane, atop a prehistoric mound at Knowth, on an island at Beginish and in the sandhills at Dooey. Most of these sites saw both limited excavation and publication. Clearly, little can be said of the sizes (Table 57) of these sites consisting, as they do, of such a range of forms – both enclosed and unenclosed (with only three measured enclosures). Compared with the earthen ringfort, Dalkey is on an economic par with Garranes and Rathgurreen, Knowth and Larrybane with Killanully and Ballyfounder, and Millockstown, Dooey and Beginish with Lissue and Lisleagh. Clogher resides in economic class 6 due to its lack of publication and, undoubtedly, belongs to a much wealthier level. Other sites in this category also suffer from substandard publication and very limited excavation.

Ringforts and Crannógs Two crannógs (wetland secular settlements) are found in economic class 1, two in class 2, two in class 6, two in class 7, and four in class 8. Of these, Lagore, Moynagh Lough, Lough Faughan, Ballinderry II, Ballinderry I and Deredis Upper are probably in the correct economic class. The others; Clea Lakes, Clover Hill Lough, Teeshan, Randalstown, Newtownlow and Strokestown, have not been excavated to any great extent or been properly published. Therefore, the model is left with two in class 1, two in class 2 and two in class 6. This reflects a high economic status for most 197

CHAPTER 16

SIZE A B C D E

1 0 0 0 3 1

2 0 0 0 0 0

ECONOMIC CLASS 4 5 6 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 2 0 0 0 0 0 1 1 2 0 0 0 0

3 1 0 0 0 0

8 0 0 0 0 0

TOTAL 1 3 0 7 1

8 0 0 0 0 0

TOTAL 0 0 0 5 0

8 0 0 0 0 0

TOTAL 2 1 1 0 0

8 0 0 0 0 0

TOTAL 1 0 1 0 1

Cashel size and economic class Table 54

SIZE A B C D E

1 0 0 0 2 0

2 0 0 0 2 0

ECONOMIC CLASS 4 5 6 7 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0

3 0 0 0 0 0

Crannóg size and economic class Table 55 SIZE A B C D E

1 0 0 0 0 0

2 0 0 0 0 0

ECONOMIC CLASS 4 5 6 7 0 0 0 1 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0

3 1 0 0 0 0

Monastic site size and economic class Table 56 SIZE A B C D E

1 0 0 0 0 0

2 0 0 0 0 0

ECONOMIC CLASS 4 5 6 7 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 1 0

3 0 0 0 0 0

Misc. site size and economic class Table 57

SITE TYPE Raths Cashels Crannógs Monastic Misc.

1 0 2 2 0 0

2 0 0 2 0 0

ECONOMIC CLASS 3 4 5 6 7 1 4 5 14 24 1 0 2 2 6 0 0 0 2 2 1 4 2 2 4 0 1 2 4 1

Settlement type and economic class Table 58

198

8 30 2 4 3 4

APPLICATION OF MODEL

Early Medieval settlements Cashels and crannógs constitute the upper levels of the Early Medieval economy, with earthen raths, monastic sites and miscellaneous settlements forming the bulk of the lower classes (Table 58). Some of this emphasis on crannógs and cashels may, in part, be due to their smaller size and excellent preservation conditions (in the former at least). Smaller enclosures are, obviously, easier to completely excavate than the more extensive earthen ringforts such as Garranes and Ballycatteen. The latter sites were only partially excavated, therefore only a percentage of the evidence was recovered, influencing their economic class.

Discussion The application of this economic model can be used to propose the following economic hierarchy of settlement in Early Medieval Ireland (Table 59). As stated in the previous chapter, there may be some overlapping of classes, especially in terms of social ranking, as economic wealth need not necessarily be equated with increasing social class, particularly for the Aire grades where function (e.g. military or judicial) may have played a more important role than visible economic wealth. Church sites are omitted from this discussion as they are too few in number, and their excavations too limited in extent. Additionally, religious status or place in the ecclesiastical hierarchy may have influenced site size and economy in a manner not experienced by secular settlements. The development of an economic church hierarchy is hindered by the lack of excavated sites.

In general, it is now clear that crannógs compare most favourably with cashels, both in terms of size and economy. This is demonstrated in economic class 1 which consists of the cashels of Carraig Aille and Garryduff, and the crannógs of Lagore and Moynagh Lough. The two crannógs of Ballinderry II and Lough Faughan make up economic class 2, while class 3 contains an earthen fort, a cashel and a monastic site; Rathmullan, Cahercommaun and Nendrum respectively. In economic class 4 are Dalkey, Reask and Rathgurreen, while in class 5 are Larrybane, Knowth, St. Gobnet’s, Leacanabuaile, Feltrim Hill and Killanully. Class 6 contains Dooey, Beginish, Ballinderry I, Inishkea, Ballyegan, Lissachiggel, Lisleagh and Rathbeg, while class 7 includes sites such as Church Island, Rinnaraw, Raheennamadra and Letterkeen. Finally, economic class 8 includes the settlements of Ballingoola and Grange. None of the monastic sites, crannógs or miscellaneous settlements are securely attributed to class 8.

ECONOMIC CLASS 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

The model developed here does not facilitate the identification of specialist sites as it is extremely difficult and problematic to identify such sites by any means. The term ‘specialist’ implies devotion to a particular activity and no site has produced evidence of concentration on just one area. However, the possibility of specialisation exists on many sites, though often this cannot be proven due to limited excavation and publication and, indeed, semi-specialisation seems a more appropriate term. A semi-specialised settlement might produce extensive evidence of an activity and minimum or perhaps average levels of other economic categories. Coolcran, for example, revealed minimum evidence of crop cultivation, stone- and clay-working, and extensive remains of ironworking. Similar levels of different activities are known from Altanagh, Dressogagh, Lisleagh and Oldcourt.

SITE (Examples) Carraig Aille, Lagore Ballinderry II Rathmullan, Cahercommaun Dalkey, Rathgurreen Knowth, Feltrim Hill, Killanully Ballinderry I, Inishkea, Ballyegan, Lisleagh Rinnaraw, Letterkeen Ballingoola, Grange

SOCIAL CLASS Rí Túath Rí Túaithe Aire Forgill Aire Tuíseo Aire Ard Aire Déso Bóaire Ócaire

Example of economic settlement hierarchy

Table 59 CLUSTER 2 4 3 1 5

DESCRIPTION Ext. diameter 53.04m, bivallate Ext. diameter 67.63m Ext. diameter 43.44m Platform Ext. diameter 39.64m

SOCIAL GRADE Highest lordly grades Lowest lordly grades Bóaire Ócaire/Bóaire Ócaire

Stout's morphological model Table 60

199

CHAPTER 16

MORPHOLOGICAL CLUSTER/GRADE 2. Highest lordly grades 2. Highest lordly grades 2. Highest lordly grades 2. Highest lordly grades 2. Highest lordly grades 2. Highest lordly grades 2. Highest lordly grades 2. Highest lordly grades 2. Highest lordly grades 2. Highest lordly grades 4. Lowest lordly grades 4. Lowest lordly grades 4. Lowest lordly grades 4. Lowest lordly grades 4. Lowest lordly grades 3. Bóaire 3. Bóaire 3. Bóaire 3. Bóaire 5. Ócaire 5. Ócaire 5. Ócaire 5. Ócaire 5. Ócaire 5. Ócaire 5. Ócaire 5. Ócaire 5. Ócaire 5. Ócaire 1. Ócaire/Bóaire 1. Ócaire/Bóaire -

SITE Ardcloon Lisduggan I Lisduggan II Lisleagh II Dunbell Poulacapple Scholarstown Lisnagun Marlinstown Urney Lisleagh I Sluggary Lislear Lissue Dunsilly Coolcran Killyliss Mullaghbane Ballykennedy Knockea Killanully Seacash Rathbeg Oldcourt Altanagh Boho Letterkeen Raheennamadra Grange Ballyfounder Killyglen Ballycatteen Garranes Rathgurreen Lisdoo

ECONOMIC CLUSTER/GRADE 5. Aire Ard 6. Aire Déso 6. Aire Déso 6. Aire Déso 7. Bóaire 7. Bóaire 7. Bóaire 8. Ócaire 8. Ócaire 8. Ócaire 6. Aire Déso 7. Bóaire 8. Ócaire 6. Aire Déso 8. Ócaire 7. Bóaire 7. Bóaire 7. Bóaire 8. Ócaire 5. Aire Ard 5. Aire Ard 5. Aire Ard 6. Aire Déso 6. Aire Déso 7. Bóaire 7. Bóaire 7. Bóaire 7. Bóaire 8. Ócaire 5. Aire Ard 8. Ócaire 4. Aire Tuíseo 4. Aire Tuíseo 4. Aire Tuíseo 6. Aire Déso

Comparison of morphological and economic hierarchies 1

Table 61

five morphological clusters. Cluster 1 were largely platform raths in low-lying isolated areas, unimpressive univallate sites attributed to either the ócaire or bóaire. Cluster 2 were the most impressive sites, generally bivallate with a large overall diameter of approximately 53m. They tended to be located near ecclesiastical centres and are assigned to the highest lordly grades. Cluster 3 sites were the most common, rarely found adjacent to cluster 2 ringforts and are equated with the bóaire class. Cluster 4 have average external diameters of 67.63m, are located at low altitudes, often in peripheral areas. Stout associated them with the lowest lordly grades. Finally, cluster 5 sites were situated in upland areas and were quite small, many next to cluster 2 ringforts, possible ócaire settlements.

Sites which produce extensive evidence of more than one activity may have included specialists within their community, though whether this makes them specialist sites or not is debatable. Garryduff produced extensive evidence of stone-, bone-, iron- and glass-working, textile and leather production and international trade, Cahercommaun extensive crop cultivation, boneworking, leather and textile production, and Lagore extensive levels of every activity except hunting, gathering and fishing, and bone-working (both average). Such settlements may well have employed specialist workers. An important point here is whether craft activity in a given ringfort served to meet the domestic needs of that settlement, or produced a surplus for exchange. Stout In his examination of ringforts in the south-west midlands, Matthew Stout (1991) divided the sites into

Using these criteria (admittedly developed for sites in the south-east Midlands), a number of excavated 200

APPLICATION OF MODEL

ringforts do not fit into any cluster as these groupings do not facilitate sites of large diameter and multivallation. These include Garranes, Ballycatteen, Rathgurreen and Lisdoo. Sites with measurements approximating those of cluster 2 (though none are bivallate) include Ardcloon, Lisduggan I and II, Lisleagh II, Dunbell, Poulacapple, Scholarstown, Lisnagun, Marlinstown and Urney. Lisleagh I, Sluggary, Lislear, Lissue and Dunsilly fit the cluster 4 measurements, while Coolcran, Killyliss, Mullaghbane and Ballykennedy can be assigned to cluster 3. A much larger number of sites fall into cluster 5 dimensions, for example Knockea, Killanully, Seacash, Rathbeg, Oldcourt, Altanagh, Boho, Letterkeen, Raheennamadra and Grange. The platform raths of Ballyfounder and Killyglen might be attributed to cluster 1, other heightened sites including Gransha, Deer Park Farms and Lismahon.

excavated ringforts should probably be in a higher economic class. Therefore, those published in the excavations bulletin only can be disregarded – Dunbell, Poulacapple, Scholarstown, Sluggary, Dunsilly, Lislear, Lisnagun, Marlinstown and Urney. This leaves the following; It is evident from this that Stout’s lordly clusters 2 and 4 do correspond well with the economic classes of the aire ard and aire déso. Similarly, cluster 3 can be equated with economic class 7, with the one exception of Ballykennedy. Problems arise, however, in cluster 5, Stout’s ócaire category. The ringforts which fit into cluster 5 morphologically, do not do so economically with the sole exception of Grange. The other excavated sites range from economic class 7 (bóaire) to class 5 (aire ard), with a total of five aires and four bóaires represented. Stout’s cluster 1, the platform raths, might include both Ballyfounder and Killyglen. The latter fits into the corresponding economic class 8, the former, however, does not, being of aire ard status economically.

This table loosely compares the morphological clusters with economic class and highlights some discrepancies between the two. As already mentioned, the larger sites are not catered for morphologically, while some of the

MORPHOLOGICAL CLUSTER/GRADE 2. Highest lordly grades 2. Highest lordly grades 2. Highest lordly grades 2. Highest lordly grades 4. Lowest lordly grades 4. Lowest lordly grades 3. Bóaire 3. Bóaire 3. Bóaire 3. Bóaire 5. Ócaire 5. Ócaire 5. Ócaire 5. Ócaire 5. Ócaire 5. Ócaire 5. Ócaire 5. Ócaire 5. Ócaire 5. Ócaire 1. Ócaire/Bóaire 1. Ócaire/Bóaire -

SITE Ardcloon Lisduggan I Lisduggan II Lisleagh II Lisleagh I Lissue Coolcran Killyliss Mullaghbane Ballykennedy Knockea Killanully Seacash Rathbeg Oldcourt Altanagh Boho Letterkeen Raheennamadra Grange Ballyfounder Killyglen Ballycatteen Garranes Rathgurreen Lisdoo

ECONOMIC CLUSTER/GRADE 5. Aire Ard 6. Aire Déso 6. Aire Déso 6. Aire Déso 6. Aire Déso 6. Aire Déso 7. Bóaire 7. Bóaire 7. Bóaire 8. Ócaire 5. Aire Ard 5. Aire Ard 5. Aire Ard 6. Aire Déso 6. Aire Déso 7. Bóaire 7. Bóaire 7. Bóaire 7. Bóaire 8. Ócaire 5. Aire Ard 8. Ócaire 4. Aire Tuíseo 4. Aire Tuíseo 4. Aire Tuíseo 6. Aire Déso

Comparison of morphological and economic hierarchies 2 Table 62

201

5th century

Garranes Rathgurreen Lisdoo Altanagh Mullaghbane Dunsilly Cathedral Hill Dunmisk Inishkea Clogher Dooey Millockstown Ballyman

4th century

Rathgurreen Lisdoo Dunmisk Millockstown

Rathgurreen Rathmullan Seacash Rathbeg Gransha Altanagh Dunbell Dunsilly Cathedral Hill Dunmisk Movilla Abbey Reask Dalkey Knowth Inishkea Killederdadrum Clogher Dooey Millockstown Drumcliffe Omey

6th century Garryduff Ballycatteen Rathgurreen Rathmullan Seacash Lisduggan Lisleagh Gransha Deer Park Farms Altanagh Ballyhenry Ballyvollen Dunbell Letterkeen Raheennamadra Rinnaraw Tully Smithstown Dunsilly Crossnacreevy Lagore Moynagh Lough Ballinderry II Cathedral Hill Dunmisk Movilla Abbey Reask Knowth Inishkea Killederdadrum Ballyutoag Dooey Millockstown Drumcliffe Church Island Marshes Upper Omey

7th century Carraig Aille Garryduff Rathgurreen Rathmullan Feltrim Hill Killanully Seacash Lisleagh Gransha Deer Park Farms Ballyhenry Dunbell Killyliss Raheennamadra Rinnaraw Tully Dunsilly Crossnacreevy Lagore Moynagh Lough Ballinderry II Cathedral Hill Dunmisk Movilla Abbey Knowth Inishkea Killederdadrum Ballyutoag Millockstown Drumcliffe Marshes Upper Omey

8th century Carraig Aille Cahercommaun Rathgurreen Rathmullan Feltrim Hill Killanully Seacash Lisleagh Gransha Deer Park Farms Ballyhenry Dunbell Killyliss Raheennamadra Rinnaraw Tully Dunsilly Crossnacreevy Leacanabuaile Lissue Coolcran Dundrum Tobin's Rath Lisnagun Ballykennedy Lagore Ballinderry II Nendrum Cathedral Hill Dunmisk Movilla Abbey Knowth Larrybane Killederdadrum Ballyutoag Millockstown Drumcliffe Tullylish Clover Hill Craig Hill Marshes Upper Omey

9th century Carraig Aille Leacanabuaile Lissue Rathmullan Feltrim Hill Killanully Seacash Lisleagh Gransha Deer Park Farms Ballyhenry Dunbell Killyliss Raheennamadra Ballyegan Dundrum Scholarstown Lisnagun Lagore Ballinderry II Clover Hill Newtownlow Dunmisk Craig Hill Knowth Drumcliffe Killederdadrum Ballyutoag

10th century Carraig Aille Killanully Seacash Shaneen Park Ballyhenry Lisnagun Dunsilly Lagore Dunmisk Drumcliffe Clover Hill

11th century Ballyfounder Killanully Seacash Lisnagun Dunsilly Dromore Dunmisk Drumcliffe

12th century Ballyfounder Killanully Seacash Castleskreen Seafin Lisnagun Dunsilly Dunmisk Drumcliffe

13th century

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Table 63

202

APPLICATION OF MODEL

ECONOMIC CLASS 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

4

5

6

2

4

2

5 3 1

7 2 7 3 2

CENTURY 7 8 9 3 4 2 1 1 1 1 1 2 7 5 5 1 4 6 8 6 6 10 6 10 5 4 6

10 2 1 1 2 5 6 8 3

11 2

12

13

1 2 1 3 2

1 3

1 3

1 3

2 3

Table 64. Chronology and economic class

Blurring the distinction between lordly grades, it appears that Stout’s clusters 2, 4 and 3 are reflected by the economic evidence from excavated sites, while clusters 1 and 5 are not. Stout’s lack of a category for larger sites may explain the discrepancy between the two models with regard to the higher and lower lordly grades. Stout attributes his highest status cluster, cluster 2, to the highest grade of lord, however the economic model identifies a wealthier economic class than that equal to Stout’s cluster 2 (classes 5 and 6). Therefore, the economic model attributes its class 4 to the higher lordly grades, and possibly even class 3, allowing for an overlap in the economic status of aires. All of these comparisons, however, are based to a large extent on the tenuous associations with social rank, though even ignoring the exact details of legal status, they do provide two settlement hierarchies which can be compared, one morphological and the other economical.

very fact that more sites were built and occupied during this period may reflect an increase in economic wealth. It is possible, then, using the proposed economic model, to identify three economic phases. The first dates from the fourth to the sixth century and is marked mostly by sites of average wealth. The seventh century sees major economic growth with the establishment of a new élite and an increase in the number of lower class settlements. This second phase continues through to the tenth century when things began to change once more, perhaps impacted by the Viking towns. The third and final phase, dating from the eleventh century onwards, sees the large-scale disappearance of the uppermost levels. Clearly it is difficult to generalise about economic wealth for the island as a whole in these centuries as there may have been major wealth differences between regions. In addition, little can be said regarding the distribution of the economic classes due to an excavation bias which favours sites in Ulster and Munster. Approximately 17 sites have been excavated in Co. Down, 24 in Co. Antrim, and 26 in counties Cork, Kerry and Limerick. Other counties such as Offaly, Mayo and Galway have had just one or two sites excavated. Naturally, then, Ulster and Munster appear to be the most economically wealthy areas.

A comparison of site dates (centuries) with economic class reveals three broad economic phases (see Table 63). This can be summarised in Table 64. This table reveals the number of sites in each economic class in the relevant centuries. Economic class 1 peaks in the eighth century, class 2 occurs only from the seventh to the ninth, class 3 peaks in the ninth, class 4 in the sixth, class 5 in the ninth, class 6 in the seventh, class 7 in the seventh and again in the ninth, and class 8 in the ninth. It is obvious from this that the economically richest sites occur in the seventh to tenth centuries, as do the majority of lower classes. The fourth to sixth, and eleventh centuries onwards see a marked absence of the upper economic grades. The increased numbers of upper and lower classes in the seventh to tenth centuries reflects an economy and society where wealth was far from balanced, rather controlled by an élite. This super-wealthy minority accumulated their wealth through the exploitation of lower classes, and probably encouraged the growth of these economically subservient classes. It is, of course, obvious that a greater number of excavated sites are dated to the seventh through to the tenth centuries, which might bias any interpretations of these tables. However, the

Despite its limitations, the proposed economic model has proven very useful in analysing the economy of the ringfort in Early Medieval Ireland, and indeed settlement as a whole. It facilitates the comparison of different site types and allows a critical examination of the morphological approach to hierarchical settlement models. It has also allowed an analysis of chronological trends, identifying both economic strata and economic phases in Early Medieval Ireland.

203

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204

CELTIC AND ANGLO-SAXON BRITAIN

Chapter XVII

The economy of Celtic and Anglo-Saxon Britain and laid siege to Bamburgh castle in Northumbria. The Battle of Mag Roth, Co. Down, in 637, saw the reversal of Dál Riata alliances. Domnall Brecc of Dál Riata fought alongside Congal Cláen of Dál nAraidi, though both were annihilated by Domnall macÁedo and the northern Uí Néill (Byrne 1973).

Introduction Whatever political relationships existed, the geographical proximity of Ireland and Britain led to contact of various kinds, on an ongoing basis, throughout the Early Medieval period. Evidence of contact between the two areas is known from the beginning of the Early Medieval period (and, of course, earlier), most notably in the form of Roman material found in Ireland (see chapter 14). Much, if not all, of this may have arrived in Ireland via Britain, perhaps as a result of trade, returning mercenaries, or refugees. Trade has been suggested as the mechanism behind the Roman finds from Drumanagh, Co. Dublin, and Stonyford, Co. Kilkenny, while the burials at Lambay may represent northern British refugees (Raftery 1994, 206–209).

Irish raids on Roman Britain were undertaken from the end of the third century AD onwards, and led to the establishment of settlements in parts of Wales in the fifth century, some of which flourished into the eighth century. North-west Wales was temporarily ruled by the Laigin of Leinster, however they were driven out in the fifth century by the British king, Cunedda. Southern Wales, more specifically the south-west, was settled by the Déisí from Munster, from counties Cork, Kerry and Waterford. Ogam inscriptions provide the most substantial evidence of these links. Approximately 40 well preserved inscriptions are known from Britain, the majority from south-west Wales, the others from elsewhere in Wales, Dalriada in Scotland (i.e. the region controlled by the Dál Riata), Devon/Cornwall, and the Isle of Man - all marking areas of Irish influence or settlement in the sixth century (McManus 1991). Of the 300 or so Irish examples, over 200 are from counties Kerry, Cork and Waterford, reflecting the relationship between Munster and south-west Wales. Another archaeological example of a connection between Ireland and Wales is provided by the discovery at Dinas Powys of a lead terminal of a zoomorphic penannular brooch of Kilbride-Jones’ type C4, with a Co. Meath workshop suggested for this group (Kilbride-Jones 1980, 131). The Welsh piece is, in fact, a fragment of a lead model (used to manufacture clay moulds for casting), indicating onsite production of C4 brooches at Dinas Powys, perhaps by an Irish metalworker.

Irish connections with Scotland were particularly strong during the Early Medieval period, with Fergus Mór MacEirc, a king of Dál Riata of Antrim, establishing a new kingdom in Argyll c.500 AD. He was the first member of Dál Riata to actually rule from Scotland (Foster 1996, 13), while the dynastic appropriation of Argyll by Dál Riata or the ‘Scotti’ (the name used in classical sources to distinguish them from the native Picts) led to the Gaelicisation of Scotland. The Irish annals occasionally record events relating to Scotland, one of the earliest being the foundation of a monastic site on Iona by Colmcille in 563, after the land was granted to him by the Pictish king. In 567/8 the Annals of Ulster record that Colmán Bec of the southern Uí Néill joined forces with Conall macComgaill, King of Dál Riata, on a joint expedition to the Western Isles (Ó Cróinín 1995). Between 572 and 581 Baétán MacCairill, king of Dál nAraidi in Ulster, claimed the provincial kingship of Ulster and forced the kings of Scottish Dál Riata to pay tribute. In an attempt to oppose this, Aédán MacGabráin, then king of Dál Riata, formed an alliance with the northern Uí Néill, the chief aggressors of Dál nAraidi in Ireland (ibid. 41–49). This alliance was supposedly forged by Colmcille at the convention of Druim Cett. Held in 575, the event saw a gathering of kings and clerics from Scotland and Ireland, including Aédán MacGabráin and Colmcille’s first cousin Áed MacAinmuirech, king of the northern Uí Néill, and excluding Baétán MacCairill. In 603 at the Battle of Degsastan, the northern Uí Néill prince, Máel Umai, joined forces with Dál Riata in attacking the northern England kingdom of Bernicia. Baétán MacCairill’s successor, Fiachnae MacBaétáin, continued to claim authority over Dál Riata and campaigned in Scotland. He led an expedition in 623

As mentioned in chapter 14, imports from Britain may have included horses, the coulter plough and the practice of dairying. The use of kerbschnitt in precious metalwork was imported, and adapted, from AngloSaxon England, while goods such as tin, amber, jet and glass may also have been obtained from Britain. Conversely, Irish material is virtually unknown in Britain, yet Ireland had strong religious links with Northumbria, with the monastery at Lindisfarne, for example, founded by St. Aidan from Iona in 632. Northumbria has also been suggested as the place of origin of a number of the earliest insular illuminated manuscripts (e.g. Nordenfalk 1947, 171). The distribution of similar imported pottery wares from the Continent provides another link between the two islands, suggesting the possibility of shared trade 205

CHAPTER 17

routes, perhaps along the Irish Sea (Alcock 1963, 55).

craft workshops, animal pens and store-houses. Framed buildings are usually larger structures, often associated with royalty and use as assembly places and royal residence. Others, however, may also have had agricultural and/or craft-working uses (Rahtz 1976, 70–91).

Anglo-Saxon England The economy of Anglo-Saxon England, from approximately the sixth to the ninth century AD, has been studied in detail by Richard Hodges in his Dark Age Economics (1982), with general patterns and trends identified and discussed in his later Anglo-Saxon Achievement (1989). Settlement information is covered in a number of essays by scholars including Fowler, Rahtz and Wilson, in a volume edited by Wilson (1976). Anglo-Saxon settlement, however, is very different to that of the Celtic West consisting, mostly, of hamlet, village and town remains. It seems at present that the evidence in England relates more to the extremes of society, the palaces and sunken-floored buildings, than to the ‘middle class’, the prosperous farmer. (Rahtz 1976, 52) Anglo-Saxon rural settlement, then, is far from dispersed and isolated as in Early Medieval Ireland, with the élite living in ‘palace-complexes’ and the least wealthy in small clusters or hamlets.

Due to the limited nature of the excavated evidence, the economic picture presented is far from comprehensive. Evidence of agrarian activity is relatively rare, though ‘Anglo-Saxon agriculture was presumably a mixed agriculture, variations in the emphases on crop and animal husbandry being partly the result of regional factors’ (Fowler 1976, 24). Of the botanical remains recovered, barley was by far the most commonly represented cereal (as in Early Medieval Ireland), other crops including oats, wheat, rye, hemp, flax, woad and vines. Grain processing is reflected in finds of rotary querns from graves and settlements, and also by two excavated watermills. The eighth-century remains at Tamworth, Staffordshire, consisted of a mill-pool fed by a river. An outfall trough led from this pool to the undercroft of the millhouse, where a horizontal wheel powered the millstones. Fragments of 20 millstones, mostly of local millstone grit, were recovered, measuring an average of 60–70cm in diameter (Rahtz and Sheridan 1972). The ninth-century royal site of Old Windsor, Berkshire, had a series of mills, the earliest of which was equipped with three vertical wheels working parallel to one another (Wilson 1976, 276).

At Sutton Courtenay in Berkshire, the buildings were arranged around the sides of a large open space, a space which may or may not have held a number of larger buildings (Leeds 1923, 1927, 1947). Dense settlement was uncovered at West Stow in Suffolk, covering 2.5 hectares. Discrete groups of framed and sunken-featured structures were identified, probably representing individual farmsteads with halls, outhouses, workshops, sheds and animal pens (West 1969). More than 100 such buildings were discovered at Mucking in Essex (Barton 1962), while a later Anglo-Saxon settlement at Little Paxton, Huntingdonshire, also consisted of individual farm units with ancillary buildings clustered around the village centre (Addyman 1969).

As with crop cultivation, there is a general lack of detailed information on excavated animal remains. Cattle appears to have predominated on many sites, at least in the quantity of fragments recovered. Sheep are the next most common species, with wool-exploitation probably developing into a major agricultural industry during the Anglo-Saxon period. The majority of animals were at least six-years old when killed, being kept for their fleece. Literary evidence suggests that pigs, although fewer in number than cattle or sheep in the faunal record, may have greatly outnumbered all other domestic animals, providing the basic component of the agricultural economy (Clutton-Brock 1976, 378). The ninth-century will of Ealdorman Alfred of Surrey, for example, recorded that 2,000 pigs were bequeathed to his wife (ibid.). Other species represented include goat, horse, cat and dog. Domestic fowl and domestic goose are the most common of the bird species, with wild birds including goose, mallard, teal, sparrow hawk, buzzard, crane, golden plover, peacock, curlew and raven. Some fish bones are also known, including cod, plaice and perch. The seashore also provided shellfish, namely oysters, mussels, cockles, winkles, whelks and top-shells. Hunted animals consisted mostly of red deer and wild boar, and occasionally bear, beaver, marten, wolf, fox and otter (ibid. 387– 391).

Two royal palaces have been extensively excavated, namely Yeavering in Northumberland, and Cheddar in Somerset. At least 20 buildings were identified at Yeavering including, in the seventh century, a temple or church, an assembly place, a great hall, and a line of minor halls extending to the north-west of the larger example (Hope-Taylor 1961). The excavations at Cheddar, the rural palace of the kings of Wessex, uncovered the nucleus of the palace complex, each phase comprising a hall and outbuildings. Post c.930 AD the settlement reached its most elaborate level, with a new west hall, a storm-water drain, a small stone chapel, a fowl-house and a store, all enclosed within a stockade and ditch (Colvin 1963). Sunken-featured buildings predominate in the AngloSaxon period, though their numbers do appear to lessen as the period progressed. They are found on both aristocratic and 'peasant' sites and vary greatly in size. Suggested functions include domestic living quarters, 206

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Glass in Anglo-Saxon England was used mostly for tableware, windows and beads. Structures associated with glass-working were discovered under the Medieval cloister at Glastonbury in Somerset. Three ovens were excavated, one possibly a firing furnace, another an annealing oven. Associated finds included sherds of clay pots with glass adhering to them, tiny pieces of window and vessel glass, and a piece of cane glass. Evidence of glass-working from York included waste or slag, drops spilled whilst molten and unfinished beads (ibid. 269–270).

produce, however some traditional blocks on the freeflow of goods were maintained. Commerce, for example, was controlled on boundaries to prevent those of lower status trading with foreign merchants. Also, ‘the hierarchy must regulate not only trade with foreign merchants, but also the production of those goods that attracted the foreign trade in the first place. Control of production normally proves a critical factor if for some reason foreign trade declines, as native craft products may come to be circulated instead’ (Hodges 1989, 70). The ninth century also saw the establishment of Viking settlements by a conquering élite, as opposed to large numbers of emigrants. The Anglo-Saxons ceded the poorer, northern, half of England to the Scandinavians, an area which became known as the ‘Danelaw’. The Vikings developed this region economically, with towns such as York, Lincoln, Stamford and Ipswich prospering. In 875 the Anglo-Saxon king, Alfred, defeated the Danes, an event which was followed by economic development in southern England. Planned towns were accompanied by a craft explosion and agricultural intensification in both Wessex and the Danelaw. The increase in agriculture in both areas was necessary to support the non-agrarian urban communities of the new towns. The Vikings provided the catalyst for this change, an ‘industrial revolution’ of sorts. The Anglo-Saxon town of Winchester was the capital of ninth-century England, and was linked to other market towns of middle rank such as Hamwic. The Danelaw towns, and Anglo-Saxon Canterbury, Exeter and Oxford also grew. A great range of craft production was undertaken, with the use of the kickwheel in pottery manufacture, the introduction of carbonised steel blades by blacksmiths, and the use of iron alloys and pewters instead of precious metals – all to meet an enlarged market demand. The market now dictated production and not the patron, this basic market economy very evident in ninth-century AngloSaxon England.

The quantity of evidence recovered from excavated sites suggests that textile production was a very important craft-industry, with most settlements producing relevant remains. Wool was the most commonly utilised fabric, though linen and imported silk were also known. Loom-weights form the largest body of evidence, often found in rows burnt in situ. A decline in the number of finds of loom-weights suggests a transition from the warp-weighted loom to a beam-tensioned version towards the end of the AngloSaxon period. Other equipment included spindlewhorls of pottery, bone, lead, chalk, stone and glass, spindles, iron shears, wool-combs, pin-beaters, weaving swords, linen-smoothers, needles and weaving tablets (ibid. 271–273). Leather was used mostly in the manufacture of shoes, as in Early Medieval Ireland. York produced the remains of a considerable leatherworking industry, producing shoes, laces, belts, garments, bags, sheaths and gloves. A timber-framed building measuring 5m by 28m contained a series of large tanning-pits in its interior, each one large enough to fit whole, unfolded hides. The leather worked was entirely bovine, and was tanned with oak bark (ibid. 274). Despite the limited nature of the evidence, it is possible to trace some general economic trends throughout the Anglo-Saxon period. In the sixth century, foreign trade became more important than domestic production (to the élite) and is evident in the increased range of imported material deposited as grave-goods in cemeteries. Many of these were artefacts of Frankish origin, reflecting links with the Continent. In the seventh century, the wealthiest in society began to build large settlements or ‘palaces’ (e.g. Cheddar, Somerset; Rahtz 1963) marking their territorial claims. Further down the social scale, enclosed farms were introduced, while villages not located near the most fertile agricultural land were abandoned in favour of those that were. The first towns were established around 700 AD, marking the beginnings of a full market economy, with Hamwic (Southampton) lasting from 680/690 to 840/860, and the small trading centre at Ipswich re-established c.720.

Celtic Wales Very little work has been undertaken on Early Medieval Wales, with no comprehensive summary of the available evidence. Therefore, it is necessary to examine individual excavated sites, though there are few examples of such and, as in Scotland, no ringforttype settlements of Early Medieval date. The best known, and completely excavated, settlement is that of Dinas Powys in Glamorgan. There are, however, a small number of other relevant sites; Pant-y-Saer in Anglesey (Phillips 1934), Carreg-y-Llam near Nevin (Hogg 1957), Dinas Emrys, Caernarvonshire (Savory 1960), Longbury Bank in Dyfed (Campbell and Lane 1993), and Degannwy, Caernarvonshire (in Alcock 1963, 66). Dated to the first half of the fifth century, Pant-y-Saer consists of an enclosed hut group. The enclosure wall, at least 1.5m in width, delimited an area measuring 43m by 33.5m. The primary settlement contained two

Anglo-Saxon England in the eighth century was divided into numerous territories, each with its own ruling élite. Most levels of society were free to accumulate wealth through the exchange of local 208

CELTIC AND ANGLO-SAXON BRITAIN

round houses of just under 9m in internal diameter, backing on to the enclosure wall. Later, two rectangular houses were constructed next to the eastern round house. Tillage was represented by both saddle and rotary querns, stock-rearing by the bones of cattle, sheep, pig, horse and dog, and gathering by the remains of shell-fish. Of the crafts, both pottery-production and precious metalworking were represented. Imports included a few small scraps of Roman pottery, and a silvered bronze penannular brooch (Phillips 1934). The site at Carreg-y-Llam encloses the crest of a ridge, measuring 33.5m by 12m, with a 3m-wide wall. Built against the interior of the wall was a round house, 6m in diameter. The site is dated to the fifth century and produced finds of imported pottery (Hogg 1957). Dinas Emrys consists of a wall up to 3.4m wide, enclosing a craggy area over 152m by 91m, and with two lower enclosures attached to its western side (Fig. 134).

under 0.4 hectares (Fig. 135). Approximately 0.1ha was enclosed by four banks with intervening ditches. The interior produced the remains of three rectangular buildings, both stone and timber-built, and a series of hearths, some ‘industrial’ (Alcock 1963). RomanoBritish finds from the site included pieces of vessel glass, 28 pottery sherds (minimum 12 vessels), a fragment of a first-century AD bronze brooch, a thirdcentury AD coin of Autoninianus of Salonina, a flint lathe-tool and a waste core of shale from the manufacture of a bracelet (Fig. 136). The site economy was based on stock-rearing, with pig forming 61% of the identifiable bone fragments, cattle 20% and sheep 13%. Also recovered were a small quantity of red deer bones, the remains of domestic fowl and salmon or large sea trout. Three miles away from the site, the coast also provided limpets and a few whelks. Tillage was indicated by a possible iron sickle blade and fragments of three quernstones.

Fig. 134 Plan of Dinas Emrys (Alcock et al. 1989)

Fig. 136 A. Waste core of shale, B. flint lathe-tool, from Dinas Powys (Alcock 1963)

The site was fortified in the fourth or fifth century AD and produced a quantity of imported pottery, both Eand B-ware. Other imports included numerous fragments of Late Roman or Dark Age glass, including at least two fused, partially reworked, pieces. Tillage was represented by quern fragments, while the crafts practised included ironworking and precious metalworking (Savory 1960). A very brief excavation was undertaken at Degannwy. The site dates to the sixth century and produced sherds of imported B amphorae (Alcock 1963, 66).

Crafts undertaken at the site included flint and shaleworking as evidenced by partially worked pieces and waste. Unfinished artefacts of bone were also recovered, while an iron file, awls and nails may have been used in wood-working, two heavy iron needles in leather-working, and spindle-whorls, a possible loomweight (Fig. 137), a needle, and possible bobbin in textile production. Iron-working remains included 23kg of slag, ore and cinder. Imports included sherds from a minimum of 33 Teutonic glass vessels, and at least 37 pots, including nine A-ware, ten B-ware, nine D-ware and nine E-ware vessels.

Fig. 137 B and C. Pottery spindle-whorls, A. supposed clay loom-weight, from Dinas Powys (Alcock 1963)

Fig. 135 Plan of Dinas Powys (Alcock 1963) The fortified hilltop of Dinas Powys in Glamorgan lies 3.5 miles south-west of Cardiff city, covering just 209

CHAPTER 17

More recent excavations at Longbury Bank in Dyfed revealed an undefended settlement on the northernmost end of a low, flat-topped triangular promontory. A concentration of finds marked the main occupation area, with craft activities carried on in the more peripheral areas of the site. Precious metalworking was represented by a fragment of scrap silver sheet, copperalloy scrap, bronze droplets (spilled whilst molten), two crucibles and heating tray fragments. Evidence of ironworking included 9.5kg of the iron ore limonite and one lump of haematite, over 6kg of iron slag from smithing hearths, and 12 fragments of furnace lining. Possible bake-stones, the upper stone of a saddle quern, and grains of barley and wheat comprised the tillagerelated material. Shellfish was gathered, consisting mostly of oysters, with smaller quantities of cockles, mussels, limpets and scallops. Wild fruits were also exploited, represented by a few fruit stones, while only a very small quantity of animal bone survived. The species present included cattle, some pig, sheep, red deer or large roe deer. Imports, however, formed a major component of the excavated assemblage, including 13 sherds of A-ware, 65 sherds of B-ware, three sherds of D-ware, 22 sherds of E-ware, and 63 sherds of glass vessels of Continental origin. The excavators identified the site as a high-status secular settlement and import centre (Campbell and Lane 1993, 65–66).

The Iron Age fort of Chun Castle in Cornwall provides an example of a site occupied into the post-Roman period. The fort is located on open moorland and consists of two concentric stone walls, the inner one measuring 90m in diameter and surviving to a height of c.5m in the seventeenth century. The interior was divided into compartments in which houses were built. The finds included a lump of tin ore, a smelting furnace, and imported B ware (Thomas 1956, 75–78). An extensive midden at Bantham in Devon has been interpreted as the remains of a possible trading post (Laing 1975, 133). Located at the end of a promontory with a sheltered harbour, the site produced numerous sherds of imported Bii, Biii and E-ware (Fox 1955). The settlement at Gwithian in Cornwall was situated on a long, low sand dune, and consisted of several drystone huts ranging in date from the fifth to the ninth century AD, and an adjacent arable field. Much ironworking evidence was recovered, in addition to finished tanged knives, long-handled saws, sickles, tweezers, stone ‘leather-tanners’, a stone ‘limpetdetacher’, and sherds of A, B and E-ware (Thomas 1958). A later, ninth- to eleventh-century AD, hamlet was excavated at Mawgan Porth, also in Cornwall (Bruce-Mitford 1956). Two main clusters of buildings and an associated cemetery were uncovered. Each of the clusters consisted of a courtyard house with four main rooms positioned around an open space with doors opening off it. Finds included the bones of cattle, sheep, goat, horse, dog and cat, a quern, mussel shells, hammer-stones, polishers, bone points and bodkins, a fragment of a bone comb and two knife-handles.

Immediately apparent from this brief examination of settlement in Early Medieval Wales, is the scarcity of excavated sites and the absence of a typical settlement form. Dinas Powys appears to represent the highest status, with Dinas Emrys and Longbury Bank of lesser wealth. However, little can be said of the Welsh evidence in isolation, it is best discussed as a component of the larger ‘Celtic Britain’ (see ‘Trade Phases’ below).

Unfortunately, little can be said of the economy of the region due to the paucity of excavated evidence. Too few sites have been dug, while those that have, only to a limited extent. They are, therefore, excluded from an economic comparison of settlements in Scotland, Wales and Ireland.

South-West England As in Wales, little excavation has been undertaken in the Celtic south-west of Britain. Native settlement in Cornwall and Devon during the Roman period took the form of courtyard houses and rounds. The former consisted of stone-built huts contained within a wall which also enclosed a number of outbuildings, while the latter were very similar to small Irish ringforts. Some of these settlements continued into the postRoman period, however much of the excavated evidence from the fifth to the tenth century AD has been discovered on reoccupied hillforts. These include the two Somerset forts of Cadbury Congresbury and South Cadbury, and the Cornish Castle Dore. Cadbury Congresbury produced the remains of at least seven structures, while finds included a considerable quantity of Roman and Rhenish glass, an iron ploughshare, knife, mount, door stud, glass beads, metalworking slag and furnaces, Samian pottery and the second largest known assemblage of imported A and B ware (Laing 1975, 128).

Early Medieval Scotland A greater number of Early Medieval sites have been excavated in Scotland, revealing a varied structural and occupational history (Alcock 1988, 23). As in Wales, no one site type predominates, with settlements including lofty enclosed nucleii with subordinate enclosures (e.g. Dunadd), walled headlands (e.g. Dunollie), crannógs (e.g. Buiston), and re-occupied Iron Age forts (e.g. Craig Phadraig). In southern Pictland, stone-and-timber oval or round houses were most common, while sub-rectangular structures were built on higher ground, with little investigation of the Pictish heartlands. Thick stone-walled enclosures or duns were occupied in Argyll, while most common on the Orkneys were cellular complexes of conjoined roundhouses and attached cells, generally within or adjacent to Iron Age structures (Foster 1996, 57–60). Few lower rank settlements have been recognised (Alcock 1988, 37). The majority of excavated sites are Pictish, with only a couple located in Dalriada/ Argyll. 210

CELTIC AND ANGLO-SAXON BRITAIN

Glass-working on site was suggested by the recovery of a millefiori rod and a glass droplet. Bog iron ore, whetstones and slag comprised the blacksmithing remains, and silver scrap, bronze droplets, clay and stone moulds (Fig. 139) (over 900 fragments), a bone pin model and crucibles the precious metalworking debris. Imports included 63 sherds of pottery representing a minimum of one D-ware vessel, three A-ware vessels, one F-ware vessel, and at least 26 Eware pots, and seven sherds of imported glass vessels (Lane and Campbell 2000, 98–200).

Fig. 138 A. Dunollie, hypothetical plans of phase 1 dun and phase 2 rampart, actual evidence shown by solid, B. plan of Dunadd (Alcock and Alcock 1987)

Dunollie, Argyll, was another major stronghold of Scottish Dalriada (Fig. 138). It dates from the seventh to the ninth century, possibly continuing into the tenth. It consisted of a wall-faced rubble rampart enclosing the summit of Dunollie stack or headland, with only 2% of the entire site excavated (Alcock and Alcock 1987). The only evidence of cereal cultivation from the site consisted of four unstratified quern fragments, while the small faunal assemblage produced mostly cattle bone (64% of fragments), then pig (19%) and sheep (17%), and two horse bones. Three fish bones were also recovered, while red deer antler may represent gathering. Fragments of sawn and cut antler tines were found, in addition to finished antler handles or hafts. Possible hunting implements include an iron spearhead, a small socketed arrowhead, and four possible arrow-tips. Precious metalworking evidence consisted of crucibles, a tuyère fragment, a sandstone ingot mould and numerous clay mould fragments (one with a bone pin model). A single minute sherd of Teutonic glass (Anglo-Saxon or Continental) and fragments of four E-ware vessels comprised the imports at Dunollie.

Dunadd in Argyll was possibly the capital of Dalriada, an important stronghold from the beginning of the sixth to the ninth/tenth century (with earlier and later material also present – Lane and Campbell 2000, 234). The site occupies the top of an isolated rocky hill overlooking the River Add, and measures approximately 67m in diameter, divided into five parts/enclosures by walls 3–3.7m thick (Fig. 138). The interior, however, had been much disturbed prior to excavation and no structural remains were identified (Craw 1930). It is possible, however, that the two summit enclosures (A and B) were roofed (Lane and Campbell 2000, 235). Tillage was represented by 54 rotary querns and carbonised cereal remains, hunting by four iron spearheads (and at least 20 ferrules), four iron arrowheads, and the bones of red deer, fox and wild whooper swan, while of the domestic species, pig was predominant, followed by cattle, sheep, dog and horse (Craw 1930).

The Mote of Mark, Kirkcudbright, was an important Pictish stronghold. Situated on a small rocky eminence overlooking the Urr estuary, the site consists of an area 63m long, 40m wide, enclosed by a timber-laced stone rampart (Curle 1914). Excavations of the interior identified the remains of a compacted clay floor measuring 5.2m by 2m by 0.3m thick, with a threesided masonry building to its west. The concentration of metalworking debris in the vicinity of this structure suggests its use as a workshop, and a small circular hearth to its north in the metalworking process. Evidence of ironworking consisted of 927g of ore (mostly haematite), possible smelting slag and definite smithing slag, precious metalworking of stone (three ingot moulds) and clay moulds (482 fragments), crucibles with gold, silver and copper-alloy residues, a bone pin model, slag and other bronze and gold waste (Swindells and Laing 1980, 121–128, Laing and Longley 2006, 26–41). One fragment of a rotary quern comprised the tillage remains, and the bones of sheep, cattle and pig the faunal evidence (including neo-natal cattle and sheep reflecting animal breeding within, or close to, the site – Laing and Longley 2006, 174). Gathering was represented by one antler tine, and two

Fig. 139 Clay mould for a large-panelled brooch from Dunadd (Campbell 1993a) Craftworking evidence included shears and spindlewhorls for the production of textiles, a socketed and pronged implement, polished stones and a punch possibly used in leather-working, a range of iron chisels and nails for woodworking, partially-worked antler and bone, over 150 flint flakes and pebbles, and a small lump of clay bearing three finger impressions. 211

CHAPTER 17

beds of very pure sea-sand from which all shells had been removed. This sand may have been intended for use as a flux in the smelting furnace. The only other craft evident was textile manufacture, in the form of three spindle-whorls. Imports included flint as flint does not occur naturally in the area, a minimum of 18 Anglo-Saxon or Continental glass vessels, and at least one D-ware vessel, one B-ware vessel, and 13 E-ware vessels (Campbell in Laing and Longley 2006, 104– 113). The probable capital of a Pictish province, Dundurn in Perthshire consists of a series of terraces enclosed by rubble-walls and situated atop a craggy pyramidal hill, 60m above the valley floor (Fig. 140) (Alcock et al. 1989). The excavations were limited to two small cuttings across the defences, the finds therefore providing a brief glimpse of the economy. Tillage was represented by two rotary querns and grains of barley and oats. Of the animal bones recovered, 61% of the fragments were of cattle, 31% pig, and 8% sheep. Hunting remains consisted of two deer bones and one possible heron bone, while wild cherry, raspberry and hazelnuts were gathered. A stone spindle-whorl fragment comprised the textile production evidence, a whetstone and stone hammer possible ironworking, a shoe and numerous off-cuts leatherworking, a sawn-off antler tine antler-working, over 150 iron nails woodworking, and crucibles and two clay mould fragments the evidence of precious metalworking. Imports included a single E-ware sherd, and two sherds of Continental glass.

Fig. 140 Plan of Dundurn (Alcock et al. 1989) The hillfort at Clatchard Craig in Fife, now completely quarried away, saw multi-period use; Neolithic, Iron Age and Dark Age (Fig. 141). The fort occupied the upper part of a hill, fronting onto a precipice and enclosed along its other sides by up to six ramparts of earth and stone (Close-Brooks 1986). Ramparts one and three were both radiocarbon dated to the sixth and seventh centuries AD, the dating of the others uncertain.

Fig. 141 Plan of Clatchard Craig (Close-Brooks 1986) 212

CELTIC AND ANGLO-SAXON BRITAIN

The processing of grain was undertaken with both rotary and saddle querns, while no evidence of animal husbandry, hunting or gathering was discovered. Shale had been worked on the site, finds including a roughout oval slab with a crudely chiselled central perforation (Fig. 142), and a fragment of an unworked rectangular block - possible raw material.

storage area. Later, it was deliberately infilled, and a series of rectangular structures built on top, dating midsixth to mid-seventh century. These buildings, constructed one on top of the other, were of post-andwattle and measured 11m by 10m. Finally, another rectangular building was constructed, approximately 10m uphill from the original scooped structure. At Hawkhill, 0.7km to the north-east of Easter Kinnear, five major structures were uncovered. The earliest phase here also consisted of scooped structures, three in this case (one only partially excavated). Later, a paved platform was laid down over the scooped structures, with a low revetment wall reflecting the presence of a structure. Finally, a narrow, rectangular longhouse was constructed, measuring 4m by 10m. This house post-dates that associated with the paved platform and was abandoned by the twelfth century.

Fig. 142 Shale object from Clatchard Craig (CloseBrooks 1986) Textile production was represented by four spindlewhorls (Fig. 143), and woodworking by an assemblage of iron nails. Blacksmithing evidence consisted of 9.77kg of smithing slag, and 2.07kg of smelting slag (including furnace-bottoms), while precious metalworking debris included a crucible, clay and stone moulds and a silver ingot. As at Dundurn, imports were very limited; two E-ware sherds and one glass fragment.

Fig. 144 Loom-Weight from Easter Kinnear (Driscoll 1997) Together, these represent ‘a farming settlement of modest material wealth’ (Driscoll 1997, 91), with evidence of tillage consisting of 13 querns of various types, a sand leek bulbil, and grains of barley, wheat, oats and flax. Bone preservation was extremely poor, species present including cattle and pig, while gathering was evident in a single raspberry seed. Of the crafts, textile production was represented by a single spindle-whorl and loom-weight (Fig. 144), and ironworking by a whetstone and 322.4g of slag. A sherd from a glass vessel was the only import found. In general, too few faunal assemblages of any size exist to permit a comprehensive analysis of stock rearing in Early Medieval Scotland. Cattle bones appear to predominate, forming approximately 50–60% of assemblages, followed by sheep and then pig (Foster 1996, chapter 4). The majority of the cattle at the small Pictish farmstead of Buckquoy, Orkney, were kept for dairying purposes, and the sheep at Dundurn, Dunollie and Buckquoy for their meat rather than their wool. Important coastal resources included fishing, fowling and the gathering of shellfish and birds eggs, while deer were hunted where available. Crops cultivated included wheat, barley, oats, rye and flax, with rotary

Fig. 143 Stone spindle-whorls from Clatchard Craig (Close-Brooks 1986) A very different form of settlement was uncovered at Easter Kinnear and Hawkhill in north-east Fife (Driscoll 1997). The earliest phase at Easter Kinnear consisted of a scooped structure measuring 7m by 10m internally and dug 1.1m into the subsoil. Dated to the sixth/seventh century, the hollow or 'scoop' probably represents the lower level of a building, possibly a 213

CHAPTER 17

querns a relatively common find, ‘the large number from Dunadd [suggesting] centralized agricultural processing for a substantial population‘ (ibid. 56). Other foods which were exploited include hazelnuts, raspberries, blackberries, sloes, wild cherries, sorrel and dill.

54). Metalworking, on the other hand, produced more prestige goods, the manufacture and circulation of which was controlled by the upper classes. The relevant evidence was largely confined to high-status sites, their peripheral areas reserved for such industrial activities. A clientship system has been proposed for Early Medieval Scotland (ibid. 63), clearly involving local trade. Foreign trade consisted mostly of imported glass and pottery vessels from the Continent and accompanying wines, oils, and dried fruits. Possible Scottish exports may have included slaves, textiles, leather products, hunting dogs, and furs.

Textile production, blacksmithing, and precious metalworking are the crafts most commonly represented in excavated assemblages, with Foster suggesting that ‘wool and textile production [were]... perhaps largely confined to lower-status sites’ (1996,

Fig. 145 Main areas of imported pottery in Britain between the late fourth and ninth century (Campbell in Lane 1994) 214

CELTIC AND ANGLO-SAXON BRITAIN

(Ì = evidence present) SITE

KILN

Dinas Powys Dunadd Mote of Mark Lagore Garryduff

QUERNS SICKLE PLOUGH 3 Ì -

-

54 1 43 4

-

-

Ì

-

Ì

SEEDS

LEVEL

B.W. O.B.W. W -

Av. Ext. Min. Ext. Av.

Table 65. Evidence of crop cultivation SITE

CATTLE

Dinas Powys Dunadd Mote of Mark Lagore Garryduff

PIG

-

SHEEP

Ext. -

Ì

Ext. -

LEVEL

-

Min. Ext. -

Ì

Ext. -

Table 66. Evidence of animal husbandry SITE

Dinas Powys Dunadd Mote of Mark Lagore Garryduff

DEER

HUNTING OTHER

Ì Ì

Ì Ì

-

-

Ì Ì

Ì

-

EQUIP.

| GATHERING | SHELLS NUTS OTHER

-

Ì

Ì Ì Ì

Ì

-

-

Ì

| |

Ì

-

FISHING | FOWLING| BONES EQUIP. | BONES | LEVEL

Ì

Ì

-

-

-

Ì

Ì

Ì

Ì

-

-

-

-

Table 67. Evidence of non-agricultural natural resource exploitation

SITE

FINISHED Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Altanagh Dinas Powys Dunadd Mote of Mark Lagore Garryduff

TOOLS UNF. Ì Ì -

Ì Ì

WASTE Ì

FLINT Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

-

Ì

JET Ì Ì Ì

-

LIGNITE -

Ì

-

LEVEL Min.

Av. Av. Av. Ext. Ext.

Table 68. Evidence of stone-working

SITE

WASTE

Dinas Powys Dunadd Mote of Mark Lagore Garryduff

FINISHED

-

-

Ì

Ì

-

-

TOOLS Ì Ì

LEVEL

Min. Min. Ext. Min.

Ì Ì

Table 69. Evidence of wood-working

SITE

Dinas Powys Dunadd Mote of Mark Lagore Garryduff

KILN

-

DAUB MOULDS CRUC. Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

TUY.

Ì Ì Ì Ì

POTTERY MISC.

Ì

-

Table 70. Evidence of clay-working

215

-

RESIDUE

LEVEL

-

Av. Av. Av. Av. Av.

Ì

-

Av. Av. Min. Ext. Av.

CHAPTER 17

SITE

Dinas Powys Dunadd Mote of Mark Lagore Garryduff

WHORL

10 2 3 24 Ì

SPINDLE WEIGHT TOOLS LEA./TEX. Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì -

LEVEL

Ext. Min. Av. Ext. Ext.

Table 71. Evidence of textile and leather-working

SITE

UNFINISHED Ì Ì

Dinas Powys Dunadd Mote of Mark Lagore Garryduff

FINISHED Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì

TOOLS Ì Ì

LEVEL

Av. Av. Min. Av. Ext.

Ì Ì

Table 72. Evidence of bone-working

SITE

Dinas Powys Dunadd Mote of Mark Lagore Garryduff

ORE Ì Ì Ì

Ì

SLAG Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

FURNACE Ì

Ì

FIN. Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

TOOLS Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

LEVEL

Ext. Av. Av. Ext. Ext.

Table 73. Evidence of iron-working

SITE

Dinas Powys Dunadd Mote of Mark Lagore Garryduff

SCRAP Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

UNF.

Ì Ì

FIN.

AMBER

CANE

-

-

Ì Ì Ì Ì

Ì

-

Ì Ì

MILL.

ENAMEL

LEVEL

-

Min. Av. Min. Ext. Ext.

Ì

Ì

-

Table 74. Evidence of glass-working

SITE

Dinas Powys Dunadd Mote of Mark Lagore Garryduff

FIN. Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

UNF.

-

TOOLS Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

RAW M. Ì Ì

Ì Ì

CRUCS. Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

MOULDS Ì Ì Ì Ì

LEVEL

Ext. Ext. Ext. Ext. Av.

-

Table 75. Evidence of non-ferrous metalworking

SITE

Dinas Powys Dunadd Mote of Mark Lagore Garryduff

IMPORTED VESSELS AMBER

37+ 31+ 18+ 4 16+

Ì

-

JET Ì Ì Ì

-

Ì Ì

GLASS Ì Ì Ì Ì Ì

Table 76. Evidence of trade

216

ROMAN Ì Ì Ì Ì

-

LEVEL

Ext. Ext. Ext. Ext. Ext.

CELTIC AND ANGLO-SAXON BRITAIN

Around 700 AD, a new phase of Anglo-Saxon economic development occurred. Large trading centres were established at Hamwic, Ipswich and London, facilitating the widespread use of silver coinage and the regulation of trade by royal law-codes. The two areas – Anglo-Saxon England and the Celtic West – diverged in the eighth century. The proximity of the former to northern France allowed for large-scale trade and the associated development of a market economy. In the latter, however, fortified royal centres continued to control access to trade, acted as redistribution centres, places of craft specialisation and large-scale production, consumed luxury goods and controlled both human and natural resources. It is possible that the diversion of trade to Anglo-Saxon England may have prevented the development of a market economy from the existing pre-conditions in the West.

Trading Patterns in Britain As in Ireland, two main phases of foreign trade, and possibly a third, are identifiable in mid-to-late first millennium AD Britain, the earlier Mediterranean, and the later Continental (e.g. Campbell 1996). The Mediterranean phase, in the fifth and sixth centuries AD, saw a focus on south-west England and south Wales, with a very minor continuation into the Irish Sea (Campbell 1997). Consisting of pottery vessels (Fig. 145), mostly from the Aegean with a smaller assemblage from north Africa, over 300 vessels date to this phase. It has been suggested that the concentration of this trade in the Severn Sea Zone in the fifth and sixth centuries, revolving around aristocratic sites such as Tintagel in Cornwall, Dinas Powys in Wales, and Cadbury Congresbury and South Cadbury both in Somerset, may have been associated with the export of metals (Campbell and Lane 1993, 67). Tin was available in Cornwall, lead and silver in the Mendips, and copper, lead and silver in Wales. This phase ended in the mid-sixth century, possibly due to the reimposition of Byzantine control over the western Mediterranean and the withdrawal of Mediterranean demand for metals. As a result, many fortified settlements of Celtic Britain were abandoned, e.g. Dinas Powys. The same is true of Irish sites such as Clogher and Garranes (Campbell 1996, 86).

Discussion Although morphologically very different, it is possible to compare the economic evidence from sites in Early Medieval Ireland with that from Celtic Britain. No Anglo-Saxon remains are included due to the different nature of English settlement. Dinas Powys in Wales, Dunadd and the Mote-of-Mark in Scotland, have been chosen as the most comprehensively excavated examples. They have produced the wealthiest assemblages and are, therefore, compared with two of the richest Irish sites; Lagore and Garryduff. It is first necessary to determine the levels of each economic activity on these settlements (Tables 65–76).

The second, or Continental, phase dates from the midsixth to the seventh century AD, with the focus now on western France and the Irish Sea Zone, and growing links between the Celtic West and the emerging Carolingian empire (Campbell 1997, 95). Archaeologically-visible imports include fragments of glass, found on approximately 40 sites, and some 500 ceramic vessels, mostly E-ware (Fig. 145). The concentration of imports further north, especially in Scotland, is geographically illogical - being further away from the source – and Campbell has suggested political fragmentation elsewhere as a possible reason (1996, 87). This argument, however, is not applicable to Early Medieval Ireland, where one of the densest concentrations of E-ware is found in the very politically unstable north-east of Ulster. Sites which did survive the transition from the earlier phase, such as Lagore, Garryduff and Dunadd, must have had a broader economic base. These were not directly reliant on exports to, and imports from, the Mediterranean world, with agriculture the obvious alternative.

These levels can then be used to determine economic class (Table 77). Finally, economic class should be presented in conjunction with other site and excavation information (Table 78). Immediately evident from a comparison of Irish and British material is the difference in both quantity and quality, with none of the Scottish or Welsh sites completely excavated. This may explain their lower economic classes when compared to Lagore and Garryduff. Without a larger sample of relevant British sites, higher economic wealth can only be postulated for Early Medieval Ireland. The eighth-century decrease in wealth in Celtic Britain, evident in the lack of imports, is not reflected in contemporary Ireland. The third British phase saw the growth of the Anglo-Saxon towns and associated market economy in England and a simultaneous decline in the Celtic West. In Ireland, however, the third phase of imports is marked by new links with the Scandinavian world, via a small number of Viking towns. Such towns were not established in Celtic Britain. Excavated evidence suggests that Ireland was strongest economically from the eighth to the tenth century AD (see chapter 16). It would seem, then, that either settlements in Early Medieval Ireland were less reliant on imports for their status, or that the Viking towns conveniently filled the void caused by the siphoning of Continental trade away from the Irish Sea to Anglo-Saxon England.

The larger sites are generally credited with the importation of most exotic material and its subsequent redistribution to other settlements. There was, however, ‘a differential redistribution of E-ware types after the pottery reached the major import sites and generally only the containers and not the jugs and bowls went out from the major sites’ (Campbell in Lane 1994, 109). The smaller quantities of Continental material found outside the main import areas, e.g. in Pictland, can be viewed in this way. 217

CHAPTER 17

SITE Dinas Powys Dunadd Mote of Mark Garryduff Lagore

A B C D Av - Av Av 10 10 10 Ext Av Av 20 10 10 Min Min Min Av 5 5 5 10 Av - Av Ext 10 10 20 Ext Ext Ext Ext 20 20 20 20

E Min 5 Min 5 -

F Av 10 Av 10 Av 10 Min Av 5 10 Ext Av 20 10

G Av 10 Av 10 Min 5 Ext 20 Av 10

H Ext 20 Min 5 Av 10 Ext 20 Ext 20

I Ext 20 Av 10 Av 10 Ext 20 Ext 20

J Min 5 Av 10 Min 5 Ext 20 Ext 20

K Ext 10 Ext 20 Ext 20 Av 10 Ext 20

L TOTAL CLASS Ext 10 140 1 Ext 20 130 2 Ext 20 105 3 Ext 20 165 1 Ext 20 220 1

Table 77. Levels of economic activity at five ‘Celtic’ sites

Date 7th-11th 7th-8th 5th-7th 6th-9th 6th-9th

Class. Site 1. Lagore 1. Garryduff 2. Dinas Powys 2. Dunadd 3. Mote of Mark

County Meath Cork Glamorgan Dalriada Pictland

Morphology Crannóg Cashel Multiv. Hilltop encl. Hilltop encl.

Size 41m 20m 46m 67m 63m

Size class D E D C C

Table 78. Excavation information, date and size of five ‘Celtic’ sites

218

Exc. info. Complete Complete 60-70% Partial Partial

CONCLUSION

Chapter XVIII

Conclusion Direct archaeological evidence for the economy of those who lived in raths and cashels is meagre, for there are few finds of the grain which was grown although there is considerably more evidence as to the type of livestock reared. The archaeological finds can, however, yield considerable indirect evidence as to the economy and can also be supplemented by written evidence from such sources as the Brehon laws of the seventh–ninth centuries AD or from some of the lives of the early Christian saints. (Proudfoot 1961, 104)

published in the Ulster Journal of Archaeology. Unfortunately, the same is not true for the rest of the island where brief entries are made in the Excavations Bulletin. Since 1961, the more significant excavations include Dressogagh, Rathbeg and Seacash, Co. Antrim, Crossnacreevy and Rathmullan, Co. Down, Killyliss, Co. Tyrone, Lisdoo and Carn, Co. Fermanagh, Oldcourt and Lisduggan, Co. Cork, Feltrim Hill, Co. Dublin, and Knockea and Raheennamadra, Co. Limerick. Some of the more important modern excavations (publications imminent) include Killickaweeny and Johnstown, Co. Kildare. Proudfoot’s opening remarks reflect the then prevalent approach to excavation, namely a concentration on structural remains and small finds, prior to the advent of scientific analyses. Important advances have since been made in individual aspects of Early Medieval economy, including McCormick’s work on animal bone assemblages (1982, 1983, 1987, 1992, 1995, 2007 etc.), Monk’s on cereal remains (1984, 1986, 1991 etc.) and Scott’s on ironworking (1971, 1974, 1981, 1983, 1990 etc.). Such works prove themselves even more valuable, however, when they are examined together, in conjunction with excavation reports.

Thus begins Proudfoot’s examination of the economy of the Irish ringfort, the first and, to a large extent, the only such study ever undertaken. In the 40 years since the publication of this article, little progress has been made in developing an overall picture of ringfort life in Early Medieval Ireland. Proudfoot’s analysis was based on a survey of approximately 30 ringfort excavations. Today, over 160 ringfort excavations have been published in some form, with a number of further sites (excavated as part of large development projects) awaiting publication by the commercial sector. A recent survey of unpublished excavations in the Republic of Ireland (Doyle et al. 2000) identifies approximately 36 published examples and 27 unpublished ringfort investigations. No major research excavations have been published since Proudfoot wrote his article – he included the large research projects of Garranes, Garryduff, Carraig Aille, Ballycatteen and Cahercommaun.

The present study has involved the analysis of approximately 200 excavated sites, incorporating information from settlements contemporary with the ringfort, particularly the crannóg and monastic centre. It also entailed a detailed study of each economic component based on the excavated evidence. This is the first major synthesis of economic information from excavated ringforts in Ireland since Proudfoot. It is evident from this survey that both the quantity and quality of the relevant evidence has greatly increased since 1961, and is continuing to do so. The information available to Proudfoot suggested that cattle far outnumbered any other species of livestock, that a small amount of grain was probably grown by most farmers, that ironworking and spinning and weaving were the most common of the crafts, and that trade played a small but significant part in the economy. It is now apparent that, while cattle were dominant, they were not so on every site, their numbers not so great as once thought, and there were chronological fluctuations in faunal patterns. We also now know that, in relation to cattle, dairying was the focus of most attention.

That is not to say, of course, that research digs have not been undertaken in more recent times. Duignan dug Rathgurreen and failed to publish it, while Fanning excavated the cashel at Rinnaraw, Co. Donegal, which, again, was not published before the excavator’s death (since published; Comber 2006). Two ringforts at Lisleagh, Co. Cork dug by Monk are still awaiting a final report, while an investigation, which started as a rescue excavation and which acquired a research status, was undertaken by Lynn at Deer Park Farms, Co. Antrim, the final report in progress. The cashels of Loher and Cathair Fionnúrach, both in Co. Kerry, appear to have produced a wealth of information, though have only been published as short paragraphs in various excavation bulletins.

The status of tillage is still somewhat uncertain, though the number of querns, corn-drying kilns, and horizontal mills now known would suggest a more extensive activity than Proudfoot postulated. Of the crafts,

A vast amount of more limited work has been carried out. Rescue excavations account for the majority of this, especially in Ulster where reports are regularly 219

CHAPTER 18

ironworking may be the most visible archaeologically, however this does not mean that it was the most common. The essentials of everyday life were provided by the more readily available materials – wood, stone and bone. These required less expertise in their working and are much less visible in the archaeological record. The economy of the Irish ringfort does provide an important insight into the social and economic stratification of Early Medieval Ireland. In this respect the present study is an important advance on the pioneering research of Proudfoot.

where salmon bones are known from one midden site only, and deer remains from numerous sites of all sizes and status. It seems probable that what constituted ‘sport’ for the nobility, provided an essential dietary supplement for those of lower status. With regard to other foraging activities, a certain element of seasonal opportunism seems likely, with nothing known of the organisation of such activity. In general, the exploitation of non-agricultural natural resources appears to have been sparked either by economic necessity or social status and made possible by different environmental settings.

The Economy of Early Medieval Ireland The incorporation of early literary evidence has proven quite useful in developing an understanding of social structure in Early Medieval Ireland. The laws portray a strictly hierarchical society, organised in a clientship system, with an economy based on agriculture and supplemented by a range of craft activities. The value of such archaeologically invisible information, however, is mitigated by a general representation of an ideal situation, in addition to which the documentary evidence leaves many questions unanswered.

Stone provided many of the basic implements and raw materials of everyday life in Early Medieval Ireland yet, outside of the finished products, little evidence of the craft survives in the archaeological record. Surprisingly, the literary evidence makes no mention of either stone-masons or sculptors, perhaps reflecting a part-time activity. Standard domestic implements were probably manufactured as required and from local stone, while luxury items (such as lignite or jet bracelets) may have involved specialist workers, though not necessarily on a permanent basis.

Crop cultivation in Early Medieval Ireland appears to have been quite efficient, employing the heavy coulter plough with mouldboard to negate the need for crossploughing. In addition, livestock were allowed to graze the stalks or stubble left behind after harvesting, fertilising the fields in the process. Of the crops grown, barley was the most common, followed by oats, rye and wheat. Wheat is associated with the upper classes in the early literature, a link perhaps corroborated by its low incidence in botanical samples. Tillage has, in the past, been specifically associated with monasticism and ecclesiastical settlements, though there is little, or no, archaeological evidence of such a connection.

Although rarely preserved, wood was another very common and useful material, for both structural and artefactual purposes. In a largely aceramic society, for example, wooden vessels must have been quite common (in addition to basketry and leather vessels). This may be reflected in the low status of the woodturner who would have produced such containers (with an honour-price of a mere half a sét). As with the working of stone, it is highly likely that most settlements would have satisfied their own daily requirements as need arose. A more specialist role is suggested for the wright, with four different grades identified in the documentary sources. Some, such as the wright of oaken houses, the wright of ships, and the millwright, had a relatively high status (at least seven séts) and may have been employed on a full-time basis by a variety of patrons.

The limited number of useful faunal analyses available points to the wide-scale predominance of cattle in Early Medieval stock-rearing, followed by sheep and pig. Cattle-raising was focused on dairying, pig and sheep on meat production, with an emphasis on woolexploitation developing towards the end of the period. Both the literary and archaeological evidence indicate the use of ringforts as pens for animals, nursing mothers and young animals at least. The documentary evidence depicts a society where cattle were of paramount economic and social importance, a situation corroborated by the faunal remains (particularly up to the ninth/tenth century).

Although readily available, clay was not widely used in the Early Medieval period, with no archaeological or literary evidence of the existence of ‘clay-workers’. Souterrain ware provides the one exception. A small number of production sites have been identified in Ulster, while sherds of this pottery are found on the majority of sites excavated in the province, suggesting the work of specialists. Other artefacts of clay, such as moulds, crucibles and tuyères, were probably manufactured by the metalworkers who required them.

The remains of hunting, gathering, fishing and fowling are limited in quantity, the importance of their role probably varying from site to site. The literature records that lords and kings were required to employ hunters, trappers and fishermen, suggesting full-time activities (even though the individuals were of low status). Hunting and salmon-fishing are generally associated with the élite in the written sources. This is not, however, reflected in the archaeological record

Evidence of bone- and antler-working is found on many sites, the workers involved apparently of very low status. Raw material was plentiful, however boneworking was not a common activity on all sites, nor was it highly specialised requiring full-time workers. The interpretation of the evidence of textile and leather production is considerably influenced by 220

CONCLUSION

archaeological preservation. Fortunately, many of the implements used were of metal, stone and bone and, therefore, generally do survive in the archaeological record. Despite this, approximately 50% of excavations have produced no relevant evidence, suggesting the possibility that some settlements supplied others. Such specialisation, however, is not reflected in the literary sources, where spinners and weavers are not mentioned and leather-workers assigned the low honour-price of half a sét. On the other hand, various documentary sources do record the exportation of clothes and shoes from Ireland in the Early Medieval period, pointing to the efficient and ‘semi-industrial’ exploitation of resources. Perhaps full-time workers were employed on high-status sites, while other settlements saw seasonal or part-time activity.

redistribution centres, and have a largely coastal distribution. Imported goods in Early Medieval Ireland can be divided into three main chronological phases which, when examined in conjunction with distribution patterns, reflect the possible influence of political events on the economy. The development of the Irish economy can be traced, using this material, from a dispersed client-lord hierarchy where trade played a secondary role, to a more diverse system with new ‘urban’ markets facilitating the growth of both local and international trade. The identification of three main levels of each economic activity allowed the development of an economic model. In general, minimum evidence reflects the use and occasional repair of items, average evidence the use, repair and manufacture, while extensive evidence suggests the use, repair, and the manufacture of a surplus. For all economic components (not just the crafts) the level of evidence recovered reflects the resource base and social status of the site’s inhabitants. Assigning numerical values to these resources and activities led to the proposal of eight economic classes, each one tentatively associated with one of the social grades identified in the early law texts. Due to the partial extent of our archaeological information, the economic class to which an excavated site is assigned is the minimum economic grouping for that settlement.

Ironworking was one of the most important crafts undertaken in the Early Medieval period, providing the tools and equipment necessary for daily life in an agricultural community. The early literature suggests that some specialist blacksmiths did exist, permanently engaged in ironworking, and perhaps supplementing the work of local, part-time craftsmen. Various grades of smith are identified, with a master-smith presiding over a team of workers and apprentices. Ironworking technology in Ireland reached a certain level and then levelled off, reflecting contentment with a basic functional technology, unconcerned with further improvement or development. This also reflects the comparative isolation of the island from the Roman world, with its shaft furnace technology and improved carburisation methods.

The application of the economic model to different site types revealed in economic terms that cashels and crannógs were the most similar, the majority of both falling into the upper classes. The wealth of these settlements may, in part, be due to the excellent preservation found on crannógs, and the generally quite small diameters of cashels, encouraging their complete excavation. Ringforts show a broader economic range, reflecting their number and role as the standard form of settlement in Early Medieval Ireland. The economic model now provides an alternative to the morphological approach. Stout’s model does not cater for the larger sites, while his clusters two, three and four (the lordly classes) do equate quite well with the economic classes. His clusters one and five (freemen), however, do not, possibly reflecting a lack of accuracy at the lower end of his scale. Three major chronological economic phases can also be identified; a period of average wealth from the fourth to the sixth century, major economic growth between the seventh and tenth, and a decline again in the eleventh. Unfortunately, general geographical trends are less reliable as they reflect an excavation bias favouring sites in Ulster and Munster.

Often found together, both in craftworking areas and on finished artefacts, glass and the precious metals are generally associated with high status. Glass-workers are not mentioned in the early texts, while the metalsmiths or ‘cerds’ are portrayed as full-time specialists of high status (equal, at the very least, to the lowest grade of noble). The archaeological evidence, however, suggests that some workers may not have been permanently employed in precious metalworking, with some sites producing just one or two crucibles or moulds. Such smiths may also have practised other crafts or provided seasonal farm labour. Those permanently occupied in fine metalworking were supported by wealthy patrons and so this activity is invariably associated with high-status settlements. Surplus produced by all of the aforementioned activities was, according to the literary evidence, widely circulated throughout society. The clientship system bound the various social and economic classes together, providing a mechanism for exchange. International contacts appear to have been limited to trade, with no reference to other forms of exchange between the Irish and their contemporaries abroad. Sites producing greater quantities of imported material may have operated as primary import and

The economic model is also applicable to sites in neighbouring Celtic Britain, however a comparison with Irish sites is hindered by the relatively few settlements excavated in Scotland and Wales, and their limited extent. An examination of imports is more 221

CHAPTER 18

useful, revealing a decline in wealth in Celtic Britain from the eighth century, coinciding with the beginnings of economic growth in Anglo-Saxon England and Early Medieval Ireland. The picture portrayed in Ireland is one of a hierarchical society, with different grades reflected in the economic evidence recovered. Most settlements were largely self-sufficient, though some commodities had to be obtained from a smaller number of production centres, perhaps through the clientship system. When examined as a whole, the excavated evidence allows the comparison of morphologically diverse sites and the identification of economic phases.

particularly true of foreign trade, with concentrations of relevant material in the aforementioned areas. Another major problem involved in a study of trade and exchange is the archaeologically invisible nature of the goods being transferred, resulting in a biased impression of the commodities in circulation. In developing an economic model, no direct precedents are available, the nearest example provided by Stout's cluster analysis. In addition, due to the reliance on evidence from excavation reports, sites can only be assigned to their lowest possible economic class, very rarely to their actual class. The largest problem encountered with the British material relates to the Celtic west and north of Britain and its general lack of excavated settlements. This clearly makes it difficult to form a picture of its economy and, then, to compare it to the relatively abundant Irish remains.

Research Problems The research for this study involved a broad range of published sources, with the lacunae in our knowledge of Early Medieval Ireland becoming increasingly more evident as work progressed. One area, however, which has been relatively well studied is that of the early literary evidence, with Kelly’s two text books on early Irish law and farming providing invaluable compilations of relevant material. Some topics though, especially the crafts, are only briefly touched upon, necessitating the consultation of a variety of articles scattered throughout a number of diverse sources. A problem commonly encountered in an examination of early documentary evidence, often due to a lack of knowledge of Old Irish, is a reliance on published translations of texts. These translations may not be totally accurate nor, indeed, the original manuscripts very reliable.

The problems of partial investigation and methodology are evident in the analysis of the Rathgurreen project undertaken as part of this study. The excavation report had to be based on Duignan’s incomplete notes and, more importantly, incomplete site plans of the original excavations in the late 1940s. In addition, the archaeological assemblage from the site had received no post-excavation cleaning, preservation or specialist study, as a result of which some of the iron artefacts were damaged, others corroded beyond recognition. No soil samples were taken during the excavations, preventing the identification of cereal remains and, thus, biasing the impression of food economy. Although this thesis required the consultation and study of a wide variety of sources dealing with a range of differing topics (from early Irish law to pollen analysis), the largest problem encountered was the quality of the excavations and their reports. More comprehensive excavation and analyses of these settlements would have facilitated the easier construction of an economic model and, hopefully, made such a model a more useful analytical tool.

Of the various economic components, very few have been studied specifically in relation to Early Medieval Ireland. While general technological treatises are available, most of the specific site evidence had to be compiled from individual excavation reports. This work revealed hugely varying standards of both excavation and publication, making it difficult to compare the remains from different sites. Those published only in the Excavations Bulletin, for example, generally receive the briefest of summaries, while others are fully published with a full complement of specialist appendices. The scale and quality of these excavations also varies greatly, ranging from smallscale rescue cuttings to complete research projects.

Future Research Although much work has been done on the economy and settlement of Early Medieval Ireland, an important recommendation for future research must be the adoption of minimum standards and guidelines for both excavation and publication of results and the implementation of a practical framework to facilitate both (though this situation is now improving). This would obviously facilitate much research in all periods of the Irish past, not just the Early Medieval. The economic model developed here could then be greatly improved by the addition of high quality excavated evidence. Much work also remains on the subject of unenclosed Early Medieval settlement, both in its identification and excavation. The lowest grades in society – the un-free – will remain archaeologically invisible until this gap has been filled.

Further problems are encountered in the examination of the economic evidence from individual sites, due largely to variable preservation conditions. The only materials not subject to decay are stone, clay and glass, therefore much of the evidence of crop cultivation, animal husbandry, hunting, gathering, fishing and fowling, wood-working, bone-, textile- and leatherworking is biased towards sites with favourable preservation conditions - especially crannógs. The majority of Early Medieval sites excavated in Ireland are located in Ulster, and counties Meath and Cork, thus influencing distribution patterns. This is

A more specific course of future research would see 222

CONCLUSION

the complete excavation of Rathgurreen, in order to confirm its construction-sequence and phases of occupation. The recovery of a more comprehensive artefactual and environmental assemblage would also provide a more accurate economic picture, and facilitate its assignation to a definite economic class. Such work could also be used as the starting point for a larger research project, examining a particular Early Medieval landscape, as a need exists for more landscape archaeology projects, including the analysis of field systems etc. In this case, the Maree peninsula could be used as the study zone, the project investigating the relationship between a number of Early Medieval sites in the region. Their economies and chronology could be compared, and a local economic hierarchy established. This would provide an interesting comparison to the larger national model developed here. [Note – the author is currently directing such a project in the Burren, Co. Clare]

The raising and tending of cattle herds and associated production of dairy goods was probably the primary focus, with less time devoted to the smaller numbers of sheep and pig. Seasonal activities would have included ploughing, planting, harvesting and possibly the gathering of other foodstuffs such as shellfish and hazelnuts. Standard agricultural equipment and domestic implements were probably manufactured as required and repaired when necessary. Occasionally, a surplus of items (textiles for example) may have been manufactured and used as a transfer commodity in the clientship system, a system which demanded the exchange of foodstuffs for the most part. Once the annual tribute to the lord had been satisfied, any excess goods could be used to obtain certain luxury items, a bronze pin or a jet bracelet for example. The normal agricultural routine may have been interrupted by periods of time spent in the direct service of the lord, providing labour, military service and, perhaps, hospitality. As the influence of the church grew, religious observances would have become increasingly important, as would trips to an óenach or market.

More analysis of the literary evidence is required, with a view to understanding the economy of the period, while a number of the individual economic components also require further work. Further environmental research is needed, including both pollen and grain studies. A series of metallurgical analyses of precious metal objects might reveal the sources of the metals used, perhaps also identifying workshops or schools of metalworking. In general, greater use of scientific methods in the analyses of raw material use and exchange is called for, whether it be the sourcing of metals, clays or stone. The textile and leather remains, although small in quantity, also require further analysis and comparison with contemporary material elsewhere. The lack of pottery vessels throughout most of Early Medieval Ireland, and the possible alternatives, need study, as does the relatively large assemblage of souterrain ware recovered in Ulster. The identification of different pot types, sources of clay and the development of a typology would greatly aid the dating of sites and perhaps also local exchange/trade links.

The application of the proposed economic model has revealed an association between economy and morphology, with the wealthiest settlements being of quite small size (30–49m in diameter) and the largest sites falling into economic classes three and four. Increasing size, then, was not an exact correlation of increasing wealth. The majority of earthen ringforts occur in the lower economic classes (perhaps influenced to some extent by their limited excavations) with significantly fewer in the upper levels; an economic reflection of a hierarchical society. Cashels and crannógs form the top economic classes, while monastic sites show no clear preference for any one economic class. This may be due to the possible existence of an exclusively ecclesiastical economic ‘order’, not directly comparable to secular settlements, or the relative lack of excavated examples. Economy also appears to be related to social structure. The hierarchical system portrayed in the early law texts associates each social grade with certain economic attributes. Using this as a rough guideline, the various economic classes identified can be linked, albeit tentatively, with social groupings. Whether or not the specific links suggested are accurate, economic status did decide social status. Especially evident here are the complementary roles played by the literary evidence and the archaeological record, with the former providing the social grades, the latter the economic classes. In general, this study demonstrates the usefulness of the documentary sources, particularly with regard to archaeologically invisible activities and processes.

Discussion Tracing economic development from the Iron Age into the Early Medieval period is very problematic due to the limited remains from the earlier period. Agricultural growth is evident at the end of the Iron Age, marked by changes in the pollen diagrams (see chapter 3), and the probable introduction from Roman Britain of the efficient coulter plough and the practice of dairying. Craft developments are uncertain as a result of the limited Iron Age evidence. Major economic change, however, is suggested by the change in settlement form toward enclosures/ringforts and the apparent population expansion in Early Medieval times.

It is now also possible, particularly using imported material, to suggest a link between economy and political events. Unlike in Celtic Britain and Anglo-

The life of a typical ringfort inhabitant, of bóaire class for example, would have revolved around agriculture. 223

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Saxon England, the first phase of imported material in Ireland, dating from the fifth to the mid-sixth century, consisted of a relatively small assemblage of items. This suggests a lack of resources or a period of comparative isolation and, indeed, the fifth and sixth centuries in Ireland saw much disturbance and displacement. New political dynasties emerged and replaced the existing tribal powers, many of whom then turned their attention to Celtic Britain. As a result of this turmoil and movement of peoples, no strong pattern of either provincial or national kingship existed, reducing the relatively stable conditions necessary to attract foreign trade. Phase two imports, from the midsixth to the seventh century, are much more numerous, reflecting a more settled society, with the major political groups such as the Uí Néill and Éoganachta exerting firm control over their spheres of influence. This period also saw the beginnings of Irish religious missions to Britain and the Continent, establishing important trade connections.

as the control of production by an élite and the growth of craft specialisation, were present in seventh-century Britain and Ireland. Only in Anglo-Saxon England, however, did they lead to the development of towns with their market economy in the eighth century. While Celtic Britain went into decline, it appears that Early Medieval Ireland maintained its status, eventually reaching a basic market economy in the tenth century. The Viking towns probably then acted as a catalyst, inducing native developments already on the brink of emergence. The end of the tenth/beginning of the eleventh century AD heralded the end of the economic order of Early Medieval Ireland, with the establishment and growth of the Viking and monastic towns and, later, the imposition of Anglo-Norman economic structures and policies. Perhaps the phases of construction at Rathgurreen could be viewed in this context. As a high status, relatively wealthy settlement, it is only logical that the site be affected by general economic and political trends. Originally a large, poorly-defended enclosure, Rathgurreen underwent major alterations sometime in the sixth or seventh century AD. It is possible to view the addition of a large, impressive and possibly defensive, bank and ditch as a response to, or result of, the transition from a largely tribal social structure to a more dynastic one. Very visible territorial claims would have been necessary in such an atmosphere of change and economic growth (perhaps also explaining, to some extent, the stylised detail of the early law tracts).

The third and final phase of imports, dating from the eighth century to the tenth/eleventh century, saw a decline in wealth in Celtic Britain, an economic ‘takeoff’ in Anglo-Saxon England, and the climax of the Irish Early Medieval economy. The diversion of trade to Anglo-Saxon England in the eighth century did not have such a negative effect on Ireland as it did Scotland and Wales. The eighth and ninth centuries in Ireland marked the zenith of many arts, including precious metalworking, stone sculpture and manuscript illumination, in addition to great economic wealth (see chapter 16). Perhaps the divergence in fortunes between Ireland and Celtic Britain was due to a greater emphasis on agriculture in Ireland than on foreign luxuries. Later, in the tenth century, the establishment of the Viking towns of Dublin, Waterford, Wexford, Cork and Limerick, and the growth of monastic towns such as Armagh, Kells and Clonmacnoise, facilitated continued economic prosperity in Ireland. No such towns developed in Celtic Britain, being confined to the Danelaw and Anglo-Saxon England.

Evident from this study is the importance of even the most mundane of excavated assemblages, due to the wealth of economic evidence they can produce. The ubiquitous ringfort, therefore, provides the key to much of this work. Diverse remains and sources of information can be utilised to develop a picture of the economy of Early Medieval Ireland, that economy being inextricably linked to both social structure and political conditions between the fifth and eleventh centuries AD.

The conditions necessary for economic ‘take-off’, such

224

EXCAVATED SITES

Appendix 1: Excavated Early Medieval Sites KEY: Uni. Univallate X Excavation Biv. Bivallate R Rescue excavation Triv. Trivallate * Published as note in Excavations bulletin Doyle 2000 Unpublished Excavations Survey

Ringforts Co. Antrim Ballyboley Ballygortgarve Ballyhenry 1 Ballyhenry 2 Ballyhill Lower Ballykennedy Ballymacash Ballymagarry Ballymurphy Ballymurphy Ballypalady 2 Ballypalady 3 Ballyshanagill Ballysillan Ballyvollen Ballwee Carnlough North Carnmoney Craig Hill Deerfin Lower Deer Park Farms Dromore Dunsilly Finkiltagh Glengormley Grange of Mallusk Killyglen Lissue Meadowbank Poleglass Rathbeg Sallagh Fort Seacash Shaneen Park Shane’s Castle Tully

Lynn 1987 * Lynn 1971 * Lynn 1983 Lynn 1983 Williams 1985 * Brannon 1980a Jope and Ivens 1998 Evans 1952 Given 1990 * Lynn 1987 * Waterman 1972 Waterman 1972 Halpin 1990, 1992 * Evans 1952 Williams 1985 Lynn 1974* Hamond 1981 * Avery 1970 * Waterman 1956b Bratt 1975–1976 * Lynn 1985–1987 * Collins 1968 McNeill 1974–1976 * Williams 1973 * Brannon 1986, 1987 * Crothers 1995 * Waterman 1968 Bersu 1947 Halpin and Crothers 1995* Harper 1971 * Warhurst 1969 Davies 1938 Lynn 1978 Evans 1950, Proudfoot 1958 Warhurst 1971 * Harper 1970 *

Limited X Uni., R. Platform, R. Platform, R. R. Uni., R. Uni./Biv.? Uni. Fosse only Platform, R. Multi., limited X Biv., limited X Uni., R. Mound, destroyed Cropmark, R. Conjoined, R. ? Biv. House and sout. Cashel Raised Mound, R. Ringfort and motte Platform, R. Destroyed ? Platform, damaged Uni. Raised, R. R. Uni., R. ? Uni., R. Uni., damaged Uni., R. Biv., R.

Co. Armagh Corliss Dressogagh Lisdrumchor Upper Shewis Tullyallan

Davies 1941 Collins 1966 Collins 1971 * Brannon 1980 Collins 1971 *

Biv., limited X Uni., R. Platform Uni., R. ?

Co. Clare Cahercommaun Caherconnell Cahircalla More

Hencken 1938 Hull and Comber 2008 Hull and Taylor forthcoming

Triv. cashel Cashel Uni.

225

APPENDIX 1

Carrowdotia Garrynamona Thady’s Fort

Hull and Taylor forthcoming Rynne 1964 Rynne 1964

Cashel, partial Uni., R. Biv., R.

Triv., partial Entrance only Cashel Uni., limited

Oldcourt Raheens

Ó Ríordáin and Hartnett 1943 Manning 1984, 1985 * O’Kelly 1951 Twohig 1975 McCarthy 1998 (mentioned in) ? Ó Ríordáin 1942, Doyle et al. 2000 O’Kelly 1962 O’Kelly 1962 O’Flaherty 1982 Mount 1992*, 1995 Ó Donnabháin 1983 * Twohig 1990 Twohig 1990 Twohig 1990, 1973* Monk 1982–1984 *, 1995 Monk 1989–1992 *, 1995 O’Sullivan 1987–1989 * O’Sullivan, Hannon and Tierney 1998 Murphy and Ó Cuileanáin 1961 Lennon 1994

Co. Derry Glenkeen North Glenkeen South Lismurphy Creggan Doon

Waterman 1967 Waterman 1967 Lynn 1973*, 1980 Hadfield 1987* McCourt, unpub.

Biv., R. Uni., R. Limited X No evidence ?

Crothers 1992* Fanning 1987–1992* Comber 2005

Uni., R. Cashel

Waterman 1958a Collins 1970 * Waterman and Collins 1952 Waterman and Collins 1952 Dickinson and Waterman 1960 Dickinson and Waterman 1959 Collins 1959 Proudfoot 1959 Harper 1974 Brannon 1980b Waterman 1951, 1958 Proudfoot? Lynn 1985 Gaskell Brown 1978 Waterman 1959 Jones? Proudfoot? Waterman 1959 Lynn 1982 Waterman 1955 Waterman 1958b Waterman 1956

Platform Limited X Biv. Uni. Uni., damaged Uni. with motte Limited X Limited X Uni., R. Uni., R. Limited evidence ? Mound, R. Fosse only Mound, limited ? ? Mound, trial X Uni. with motte Uni., damaged Uni., destroyed Cashel, limited X

Co. Cork Ballycatteen Cahirvagliair Carrigillihy Coolowen Croom Garranes Garryduff 1 Garryduff 2 Glanturkin Killanully Liscahane Lisduggan North 1 Lisduggan North 2 Lisduggan North 3 Lisleagh 1 Lisleagh 2 Lisnagun

Co. Donegal Ringmackilroy Rinnaraw

Co. Down Ballyfounder Ballylessan Ballywillwill 1 Ballywillwill 2 Castleskreen 1 Castleskreen 2 Craigaphuile Croft Road Crossnacreevy Drumbroneth Dundrum Castle Glenloughan Gransha Hillsborough Fort Lismahon Lisnagade 1 Lisnagade 2 Piper’s Fort Rathmullan Seafin Spittle Ballee White Fort

226

Triv., partial Uni. cashel Uni. cashel Uni., limited X Uni., complete X Uni. Uni., R. Uni., R. Uni., R. Uni. Uni. Uni., c.75% Uni., limited X Uni., limited X

EXCAVATED SITES

Co. Dublin Feltrim Hill Scholarstown

Hartnett and Eogan 1964 Keeley 1985–1987 *

Cashel Uni., R.

Co. Fermanagh Boho Carn Coolcran Drumee Lisdoo

Proudfoot 1953 Brannon 1982b Williams 1985 Warhurst 1967 Brannon 1982a

Uni., partial X Cashel, R. Uni., R. Platform, R. Biv., R.

Co. Galway Ballybrit Dún Eoghanachta Rathgurreen Turoe

Waddell 1971 Doyle et al. 2000 Comber 2002 Raftery 1944

Very limited Cashel Biv., partial Uni.

Co. Kerry Ballyegan Ballynavenouragh Cahergal Cathair Fionnúrach Dromthacker Lahard Leacanabuaile Loher Moybella North

Byrne 1991, 1992 * Monk 1998 (mentioned in) Manning 1990 * Gibbons 1994 * Doyle et al. 2000 Connolly 1994 * Ó Ríordáin and Foy 1943 O’Flaherty 1982–1985* Connolly 1994 *

Cashel, R. Cashel Cashel Cashel Uni., R. Biv. Cashel Cashel Uni., damaged

Co. Kildare Killickaweeny Narraghmore Pollardstown

Carlin et al. forthcoming Fanning 1971 * Fanning 1971, 1974 *

Uni. Triv. Biv., destroyed

Co. Kilkenny Dunbell Dunbell 5

Foley 1972 * Cassidy 1990 *

Uni., R. Uni., destroyed

Ó Ríordáin 1936 Hunt 1951, Mitchell 1953 Ó Ríordáin 1949b Ó Ríordáin 1949b Cleary ? Ó Ríordáin 1949a Ó Ríordáin 1949a Shee 1974 * Shee-Twohig 1977 Ó Ríordáin 1940 Ó Ríordáin 1936 Ó Ríordáin 1949b O’Kelly 1967 Stenberger 1967 Shee 1973, 1974 * Shee-Twohig 2000

Rectangular platform ? Uni., 90 % X Uni. ? Cashel Cashel Uni.

Doyle et al. 2000 Carroll 1992 *

Uni., R. Uni., partial X

Co. Limerick Ballinamona Ballingarry Down Ballingoola 3 Ballingoola 4 Ballylanders Carraig Aille 1 Carraig Aille 2 Croom East Cush Duntryleague Grange Knockea Raheennamadra Sluggary

Co. Longford Aghadegnan Aghadegnan 1

227

Ringfort complex Doubtful ringfort Uni., 50% X Uni., limited X Uni. Biv., R.

APPENDIX 1

Co. Louth Lissachiggel

Davies 1940

Cashel

Uni., R. Uni.

Lislackagh

Rynne 1956 O Ríordáin and MacDermott 1951, 1953 Walsh 1992

Co. Meath Cormeen Garryntemple Madden’s Hill Simonstown Smithstown

Doyle et al. 2000 Hurley 1983 * Rynne 1974 Kelly 1975–1976 * Gowen 1988 *

Uni., R. ? Uni., destroyed Uni. Settlement

Co. Sligo Bunnacranagh Carrowgobbadagh Knoxspark

Harvey 1987 * Doyle et al. 2000 Mount 1994*

Uni., R. Uni., R. ?

Co. Tipperary Ballyvanran Bowling Green Poulacapple

O’Sullivan 1990, 1992 * Fanning 1970 * Reynolds 1972 *

Multi. Uni. Uni.

Co. Tyrone Altanagh Clogher Glencull Killyliss Lislear Mullaghbane Urney

Williams 1986 Warner 1973 Collins 1960 Ivens 1984 Simpson 1987 * Harper 1972 Scott 1970–1971 *

Uni., R. Uni. ? Uni., R. Destroyed Uni., R. Uni.

Co. Westmeath Marlinstown Petitswood Portnashangan 1 Portnashangan 3 Uisneach

Keeley 1990 * Channing 1992 * Keeley 1990 * Keeley 1990 * MacAlister and Praeger 1928

Uni. Uni., destroyed Uni., R. Bank only ?

Co. Wicklow Ballyknockan Burgage More Quinn’s Rath Rath na Frishtawn Tobin’s Rath

MacAlister 1943 MacAlister 1943 O’Connor 1944 O’Connor 1944 O’Connor 1944

Uni., R. Biv., R. Mound, R. Uni., R. R., limited X

Co. Mayo Ardcloon Letterkeen

Uni., R.

Miscellaneous Sites Ballybrolly, Co. Armagh Ballynagallagh II, Co. Limerick Ballyutoag, Co. Antrim Ballyvollen, Co. Wicklow Beginish, Co. Kerry Blackhills Lower, Co. Cavan Bray Head, Co. Kerry Cloontycarthy, Co. Cork

Lynn 1983 Doyle et al. 2000 Williams 1984 Doyle et al. 2000 O’Kelly 1956 Doyle et al. 2000 Doyle et al. 2000 Doyle et al. 2000

Enclosure Enclosure Village complex Sout. and furnace Island settlement Settlement Settlement Horiz. mill 228

EXCAVATED SITES

Coarha Beg, Co. Kerry Coarliss, Co. Cork Craig Hill, Co. Down Crushyree, Co. Cork Dalkey, Co. Dublin Derrynaflan, Co. Tipperary Dooey, Co. Donegal Dowdalshill I, Co. Louth Dromiskin, Co. Louth Emlagh West, Co. Kerry Graggan West, Co. Clare Island MacHugh, Co. Tyrone Johnstown, Co. Kildare Kill, Co. Kerry Killylane, Co. Antrim Knowth, Co. Meath Knoxspark, Co. Sligo Larne, Co. Antrim Larrybane, Co. Antrim Marshes Upper, Co. Louth Millockstown, Co. Louth Oughtymore, Co. Derry Pollacappul, Co. Mayo Robinstown I, Co. Westmeath Ross Island, Co. Kerry Sarsfieldstown, Co. Meath Truska, Co. Galway

Doyle et al. 2000 Doyle et al. 2000 Waterman 1956 Doyle et al. 2000 Liversage 1968 Doyle et al. 2000 Ó Ríordáin and Rynne 1961 Doyle et al. 2000 Doyle et al. 2000 Doyle et al. 2000 Doyle et al. 2000 Davies 1950 Carlin et al. forthcoming Doyle et al. 2000 Williams and Yates 1984 Eogan 1977 McCormick and Murray 2007 Doyle et al. 2000 ? Proudfoot and Wilson 1962 Doyle et al. 2000 Manning 1986 Woodman and Mallory 1984 Doyle et al. 2000 Doyle et al. 2000 O’Brien 1995a, 1995b, Doyle et al. 2000 Doyle et al. 2000 Doyle et al. 2000

Hut site Pit and hearth House and sout. Mill Settlement Togher Sandhills site Enclosure Souterrains Souterrain Settlement Island settlement Enclosure with burials Souterrain Enclosure and dams Settlement Promontory Fort Marshland site Promontory Fort Settlement Enclosure Midden Settlement Stone platform Metalworking site Souterrain Hut site

Monastic Sites Ballyman, Co. Dublin Cathedral Hill, Co. Armagh Church Island, Co. Kerry Clonmacnoise, Co. Offaly Curlew, Co. Roscommon Derrynaflan, Co. Tipperary Drumcliffe, Co. Sligo * Dunmisk, Co. Tyrone Dunshaughlin, Co. Meath High Island, Co. Galway Illaunloughan, Co. Kerry Iniscealtra, Co. Clare Inishkea, Co. Mayo Inishmurray, Co. Sligo Kells, Co. Meath Killederdadrum, Co. Tipperary Kilpatrick, Co. Westmeath Movilla Abbey, Co. Down Nendrum, Co. Down Omey Island Reask, Co. Kerry Solar, Co. Antrim St. Gobnet’s, Co. Cork Tallaght, Co. Dublin Tullylish, Co. Down

O’Brien 1987 * Gaskell Brown and Harper 1984 O’Kelly 1973 King 1992, Sullivan and Boland 1998 Doyle et al. 2000 in Ryan 1983a Enright 1984 Ivens 1989 Doyle et al. 2000 Doyle et al. 2000 White-Marshall and Walsh 2005 Doyle et al. 2000 Henry 1945, 1952 Doyle et al. 2000 Doyle et al. 2000 Manning 1984 Swan 1995 Yates 1983, Ivens 1984 Lawlor 1925 O’Keefe 1992 Fanning 1981 Lynn 1992 * O’Kelly 1952 Doyle et al. 2000 Ivens 1987

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Crannógs Ballinderry 1, Co. Westmeath Ballinderry 2, Co. Offaly Clea Lakes, Co. Down Clones, Co. Monaghan Cloneygonnell, Co. Cavan Corraneary, Co. Cavan Craigywarren, Co. Antrim Cró Inis, Co. Westmeath Deredis Upper, Co. Cavan Lagore, Co. Meath Lough Faughan, Co. Down Moylarg, Co. Antrim Moynagh Lough, Co. Meath Newtownlow, Co. Westmeath Randalstown, Co. Antrim Rathtinaun, Co. Sligo Strokestown, Co. Roscommon

Hencken 1937 Hencken 1942 Collins and Proudfoot 1959 D’Arcy 1900 Wood-Martin 1886, 197 Davies 1942 Knowles and Coffey 1907 Doyle et al. 2000 Davies 1946 Hencken 1950 Collins 1955 Buick 1893, 1894 Bradley 1981–1984, 1991 Bourke 1984–1985 * Wood-Martin 1886, 167 Raftery, forthcoming ? Woodman 1886 *

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Appendix 2: Technical Processes classes; bones of the right and left sides of the body. Each fragment is then matched against others of the same age and size, revealing the minimum number of individuals of each species.

CHAPTER 4. ANIMAL HUSBANDRY: Methods of assemblage analysis Understanding the techniques of analysis involved in the examination of faunal assemblages lends an awareness of the problems and biases inherent in many faunal reports. Analyses of animal bone assemblages can reveal much information regarding human diet such as the animal species exploited, the quantity of meat represented, food preferences and restrictions, and the potential availability of animal by-products (milk, cheese, skins etc.). Studies may also suggest the source of a meat supply, techniques of butchery and areas of specialisation. Many aspects of an assemblage must be examined to achieve these ends. Clearly, the type of site where the bones were found is of importance, be it ritual or domestic for example, as is the geology of the site and its effect on preservation conditions. The species represented need to be identified, in addition to the minimum number of animals of each species, butchery marks, the age of the animals when killed, their size and sex, and any diseases or injuries (Chaplin 1971, 60–62). It must be remembered, however, that the analyses attempted depends on the volume and condition of the animal remains.

The slaughter patterns of animals contain much economic information, often reflecting the primary function of herds, for dairying, wool- or meatexploitation for example. The age of an animal when killed is essential in this and, although very difficult to determine, a number of criteria can be taken as a whole to suggest an approximate age. These include tooth eruption, replacement and wear, epiphyseal fusion, closure of cranial sutures, incremental structures, size and form (i.e. growth), and qualitative features (ibid. 77). As many animals were killed before their last tooth came into wear, tooth eruption is a valuable method of age determination. However, the age at which a tooth erupts depends on a number of factors such as breed, diet and environmental conditions, resulting in a large range of possible age. Group frequency analysis, where possible, can help overcome this problem. Jaws at a similar stage of development are grouped together, the different groups then placed in order. In this way it is possible to identify the stage at which animals were killed (ibid. 78–80). The epiphyses or ends of the bone are separated from the shaft by a cartilage pad during growth. When this ends, the pad ossifies, joining the shaft with the epiphysis. The age at which fusion occurs depends on species, breed, sex and environment. Similarly, separate skull bones fuse together at the end of development. This, however, is more useful than tooth eruption or epiphyseal fusion as it continues long after these have occurred. It is, therefore, of value when studying animals with a longer life span (ibid. 81).

In the past, bone studies often consisted of a simple quantification of remains using a technique known as the fragments method. As the name suggests, all surviving bone fragments are counted, the individual species often stated as a percentage of the total bulk. There are, however, many problems inherent in this approach. As Chaplin puts it ‘this method has as its base the assumption that from the moment of death to the time that they reach the specialist’s bench all the individual bones of all the species are equally affected by chance or deliberate breakage and will survive equally well the hazards of different methods of cooking, preservation in the soil, excavation and transport’ (1971, 64). Larger bovine bones, for example, might be expected to break (accidentally or deliberately) into more fragments than smaller pig or sheep remains, thus forming a greater percentage of the overall total. This misrepresentation might explain, in some reports at least, the almost complete dominance of larger species.

Increments can be found on a number of bones, though those most useful in determining age are found in the secondary cement around the roots and below the crowns of teeth. The rate of deposition varies throughout the year, producing a banded sequence. Generally, one thick and one thin layer are formed annually and, where clarity is sufficient, these can be counted and used as an indicator of age. The rate of tooth wear depends on the food consumed and is, therefore, of limited use outside group analysis (food type being relatively consistent within a group). The examination of bone growth, through size and form, is too inexact to be of much significance in an assemblage analysis, while the bones of some more mature animals have sculpted surfaces and ossified ligaments and tendons. Such features, however, can also be present on the remains of younger, working animals (ibid. 84–90). It is evident that, while none of these criteria are absolute, when taken together they can indicate the probable age of an animal when killed.

The weight method is occasionally used and involves ascertaining the weight of surviving bones (of each individual, each species and/or the total) and then estimating the amount of meat represented. This technique assumes a constant relationship between the weight of bones and that of a dressed carcass. Such a relationship, however, is far from exact, depending on such factors as diet, age and sex (ibid. 67–69). The most reliable approach, in general use today, is the minimum numbers method. Remains are divided into species groups and then further sub-divided into two 231

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Finally, the sex of an animal can be determined from their bone remains. Some species have unique secondary sexual characteristics such as the antlers of male deer (except reindeer where both sexes have antlers) or the baculum (penis bone) of male carnivores. In a number of species, the bones of the two sexes have different morphological characteristics (the pelvis for example), they also differ in weight and/or size, and possibly in anatomical features (such as the size of muscle ridges). Although the first two are absolute, they are rarely applied due to lack of the necessary bones in assemblages under study. The second two are less reliable, with size and weight dependent on environmental conditions (ibid. 100– 102). A combination of these techniques is usually employed.

Pressure flaking could also be undertaken in a number of ways. Freehand pressure flaking involved holding the core in one hand and using the other to apply pressure with a stone, bone or wooden tool. Alternatively, the core/flake could be placed on a firm surface and pressure applied to the tool by hand, chest or shoulder. Percussion techniques were generally used to produce the basic form of an artefact, with pressure flaking employed in secondary work or ‘retouching’ (ibid. 101). Flake production was controlled through the use of hammer-stones of different weight and hardness, by varying the angle of strike and force used, and by preparing the core. This was done by removing flakes prior to the main flake production. The abrasive employed in the shaping of stone could be either solid or powdered. Solid abrasives, in the form of whetstones and grindstones, were commonly used. These were most effective if held in a fixed position with the stone artefact worked against them. Whether powdered or solid, the abrasive was used in conjunction with water. This acted as a coolant, lubricant and emulsifier of waste. Powdered abrasive was used when sawing, drilling, cutting and polishing. A saw composed of a string, leather thong or metal wire pulled taut in a bow, could be used to shape stone. Stone could be drilled with a hollow or solid drillpoint. If solid, the point eventually wore down, resulting in a tapering drill-hole or ‘hour-glass’ perforation if worked from both sides. A hollow point, for example a long bone, produced cylindrical holes by removing solid cylinders of stone. Abrasion cutting could have been undertaken with the edge of a thin metal or stone disc, probably mounted on a lathe. The final use of powdered abrasive, a fine-grained one, was in polishing. The flat surfaces of lathe-mounted wheels could be used, wheels of wood or leather giving a high polish. Items could also be polished by hand using the rounded end of a wooden stick, bone or piece of leather. Quartz sand was probably the most commonly used powdered abrasive (Hodges 1964, 105–107).

CHAPTER 6. STONE: Technological context Stone could be worked and shaped in five different ways; splitting or cleaving, flaking, abrading, pulverizing and cutting. The method used was often determined by the hardness and resilience of the stone being worked. Flint and chert, for example, are very hard though fracture easily and so, were generally worked by flaking. Quartzite, on the other hand, is very hard and resilient and could only be shaped by hammering (i.e. pulverizing). The use of an abrasive like quartz sand made it possible to work hard stones (such as granite) with a softer tool (a bone-pointed drill for example). Only relatively soft stones (such as steatite) could be cut and even then a much harder tool (of flint for example) was required. Small-scale cleaving was very difficult to control and the technique was, therefore, generally confined to quarrying. Rocks with well defined bedding planes were easily quarried by splitting along the plane with wooden wedges. Fire-setting could also have been used to aid rock removal (see 13 on non-ferrous metalworking), while finely laminated rock could be frost-split to make items such as slates (Hodges 1964, 108–109).

Pulverizing was the most basic method of working stone. It involved the simple hammering or pecking of the stone, resulting in a characteristic ‘pecked’ surface. ‘Cutting implies the shaping of stone with a tool so much harder than the material that there is little or no wear on the tool itself’ (ibid. 107). Carving, turning and engraving were the three main methods of stone cutting. Softer stones such as steatite and sandstone were most suitable for carving. They cut be cut with flint or metal tools. Similar implements could also be used to cut an object rotating on a lathe, or in engraving (ibid. 107–108).

There were two main methods of flaking - percussion and pressure flaking. The removal of flakes from a core by direct percussion could be undertaken in a number of ways. The core could be hit against the edge of a large stone or anvil (‘anvil-flaking’), the core could be struck with a hammer-stone (leaving deep scars on the rock), or struck with a cylindrical hammer of wood, bone or antler to produce thinner, finer flakes. Finally, the core could be placed on an anvil and then struck with a hammer-stone. This produced two bulbs of percussion on the detached flake, one at either point of impact – where the hammer hit the core, and where the core rebounded off the anvil. This is also known as bipolar or scalar flaking (Hodges 1964, 100). Indirect percussion, which produced more precise pieces, involved the striking of the core with a stone hammer and wooden or bone punch.

CHAPTER 7. WOOD: Technological context It is clear from both the archaeological and literary evidence (see chapter 2) that a wide range of trees were exploited for their wood, and that various species were put to different uses. 232

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Oak (Quercus robur, Quercus petraea) has a strong, durable heartwood, is quite heavy and has a characteristic gnarled grain. Its sapwood, however, (that immediately inside the bark) is more perishable and is generally avoided. Its strength made it suitable for use in the construction of frame buildings, ships and furniture. Elm (Ulmus glabra) is also tough and durable, though it has a twisted grain and does not split easily. It was used in the manufacture of wheel-hubs, ships’ keels and mallets. Ash (Fraxinus excelsior), another hard, tough wood, has a very straight grain and is very flexible, being used for handles, shafts, oars and barrel-hoops. Alder (Alnus glutinosa) is soft, weak and perishable when dry. When wet, however, it is very durable and can be used, for example, in revetting river banks. Dry alder is often used for turnery where strength is unimportant, in the production of platters for example (Hodges 1964, 121).

characteristic moist, sappy nature near the edge of a tree when sectioned, while the heartwood remains dryer. The distinctive properties of different woods are caused by varieties in cell shape and size, and the presence of oils and resins (ibid. 113). For anything other than crude building, wood must be seasoned prior to use. This involves the drying out of the wood, though complete dryness is never quite achieved. In humid conditions wood absorbs water and loses it when cooler and dryer. This causes the wood to swell or shrink (respectively), resulting in warping or splitting of the timber. Slow, even drying is necessary to compensate for this, though not so slow as to make the use of the wood impractical. Larger trunks could be longitudinally halved or quartered to facilitate their drying or seasoning (ibid. 114). A number of techniques can be employed in the shaping of wood. Some woods can be longitudinally split or ‘cleaved’ quite easily. A series of wooden or iron wedges are hammered into a trunk with a mallet. A skilled craftsman can prise away relatively thin planks, though it is easiest to simply halve or quarter a trunk in this fashion (ibid.). The shape of a post-hole can indicate whether or not a cleaved timber has been used. A halved post will form a semi-circular hole, whilst a quartered timber will leave a quadrant-shaped hole. A technique used by a number of contemporary primitive societies is the burning of wood to hollowout large areas. A dugout canoe, for example, could be fashioned in this manner. Once the desired amount of wood had been removed, the charred surfaces were scraped clean with an adze (ibid. 115).

Birch (Betula pendula) is a tough, moderately hard and fine-grained wood. It is used extensively for turning as it can be sanded to a very smooth finish. Its bark is easily removed whole and can be used to make a range of vessels. Willow (Salix caprea) is a soft, straightgrained wood which easily shaves into thin strips and its flexibility makes it ideal for use in wattle-work. Hazel (Corylus avellana) is best exploited as young growths when it is both durable and flexible. Hazel rods can be used for basketry, tub hoops and thatching spars. Yew (Taxus baccata) has a hard though flexible heartwood, often used in the creation of handles, for turnery, and in the manufacture of bows (Hodges 1964, 121). Finally, maple is a light, fine-grained yet hard wood, while poplar is coarse and soft (Raftery 1994, 117).

Hewn wood refers to timber roughly trimmed with an adze or axe, leaving small facets or scars all over the surface of the piece. Rough faces were smoothed or ‘shaved’. This could be undertaken with a draw-knife – a long stout blade with a handle at both ends. In addition to cutting with an adze or an axe, a saw could also be used. The efficiency of a saw depended on the metal quality of the blade and the size, sharpness and angle of the teeth. Small holes were punched or drilled using a simple pointed awl, while the creation of larger perforations required the use of a bow- or strap-drill.

Species represented in excavated samples of charcoal from Early Medieval settlements include oak, elm, ash, alder, birch, willow, hazel, yew, hawthorn, holly, blackthorn, cherry, pine, whitebeam-apple, ivy and gorse. Early Irish literature identifies 28 different types of tree and divides them into four groups (see chapter 2). Species not included in this list, though present in the artefactual record, are maple and poplar. Trees can be cut in one of two ways. ‘Standard wood’ refers to whole trees felled in the usual manner, while ‘coppiced wood’ describes the chopping off of branches from live trees or the cutting of some trees near the ground. This ensures a steady supply of, albeit, smaller timbers (Hodges 1964, 112).

After roughly shaping a piece, it could be finished off on a lathe. This piece of equipment held and turned the work-item, allowing the worker to apply a range of cutting tools (chisels, gouges etc.) to shape and finish an object, including the addition of ornament (ibid. 116–117). The Roman lathe, surely similar in its basic form to that used in Early Medieval Ireland, consisted of two wooden uprights, between which the workpiece was fastened. It was connected to one upright by a wooden ‘chuck’, and to the other by a short spindle. The workpiece was rotated or propelled by the pulling to and fro of a cord wrapped around the spindle. This could, alternatively, be tied around the workpiece itself

Wood is composed of a number of cells, initially the walls being of cellulose and the centres containing the living matter. As a tree grows, new cells are laid down in the cambium layer immediately inside the bark. Older cells eventually lay down a new material within the cell walls – lignin. This is chemically similar to, though more stable than, cellulose. As the lignin is deposited, the living cell substance dies resulting in the 233

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if a suitable cylindrical portion existed on the artefact for the attachment of the cord. The spindle was inserted into a hole cut in part of the workpiece later to be discarded. The cord could be worked either by an assistant or by the wood-turner if attached to a bow or treadle (Earwood 1992, 157). Finally, wood could be shaped by bending. Unseasoned timber needed only to be bent and held in position until dry. It then remained curved. Heavier unseasoned or seasoned wood needed to be heated before bending (Hodges 1964, 118).

modes of formation and deposition, and include quartz, feldspars, mica, iron oxides, soluble salts and organic matter. The latter are known as ‘fillers’ or ‘tempers’ and can be described as ‘any material that does not become plastic in water and can stand the temperature at which it is intended to fire the wares without undergoing violent changes’ (Hodges 1964, 25). Common tempers include quartz sand, crushed and burnt bone, dung, calcined flint, crushed rock, chaff and shells. Not holding water, they reduce that contained in the clay mix, resulting in less clay shrinkage and shorter drying time (Orton et al. 1993). They also prevent cracking during firing as the particles provide tiny gaps in the clay through which the steam given off can escape. Occasionally, crushed pot sherds or ‘chamotte’ are used as a temper.

Wood was often used to form parts of composite objects and, as such, individual pieces needed joining. Where a join was not vital, pieces of wood could be simply lashed together. Thin planks or bark could be sewn with thongs or cords threaded through a series of holes in both pieces. The holes were then caulked. This technique was frequently used in boat-building. In heavier construction, timbers could be joined using pegs, nails, pins or dowels. Various types of simple joints were known, though all involved the basic concept of ‘cutting one timber to fit accurately in a recess made in another’ (ibid. 120). Wood was easily decorated by painting and/or carving.

Clay must be prepared before working, by first removing all extraneous unwanted matter such as roots and large pebbles. Then, a regular and uniform clay must be produced. This can be done in a number of ways. Weathering involves the spreading out of clay on the ground or in shallow troughs and leaving it exposed. In conjunction with frequent turning, this breaks down any small lumps present in the clay. Finer clay can be obtained by prolonged damp storage in tubs or vats. This is known as ‘souring’ as the clay acquires a sour odour. Clay can also be beaten and rolled until it is evenly mixed and all air has been expelled (‘wedging’). Finally, elutriation or levigation describes a method of further refining. The clay is mixed with water until the heavier, coarser particles subside. The remaining fluid is decanted and the fine clay allowed to settle out of it (Hodges 1964, 20).

CHAPTER 8. CLAY: Natural properties ‘Clay is a deposit of the smallest particles produced by the weathering of certain rocks, few particles being larger than 0.01mm in diameter’ (Hodges 1964, 21). Clay is composed of silica, alumina, water, iron and alkaline earths and can be divided into two main groups. The first type is formed on the site, and by the decomposition, of the parent rock. These are known as primary or residual clays and contain minerals derived from the rock, feldspar, quartz and mica for example. Secondary or sedimentary clays are those transported away from the site of their formation, usually by water. These are less pure than primary clays, though generally more fine. Impurities such as lime, magnesia and iron oxides are acquired during transport (Orton et al. 1993). When mixed with water, the plasticity of clay allows it to be easily worked. This facilitates the pressing of the mixture into shape, without it returning to its original form when the pressure is released. When water is added to clay, it penetrates between the small, platelike crystals of the latter so that each crystal is separated from its neighbour by a thin layer of water. The random orientation of these groups of crystals enables the thrusting of the material in any direction and the retention of that shape (Hodges 1964, 21). The colour of clay depends on two types of impurities. Organic inclusions generally result in a black clay, while iron compounds produce reds, browns, buffs and yellows. The colour of raw clay, however, changes during firing, the end colour dependent on the firing conditions (see below).

Artefacts of clay could be formed in several ways. The most simple was basic modelling or pinching, using the fingers to press out the desired shape in a lump of clay. The size of a vessel made in this manner was, obviously, limited to the length of the worker’s fingers. This would not have been a problem, however, in the production of small objects such as crucibles. A more common method of pot construction was coil- or ringbuilding. In this case, a base was formed usually from a flattened lump of clay. Individual rings or a continuous spiral of clay was then laid down. The joints between each coil were smoothed over, either by hand or with a curved piece of wood or bone (ibid. 25–27). Artefacts could also have been slab-formed; the clay rolled flat and the required shapes cut from it, their edges then pressed together. Alternatively, moulds of wood, stone, metal and even leather may have been utilised. The clay was pressed into the mould by hand, acquiring its shape and any decoration. More complex artefacts were made in two pieces which were later joined (ibid.). The ‘throwing’ of artefacts on a wheel or turntable was not practised in Ireland until the Medieval period.

Clays can contain many impurities, some natural, others deliberately added. The former are derived from

Secondary forming involved adding to or altering the basic form of an artefact. Vessel components such as 234

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handles and foot-rings were separately made and then applied to the main body when the clay was dry enough to be carefully handled without distorting, though before it was too dry to bond properly. Spouts were generally pinched out of the rim, while handles were applied directly to the vessel wall or carried through a hole in its side (ibid. 30–31). Fettling refers to the trimming or tidying of an object with a knife, while shaving may have been used to thin the vessel wall when the clay had hardened prior to firing (i.e. ‘green-hard’). Another technique undertaken at this stage was burnishing. This involved rubbing the surface with a smooth, hard, round-faced tool such as a water-worn pebble or bone. A compact, polished surface was thus produced (ibid.).

kiln proper could be used, in its most basic form consisting of a roughly circular firing chamber with a straight flue leading into it. The artefacts were placed in the former, while a fire was lit at the other end of the latter (ibid. 36–40). CHAPTER 9. BONE: Technological context Of the relevant raw materials, bone was the most commonly exploited in Early Medieval Ireland. Bone is formed by ossification, a process whereby ‘soft tissue is progressively replaced by bone through the action of specialist osteoblast cells’ (MacGregor 1985, 2). Antler is an outgrowth of bone which grows annually ‘on small permanent protuberances of the frontal bones [of deer] named pedicles, which usually develop in the animal’s first year’ (ibid. 11). Consisting of coarsely-bundled woven bone, antler has a compact outer tissue enclosing a spongy core. Red deer antler (red deer being indigenous to Ireland) is of complex, sub-cylindrical section, usually with a maximum of fourteen points per pair and measuring approximately 90cm in length at full maturity (Hodges 1964, 153– 154). The antler of red deer is naturally shed, over two months in late winter or spring, and can be collected in woodland areas.

Once formed, the artefact could then be decorated. Patterns may have been impressed using shells, cord, bone, fingernails etc. It was also possible to incise or excise green-hard clay. Incised ornament removed no clay, whereas excised did. Decoration was quite commonly applied in the form of cordons or bands of clay applied to a wet surface. Other surface treatments included ‘slurrying’. After an object had stood for a short time, its appearance could be improved by applying a damp cloth or damp hands to bring the finer clay particles to the surface. A slip consisted of clay mixed with water and was applied either by dipping the partly-dried pot into it or by using a brush (ibid. 33). Occasionally, surfaces may have been deliberately roughened by working coarse particles into the plastic clay, crushed flint or quartz sand for example. Alternatively, chopped vegetable matter could have been added, matter which would burn out during firing, though leaving its impression behind (ibid. 35).

While ivory or teeth were not much used in Early Medieval Ireland, the tusk of boar was occasionally exploited. All teeth consist of a crown which protrudes from the gum and forms the cutting or grinding surface, a root buried in the jaw, and a neck which joins the two (MacGregor 1985, 16). The final group of skeletal material, keratinous hard tissues, includes horn. Other components such as claws and hooves, are not relevant here. Horn, carried by cattle, sheep and goats, is found in a range of sizes and shapes and has nothing in common with antler. The latter is derived from the bony skeleton while the former occurs on the body surface, its cells synthesized in the epidermis. These cells form a ‘non-deciduous cuticle composed of keratin and laid down in the form of a sheath surrounding a bony horn-core projecting from the frontal bones at either side of the skull’ (ibid. 20).

Before firing, clay had to be dried. Slow, even drying caused evaporation of the water which was mechanically combined with the clay particles. If not removed, this water would turn to steam during firing, possibly ruining an object through excessive cracking or spalling. To transform clay into ceramic, firing temperatures between five and six hundred degrees celsius are required. Different methods of firing may have been used. Despite lack of control over the conditions, artefacts may often have been fired in open bonfires. This produced reasonably well-fired items though of patchy colour. A lack of oxygen in some parts of the fire would have resulted in a black colour. This was caused by the presence of carbon, which in an oxidizing atmosphere combines with oxygen to form carbon dioxide, and is expelled as a gas. Usually, the surface of the clay was rapidly fired and oxidised to a reddish colour, while the core remained black. A longer period of firing was required to achieve the complete burn-off of this carbon. Pit-firing is similar to open-firing in that neither have a constant supply of oxygen. Well-fired black wares could be produced in a kiln-like structure where fuel was tightly stacked around the artefacts and all oxygen excluded. Finally, a

These materials could be worked in a number of ways. Cutting or splitting may have been undertaken with metal saws (marks often visible on antler), axes (for initial detaching of bone or antler from skeleton), chisels, wedges, knives and draw-knives (for shaving objects). Smoothing and polishing could be carried out with metal files or abrasives such as pumice, charcoal, bone-ashes, shave-grass, or leather in conjunction with fine sea-sand. Artefacts were occasionally shaped by turning on a lathe, most probably a pole-lathe. Traces of drilling are often evident on items such as combs and spindle-whorls. Metal awls or, perhaps, a bow-drill may have been used. Alternatively, a hollow cylindrical saw, mounted on a simple handle, could have functioned as an auger (MacGregor 1985, 55–60).

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Decoration was probably incised with very fine knives, awls, chisels, punches, compasses and tools with fixedradius scribing points. Items such as the tooth-plates of bone combs may have been formed using a gauge or template. Generally, the teeth were cut into the toothplate after it had been fixed between two side-plates. In some cases, a number of tooth-plates were placed sideby-side in a comb, the junctions between them always precisely coinciding with one of the saw cuts for the teeth. To facilitate this, the blank tooth-plates were probably cut to a predetermined size. A rule or gauge with the appropriate spacings marked, or a series of templates of the desired dimensions could have been used for this purpose

could also have been employed in the colouring of bone or antler. However, no traces of such have yet been identified. CHAPTER 10. TEXTILES: Technological context Wool appears to have been the most commonly exploited of the raw materials used in the production of textiles in Early Medieval Ireland. Flax was utilised on a much smaller scale, while animal hair was only very occasionally used. There are four or five main steps involved in textile production, from the initial preparation of the raw material to its dyeing or ‘finishing’. Flax was harvested by hand-pulling the plants by their roots. These were then laid in small bundles or clumps to dry. Next, the seed-filled plant heads were removed by beating. The roots were then soaked in water or ‘retted’. This helped decompose the outer woody layers, leaving behind the fibres suitable for spinning. These fibres were combed and then twisted into hanks or some similar form in preparation for spinning. Wool, once sheared, was prepared by sorting and washing to remove any foreign matter such as twigs. It was then combed to draw the fibres parallel to one another. Unwashed wool could be spun however, if washed, it needed to be treated with butter, oil or grease prior to spinning. In general then, fibres were first freed and cleansed, then loosened and straightened by combing or teasing (Forbes 1964, 152).

Small pieces of material may have been secured in a clamp during working. A Norwegian grave, Ytre Elgsnes, produced an example made from two ‘D’sectioned fragments of antler. These were joined by an iron rivet ‘the flat edges being contiguous; viewed from the side, the opposed faces of the antler grips diverge from one another towards one end’ (ibid.). The workpiece was placed between the antler components at one end, while a wedge was hammered into the opposite (closed) end. This caused the jaws to clamp around the piece. Bone or metal rivets were often used on composite items such as combs. Bone examples blended into the object in which they were inserted, it being possible to continue surface decoration across their tops. Skeletal material may have been softened prior to working, making it easier to alter shapes and apply ornament. Softening may have been achieved by immersing the material in an acid solution such as sour milk or buttermilk. After two or three days the piece could be removed and worked. The following day it would have hardened naturally. As the acid reduces the resilience of the bone (or antler), softening may also have been attempted by soaking in water, culminating with approximately fifteen minutes in boiling water (Hodges 1964, 154–155). Horn was prepared by both soaking and very careful heating. The first step involved soaking the horn in water for several weeks. This enabled the separation of the keratinous hornsheaths from their bony cores. The sheaths were then boiled for one to one and a half hours. Upon removal, they were heated over a fire to evaporate excess water and further soften the horn. After gentle and even application of heat, the horn could be ‘broken’ or ‘opened’, in other words, cut and flattened out (MacGregor 1985, 66–67).

‘Spinning proper is the formation of continuous threads by drawing out and twisting fibres’ (ibid.). ‘Drawing out’ refers to the pulling out of parallel fibres from the combed matter and attenuating them. In twisting, the fibres are pressed together, their rough surfaces fastening to one another (ibid. 153). It is this that makes the yarn both elastic and strong. There are several different methods of spinning or ‘drawing-andtwisting’. The first of these does not involve the use of any implements. Yarn is produced by rolling fibres between the palms of the hands or between the hand and the thigh (ibid. 154). With hand-spinning, the fibres are attenuated, twisted and wound separately. In hand-thigh spinning, the drawing and twisting are simultaneous, producing a very uniform yarn. Spinning in Early Medieval Ireland appears to have been undertaken with the aid of a spindle and a spindle-whorl, and perhaps occasionally a distaff. The spindle is held in the right hand. A few fibres are attached to the hook or notch near the top of the sticklike implement. The spindle is allowed to fall from, though is still spun by, the right hand. It often has a perforated disc or ‘spindle-whorl’ attached which acts as a fly-wheel. The fibres being fed to the spindle are controlled with the left hand. Occasionally, these prepared fibres are wound around a distaff, a plain or ornamented stick, especially longer fibres such as flax (Hodges 1964, 128). Attenuation and twisting are, again, simultaneous as when the spindle slowly falls, it

Finally, skeletal material could be coloured using various dyes. Green-stained pins were found in Roman Rochester and York, a red-tinted comb from Migration period Holzgerlingen, Württemberg and a blackened Viking comb at Birka in Sweden (ibid.). The later, twelfth century, treatise of Theophilus describes the use of madder for staining bone red. In Early Medieval Ireland, the dyes used in textile production (see below) 236

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stretches and twists yarn from the prepared fibres. When the spindle reaches the ground it is picked up, the yarn wound around it above the whorl, and the process begins again (Earwood 1993, 133). Once spun, yarn may then have been wound onto reels or into balls.

produced was determined by the number of tablets used. One end of the warp threads was fastened to a hook or post, the other end to the weaver’s belt or tied around his/her waist. Patterns were introduced by turning the tablets and using differently coloured threads (Broudy 1979).

The next step in cloth manufacture is the weaving of the spun yarn. ‘Weaving is essentially the interlacing of a series of threads called the warp, with another series called the weft. The warp threads are stretched for weaving on a loom, the weft threads are then passed over and under them’ (Forbes 1964, 196). Linen fibres are generally quite fine, though very strong and smooth. Durable linen cloth can be produced by placing the warp threads touching one another and beating the wefts among them. Wool, on the other hand, needs to be held at a constant tension to prevent bagging, though not necessarily with the warps so close together. Woollen threads tend to stretch and catch at other threads nearby, thus filling in any gaps between them (ibid.).

Textiles are grouped according to their number and pattern of warp and weft threads. Two main groups of weaves have been identified – plain weaves and twill weaves. The most common of the plain weaves is known as tabby, a well balanced textile with an even number of warp and weft threads. Tabbies where the count of one system is higher than that of the other (2:1) are known as repps. A half-basket weave has both weft and warp paired yarns (Jørgensen 1992, 13). Twill weaves are composed of a single set of warp and weft yarns, with the weft passing over two or more warps and under the same number. Patterns such as waves, herringbones and diamonds are created by changing the weave direction (Forbes 1964, 186–189). After weaving, the fabric was ready to be used, to be shaped and sewn into an item of clothing. There are, however, two further optional stages before clothes manufacture; finishing and dyeing. A cloth can be finished by both ‘fulling’ and ‘napping’. Fulling describes the closing of any gaps between the weft and warp threads and, in effect, softens the fabric and makes it denser. The cloth was probably kept wet whilst beaten or trampled. This loosened the fibres of the threads which, combined with shrinkage from keeping the cloth wet, produced the desired effect. Napping, or the raising of a pile on the surface of the fabric, was executed by combing the cloth. Honey may then have been worked into the ‘nap’ (raised fibres), and this then rubbed to slightly curl it (Shaw-Smith 1986, 26).

There are three main types of loom, any of which may have been used in Early Medieval Ireland. The first is the horizontal ground loom which consists of two beams fastened to four pegs driven into the ground. The warp threads were stretched between these two beams. In order to weave a cloth, threads (wefts) were passed through the warp (ibid.). The latter was divided into two groups, the warp threads separated alternately. One group of threads, the odd yarns, were attached to the heddle-rod or rod-heddle, a length of wood held above the warp. A second such stick, called the shedrod, might also have been used. When a weft thread was passed through the warps, the heddle-rod was moved to lower one set of warps and raise the other, thus preparing for the next weft thread (Earwood 1993, 140). As they were added, the wefts would be pushed together with a weaving sword, a comb, or a pinbeater, to keep the weave of the cloth tight (Hodges 1964, 136).

Dyeing can by undertaken either before or after weaving, and is executed in three stages, namely washing, mordanting and dyeing. Textiles contain a natural grease which must be removed by thorough scouring prior to dyeing. This enables the dye to reach the fibres of the fabric (Shaw-Smith 1986, 22). A large number of dyes do not adhere directly to fabric and need the assistance of a mordant to make the dye permanent. The mordant is usually a soluble metallic salt such as alum or bicarbonate of potash. In Early Medieval Ireland, native alum could be obtained from wood ash, sheep manure, oak galls, human urine, and sediments of certain pools containing alumina or iron (ibid.). After treating the fabric with the mordant, it is submerged in the dyeing solution. Even dyeing was achieved by thoroughly pummelling the material, either by hand or foot (Hodges 1964, 161).

The vertical, two-beamed loom consisted of two beams fastened in an upright rectangular frame. The same basic technique used with the horizontal loom was employed. This type of loom is still in use in North Africa, Greece, Palestine, Syria, and Asia Minor (Forbes 1964, 199). The third type of loom is the warpweighted loom. This consisted of an upper beam supported on two vertical posts. The warp was attached to the upper beam, while the lower ends of the threads were tied to a series of weights, loom-weights. A bunch of warps would be tied to each weight, usually a perforated stone disc. The rod-heddle and shed-rod were again used, as was a pin-beater (Forbes 1964, 203). Narrow bands could also be woven using small tablets with four, or more, perforations. The warp passed through these holes while the weft was passed through the warps by hand. The width of the cloth

A range of dyestuffs were available in Early Medieval Ireland, producing a wide variety of colours. Black could be obtained from the iron- or alumina-rich 237

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sediments of bog-pools, iris, and the bark of certain trees. Brown could be acquired from dulse seaweed, peat soot, water lily, and onion skins (Shaw-Smith 1986, 22). Purple was obtained from the Purpura shellfish, a form of whelk. These contain a small sac of white fluid which turns purple upon exposure to the sun (Hodges 1964, 159). Madder was used to produce red. Madder is extracted from the plant Rubia Tinctorium, an herbaceous perennial which grows to a height of approximately 1m. It consists of a long thick stem with numerous fibrous roots. The roots are harvested in autumn after 18 to 28 months of growth, when the leaves have fallen. These roots are then dried and beaten to remove the outer skin and dirt. The dye itself is found in the form of glucosids in a red layer between the outer rind and woody core. Moistening splits the glucosid into sugar and alizarin, the actual dyestuff (Forbes 1964, 107).

epidermis). The final layer is the adipose tissue or flesh. This consists of a layer of fat cells which loosely connect the skin with the underlying muscles (ibid.). As with textiles, several steps are involved in the production of leather, the first of which is preparation for tanning. The first stage in tanning preparation was the soaking of the hide in water, often accompanied by beating. This removed all dung, earth and albuminous matter. Next, the hair and epidermis had to be scraped away. Occasionally, this may have involved ‘sweating’ the hide (Hodges 1964, 148). Soaked skins were hung in warm, damp places to induce bacterial action. This facilitated the easier removal of the epidermis. More often, however, the epidermis and hair were probably just scraped away using a blunt-edged concave tool (Forbes 1966, 3–5). The next stage was the removal of the flesh in a process known as ‘scudding’. This involved the scraping away of the flesh with a sharp, concave blade (Hodges 1964, 148).

Blue could be obtained from the indigo (Indigofera Tinctorium) and woad plants. The latter, Isatis Tinctoria, is an herbaceous biennial consisting of a taproot penetrating 20cm to 25cm into the soil. When its leaves began to turn yellow, the plant was harvested by cutting the stalks just above the ground. These were then crushed to a smooth paste, in a mill or on a quern. Normally a yellowish colour, though black if exposed to sunlight, this paste was allowed to ferment for approximately nine weeks so that the final dye would give a good permanent colour. Woad contains a compound called indican. This decomposes into fructose and indoxyl (during the fermentation process), and it is the indoxyl which turns blue when oxidised by the air (ibid. 110).

Prepared cattle hide can be between four and six millimetres in thickness so, if thinner leather is required, it is now that the hides are split. The fleshside of the hide was shaved with a very sharp blade, an activity which demanded much skill (Hodges 1964, 151; Forbes 1966, 5). A final option prior to tanning was ‘plumping’, ‘bating’ or ‘puering’ (Hodges 1964, 150). This softened and swelled the hides, making them more susceptible to the tannin agents. It involved the addition of dung, the bacteria from which caused the partial putrefication of the hides. ‘Tanning is meant to bring about chemical changes in the pelt to render it imputrescible and water-resistant whilst preserving the fibrous structure from which ultimate strength and flexibility are derived’ (Forbes 1966, 5). Of the five main tanning processes used in Europe, two (the first two described below) are irreversible as the tannins chemically combined with the hide (Hodges 1964, 150). Vegetable tanning was the method most commonly used in antiquity. It involved the use of certain barks, leaves, woods or nuts to produce leather which varied in colour from pale cream to dark reddish-brown. Tannin, or tannic acid, was obtained by ‘leaching’ certain plant members macerating them in warm water. Two main groups of tanning agents have been identified. The pyrogallol group includes chestnut, oak-wood, oak-galls, oakbark, and acorn-cups. These produced a pale leather ranging from pink to red. The use of the catechol tannins, on the other hand, result in leather ranging in colour from pink to red. These include hemlock, mangrove, pine and oak-bark (Forbes 1966, 6).

A yellow dye could be obtained from certain heathers and bracken, common dock, autumn crocus, and weld. The last is a common weed, Reseda Luteola, native to south-east Europe and probably brought west by the Romans (ibid. 122). It reaches a height of 0.3–1m and has numerous lanceolate, glossy leaves and greenishyellow flowers along terminal spikes. When the plant lightens in colour and the entire length of all the terminal spikes is covered in blossoms, the weld is harvested. The complete plant is pulled up and dried for up to ten days, the dried weld containing the dye luteolin. Other colours were obtained by successive dyeing with different dyes. CHAPTER 10. LEATHER: Technological context Leather is produced from the hides and skins of various animals. The term ‘hide’ is usually applied to the larger animals such as cattle and horse, while ‘skin’ refers to calves, goats, sheep and pigs (Forbes 1966, 2). Both consist of three layers; the epidermis, corium, and flesh. The epidermis is the outermost layer of living cells. It includes fat glands, hair and hair follicles, wool, nails, horns, and hoofs. The corium, which lies under the epidermis, consists of a felt-like mass of fibres interspersed with holes made by hair follicles and sweat ducts (penetrating down from the

The earliest mineral tannage or ‘tawing’ involved the use of alum. Skins were soaked in a strong solution of salt and alum, at a ratio of 1:2 (respectively). This produced snow-white leather which was rather stiff, though could be softened by working it over a curved 238

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blunt edge (Forbes 1966, 7). Oil tannage is also known as ‘chamoising’, and is based on an ancient method of softening skins with fatty materials. The skin is stretched on the ground and fats and greases rubbed in with a blunt bone or flint tool. This water-proofs the leather, though is not true tanning as no chemical reaction occurs (ibid. 8). Aldehyde tanning, using formaldehyde or formalin, was not very common in antiquity although the smoking of hides did form small amounts of formaldehyde (ibid. 5). The final method is combination tanning, using two or more of the above methods. After tanning, it was common to oil dress the leather to prevent it stiffening and cracking on drying (Hodges 1964, 150).

conditions are suitable for the precipitation of iron oxides’ (Tylecote 1986, 125). Bog ore, found just beneath the turf, resembles peat and has the same texture when dry. It often contains manganese which gives it a definite indigo colour, making it easier to identify. Chemically, bog ore is a hydrated iron oxide often associated with manganese and phosphorous, chemical formula Fe2O3.xH2O. Significant percentages of other elements, including nickel and copper, are generally also present. The identification of areas of bog ore worked in antiquity is hindered by the destruction of evidence by peat-cutting. In more recent centuries, extensive deposits of bog ore have been recorded in counties Tyrone and Roscommon. Bog ore was probably one of the main sources of iron in Early Medieval Ireland, due to its widespread deposition, ease of extraction, and the fact that it was easily reducible in the simple furnaces in use at the time.

At this point, the leather could be worked into the desired shape. Half-moon or crescentic-bladed knives are much more effective in cutting leather than an ordinary knife which quickly loses its edge (ibid. 151). Composite pieces were sewn together with leather thongs. On thinner leather, a large bone or iron needle could be used. On thicker pieces an awl was first used to pierce holes in the leather prior to lacing with thongs. Before oil dressing a hide, it was possible to shape it by scalding it with near-boiling water and then pressing it into a, usually wooden, die or mould. This technique is known as cuir boulli. It produced very hard forms which retained their shape well. The item could then be further strengthened by dressing it with oil to make it water-proof (ibid. 152). Leather might also have been dyed, painted, gilded and ‘engraved’ (a blunt tool used to compress a line not cut it). Repoussé design, which was impressed from behind, could be executed on thin sheets of leather.

Siderite, an iron carbonate (Fe2CO3), is principally found in the form of nodules and only occasionally as a sedimentary deposit. The nodules (measuring up to one metre in diameter) generally have a maximum iron content of 48% and are known from around Lough Allen in Co. Leitrim. Closely related to each other are the ores haematite and limonite. Haematite is an iron oxide (Fe2O3) with a maximum iron content of 70%, while limonite is a hydrated iron oxide consisting mostly of the crystalline oxide goethite. Limonite (Fe2O3.H20) contains varying amounts of absorbed water and has a maximum iron content of 63%. Both of these ores are found in counties Down and Tyrone. Iron pyrites (FeS2) is a sulphide ore with a maximum iron content of 46%. Finally, laterite is another iron oxide, containing elevated amounts of alumina, and is found in counties Antrim and Derry.

CHAPTER 11. IRON: Technological context Six main steps were involved in the manufacture of an iron object, from initial ore prospection to final fabrication. After the location of suitable ore, it was mined and then processed in preparation for smelting. The product of the smelt, the raw bloom, was then smithed to produce useable iron. This was finally forged to form an artefact.

Mining and Processing Once located, the required ore had to be recovered or ‘mined’. In the case of bog ore, simple digging sufficed. More difficulty, however, would have been encountered in the exploitation of the rock minerals. As yet, the archaeological record contains no evidence of iron mining from early Ireland. It is possible that the remains of ore workings have been destroyed, either by turf-cutting in the case of bog ores, or by bedrock mining in later times. As a result of this, knowledge of early iron mining techniques is virtually non-existent.

Prospecting Iron is the second most plentiful of the metals (after aluminium), constituting 4.7% of the earth’s crust. Metallic iron does occur in the form of meteorites and as crystals in basalt rocks. ‘It is, however, far more widely known in the form of chemical compounds (most importantly with oxygen, carbon and sulphur forming iron oxides, carbonates and sulphides) in association with a wide range of minerals, as iron ores’ (Scott 1990, 9). There are five main types of iron ore in Ireland which may have been exploited during the Early Medieval period.

Earlier techniques, of the Beaker period and Bronze Age, are evidenced at the copper mines of Ross Island, Co. Kerry (O’Brien 1995) and Mount Gabriel, Co. Cork (O’Brien 1994). Fire-setting was probably used to aid the removal of the ore from the rock-face. The heating, and subsequent cooling, of the rock weakened it sufficiently to allow its working with stone, bone and antler tools. Perhaps some variation of this technique was employed in mining iron ores in Early Medieval Ireland, with the additional use of iron implements.

Unlike other iron ores, bog ore is not a rock, rather a deposit formed under wet conditions, ‘where ironbearing surface waters meet organic material, the 239

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Once mined, the ore had to be processed to prepare it for smelting. In many cases this consisted of crushing the ore and hand-sorting it, with only the most iron-rich pieces retained for smelting. Occasionally, depending on the ore used, a further process was required before the ore could be smelted. The roasting of concentrated ore was a method applied to both ferrous and nonferrous ores alike, especially sulphide ores. Roasting drives off excess water, makes ore more friable, and chemically converts sulphides, chlorides and carbonates to oxides. The unwanted sulphur, chlorine, and carbon combine with oxygen to form various gases which escape during the roasting process. Both siderite and pyrites would probably have been roasted. Roasting could be undertaken either before or after the crushing of the ore, however a quicker and more complete reaction was achieved after crushing ‘had created a greater surface exposure’ (Craddock 1995, 168). Roasting, then, transformed carbonate and sulphide ores into oxides which could be more easily reduced in the smelting furnace.

in an early furnace. The addition of iron from the ore reduced this melting point to approximately 1200°C, a temperature which was reached during smelting. This also explains the high percentage of iron in ancient slags. Theoretically, a pure iron bloom should be formed when the tiny particles of solid iron touched each other and coalesced into one. This solid iron was much denser than the molten slag and therefore should have sank to the base of the furnace. In practice, however, this did not happen. The iron formed in the middle of the slag and stuck, not falling below it. Once the smelt had been completed, the contents of the furnace had to be dug out and the iron bloom retrieved from the slag. The bowl furnace was used in Early Medieval Ireland for smelting all metals, including iron. It comprised ‘a roughly hemispherical depression in the ground, often (but not always) clay lined, and with no provision for the removal, or tapping, of slag during the smelting process’ (Scott 1990, 159). In order to achieve the required temperature, between 1100°C and 1250°C, a bellows (or blow-pipe) had to be used to force oxygen into the furnace. This was attached to the furnace with a tuyère, a baked clay nozzle used to protect the bellows from the heat of the furnace.

Smelting The smelting of iron ore, like that of the non-ferrous metals, consisted of a reduction reaction which took place in a furnace. Unlike the smelting of other metals, however, iron was produced in a solid-state reaction – it was not molten when formed, as the precious metals were. The basic chemical reaction, though, is quite standard. Reduction refers to the removal of oxygen from the ore leaving behind the raw bloom and gangue (waste materials). The reaction takes place between the iron ore and the gas carbon monoxide, the latter acting as the ‘reducing agent’. The chemical reaction is represented by the equation

Smithing and Forging The raw bloom produced in the smelt was of varying purity and porosity, not suitable for working. In order to rectify this, the bloom was smithed by repeated heating and hammering at 1100–1200°C. This squeezed out the slag and welded the iron particles together, producing a relatively pure and solid metal. This process also produced slag or hammer-scale, chemically and mineralogically indistinguishable from furnace slag. Smithing was a time-consuming activity due to the necessity of constantly returning the bloom to the hearth to anneal it. If this was not done, then the hammering of the still impure metal would have caused it to break up (Scott 1990, 247).

Fe2O3 + 3CO Æ 2Fe + 3CO2 Iron oxide ore + Carbon monoxide Æ Iron/raw bloom + Carbon dioxide gas

The carbon monoxide is formed by the burning of charcoal in the furnace. Charcoal is essentially carbon and this reacts with the oxygen blown into the furnace by the bellows to produce the necessary carbon monoxide.

Smithing produced wrought iron, a metal which was greatly enhanced by the presence of small quantities of phosphorous. This increased the hardness of iron which facilitated cold-hammering. Bog ores are generally very rich in phosphorous and experienced blacksmiths may have realised its advantages and deliberately sought it out. An optional step after smithing, or after the forging of an artefact, was carburisation or steelproduction. This was a very slow process involving the solid state absorption or dissolution of carbon into the iron, i.e. the addition of carbon to the iron. This was done by heating the iron above 1000°C in a sealed charcoal context for many hours. Carburisation is also known as case-hardening, cementation, or forge hardening.

Due to the high melting point of iron (1550°C), its smelting was a solid-state process. The temperatures required to melt the iron were not achieved in early furnaces, therefore the end product of the smelt was in solid form, known as a sponge or raw bloom. The iron ores exploited in early Ireland were far from pure, necessitating the removal of the unwanted elements during smelting. Impurities included compounds of silica, aluminium and calcium, and these gangue materials were removed in the form of slag. Formation and removal of slag involved the melting of ore impurities while the iron particles remained solid. However, both silica and alumina (the main impurities) have melting points in excess of 1700°C, well above the melting point of iron and the temperatures achieved

The final step in the production of an iron artefact was its forging from wrought iron. This was done by 240

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working the metal into shape with a variety of tools while constantly annealing it by reheating. Essential to this work were tongs and hammers used to grip and hammer hot iron. The shape and size of both depended on the exact activity they were employed in. Hammers were used not only in the direct working of metal, but also in applying force to other cutting and piercing tools. Similarly, tongs could have been more involved in artefact manufacture than merely holding the piece being worked. Twisted iron bars, vessel handles for example, were made by gripping and twisting both ends with tongs.

oxides could be used to give a range of blues, greens and reds, sulphur and/or carbon compounds present in iron resulted in a reddish amber or brown, and lead oxide produced yellow (Guido 1978, 9). Opacity was obtained by the inclusion of calcium oxide, lead, phosphates, tin oxide, fluorides, or the presence of undissolved silicates (ibid.). All of the required ingredients were mixed together and heated in a clay crucible in a furnace or hearth. Often, broken scrap glass or cullet was added to the mixture. It acted as a nucleus around which the new glass formed. It helped eliminate unevenness such as cords and striae (Hodges 1964, 55). Glasses can be divided into three main groups on the basis of their components. Simple glasses consist of silica/former and one modifier. Compound glasses are composed of silica/former and two modifiers. Crystal glass, for example, contains both potassium oxide and lead oxide. Finally, complex glasses include many impurities or modifiers in their composition (ibid. 56).

Setts and chisels were both used in the cutting of metal. Chisels were hand-held while setts were supported by a rod. Generally, tools employed in ‘cold’ work were thicker and heavier than those used in ‘hot’ work. The latter were, however, longer in order to distance the smith’s hand from the heat of the metal being worked. Fullers are blunt-ended tools, similar in shape to setts and chisels, and are used to reduce the thickness of metal. Swages are two-part tools with grooved faces and are used to reduce thickness and give a good rounded finish. Today, the lower half is set into a hole in the anvil, the upper half being hand-held.

Glass could be shaped in several ways. When cold, it could be abraded (rubbed, sawed, drilled) in the same manner as stone. Core-dipping refers to the use of a clay core, usually filled with sand. This core is formed around a metal rod and is coated with glass by dipping it into molten glass or ‘metal’. The core is removed after the glass artefact has cooled. In core-winding, glass is drawn out into rods or ‘cane’. The rods are reheated (if solid) and wound around a core. The surface is then smoothed or marvered by rolling the piece on a flat stone. Occasionally, the glass may have been ground to a powder, mixed with an adhesive and then worked in the same manner as clay and eventually fired. During firing, the organic adhesive burns out and the glass particles fuse, usually producing an artefact of opaque glass. Glass-blowing consists of the ‘gathering’ of metal from a crucible on the end of a blow-iron. The latter is an iron tube, 1.2–1.5m in length and 1–3cm in diameter, often with a pear-shaped end to hold the gathering. Blowing and its various sub-methods, however, were not used in Early Medieval Ireland. Finally, glass could be shaped by polishing with a very hard abrasive (ibid. 56–59).

Small rings and sockets were formed on tapered, round-sectioned bars called mandrels. Punches were used for piercing metal, while wider tapered bars or ‘drifts’, may have been used for widening holes. Files were used to finish off objects, to remove rough surfaces, make fine adjustments to shape, and to sharpen points and blades. Whetstones and/or grindstones may have been used in a similar fashion. The central tool in all forging, however, was the anvil, a multi-purpose block upon which all manner of hammering could take place. Anvils of iron or stone would have sufficed. Decoration of iron artefacts, where it occurs, was most likely executed with a range of fine punches, chisels and hammers. CHAPTER 12. GLASS: Technological context Glass is composed of three elements – a network former, a modifier, and a colorant. The most common former is, and was, quartz, usually in the form of sand. The sand must first be washed and burned to remove any organic matter. The principal modifiers were the oxides of sodium (Na2O – soda ash), potassium (K20 – plant or wood ash), calcium (CaO – lime) and lead (PbO) (Hodges 1964, 55). Common colorants already contained within the glass ingredients included iron oxide, producing a yellow or green tint, sodiumsilicate, giving a pale bluish-green, and lead silicate, resulting in a yellowish tint. Clear glass was difficult to achieve because of these, though their presence could be overcome by counter-tinting with trace purple manganese dioxide (ibid.). A range of colours could be achieved by the deliberate addition of various elements and compounds to the glass mix. Manganese oxide produced various shades of purple, different copper

Numerous methods of glass decoration are known, though not all are relevant to Early Medieval Ireland, for example cutting with a lap-wheel or engraving with a diamond point. The application of differently coloured pieces by fusing was undertaken. A development of this technique was inlaying. Glass threads were laid on the surface of the piece, the whole thing heated and marvered. This caused the fusing of the threads, and their impressing into, the main artefact (ibid. 59–61). A step often necessary prior to the creation of a glass artefact, was the production of glass cane or tubing. The molten metal was slowly poured from a crucible or 241

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ladle so that it solidified as it fell. The ‘bangles’ used in Early Medieval Ireland could have been formed by cutting them from a solid piece of glass or by bending a plastic rod and fusing its ends together. There were two main types of glass stud – those with a silver grille inlay and those with an enamel inlay. Studs were made either by casting the glass in a clay mould and then applying the inlay or, as O’Kelly suggested for the Moylough belt shrine studs (1965), the initial manufacture of a metal grille. This was placed in a clay mould, the enamel or glass applied, from behind, to the relevant sections of the grid. Cast glass ornament can be seen on the Tara Brooch in the form of two cast glass human heads on the hinged tab and the purple stud with petal-like ornament in centre-front (Ryan 1983b).

design was left visible. Good examples of this can be seen on the Dowris latchet and on the terminals of the Arthurstown penannular brooch (both in Youngs 1989). Cloisonné refers to the use of enamel to fill small cells or compartments formed by wire or strips of metal, as used for decorative studs. This was often applied in the form of enamel chips, similar to gem-setting or garnetsetting in Anglo-Saxon work. Pseudo-cloisonné enamel is very often found in association with blue glass in the construction of studs. These studs were manufactured by inserting enamel into a prepared grille from the back as opposed to clasping chips of enamel in a prepared setting. Examples are found on the Ardagh Chalice (Organ 1973), Moylough Belt-shrine (O’Kelly 1965), Derrynaflan Paten (Ryan 1983a), and the Tara Brooch (Ryan 1983b).

Beads could be manufactured in a number of ways. They could be cold-formed by drilling solid glass, built on an iron rod while plastic or modelled in glass paste and then fired (ibid. 61–63). Wound beads are those built on an iron rod or wire. Glass cane is melted at one end and folded around the wire, the rest of the rod cut off. The wire, with the glass around it, was turned and heated until the ring of glass was rounded. When they were cooled, the metal rod contracted more than the glass, allowing the bead to be pulled off (Guido 1978, 7). Drawn beads were made by working the glass into a tube shape, enclosing a large air-bubble. This was then elongated by drawing out, and finally cut into lengths. Beads may also have been formed by hand-perforating globules of glass while still molten (ibid. 8).

Millefiori Millefiori is a type of ornament commonly found in association with enamel. Literally meaning ‘thousand flowers’, as the name suggests this originally consisted of floral motifs. It involved the arranging together of a group of coloured glass rods so that their cross-section formed the required pattern. The rods were then fused to hold them together and drawn out to reduce their diameter. A thin cross-section or ‘slice’ of this was used as decoration, usually floated in a bed of red enamel, e.g. the terminals of the Ballinderry Brooch (Ryan 1983b). In some cases several rods of millefiori were combined to form a larger, more complex pattern. Millefiori was an ornament used in both the Saxon and Celtic worlds, though its treatment differed. The distinction can best be seen in the objects from the Sutton Hoo ship burial (Bruce-Mitford 1983). The manufacturer of the gold regalia (two sword-mounts, purse-lid, and shoulder-clasps), of native Germanic origin, treated the millefiori as if a precious stone, by cutting and shaping it to fit individual cells. These millefiori inlays were of a larger, more complex type of pattern, and contained antimony as an opacifier and colorant. From the same burial are two hanging-bowls of the Celtic tradition. This millefiori is of single rod type and is embedded in red enamel. Unlike the Saxon work, it employs tin compounds as opacifier and colorant.

Enamel The most common form of non-metallic ornament applied to fine metalwork was probably enamel, a type of glass. ‘By glass, we usually understand a hard material, often transparent or translucent, which is made by heating together a mixture of materials such as sand, limestone and soda at a very high temperature’ (Frank 1982). Enamel had much the same composition with the added ingredient of an opacifier. The opacity of red enamel was caused by the presence of copper, the opacity of white enamel by the presence of tin oxide, and that of yellow enamel by lead-tin oxide. The resulting vitreous material may have been applied to an object in powdered form. This was then fused, by heating, to produce the familiar glass-like surface. Alternatively, powdered enamel could have been melted in a crucible and then poured into the prepared setting. Both white and yellow enamel, when heated, will also fuse to metal. Before applying red enamel, a metal surface had first to be keyed to enable the enamel to adhere.

Amber Amber is the final type of non-metallic ornament used to decorate fine metalwork of the Early Medieval period and was also employed in the manufacture of beads. Amber is a fossilised tree resin not known in Ireland, but which can be found along the eastern shores of Britain and more commonly, the sea shores of the West Baltic region. The use of amber during the Early Medieval period was not as extensive as it had been during the Bronze Age, nonetheless it was an important form of ornament. Amber was applied in two ways, either by heating it and then shaping the

There were two different methods of enamel application; champlevé and cloisonné. Champlevé (literally translated as ‘raised field’) describes the use of molten enamel to fill cut or cast recesses, very often areas forming a background against which a metal 242

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malleable substance with the fingers, or by grinding and polishing it into shape like a precious stone.

is suggestive of mining at this site. These mines were first exploited in Beaker times (O’Brien 2004) and it now seems likely that they were also worked in the Early Medieval period. This is supported by the recent discovery of an industrial complex at Scrahane near the mine source.

Amber studs can be seen on such items as the Tara Brooch, one of the Ardagh Hoard brooches (Ryan 1983b), the Hunterston Brooch (Stevenson 1983), and the Loughmoe ‘Tipperary’ Brooch (both in Youngs 1989). The largest collection of amber on any individual object from Early Medieval Ireland is found on the Derrynaflan Chalice (Ryan 1983a) which bears 57 amber studs. All of these studs appear to have been shaped by grinding and polishing and are clasped in simple settings.

Unfortunately, we have no evidence of the techniques which may have been used in such ore extraction. The possibility that ore was imported from elsewhere (most probably Britain) cannot be discounted. This may well be true in the case of tin which probably had to be brought in from Cornwall. Ireland, however, is rich in copper deposits and it seems likely that at least some of these were exploited in Early Medieval times.

CHAPTER 13. NON-FERROUS METALS: Technological context The technology of most metals can be divided into four main areas; the acquisition and processing of raw material, the initial fabrication of an object, and its final assembly and decoration. The first step involves obtaining the necessary raw materials. Depending on circumstances these may vary from metal ore and scrap metal, to cakes of smelted metal or ingots. Obviously acquiring supplies of primary copper ore necessitated the development of prospecting, mining and smelting technology. It would appear from site evidence (see below) that a limited number of people actually carried out these processes, while others relied on secondary sources such as the recycling of older objects or trade to satisfy their needs.

Both gold and copper are found in native form, i.e. they ‘occur in their natural metallic form on the earth’s crust and can be used by man without the problem of smelting’ (Tylecote 1987, 66). Native gold in the form of stream nuggets is the most probable source of that metal in Early Medieval Ireland. Whether or not this native gold was Irish in origin is uncertain. Significant concentrations are known from Wicklow, Cornwall in England, Highland and Leadhills in Scotland, and Dolaucothi and Dolgellau in Wales. Nuggets of native gold are relatively pure and can be directly used without the need for refining (Tylecote 1987). Although native gold was probably the only type of gold ore exploited, the same is not true of copper. Native copper probably played a very minor role in Early Medieval Ireland with no artefacts manufactured from native copper identified from the period. It is found at a few locations in Cornwall, Scotland and Ireland and can be extremely pure. Small artefacts can be produced from native copper by cold working alone, though a knowledge of annealing would have been needed for the manufacture of larger items.

1. Acquisition of Raw Material From the present evidence it is very difficult to determine the source or form of the raw materials used on any particular Early Medieval site in Ireland. Only one site, Lagore crannóg, Co. Meath, has produced any finds of copper ore and then only two pieces. Such a discovery indicates the use of a primary source though whether directly (on site) or indirectly (off site yet under the control of the Lagore residents) is impossible to ascertain. The inhabitants of Lagore may have had immediate control of a mining operation or they may have obtained the ore in some other manner such as trade or tribute. Uncertainty surrounds every aspect of the raw materials exploited, and the identification of their source(s) is one of the biggest problems in the study of Early Medieval period metallurgy.

The most likely source of both silver and lead in Early Medieval times was the ore mineral, galena, an argentiferous lead sulphide (PbS). Galena is a very dense, darkly coloured ore and is commonly argentiferous. In antiquity, the silver content of lead ore was separated by a process called cupellation. Lead ores are found in Ireland though again there is no direct archaeological evidence of early mining. The main sources of tin were most likely the deposits of Cornwall and/or Brittany, though small quantities are found in Ireland also. Metallic tin does not occur naturally, its most common form being the mineral cassiterite (SnO2). The process of tin recovery is known as ‘tin-streaming’, a somewhat misleading term. The ore is dug from around rivers and then washed in the river or stream. It is not, as is often believed, ‘panned’ from the river in gold-prospecting fashion (Penhallurick 1986).

Ore There is very little evidence of metal mining in Ireland during the Early Medieval period. Indirect evidence is provided by early literary references to groups of people involved in, and the laws governing, mining (see chapter 2). A further literary reference, by Nennius in the eighth century, describes the mineral wealth of the Killarney region, Co. Kerry (Stevenson 1838). The Ross Island copper mines are located in this area and, interestingly, two small furnace pits have recently been radiocarbon dated to the Early Medieval period. While this in itself is not definite evidence of ore extraction it 243

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Mining Mining in this context refers to the deliberate extraction of a metalliferous ore from a bedrock source. Where copper is concerned, ore deposits can be classified into two groups: oxidized ores, and sulphide ores. Oxidized ores include minerals such as malachite, azurite, cuprite, melanconite, and chrysocolla. Sulphide ores include chalcopyrite (copper pyrites), chalcocite, tetrahedrite-tennanite, and bornite. These ores may in theory occur in three different zones, though typically they can all be found at the surface. The three levels include a surface or oxidation zone where percolating water results in the oxidation of the metalliferous minerals leading to the formation of oxidised minerals, the most common being the hydroxycarbonate malachite. The cementation zone, or zone of secondary enrichment, just below this contains sulphide minerals such as chalcocite, bornite, and tetrahedrite. Below this again, primary sulphide minerals such as chalcopyrite and bornite occur in a deep, unaltered zone. The characteristic bright colours of the oxidized ores was the principal surface indicator of these minerals. The most common copper ores, malachite and azurite, are green and blue respectively and so were easily identified (Tylecote 1987).

material exploited in the production of fine metal objects. Metal may also have been acquired by melting down older objects or scrap. This is particularly relevant to gold as it is not susceptible to corrosion and is relatively easy to melt, making it ideal for recycling purposes. A hoard of Viking silver from Carraig Aille II, Co. Limerick (Ó Ríordáin 1949), provides possible evidence for the recycling of silver as does an older find of Roman hack-silver from Balline in the same county (Bateson 1973). The other non-ferrous metals could also have been recycled in this manner, though scrap hoards are not widely known for this period. Importation The final possibility is that of importation – of ore, scrap, or smelted cakes or ingots. Importation of raw material from Britain and the Continent would also have allowed for the associated introduction of new ideas and techniques from abroad. Internal trade would then have facilitated their dissemination. Of the nonferrous metals, the importation of tin is particularly likely, given its scarcity in Ireland. The metal was probably imported from the significant Cornish or Breton deposits. Cornwall is also rich in other nonferrous metals, particularly copper and native gold, so the possibility exists that they too were imported. Mercury had to be imported from the Continent as it does not occur in either Britain or Ireland.

Having located the ore, the next problem was its extraction. As there is no certain archaeological evidence of Early Medieval mining in Ireland it is impossible to say whether both sulphide and/or oxide ores were exploited or the method employed in that exploitation. The technology to exploit both types existed from early in the Bronze Age in Ireland. One would expect the form of the mine to depend on the geology of the surrounding area, on the shape and size of the mineral veins or pockets, and on the encasing rock type.

2. Processing of Raw Material Once ore was removed from the mine it underwent dressing or concentration. This involved crushing the ore, probably with hand-held stone hammers, on large slabs or anvils. The mineralised rock was then handsorted to remove gangue or waste materials. Repeated crushings would further improve the mineral quality. There is also a possibility that water flotation may have been used to up-grade the mineral even further. The ore would then be transported to the smelting site for reduction to metal, if indeed this process was not carried out within the actual smelting site.

In the Bronze Age, fire-setting was the method of ore recovery employed at sites such as Mount Gabriel in Co. Cork (O’Brien 1994), the Great Orme in Wales (Dutton 1990), and the Mitterberg mines in Austria (Pittioni 1951). It involves the building of a large fire up against the rock-face to heat it. This was then allowed to cool naturally or was quenched with water. The fire-weakened rock-face was then susceptible to the use of stone hammers (mauls) and to prising with wooden or bone picks in the removal of ore. This technique may or may not have been employed in Early Medieval times, a question which must remain unanswered until the discovery of relevant mining evidence. It is likely that the ability to mine rock using tempered iron tools did exist in Ireland from the Early Medieval period onwards. This is suggested by the use of iron chisels to dress stonework in early Irish church buildings and by the discovery of rock-cut souterrains with wall-stroke patterns indicating the use of iron tools (O’Brien pers. comm.).

Smelting Process Two non-ferrous metals which require smelting are copper and lead. Gold was available in a native form and did not require smelting, while silver was produced through the cupellation of lead or copper ores (see below). Oxidised copper ores such as malachite and cuprite are relatively easy to smelt and can be reduced without any significant slag production. When ore is placed into a furnace with charcoal at temperatures reaching 1100°C, reducing conditions are achieved. This reducing atmosphere causes the following chemical reaction:

Recycling The mining of copper ore was only one source of raw

The carbon monoxide formed by the charcoal and air from the bellows reacts with the oxygen in the cuprite

Cu2O + CO Æ2Cu + CO2 Cuprite + Carbon Monoxide Æ Copper Metal + Carbon Dioxide

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to form carbon dioxide gas, leaving behind the copper metal. The same basic principle of this carbon reduction process can be applied to the smelting of all copper oxides.

fluxing with iron oxide. If the excess material or impurity is lime (CaO) or magnesia (MgO) then both iron oxide and silica must be added. The copper metal being of a higher density than, and insoluble in, fayalite will fall through it to the bottom of the furnace. Occasionally some minerals may be self-fluxing in that they contain enough iron and silica compounds to form a molten slag (Tylecote 1987).

Matte Smelting While copper oxides can be smelted without any further preparation, sulphidic ore must undergo pretreatment. There are two methods of treating copper sulphides, the most common sulphide being copper pyrites. The first method requires the prior roasting of the ore. Chalcopyrite (copper pyrites) when roasted to 700°C is converted first to copper sulphate and then to copper oxide, and the pyrite is converted to pyrrohtite (FeS). These are then smelted under reducing conditions to form copper metal. Alternatively the sulphide ores may be smelted to a matte, which is a ‘liquid or solid mixture of sulphides, usually FeS and Cu2S’ (Tylecote 1987, 22) and a coarse slag. The matte is then roasted to an oxide and smelted a second time to produce copper metal.

Early copper smelting furnaces consisted of a very simple bowl-shaped hearth, dug into the ground or placed in a natural hollow. The inside of this furnace pit was often lined only with a layer of clay or a stone arrangement. The earliest furnaces were not tapped, the slag being removed only when it had solidified after the furnace had cooled down. The lining of such a furnace had to be replaced and repaired regularly (fettled) due to the damage caused by successive high temperature smelts and the physical removal of the furnace contents once the smelt was completed (Craddock 1995, 198–202).

The most commonly found evidence or residue of smelting on any site is slag. Because copper minerals are rarely, if ever, found in a completely pure state, waste materials are produced in the smelting process. The most common impurities are silica, iron, calcium and magnesium. These generally form silicate slags such as iron silicate or calcium silicate. Copper is virtually insoluble in slag (the most common slag being fayalite 2FeO.SiO2) and forms discrete globules during the smelt. These globules may sink to the bottom of the furnace to form a ‘cake’ of copper, while some remain trapped in the slag. These prills can subsequently be recovered from the slag by crushing it with a hammer stone, and then remelted together in a crucible. Slag is a relatively common find on Early Medieval sites but it is often unclear as to whether it was produced during the working of non-ferrous metals, iron or glass (see Bachmann 1982 for discussion of slags).

In order to reach the high temperatures required in smelting a natural or artificial draught is needed. Either bellows or hollow blowing-sticks (possibly reeds) were used for this purpose. Bellows were made of organic materials such as wood and animal skin which decay rapidly, explaining the lack of archaeological evidence. An efficient furnace would most likely employ a pair of bellows, sometimes even two pairs, in order to maintain a continuous blast into the furnace. Both bellows and blow-pipes were connected to the furnace with tuyères. A tuyère is a baked clay nozzle which can withstand the high temperatures of the furnace. Prefired tuyères would be much more effective and enduring; the discovery of a tuyère on a site indicating the use of bellows or a blow-pipe. Tin is smelted in a similar fashion, at temperatures reaching 1000°C. Iron ore is used to flux the siliceous gangue to produce fayalite. The most common lead ore, galena, is extremely easy to smelt. As a sulphide (PbS), galena must be roasted before smelting. Both roasting and smelting can be undertaken in one operation. The low melting point of lead (327°C) and the fact that its oxide can be reduced to metal below 800°C means that a domestic fire of dry wood or charcoal is sufficient for the operation. Once placed in the fire, part of the galena will be roasted to its oxide (PbO). This in turn reacts with the unroasted galena (PbS) to produce lead (Pb) and sulphur dioxide (SO2) which is expelled as a gas:

Tapping the molten slag in early furnaces would have been extremely difficult. Where the temperature was not high enough the molten copper and slag would solidify too quickly to be run off. Tapping either slag or metal would cause substantial heat loss and probably ‘freeze’ the smelting process. If a furnace was re-used on several occasions the slag would slowly begin to dissolve its lining, tending to build up around the furnace walls. This would prevent the smooth flow of both molten slag and copper to the bottom of the furnace where tapping could have occurred (Craddock 1990).

2PbO + PbS Æ3Pb + SO2 Pure minerals such as malachite, cuprite and chalcocite can be easily smelted in the above manner whereas other minerals require a fluxing agent to facilitate the formation of molten slag. Sulphides generally have an excess of iron and need fluxing with silica (sand) to form fayalite, oxides have an excess of silica and need

This is known as a Double Decomposition Reaction, as both the oxide and sulphide decompose to produce lead.

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Cupellation With very limited sources of native silver, the primary source of the metal in Early Medieval Ireland was probably the cupellation of argentiferous lead or copper ore, the latter exploited at Ross Island (O’Brien 2004). This involves the oxidation of all base metals in the ore (lead, copper etc.) to a litharge which rises to the top of the furnace. Silver and gold are noble metals and as such remain un-oxidized. The litharge can be removed by skimming it off, through absorption in a bone-ash hearth, or given off in gaseous form. This process takes place in a shallow hearth of charcoal or wood at a temperature of 1000°C–1100°C. A bellows is needed to achieve such a temperature and to facilitate oxidation. To separate the gold from the silver, the impure silver must be granulated in water and then mixed with salt and clay in a charcoal furnace. Here, the silver is converted to silver chloride which is absorbed by the clay while the gold is unchanged and can be washed out. To recover the silver from the clay it must be mixed with lead and cupelled once again (Tylecote 1987).

Alloying An optional, and final, step before casting is alloying, the mixing together of two or more metals to produce an alloy with certain desired properties. Tin-bronze was obviously the most common alloy, but others were also used. In the production of bronze, tin was most likely added in the form of its main ore cassiterite (SnO2). Lead may occasionally have been added to lower the melting point of the alloy. This made it easier to cast as it reduces the speed required to pour the metal into the mould (it remained molten longer). Although used in the Late Bronze Age, lead was not widely used as an alloying agent in the Early Medieval period as it is not soluble in bronze. It remains as globules which may join up if too many are present, forming weaker areas of lead ‘lakes’. Both tin and lead can be added to the molten copper once it has been refined. The alloying of gold with silver was practised in the Early Medieval period, producing electrum. This consists of gold with a high percentage of silver, though sometimes a small percentage of copper was also added. The addition of the latter two lowered the melting point of the metal, increasing the ease with which it was worked and its wear resistance.

Refining Refining is a vital step in the preparation of a metal for casting, excepting native copper and gold which are relatively pure. The impurities remaining in smelted copper would hamper the casting process, if not totally prevent it. Such impurities can include large quantities of iron, some residual slag, and smaller amounts of arsenic, antimony, lead, oxygen and hydrogen. The refining of copper may be simply carried out by remelting the metal in a crucible under oxidizing conditions. Impurities which are less noble than copper will oxidize first, e.g. iron, arsenic, antimony, zinc and tin. The main impurity is usually iron which, due to its lower density, will rise above the molten copper where it can be oxidized off. Tylecote suggests that any hydrogen remaining in the smelt was reduced with cuprous oxide or malachite (1987, 193). Another suggested method of refining is poling, the stirring with a stick to evolve hydrogen gas and carbon monoxide. As Tylecote points out, however, there is ‘little evidence that it was done in early times’ (1987, 193), though it would actually be difficult to identify such evidence. Similarly, there is no direct proof of the use of malachite.

3. Initial Fabrication If a secondary source of raw material, such as scrap or ingots, was being used, then the only preparation necessary for casting was the melting of the stock and, perhaps, alloying. The stock was most likely broken up into very small fragments, placed in a crucible and heated in either a hearth or the top of a smelting furnace. The initial fabrication of most non-ferrous artefact types involves some form of casting, though objects could also be made by forging. Simple objects can be hammered out of ingots in a process that is archaeologically invisible. Some composite objects were made by joining cast and forged pieces e.g. the Ardagh Chalice is composed of beaten sheet-metal and cast handles. Integral to the casting process was the mould which determined the shape and form of the object to be manufactured. Moulds Three different types of mould were employed in the Early Medieval period: the open mould, the bivalve mould, and the cire perdue (lost wax) investment mould. The open mould is the simplest type and was made of stone, most commonly sandstone. The shape of the required object was cut into the stone which was probably covered by a flat cover-stone to reduce the formation of air bubbles on the surface during cooling. Objects cast in such a mould have flat upper surfaces and therefore need further cold-working and annealing. Moulds without a cover would have been inefficient as much metal would be lost through surface oxidation. In Early Medieval Ireland, open moulds were used mainly for casting small metal ingots and unfinished artefacts.

Refining metal using malachite helps avoid the gassing of an object during casting. Gassing describes the release of dissolved gases on solidification, leading to porosity of the metal. The method of poling, however, can leave behind hydrogen which leads to the problem of gassing. To remove gold and silver from the copper, lead or lead ore is added during smelting or refining. The precious metals dissolve in it and the mixture is later removed by melting it out from the cakes of impure copper. Lead has a much lower melting point than copper and will melt first, carrying the precious metals with it. These can then be recovered from the lead by cupellation (Tylecote 1986). 246

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Most commonly employed was the bivalve mould, made of clay, stone, and possibly metal. Used in conjunction with an internal clay core, these moulds could be used to manufacture socketed objects. Stone bivalve moulds had to be carved by hand, while clay moulds were made by impressing a (usually) wooden pattern into each half. When the pattern was removed, the interior of the mould half may have been dusted with soot to prevent the cast metal sticking to the clay. The cire perdue or ‘lost wax’ technique involved the use of one-piece clay moulds. A pattern or model of the required item was first carved in wax and then covered with a layer of fine clay to form the mould. As with all moulds, a hole or gate was left in the clay. This was then heated, baking the mould and melting the wax. The mould had to be broken to retrieve the cast object (Hodges 1976). Lead, due to its low melting point (327°C), can be used in a similar fashion.

enduring pattern of wood, or metal in bivalve mould manufacture. The clay used in making moulds was usually of two types: a carefully worked fine clay mixed with sand to minimise shrinkage (on drying) on the inside, and an external or outer layer of coarser clay. Clay moulds were made by ‘investing’ the wooden, wax or metal pattern in wet clay. Both the mould and core had to be thoroughly dried before casting to prevent gassing. A clay mould develops small cracks during drying, cracks which act as vents during casting. Crucibles Used in conjunction with the mould, another vital piece of equipment in casting is the crucible. The vast majority used in Early Medieval Ireland were made of clay, however some stone crucibles are known. The type of crucible in use at any given time depended to a large extent on the level of ceramic technology and the methods of lifting available. Some vessels have handles or projections to facilitate gripping with either iron tongs, a pair of freshly cut green withies (sap preventing burning), or two pieces of charred wood.

Both open and bivalve stone moulds, if treated correctly, could be used for numerous castings. To prevent the mould cracking and shattering due to thermal shock when the molten metal is poured in, it must be slowly pre-heated to at least 200°C. When required, a clay core was used. The parting line of a bivalve stone mould allowed for the escape of gases, some valves have crude incisions or grooves on their surfaces to aid this. Bivalve stone moulds were tied to secure them together.

The smelted metal is broken up (unless in the form of prills) into the crucible which is then placed in the melting furnace. Once melted, the metal had to be poured very quickly before it solidified, within approximately five seconds of removing it from the furnace. The use of vessels with lids or the use of leaded bronze allowed more time. The re-melting of metal may, of course, have taken place in the smelting furnace and would result in traces of slag on the exterior of the crucible.

The invention of the clay core, which could be used with both clay and stone moulds, was a very important step in the development of casting technology. A good core had to be permeable to allow gases released on solidification to pass through. Cores were best made of clay or a mixture of clay and sand tempered with straw.

It has been stated by numerous authors that Early Medieval crucibles from Ireland are all very small when compared to the items produced. This, in fact, is not the case. Firstly, the vast majority of cast fine metalwork (e.g. ring-pins, penannular brooches) are actually quite small and light, not requiring vast quantities of metal. Even larger objects are usually of a composite nature, their individual components not requiring large amounts of molten metal. Secondly, larger crucibles are known (e.g. Comber 1996, catalogue B, no.3) which could easily hold the volume of molten metal necessary to cast larger objects, such as the silver brooches from the Ardagh Hoard.

The biggest problem experienced in casting is gassing. Water vapour, formed by the combustion of hydrogen in the fuel, is reduced by the metal being melted: 2Cu + H2O ÆCu2O + 2H Copper + Water Æ Copper Oxide + Hydrogen Gas

The hydrogen so formed enters the metal only to be released as gas bubbles when that metal solidifies, spoiling the cast. To prevent this, large feeders (gates) and risers were added to moulds. A riser is an excess part of a casting and is discarded. Therefore, the formation of gas bubbles on its surface will not affect the finished artefact. The feeder or gate is the hole through which the molten metal is poured into the mould. To compensate for the shrinkage of metal on solidification, additional molten metal can be poured in via the gate.

Cast Decoration Although a form of decoration, kerbschnitt must be included as part of the initial fabrication of a metal object as it is executed prior to casting. Kerbschnitt, or ‘chip-carving’, is a technique borrowed from the Anglo-Saxons and was originally used in woodcarving. A chisel and hammer were used to chip out areas of the material being worked, generally the background to a design, leaving the latter in relief (Ryan 1993). The Early Medieval Irish adapted chipcarving by applying it to the wax pattern prior to the

Both bivalve and cire perdue moulds were made of clay. Unlike their stone counterparts, most clay moulds could only be used for one casting. Large-scale output of replicated shapes was achieved through the use of an 247

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manufacture of the mould. Irish kerbschnitt is a form of cast decoration, undertaken before, not after, casting and is indicative of cire perdue casting. A good example is found on the neck of the Ardagh Chalice (Organ 1973). Other decorative elements, such as animal heads, were also cast, being added to the pattern before mould manufacture, e.g. the protruding figures on the Tara Brooch (Ryan 1983b).

Rivets were used for joining, usually on less ornate items or where they could be disguised and integrated into a design, e.g. the handles of the Ardagh Chalice. Fine objects from Early Medieval Ireland are very often composite items consisting of individual panels of decoration. A peculiarly Irish method of attaching such panels to the larger object is known as stitching. The setting which will receive the panel is cast into the object. A tiny vertical cut downwards was made in the wall of the setting. The cut section automatically curled down to lap over the edge of the panel. A series of such tabs in the surrounding setting walls successfully secured the panel in place. Due to their tiny size they are virtually invisible to the casual observer. The attaching of the filigree panels on the front of the Tara Brooch is a classic example of this method.

Sheet Metal Sheet metal was integral to the formation of numerous artefacts in Early Medieval Ireland. Sheet metal is made by casting the metal into as thin a form as possible. This is then very carefully hammered with rounded bronze hammers to avoid causing damage, while continuously annealing the metal. The sheet was then cut and twisted into the required shape, joined and decorated if necessary. Small pieces of sheet metal were integral to the fabrication of many decorative panels, acting as a base for filigree, pressblech or repoussé work. Such panels may then have been attached to larger objects of sheet metal. The Ardagh and Derrynaflan chalices were made in this way. Sheet metal was also used to manufacture items including tweezers, rings, bracelets and some brooch terminals.

4. Artefact Decoration The technical expertise evident in the decoration of fine objects is one of the most celebrated aspects of Early Medieval metalwork. One of the initial steps undertaken in the decoration of some objects was the alteration of their overall appearance either through tinning e.g. two bronze studs from Garranes, or gilding e.g. the panels of the Moylough Belt-Shrine, the Tara Brooch and the Cavan Brooch.

Lathe-turning A lathe is a piece of equipment used to hold and turn an object being shaped with a separate tool (Ryan 1992). The most likely type of lathe employed is a pole-lathe. This consists of a revolving wooden pole with a former of the required shape at one end, a treadle used to drive the pole. In the case of a vessel, the thin sheet of metal is placed over a bowl-shaped former. However, true spinning or turning (resulting in a fully worked metallurgical structure) was probably beyond the capabilities of the pole-lathe. It seems likely that a vessel was beaten into shape and then polished on the lathe to finish it. Polishing affects the surface of the metal and not its full thickness. The foot and bowl of the Ardagh Chalice are lathe-polished (Organ 1973) as are those of the Derrynaflan Chalice, and the dish of the Derrynaflan Paten (Ryan 1983a).

Tinning involves the application of tin-rich layers to the surface of an object. Tin was applied either by rubbing heated tin directly onto a surface or by dipping the whole object in molten tin. This layer of tin was later transformed into a tin-rich layer by continued heating after application. This causes the tin to interdiffuse with the copper of a bronze object (Tylecote 1987). The method of gilding used in Early Medieval Ireland and Anglo-Saxon Britain is known as mercury or fire gilding, of which there were two different methods of application. The particular technique used on any specific artefact is impossible to identify, even by scientific means as the end products of both are identical (Oddy 1980). One technique of mercury gilding involved the thorough cleaning of the base metal object to be gilded. When this was done, an amalgam or alloy of gold and mercury was applied to the surface or desired part thereof. The object was then heated which caused the mercury to evaporate off, leaving behind a gilded surface ready for polishing. The amalgam or alloy was created by adding gold leaf or gold filings to boiling mercury, the most probable ratio being one part gold to seven parts mercury. When the amalgam cooled down it was applied to the desired surface (Oddy 1980).

Joining Techniques Several different methods of joining metal sections together were employed in Early Medieval metalworking. Pressure welding consisted of hammering together two pieces of heated metal, whereas burning was the joining of heated solid metal with molten metal. Casting-on is a term used to describe the making and attaching of a piece in one operation. This was done by constructing the mould of the additional piece around the pre-existing object. Soldering involves the use of an alloy with a lower melting point than that of the metal(s) being joined. To solder two pieces of gold together, a strip of copper is placed between them. The whole is then heated. When the copper melts and flows over the edges of the adjoining metal, the heating is stopped. The copper resolidifies securing the two gold pieces together.

The second method of application also involved the use of mercury and gold leaf. In this case, the surface of the object to be gilded was first amalgamated by rubbing clean mercury onto it. As Oddy points out (1980, 131), this was not an easy process to carry out; the amalgamation of an object’s surface is much easier if the whole object is dipped into a soluble mercury salt 248

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solution such as mercuric nitrate. However, the date of introduction of this method is uncertain.

Plain round wires were rarely, if ever, used. Instead, the most commonly used type of wire was the beaded wire. Beaded wire (milled as opposed to truly segmented) can be made in several ways, though the Irish version was hand-made, using a grooved tool applied at right angles. The use of twined wires was common, as was the use of granulation, triple bands, and carpeting with twined and/or beaded wires. Granulation is found on the brooches from Hunterston, Dunbeath and Kilamery (all three in Youngs 1989), and on the Sutton Hoo shoulder-clasps (Bruce-Mitford 1983) and large Taplow buckle (Whitfield 1987). A triple band consists of three parallel wires, the centre one usually different to those on either side. Two types of triple band are common to ‘Celtic’ and Anglo-Saxon filigree; a central beaded wire between two finer beaded wires, and a two-ply twined, beaded wire flanked by single beaded wires e.g. the large triangular panels on the ‘terminals’ of the Tara Brooch. Carpeting is found on the Hunterston Brooch (Youngs 1989), the Sutton Hoo strip (Bruce-Mitford 1983), and the bird buckles from Faversham (Whitfield 1987), the first mentioned being generally considered of Irish manufacture.

After the surface was amalgamated, gold leaf was placed on top and immediately dissolved in the mercury. A smooth piece of leather was used to press layer after layer of gold leaf onto the surface until the mercury’s saturation point was reached and no more gold would dissolve in it. Again, the object was heated to evaporate off the mercury, leaving the gold. The best known object from Early Medieval Ireland which has been mercury gilded is probably the early eighthcentury Tara Brooch. A vital aspect of gold-working, in particular, was the creation of gold foil or leaf. Foil was manufactured in exactly the same way as sheet metal. The malleability of gold makes it possible, with due care and caution, to produce very thin foil or leaf. Gold foil was clearly used in gilding, while metal foil or very thin sheet-gold was used extensively as the basic component of individual decorative panels. Filigree In Early Medieval Ireland many of the best examples of fine metalwork were decorated with filigree. Filigree is a type of ornament formed by soldering metal wires (usually gold) onto a metal background. An essential element of filigree was the metal wire used to form the design. There were many different ways of manufacturing metal wire, the technique employed on these islands in the relevant centuries was that of block-twisting. This involved the twisting of a square or rectangular sectioned metal rod and its subsequent rolling between two plane surfaces. This produced a solid, even, round wire with a double helical seam.

The use of twisted gold ribbon and flattened beaded wire is not found in Anglo-Saxon work. The ‘Celtic’ smith clearly was not content with merely copying techniques from elsewhere, and added a uniquely Celtic aspect to filigree work. This took the form of a three-dimensional element in the use of superimposed wires. Beaded wire on top of a ribbon set on edge can be seen on the Hunterston, Tara, and Westness brooches (in Youngs 1989). Various new combinations of wires and the use of cones of beaded wire were also a ‘Celtic’ innovation and can be seen on such objects as the Tara Brooch, Ardagh Chalice (Organ 1973), Derrynaflan Chalice and Paten (Ryan 1983a), and the ‘Queen’s Brooch’ (Youngs 1989). Tools used in filigree work would have included tweezers to manipulate the wire and hammers and chisels to cut the wire and sheet.

A common characteristic of filigree is the use of small foil sheets as back-plates onto which the wires were soldered. Craddock (1989, 173) suggests that the reason for their use is to reduce the amount of heat needed to melt the solder. Clearly, it will take less time and lower temperatures to heat a thin sheet of foil and its solder than a whole object such as a penannular brooch. Also, the application of complex filigree to individual components allows for greater quality control.

Miscellaneous Decorative Techniques Pressblech is a term used to describe a method of decorating sheet-metal. It involved the use of a carved die or pattern upon which the thin metal was impressed or beaten. The use of pressblech can be seen on the silver panels on the underside of the Ardagh Chalice foot flange (Organ 1973). It has been suggested that the designs on some bone motif-pieces may have been used in this way (O’Meadhra 1987).

The use of a hollow platform was another technique of application. It involved the use of two back-plates, one of which was flat, the other one embossed with the design (stamped or repoussé). The background to that design was then cut away to leave a raised openwork ornament resting on the flat back-plate. The filigree was soldered on top of this. Objects showing this technique include the Hunterston Brooch (Stevenson 1983), the Ardagh Chalice (Organ 1973) and the Derrynaflan Paten (Ryan 1983a), Anglo-Saxon objects include the Faversham bird-buckles (Whitfield 1987).

Trichinopoly is an important, if somewhat rare, technique employed on the Ardagh Chalice (Organ 1973), the Derrynaflan paten and strainer (Ryan 1983a), and Tara Brooch (Ryan 1983b). The technique is also known from as early as the Iron Age, in the necklet from the Broighter Hoard. It involved the weaving or knitting of metal wire to produce a 249

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seamless, chain-like tube. To be used as a flat panel of decoration (as on the Ardagh Chalice), it was cut down one side and then laid flat.

Repoussé was an important technique used in the decoration of sheet metal. It involved the hammering of a design into a thin sheet of metal from the back, leaving the design embossed on the front. The design may occasionally have been further enhanced by additional work from the front.

Chasing was a technique employed in decorating either sheet-metal or whole objects. A hammer and punch were used to create lines and areas of decoration composed of a series of oblique punched indentations. This technique was often used in conjunction with repoussé, finishing from the front designs raised from the back. Both are found on the Athlone crucifixion plaque dated to the eighth century (Ryan 1983b, 120). With this form of decoration no metal was lost or removed from the object. The opposite is true of engraving where lines were created by removing metal with a hammer and chisel, e.g. the compass-drawn marigolds on the reverse of the Ballinderry II terminals (Ryan 1983b, 118).

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Appendix 3: M.V. DUIGNAN’S EXCAVATIONS AT THE RINGFORT OF RATHGURREEN, COUNTY GALWAY, 1948 - 1949 ABSTRACT Excavations in 1948 and 1949 identified a two-phase bivallate ringfort of the Early Medieval period at Rathgurreen, Co. Galway. Approximately one-quarter of the site was dug; the south-western quadrant and the entrance area. Well preserved dumps of animal bone and sea-shells were discovered throughout the excavated area, while a number of different crafts (such as the production of purple dye) were represented in the artefactual assemblage. The latter also included a fragment of an oil lamp of Roman origin. The site is just one of over thirty ringforts on the Maree peninsula, though is probably the best preserved. Radiocarbon analyses date the occupation of the site from the fourth or fifth century AD to, at least, the ninth. [NOTE – this appendix formed the basis for an excavation report published in the Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, volume 102C, 2002]

A. INTRODUCTION Introduction Located in south-west Galway, Rathgurreen is an impressive bivallate ringfort with a well-defined entrance to the north-east (see Figs. 146 and 147). The inner bank and ditch are much more substantial than the outer. The inner bank now averages 2m in height (above fort interior) while the base of the corresponding ditch is approximately 6m below the top of this bank. The ditch, in places, is a maximum of 9m in width across the top and 2.3m across the base. In comparison, the second bank is smaller, with just 3.7m between its top and the base of the inner ditch. This bank is subdivided along its circumference by a ‘hollow way’ or shallow ditch-like feature on its summit. The outer ditch measures approximately 4m in upper width and 1.5m at the base, and is a mere 0.7m below external ground level. The entrance gap in the inner bank is 2.6m in width while the causeway across the ditch is 4.4m wide. Internally, the site measures approximately 48m in diameter, 95m externally.

The surviving excavation archive is, unfortunately, incomplete. This is most noticeable in the lack of plans for certain areas, specifically the section of Bank 2 and Fosse 2 (in Trench 2), and the plans of the entrance, Area R. That the latter, at least, were completed is reflected in the excavator’s notes where he mentions the existence of a layer of brown clay in the ground plans and section drawings of the entrance. Duignan used Roman numerals when labelling his excavated areas, though these were assigned as each new square was opened and do not run consecutively in adjacent squares. Therefore they have, for convenience, been replaced with a series of letters by the author (Fig. 148). Duignan included in his finds register all animal bones, sea-shells, charcoal and iron slag, while omitting some artefacts altogether. The author assigned sample numbers to the relevant material and then re-numbered the small finds, incorporating those overlooked in the initial record. Upon examination, it was discovered that the iron artefacts, in storage since the late 1940s, were in a very poor state of preservation, as no conservation measures were taken upon excavation. All postexcavation work was undertaken by the author, including the illustration and cataloguing of the finds, the washing and sorting of the faunal assemblage which led to the discovery of a sherd of E-ware, and the general preparation of material for specialist analyses. The site was also surveyed by the author, producing a digital terrain map in the form of a surface plot (Fig. 146), while all of the illustrations are the author’s, unless otherwise indicated. The plans are, of course, based on the originals, and the excavation photographs are Duignan’s. Throughout this work, the notes are occasionally quoted in order to incorporate the opinion of the excavator.

Rathgurreen became the focus of archaeological attention in the late 1940s when Michael Duignan, then recently appointed to the Professorship of Celtic archaeology in University College Galway, investigated the fort in the hopes of discovering evidence similar to that found at Garranes (Ó Ríordáin 1942). He was drawn by the strong defences, strategic position, and exposure of fish shells, animal bone and charcoal in the material of the inner bank. Excavations began in the summer of 1948 and continued and concluded the following year. One quadrant of the interior of the fort was dug, as was a section through the defences, and the area around the entrance. The excavation team consisted of a number of local people, Peter McCaffrey who in 1952 completed an M.A. thesis on the sites in the barony of Dunkellin, and Brendan Ó Ríordáin, later director of the National Museum and native of the area.

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Fig. 146 Rathgurreen, Co. Galway; location and site survey

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Fig. 147 Rathgurreen from the air (1999, photo: Liz Fitzpatrick)

slight rise of approximately 15m OD with lower land between it and Rathgurreen.

Site Location Rathgurreen is situated in Cottage townland in the barony of Dunkellin, and Oranmore parish in the diocese of Kilmacduagh (RMP G095-09). It is recorded on both first and second editions of the Ordnance Survey 1:10560 survey. On the 1838/39 edition it is referred to as ‘Middle-third’ and on the 1920 map as ‘RawGurreen’ (national grid reference M 378 200/ 13787 22002). Built on the highest land on the Maree peninsula, at approximately 30m O.D., the site affords excellent views of the surrounding countryside, especially to the north and west.

The nearest ecclesiastical site is the possible monastic enclosure of Rathmanshere (G095-35), approximately one kilometre directly west of Rathgurreen. The land in the immediate vicinity of the site is quite good pastureland, consisting of brown earths above a limestone-based geology. The Ballynamanagh river to the east provided a source of freshwater and a possible routeway. Historical Background The exact translation of Rathgurreen is uncertain, however the name might be associated with the nearby townlands of Garraun Upper and Lower. Garraun, from the Irish garrán, means grove, suggesting the existence at some point of a small stand of trees in the area (Holt 1912, 213). ‘Gurreen’ may be a corruption of ‘garraun’ or, alternatively, might be an Anglicisation of gortín which translates as ‘small field’. The townland name of Cottage is clearly of no great antiquity.

A number of possibly contemporary sites in the vicinity were probably originally visible from Rathgurreen (Fig. 187). Today, the univallate fort of Raheennavaddoge (G095-48) to the west can be seen from the ramparts of the site, while bivallate Rathknock (G103-24) is visible to the south-west. The now-destroyed Parkmore (G103-23) and G103-34 must also have been visible, perhaps too Lisdoo (G103-41) though the view to the south of Rathgurreen is now obscured by a modern house. It seems probable that the coastal fort of Dunbulcaun (G103-42) may have been within signalling distance at least, as it is located on a

Referred to in the past as Mearuidhe, Meadhraighe, Medrigia and now Maree, the peninsula is mentioned 253

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in a small number of early Irish texts. It is also roughly co-extensive with the original parish of Ballinacourty, the boundaries of the latter possibly reflecting those of the ancient territory, though the area is now part of the larger Oranmore parish. Maree is mentioned in both fictional and factual sources, clearly reflecting the importance of the region in antiquity.

river, near the current bridge, and not at Clarinbridge in Stradbally parish. He goes on to say that ‘the raiders in fact retreated into Maree by the only practicable road from the south-west, for the marshes of Ballynamanagh and Derry townlands were probably more continuous in ancient times’ (Holt 1912, 215). The earliest pseudo-historical references are contained within the Annals of the Four Masters, where the death of a king Eochaid at a battle on Magh Aidhne (the plain of Aidhne) is recorded for 1474 BC, and the death from plague of King Muineamhon in Aidhne in 1329 BC. More reliable historical information on the region is summarised by Fahey (1893, 6–120). The diocese of Kilmacduagh, in which Maree lies, is coextensive with the ancient territory of the southern Uí Fiachrach or the Uí Fiachrach Aidhne. These were descended from Fiachra, brother of Niall of the Nine Hostages, ruler of Connaught for twelve years. Fiachra had two sons; Awley who succeeded him as king of the province, and Dathy from whom the chief tribes of Aidhne were descended. Dathy’s grandson, Eoghan, was fostered by one of the Fir Bolg tribes already living in Aidhne, earning the name Eoghan Aidhne.

Placename explanations are offered by O’Flaherty, Westropp, Holt and Fahey, while today’s inhabitants interpret the name as Maigh Rí, or ‘plain of the kings’. O’Flaherty tells of Mogruth, leader of the western branch of the Fir Bolg, who was married to a woman named Medara. He ‘latinized’ the name to Medrigia which he says later became pronounced as ‘Maaree’, giving the peninsula its name (1793, part 3, chapter 69). Holt (1912), Westropp (1919) and Fahey (1893) all quote O’Flaherty in a second placename suggestion, this tale originally derived from the Dinnseanchas, preserved in the twelfth century Book of Leinster (Best and O’Brien 1967). Here, the region is named after Meadraige, a warrior in the service of Lugad McConn. Lugad had been a powerful judge in Munster and had been exiled for maladministration. He allied himself with Beni, King of the Britons, and raised an army. Sailing from an island of western Spain, Lugad and his ‘fleet of foreigners’ landed along the southern coast of the peninsula in AD 250. From there they marched to Moymacroimhe (the plain of Turlough Art near Clarinbridge) where they engaged the forces of the high-king, Art. Art himself was slain, as were a number of other provincial kings and nobles. Lugad then became high-king, and his reign of thirty years is recorded in the Annals of the Four Masters. Meadraige, however, was not so fortunate and fell at the moment of victory (O’Flaherty 1793, part 2, 227).

In 515 AD Muireheartach MacEarc, great-grandson of Niall, became the supreme king of Ireland. He dwelt in Aidhne and his reign lasted twenty-four years. In 531, Goibhneann, chief of the Uí Fiachrach Aidhne, defeated the neighbouring Uí Máine at the battle of Claonloch. Muireheartach was succeeded by Colmán as king of Connaught, his reign lasting 21 years, killed at the battle of Cambo near Roscommon in 617. He had two sons; Loighnen and Guaire. The former ruled the province for seven years before he was slain, and was succeeded by his brother, Guaire - the most celebrated early king of Connaught. He became known as ‘Guaire of the bounty’ due to his many successful campaigns. His fortunes took a down-turn in 650 AD, however, at the battle of Carn Conail (near Gort).

Other references to the area are presented by Holt and Furey. The latter describes Partholanus’ division of the kingdom (of Ireland) between his four sons, one of whom received territory extending from a place in Munster to Athcliath na Mearuidhe (1991, 24). Holt refers to a map by Knox where Maree is included as part of the fifth-century kingdom of Delbna, right on the northern edge of the ancient territory of Aidhne (1912, 215).

Here, Diarmait, son of Aedh Slane and co-ruler with his brother Blathmac, defeated Guaire and his armies. Blathmac’s son-in-law was brother of St. Ceallagh who was, in Guaire’s opinion, a serious contender for the provincial throne. Guaire, therefore, had him murdered, sparking Diarmait’s retaliation. After the battle, Guaire’s power was restricted to Aidhne, with other provincial groups withdrawing their allegiance. Guaire died in 663 and was survived by three sons; Nar, Arthgal and Aoedh. Nar’s family retained the chieftaincy of the territory until Arthgal’s son, Feargal, seceded to the Connaught crown. He died in 694 after a short and uneventful reign. The provincial kingship then passed to the Uí Briúin, depriving Aidhne of much of its former power and prestige.

The area plays an important role in the Táin Bó Regamna or Táin Bó Darty (related by both Holt 1910, 215, and Westropp 1919, 169). This tale celebrates a raid into Thomond in Munster by the men of Connaught (namely the Nagnatae and the seven Uí Máine). There, they carried off the cattle herds of Dartaid, daughter of Regamna. Regamna, Eochu MacCarbré the king of Cliach, and all the heroes of Munster gave chase. The fleeing party sought refuge in Maree, constructing a ford or bridge over the river and holding there until help arrived. Holt quotes the local priest (1912), a father O’Connell, as having identified the site of this ford or ‘Gatta Athcliath Maree’ (‘the ford of the hurdles at the sea’) on the Ballynamanagh

The deaths of a number of chiefs or lords of Aidhne are recorded in the Annals for the eighth, ninth and tenth centuries. Conchobar, lord of Aidhne and descendant of Feargal died in 763, Art son of Flaitnia was slain in 254

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768, while in 780, the tribes of Uí Fiachrach were defeated by Tibraide, son of Taog, king of Connaught, at the second battle of Carn Conail in Kilbecanty (Fahey 1893, 116). Art was succeeded by Cleirigh, Cleirigh by his son Maelfavail who died in 887. His son, Tighernach, died in 916, Tighernach’s successor, Maelmacduagh, was slain by ‘foreigners’ in 920, and his place taken by Tighernach’s brother Flan, who died in 950.

(and even 5’) long and over 2’ thick ... the outer bank has a hollow way around the summit not merely worn but carefully fenced to either side; it is 27’ wide below and of variant widths at the top. In one point the hollow and its walls are each 6’ wide; in another its width is twice as great and the walls barely 3’ thick.

Viking contact with Aidhne is represented by a small number of annal entries. In 866, during Maelflavail’s rule, the ‘Danish’ landed near Kilcolgan, probably at Maree, and passed through the entire territory of Aidhne. In 920, Maelmacduagh was killed by Scandinavians, while eighteen years later Aralt, son of Sitric the Viking lord of Limerick, was slain in Aidhne by the Ceanraigh, an Uí Fiachrach sept.

Much briefer references and descriptions of the site are made by McCaffrey in his M.A. thesis of 1952 (p.127), by Killanin and Duignan in The Shell Guide of 1962 (p.153) and finally, by Gosling in 1986 (Killilea 1986, 19). Site Survey Before the site was excavated, the fort was described as having had three, or possibly even four, banks and ditches (e.g. Fahey 1893). It was revealed, however, that what were then referred to as the second and third banks, and the second ditch between them, actually composed one unit – an earthen bank faced on one side with drystone walling. The so-called ditch along the top of this bank was described by Westropp as a ‘modification of the fighting terrace or banquette found in other forts’ (1919, 170), and as a ‘covered way protected by palisades’ by Holt (1912, 229), when it is merely feature of the bank construction. Excavation also revealed that this outer bank and its external ditch represent the first phase of activity on the site, with the large inner bank and its ditch added later. The site has been surveyed and digitally mapped by the author, producing a wire-mesh surface plot (Fig. 146). This clearly depicts the enclosing banks and ditches and the location of the entrance.

Early ecclesiastical references to the area are very rare. St. Sorney is commemorated archaeologically by a holy well and hut-site in Ballynacloghy townland on the peninsula. A sixth-century saint, Sourney was descended from Eoghan Aidhne and had churches dedicated to her, or founded by her, on Aran and in Drumacoo parish to the south of Maree. The site at Kilcaimin was clearly dedicated to St. Caimin, if not founded by him. Caimin died in 653 and was halfbrother of King Guaire who resided in Kinvara, a short boat journey across the bay from Kilcaimin (Fahey 1893, 22). Recent site history The earliest known record of Rathgurreen was made by Holt (1912, 229). He includes a section drawing and describes the site as The finest rath in the parish, occupying the north-west end of a ridge, which is the highest land in the parish. The garth, which is slightly convex, has a general slope towards north-west. It is level with land to south-east, but considerably raised above the hill faces in other directions. Diameter of garth 157 ft., diameter of whole work 305 ft. ... Large stones were freely used in the construction of all the banks, and at one point the main rampart shows some trace of stone facing. There is a tradition of a souterrain, but no obvious indication of its entrance.

In phase I, the internal diameter of the original univallate fort was approximately 76m, while in phase II it measured c.49m. The external diameter of the fort remained roughly the same, around 95m. In applying Matthew Stout’s system of ringfort classification (1991), it becomes evident that the phase I ringfort does not fit into any of his categories. The fort in this earlier period was univallate with a very large internal diameter. Sometime after the beginning of occupation on the site, something occurred to cause a dramatic change in the morphology of the fort. A very deep ditch was dug inside the existing defences, the material from which was piled up along its inner edge to form a very large earthen bank. This reduced the internal diameter of the site while, simultaneously, extending the width of the defences from c.4m (phase I) to c.17.6m (phase II). These phase II dimensions associate the fort with Stout’s cluster 4; large multifunctional forts situated near the edge of a townland or barony, measuring 67.63m in external diameter and 46.97m internally.

Rathgurreen is next described by Westropp (1919, 170/171); The ramparts were stone-faced at all points, in some cases with blocks 3’ to 4’

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Fig. 148 Duignan’s plan of the site, with excavated areas marked by author

prevailing south-westerly wind and was thus a likely location for dwellings and occupation evidence.

B. EXCAVATION Excavation Strategy In 1948 excavation commenced in the south-west quadrant of the fort’s interior (Figs. 148 and 149). Several factors influenced this choice. In this area, a continuous section through the entire system of defences could be achieved while lusher vegetation suggested the possibility of deeper organic deposits here than elsewhere within the fort. Additionally, the inner bank was very well preserved in this sector, while the area would also have received most shelter from a

Two initial exploratory trenches, both six feet wide (using Duignan’s imperial measurements, or 1.8m), were dug. Trench 1 ran west from the centre of the fort and was carried as far as the inner face of the inner bank, while Trench 2 ran south from the centre and continued through the defences (Figs. 150 and 151). The remainder of the quadrant was then excavated in 12ft squares (3.7m), separated by baulks one foot (0.3m) in width (Fig. 148). 256

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Fig. 149 1948 excavation of south-west quadrant

Fig. 150 Section through defences from south

Fig. 151 Section through Bank 2 from north

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In 1949 excavation focused on the entrance and its defences. Six 12ft squares were laid out immediately inside the entrance, conforming with the 1948 grid. These were then extended through and beyond the defences, covering an area 104ft (31.7m) in length and 28–38ft (8.5m–11.6m) in width. The western limit of this area was located 52ft (15.8m) east of centre, the northern limit 25ft (7.6m) north of the east-west diameter, and the southern limit 13ft (4m) south of the East-West diameter. In addition, two further, smaller, trenches (Trenches 3 and 4) were opened, cutting through the outer defences at a now unknown location, to confirm the findings of the previous season’s Trench 2. A total of approximately 1035m2 was excavated. Upon commencement of excavation, it was quickly realised that there existed no great depth of occupation deposits. Duignan attributed this to post-occupation disturbance, though it would appear (as discussed below) that not all of the disturbance occurred after the occupation had ended.

two banks with a shallow or ‘pseudo’ ditch between them. Investigation revealed a double-faced drystone wall on the outer edge of Fosse 2 (Figs. 153 and 154). Outside this one-metre wide rampart was a flat 4mwide berm, upon which was heaped the upcast boulder clay dug from the outer ditch. The gradual settling of this material gave the impression of its forming a separate bank, with a shallow hollow area between it and the stone wall. Trench 3, dug in 1949 to confirm the composition of Bank 1, revealed that the stone wall had partially collapsed or been deliberately toppled backwards across the top of the bank.

Fig. 153 Bank 1 wall

Fig. 152 Cut of Fosse 1

Occupation phases Trench 2 ran from the centre point of the fort in a southerly direction, cutting through the enclosing element of the site on the south. This trench provided evidence of a two-phase occupation at Rathgurreen, each with its own defences. It was found that Bank 2, the innermost rampart, was constructed on top of a layer of earlier occupation debris and contained within its composition, areas or patches of similar material. The material dug from the inner ditch (cut through and including earlier occupation evidence) was piled up along the inner edge of the fosse to form this bank. This indicated to Duignan that the innermost bank, and its associated ditch, were later in date than the outer, as the latter bank did not contain any occupation material in its composition (see also section on stratigraphy below).

Fig. 154 Faces of Bank 1 wall

The first phase appears to have been a short one. This is suggested by the complete absence of silt from the fill of the outer ditch. Instead, the fosse contained loosely tumbled stones with very little earth in the interstices (Fig. 155). This reflects the possibility of deliberate filling in one operation, perhaps with stone from the upper courses of the rampart wall.

Phase I defences The primary habitation area was surrounded by the outer bank and ditch, Bank 1 and Fosse 1 (Fig. 152). Prior to excavation, Bank 1 was thought to consist of 258

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Fig. 155 Fill of Fosse 1

Fig. 156 Fosse 2 from south

Fig. 157 Schematic guide to the main phases of construction and occupation 259

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Phase II Defences Duignan suggested that Bank 2 and Fosse 2 (Fig. 156) were constructed around the same time as the filling of Fosse 1 (Fig. 157). Along the inner edge of Bank 1 (phase I), a fosse 3.4m in depth was dug through existing occupation debris, the upcast piled along its inner edge to form Bank 2. The latter was also composed of phase I material cleared from the interior of the site. The ditch measured 6.7m in width across the top and 1.2m at the base, while the bank reached a height of 2.3m above the old ground surface and was 6.7m wide at the base, revetted along its inner edge by a drystone wall (Fig. 158). This wall survived up to three courses in height at some points (see elevation, Fig. 159).

Site Stratification Stratigraphically, the interior of the site consists of four main layers. The uppermost layer 01, the sod or turf, overlies a mixture of humus and gravel (layer 02), with a layer of ‘clean’ gravel (03) below. Spreads of stone, shell and bone all occur in and below the ‘gravelly humus’ (02) though above layer 03. Boulder clay (04) forms the basal layer across the site. Not recorded in the trench sections of the south-west quadrant, though shown to be quite extensive on the ground plans of the individual squares, is a brown clay (layer 06), the possible remains of a phase II habitation layer. Bank 2 is composed mostly of upcast boulder clay and a dark humus with earlier occupation material mixed throughout. Beneath the bank, in Trench 2, lies the earliest occupation level on the site. This consists of dark grey clay, a spread of pinkish-grey ash with much bone and charcoal, and dark humus containing bones, charcoal, ash and periwinkle shells. These rested on a layer of old humus above the boulder clay. Bank 1 (Fig. 160) was also composed of upcast boulder clay, gravel (03) and humus (02). These rested on a layer of old humus, atop gravel above the boulder clay. Fosse 1 (Fig. 160) contained a fill of loosely tumbled stones in a matrix of gravel and humus. Frequent voids in the interstices suggest a deliberate infilling of the ditch.

Fig. 158 Bank 2 revetment, south-west quadrant

Fig. 159 Bank 2 revetment; A. north side of entrance, B south-western quadrant 260

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Fig. 160 West-facing section of defences in Trench 2 261

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Internal Features Immediately beneath the sod in the interior of the fort an incoherent stone spread [07] was uncovered with local scatters of shells and bones above, below and between the stones (Fig. 161). This stone spread was more dense in some squares than others. Duignan noted that ‘clearly the original relationship of stones and shells had been violently disturbed’ and ‘that the whole inner enclosure had been turned over and radically disturbed since occupation of the site ceased, and that any occupation earth had been removed, perhaps for top-dressing in relatively recent times’. However, the remains of a primary occupation level, and the old humus beneath it, were identified underneath Bank 2. This layer was dug away along the line of the inner edge of Bank 2. Duignan attributed this to the conjectured post-occupation disturbance of the site. It is more probable though, that this removal of early occupation material occurred on completion of the inner bank though prior to the commencement of the phase II occupation.

Fig. 161 Stone spread under sod, Trench 1

Fig. 162 Ground plan of south-western quadrant 262

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Fig. 163 Stone spread in Square M (Duignan’s XI)

Fig. 164 Stone spread in Square D (Duignan’s XVI)

263

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Fig. 165 Ground plan of trenches 1 and 2 264

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Fig. 166 Pit sections 265

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A series of ten pits was discovered and excavated in the south-west quadrant (Figs. 162 and 165). These were, for the most part, rubbish pits containing quantities of animal bone, shell and charcoal. Other than their locations in squares C and L (respectively), little was recorded of pits 1 and 2 (Fig. 166). Pit 3 (in Trench 2) consisted of a straight-sided cut, dug through gravel into underlying boulder clay. Its fill was made up of very dark humus containing bone, shell, stones, a fragment of a bronze pin and a number of iron artefacts (Fig. 166). Pit 4, also located in Trench 2, though nearer to Bank 2, was lined with small stones near the surface and contained bone, some of which was burnt, charcoal, ash and slag.

Fortunately, not all of the deposits in the interior were as disturbed as Duignan initially feared. He suggested that the occupation deposits of both phases were subject to interference at the same time. This, however, would have resulted in the remains of phase I (e.g. old humus, the phase I ground surface) being scattered throughout the site, in addition to those of phase II. No evidence of this was found, suggesting the possibility that the site was ‘cleaned’ before the beginning of phase II occupation, the material scraped from the interior used to augment the new Bank 2. In the surviving excavation notes, no structural remains are identified within Rathgurreen. Phase I was represented by a layer which survived in situ only beneath Bank 2. Therefore, the investigation of features of this phase was limited to the six-foot (1.8m) wide Trench 2 which cut through the defences on the south side of the fort. In the interior of the fort, now attributed to phase II, the south-western quadrant was dug in twelve-foot (3.7m) squares, each planned individually, and never all open at once. This made it difficult to identify any house plans unless they were to fall within an individual square. The lack of recorded stake- or post-holes at Rathgurreen appears to reflect the relatively coarse excavation techniques then common in Ireland.

Pit 5, located in square G, contained a fill of humus with stones, oyster shells, a little bone, and a small patch of yellow ash (Fig. 166). Pit 6 was uncovered in square N and was the largest of the pits found in this quadrant. It was filled with very soft and loose dark humus, stones, a large quantity of shell, some bone, a bone comb fragment, and a little black and yellow ash. The loose fill and numerous voids suggest a deliberate infilling of the pit. Pit 7 was situated in square P, just inside the revetment of Bank 2. Its fill consisted of a fine dark humus with stones, charcoal and bone. Number 8, also in square P, contained dark humus with bone, charcoal and some small stones (Fig. 166). Pit 9 was the smallest example from the site and was found in square O, just inside Bank 2. It was filled with dark soil, bone and charcoal.

Upon compilation of the individual plans, though, probable structural remains can now be identified (Fig. 162). The remains of a wall were uncovered in the southern half of square M (Fig. 163), consisting of a shallow arc of stones, approximately 1.5m in length. Lying parallel to this were the remains of a second arc, though less convincing than the first. Following the same curve, the two lengths of possible foundations lay roughly 0.6m apart and may represent the remains of a double-faced wall of a circular structure, perhaps once containing an earthen or rubble core. In squares F and G, near the centre of the quadrant, the possible remains of another structure can be identified. Here, a pattern can be seen in the scatter of stones, the remains of a circular paved or cobbled area, approximately 3m in diameter.

A pit located on the south-facing slope of Fosse 2 (not numbered by excavator, author’s no. 10), appears to have functioned as an iron-smelting furnace. The pit had a baked-clay edge (Fig. 167) and contained charcoal and iron slag, with a fire-reddened flagstone (Fig. 168) and ashes located on its northern edge. This furnace was dug into the top of 0.6m of silting in the fosse which, in turn, suggests a relatively long period of occupation in phase II.

The most definite structure is located in squares H and D (Fig. 164), just inside the bank on the western side of the site. These two squares contained relatively dense scatters of stone, resembling the collapse of a stone structure. Amongst the jumble of stones recorded on the plans, a slightly curving wall can be identified, perhaps the southern end of a circular or subrectangular construction. Unfortunately, an inconsistent level of detail in the planning of adjacent squares and in Trench 1, prevents the identification of further structural evidence in the area.

Fig. 167 Furnace in Fosse 2

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Fig. 168 Excavation of flagstone in Fosse 2, Trench 2 construction. The larger pit was clearly dug before the retaining wall was built, though whether this applies to the whole pit-trench complex or just this pit is uncertain. Positioned as it is, across the inner edge of the entrance, it seems likely that this pit-and-trench complex may once have acted as a foundation feature for a gate, restricting entry to the interior of the site.

Entrance Area In the north-eastern quadrant of the site, eight squares were excavated, located directly inside the entrance and extending through and beyond, to the outer edge of the outer fosse (Area R). A spread of loose stones similar to that found in the interior in the previous year was revealed upon removal of sod in the south-western squares, again intermixed with bone and shell. The stratigraphy in this area was very similar to that throughout the fort.

Fosse 2 was bottomed on the north side of the entrance causeway, revealing that the causeway over the fosse was reinforced by a substantial drystone revetment (Fig. 170). Large quantities of shell (especially oyster and limpet) and animal bone were found in the adjacent section of the fosse, suggesting its use as a refuse dump.

Unfortunately, due to the lack of plans for this area, very little is known about the features uncovered here. Duignan’s notes do mention a pit-and-trench complex, though its exact location or shape is uncertain. Situated in the vicinity of the entrance, it consisted of a trench with gradually sloping sides. This had a maximum depth of 0.8m, an average width of 1.2m, and ran parallel to the inner bank for approximately 5m. It then turned east and expanded into an irregular bipartite pit located at the south-western corner of the north end of the inner bank. From this pit, the trench runs straight across the entrance, entering a second pit on the south side of the entrance. This pit measured 4.6m east-west and 1–1.4m north-south and partially underlay the revetment of Bank 2 (Fig. 169). The complex was dug before the partial collapse of the revetment (of Bank 2) as some stones from that wall were found in the fill, if not before the revetment

Fig. 169 Bank 2 revetment, north side of entrance

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Fig. 170 Revetment of south side of entrance causeway, Fosse 2

into a sub-rectangular/oblong section. The whole shank tapers to a, now blunt, point. The section of the pinhead which remains intact curves away from the shank at approximately 90°, bending backwards, presuming the broader face of the shank to be the ‘front’ of the pin. The shank is relatively straight, with only a slight bend at the point where the section changes from circular to oblong. The bronze is very well preserved, the pin appears to have been polished to give a very smooth finish. No decoration evident. (see E945:02 below). 530. L. 84mm; upper crosssection 3mm in diameter; lower cross-section 4mm x 2mm.

C. THE FINDS The finds from the site can be divided into material from phase I, phase II, and from the undated pits. Phase I artefacts were found in the fill of Fosse 1 and under Bank 2, phase II finds in the fill of Fosse 2, while remains in the interior may represent phase II activity or residual phase I material. In the course of excavation, all animal bones, teeth, shells, and lumps of slag were included with the ‘small finds’ from the site. Here, however, they are dealt with separately. Therefore, the artefacts have been renumbered though their original find numbers (those assigned during excavation) are also included. The finds are catalogued by material and all numbers are prefaced by E945.

Pinhead (E945:02/I). A piece of bronze strip curved over on itself, from Bank 2. This appears to be the head of the pin formed by shank (E945:01), the two pieces fitting together exactly. This piece, however, has suffered more corrosion than the shank, suggesting their separation in antiquity. Furthermore, this fragment was found in Bank 2, dating it to phase I of the occupation, while the shank was found in Pit 3 in the interior, thus possibly dating that to phase I also. Together, the two pieces form a simple, loop-headed pin. The pinhead is formed of a bronze strip, subrectangular in section. Evidently, the smith began the manufacture of this pin with a round-sectioned, thin bar of metal, approximately 100mm in length. The

Entry information is made in the following order – Artefact type (author’s find no./phase). Artefact description. Original excavation no. Measurements Length (L.) x Width (W.) x Thickness (Th.), unless otherwise stated, D. = diameter; Max. = maximum. All measurements are in millimetres (mm).

BRONZE (Fig. 171) Pin (E945:01/I). Shank of bronze pin, head missing, found in Pit 3. The upper portion is circular in section while the lower half of the stem has been hammered 268

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smith then lightly hammered flat both ends, tapering one to a point and curling the other into a loop. 589. Strip W. 4mm; L. (un-curled) 15mm; strip Th. 1–2mm; external D. of loop 5mm.

Two links (E945:04/I). Two rings of bronze, linked together, from Bank 2. Ring A consists of a ‘D’sectioned thin bronze bar bent to form an almost perfect circle. The terminals do not quite meet, a gap of approximately 1mm separating them. Ring B is more irregular in shape, more quadrangular. It was formed from a bar sub-circular in section and somewhat thinner than that of Ring A. The ends of Ring B overlap for a length of approximately 1mm. The metal of both rings is well preserved. The function of these rings is uncertain. They appear too irregular to have been a form of personal adornment, though perhaps formed part of a composite object. Ring A is much more finely finished than its neighbour. 577. Ring A external D. 14mm; ring B external dimensions 14mm x 15mm; ring A bar dimensions 3mm x 2mm; ring B bar D. 2mm.

Ring (E945:03/I). Ring of decorated sheet bronze, approximately two-thirds complete, from Bank 2. One end of the ring tapers to a relatively fine point while the other appears broken. The surface of the ring is somewhat corroded, masking the decoration on the broader terminal. If it is a finger ring, it was never a continuous circle though it is possible that the ends may have overlapped. Alternatively, the piece may be an earring, with the tapered end inserted through the ear-lobe. The ring is decorated on its outer surface with a single band of herringbone pattern. This is quite faint near the tapered terminal, becoming bolder and more prominent as the ring broadens. The design appears to have been incised into the metal, the herringbone motif formed between three roughly parallel lines. The inner face of the ring is undecorated. 560. Band W. 1–4mm; internal D. 14mm; band Th. 1mm; external D. 16mm.

Fragment (E945:05/I). Possible fragment of bronze resembling a small twig though heavily stained green, from Bank 2. If bronze, then the piece is very corroded. Originally, possibly a sub-circular sectioned wire or thin bar. Now bent into a right angle. 558. L. approx. 10mm; Max. D. 3mm.

Fig. 171 Bronze artefacts

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Fig. 172 Iron knives 270

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Fig. 173 Iron artefacts

IRON Knife Fragment (Fig. 172: E945:06/II?). Fragment of a shouldered iron knife with the remains of a tang intact, from square F. Much corroded, no markings visible. Triangular in section. 101. 47mm x 8–14mm x 5–7mm; tang W. 7mm.

Knife (Fig. 172: E945:11/II?). A much corroded iron fragment, probably the remains of a knife blade, from Area R. Triangular in section, with both the tang and point missing. Straight, flat piece. No markings. 712. 45mm x 5–10mm x 2–4mm. Knife (Fig. 172: E945:12/II?). Fragment of a badly preserved iron knife, split vertically, from Area R. The tang survives though the point is missing. The tang is sub-rectangular in section while that of the blade is triangular. No markings. 749. 76mm x 16mm x 1– 2mm; tang 15mm x 8mm x 3–4mm.

Knife (Fig. 172: E945:07/II?). Corroded fragments of an iron knife, shouldered and tanged, from Trench 1. In poor condition, no visible markings. Triangular in section. Blunt point. 212. 102mm x 12–21mm x 3– 8mm; tang W. 9–12mm. Knife Fragment (Fig. 172: E945:08/?). Fragment of an iron object, possibly a knife, from Bank 2. The piece is corroded though not fragmentary. If this is a knife, it represents the tang and lower section of the blade. Subrectangular in section. No visible markings. 307. Max. 30mm x 12mm x 3mm; tang 22mm x 7mm x 4mm.

Knife (Fig. 172: E945:13/?). Remains of a very badly corroded iron knife, much larger than the other examples from the site, from Area R. Blade is triangular in section. The stump of the tang is intact, while the point of the blade is missing. No markings. No original find number. 145mm x 11–22mm x 2– 14mm.

Knife (Fig. 172: E945:09/I?). Remains of a small iron knife with a portion of the tang intact, from Trench 1. The point of the blade is missing. Triangular in section. No markings. 429. 55mm x 3–9mm x 1–5mm; tang 11mm x 4–5mm x 2–3mm.

Pin? (Fig. 173: E945:14/II?). Corroded remains of a probable iron pin, from Trench 2. Shank is straight and appears to have originally been sub-circular in section. The pin tip survives as a separate piece and is badly corroded. The pinhead consists of two loops, one curling to either side of the shank. One of these is now a separate piece. The artefact is in a poor state of preservation. 23. Pinhead Th. 3–4mm; Max. L. 85mm; D. of right loop 9mm; shank D. 8mm; D. of left loop 12mm.

Knife (Fig. 172: E945:10/I). Corroded remains of a tanged iron knife, the tang is complete, from Bank 2. The point of the blade is missing. Triangular-sectioned blade, sub-rectangular sectioned tang. No markings. 531. 74mm x 7–20mm x 1–5mm; tang 34mm x 5–9mm x 2mm. 271

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Shank (Fig. 173: E945:15/?). Iron shank or stem, possibly from a pin, from Pit 3. Such a pin would have been similar to the bronze pin (E945:1, E945:2) in shape though much thicker. Alternatively, this may represent the handle of a small, relatively light instrument. The piece is straight, with a roughly square cross-section. The head was formed by curling the shank at one end. The opposite end is corroded and damaged, though it does not appear to taper to a point. The end is missing, therefore the uncertain function of the artefact. No markings. 482. 78mm x 4mm x 4mm; head: 8–9mm D.

joined the terminals of all three arms. Slight protrusions from the terminals of the arms are all that survive of this, a ring which would not have run through (i.e. inside) the suspension ring, rather outside it. The function of this piece is unknown. Possibly a fitting for vessel suspension. 476. Wheel D. 9mm internally, 22mm externally x wheel Th. 6–7mm; arms 35–40mm L. x 6mm D.; terminal rings 4mm internal D., 12mm external D.; suspension ring 45mm x 20mm x 4mm D

Object (Fig. 173: E945:16/II?). Corroded remains of an iron object which consists of a straight shank or stem with a crooked, rounded head (similar in appearance to a modern crochet-needle), from Area R. The other end is hammered flat. The shank is subcircular in section. The object appears to be complete. No markings. A pin or possibly a tool used in cloth manufacture. 738. 75mm x 6mm x 7mm; head Th. 2– 3mm.

Fig. 174 A. Excavator’s illustration of E945:18 upon discovery, B. excavator’s conjectured reconstruction of E945:18

Brooch (Fig. 176: E945:17/?). The remains of a very badly corroded penannular brooch and pin, for which no find details were recorded. The brooch is penannular in shape, the two terminals consisting of sub-circular plates of iron. These appear to have been formed by rolling the ends of the ring into circles and hammering them flat. No other decoration is visible on the piece. The ring is sub-circular in section, and one of the terminals is now detached. The position of the pin, when found, is indicated by two opposing patches of lighter corrosion on the ring. The pinhead was attached at one of these points while the shank rested on the other. The pin is no longer complete as the point is missing. It consists of a straight shank, sub-circular in section. The upper part of the pin and the pinhead are bordered on both edges by a raised ridge. The pinhead was formed by bending the shank backwards and hammering it flat, to form a loop which fitted the ring. No other markings. No original find number. D. of brooch 26– 30mm; pin L. 40mm; D. of ring 3mm; pinhead 5mm x 1mm; terminals 10mm D. x 2–3mm Th.; pin shank 4mm x 3–4mm.

Fig. 175 Iron artefact E945:18 in situ

Object (Fig. 176: E945:19/II?). Corroded remains of a socketed and pointed iron object, from Area R. The socket fragment was found separately though near the main body of the artefact. A long, straight implement, circular in section near socket. For most of its length, the piece is roughly square in section, and tapers to a point. No markings though the surface is flaked and corroded. Recorded by excavator as a cattle-goad. 683. Max. L. 204mm; central section: 10mm x 10mm; socket: 14mm D. x 2–3mm Th.

Object (Figs. 174, 175, 176: E945:18/?). Corroded iron object, from Pit 3. Consists of a central wheel with three, roughly equidistant, arms radiating outwards from it. Each arm terminates in a small ring, while an oval ring (a separate piece) runs through the central wheel, evidently to facilitate suspension. No ornament visible. The arms and ring are sub-circular in section, the wheel is ‘D’-sectioned. A photo of the artefact in situ and the excavator’s original drawing show the remains of an outer ring which would originally have

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Fig. 176 Iron artefacts 273

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Object (Fig. 176: E945:20/II?). Much corroded iron object, from Square K. Consists of a straight shank, rectangular in section, with a corroded mass at one end. The head was formed by hammering the shank flat and bending it backwards. This bears an oval-shaped perforation near the shank. No visible markings or ornament. Function uncertain, though it resembles a key in shape. 237. Max. L. 54mm; head W. 19mm; shank 8mm x 4mm; head Th. 2–4mm; perforation 7mm x 4mm.

the upper portion of an awl. 633. 52mm x 5–9mm x 5– 11mm. Fragment (Fig. 177: E945:28/II?). Small iron fragment consisting of a bulbous head with the remains of a shank protruding from it, from Area R. The shank appears slightly curved and is rectangular in section. No markings. Possible nail-head. 689. Max. L. 23mm; max. Th. 5–7mm; head W. 13mm; shank W. 5mm. Fragment (Fig. 177: E945:29/II). Fragment of a straight object, sub-rectangular in section and tapering to a now blunt point, from Area R. One end is flat though a break is evident, the end is clearly incomplete. No markings, though heavily corroded. Possibly a nail or the point of a larger iron object. 753. 37mm x 4– 9mm x 3–8mm.

Nail? (Fig. 177: E945:21/II?). A much corroded fragment of iron, possibly the remains of a nail, from Trench 1. Sub-rectangular in section. Straight piece, wider at one end than the other. No markings. 62. 42mm x 5–8mm x 2–6mm. Rivet/Nail (Fig. 177: E945:22/II?). Remains of an iron nail, from Square K. Consists of a straight tapering shank, originally circular in section. The head is flat and circular in shape. The shank is not centrally placed with the head. No visible markings. 238. Max. L. 29mm; shank L. 20mm x shank D. 7–8mm; head 18mm x 22mm x 4mm. Fragment (Fig. 176: E945:23/I). Much corroded iron bar curved into a shallow ‘C’ shape, from Area R. The piece is sub-circular in section, with one end rounded and narrower than the main body. The other end has been hammered flat. No markings. A vessel handle? 722. Max. L. 92mm; average D. 7mm; end I 4mm D.; end II 10mm x 4mm. Fragment (Fig. 176: E945:24/?). Fragment of iron?, from Bank 2. The surface of this piece has a crystalline appearance (such as lead sometimes acquires). Resembles a fragment of sheet metal in shape. Recorded as part of an iron pot. No markings. 335. 48mm x 36mm x 4mm. Socket fragment (Fig. 176: E945:25/II?). Fragment of a large iron socket, from the middle of Trench 2. Quite corroded and fragmentary. No markings or ornament visible. From a socketed tool or weapon. 11. 55mm x 40mm x 8mm. Fragment (Fig. 177: E945:26/?). Remains of a straight iron object, sub-rectangular in section, and now tapering to a blunt point, from Trench 1. Impossible to identify a break at the end/top of the piece so this possibly represents the original length of the artefact. No markings. Function unknown, possibly a nail or awl fragment, or shank of a large pin. 617. 43mm x 3–7mm x 3–5mm.

Fig. 177 Possible iron nails

Slag (not illustrated). A quantity of iron slag was recovered from the excavations, weighing a total of 23kg. The assemblage included five fragments of ‘furnace-bottoms’ – plano-convex lumps of slag which formed in the base of a furnace. The largest concentration of the slag was found next to the flagstone in Fosse 2, which was itself adjacent to the remains of the iron-smelting furnace. Also from this area came five other samples of slag, all six producing a combined weight of 4.5kg. The next largest concentration (17kg) was discovered in Pit 4 in Trench

Fragment (Fig. 177: E945:27/II?). Remains of an iron object, the surface of which is much corroded and flaked, from Area R. Consists of a relatively straight shank, roughly square in section, tapering towards one end. The opposite end is slightly rounded. No markings. Function uncertain, possibly a large nail or 274

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2 in the south-western quadrant. Area R, the entrance area, also produced multiple finds of iron slag – 0.6kg in weight. Much smaller quantities of slag were found in Trench 1 and squares L and D.1 in the south-western quadrant, on Bank 2 and in Fosse 1.

bag-shaped or pyramidal crucible is uncertain. The two sherds were joined after discovery. The match, however, does not appear definite. 546/548. 23mm x 32mm x 5mm. Crucible sherd (Fig. 178: E945:37/I). Body sherd of grey fabric with quartz inclusions. The exterior is lightly glazed, the interior is dark red/black. Sherd is curved though this is not indicative of crucible type. 547. 23mm x 13mm x 5mm.

CLAY Crucible sherd (Fig. 178: E945:30/I). Body sherd of relatively fine, grey fabric. The interior is slightly blackened while the exterior bears residual red vitreous material. The sherd is slightly convex though it is impossible to determine the type of crucible from which it came. 525. 30mm x 18mm x 5mm.

Crucible sherd (Fig. 178: E945:38/I). Body sherd of grey fabric. Trace red vitreous material externally, dark red and black internally. Relatively thick sherd. Crucible type not identifiable. 578. 27mm x 23mm x 7–8mm.

Crucible sherd (Fig. 178: E945:31/I). Small rim sherd of grey fabric. A trace of dark red vitreous material is visible on one surface, possibly the interior though this is uncertain. Crucible type unidentifiable. 528. 19mm x 9mm x 6mm.

Crucible sherd (Fig. 178: E945:39/I). Rim sherd of thin grey fabric. Faint red vitreous material is visible on one surface. The sherd is flat, with no curvature to indicate crucible type. 579. 13mm x 11mm x 4mm.

Crucible sherd (Fig. 178: E945:32/I). Small rim sherd of grey fabric. Dark red material on one surface, ‘clean’ on the other. No curvature to suggest crucible type. 536. 16mm x 8mm x 4mm.

Crucible sherd (Fig. 178: E945:40/I). Rim sherd of thin grey fabric. No residues visible on the exterior, the interior is reddened. The sherd is curved though this is not indicative of crucible type. 580. 18mm x 13mm x 4mm.

Crucible sherd (Fig. 178: E945:33/I). Body sherd of grey fabric with dark grey core. Glaze and trace red vitreous material are visible externally, with a dark red patch on the interior. The sherd is slightly curved though this does not reflect crucible type. 538. 20mm x 10mm x 5mm.

Crucible sherds (Fig. 178: E945:41/I). Three crucible sherds – one rim and two body sherds. Fine, thin grey fabric. The sherds are ‘clean’ externally, and faintly reddened internally. All three are very small and give no indication of crucible type, or if they were part of the same vessel. 582. A. 9mm x 16mm x 3mm; B. 13mm x 11mm x 4mm; C. 11mm x 7mm x 3mm.

Crucible sherd (Fig. 178: E945:34/I). Rim sherd. No residues externally with a faint red staining on the interior, just below the rim. Grey fabric. No indication of crucible type. 540. 21mm x 15mm x 7mm.

Crucible sherds (Fig. 178: E945:42/I). Three crucible sherds – two adjoining body sherds and one base sherd. The two body sherds are very small and of thin grey ware. The inner half of the fabric is much darker (almost black) than the outer. The interior is reddened, the exterior glazed and with faint traces of red vitreous material. The base sherd is also of grey fabric, again much blacker towards the inner surface. The base itself bears a small sub-circular impression, providing enough of a flat surface to enable the crucible to stand independent of any support. The exterior bears faint traces of glaze, while the interior is heavily blackened. This base suggests a pyramidal crucible as bag-shaped vessels are generally round-bottomed. 583. Base 19mm x 19mm x 9mm; body 13mm x 17mm x 5mm.

Crucible sherd (Fig. 178: E945:35/I). Rim sherd. There are faint traces of an external glaze, while the interior is slightly blackened. Well-fired grey ware, fired orange in places. Tiny quartz inclusions visible in clay. Crucible type not identifiable. 544. 16mm x 18mm x 5mm. Crucible sherds (Fig. 178: E945:36/I). Two body sherds, now joined. Grey fabric with quartz inclusions. The exterior bears traces of red and green vitreous material and is glazed. The smaller of the two sherds also bears a possible slag residue externally. The interior is blackened, with dark red patches. The fragment is clearly curved, though whether originally a

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Fig. 178 Clay crucible sherds 276

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Crucible sherd (Fig. 178: E945:43/I). Body sherd of grey fabric. Thicker than the other sherds. Frequent quartz inclusions visible in the fabric, which is much darker throughout its inner half. The interior is blackened, the exterior is white-grey in colour and heavily glazed with a yellow-green vitreous material. Crucible type unknown. 584. 14mm x 12mm x 9mm.

15mm x 4mm.

Crucible sherd? (Fig. 178: E945:44/I). Rim sherd of a crucible or possibly a tuyère. Grey fabric with frequent quartz inclusions and burnt orange internally. The exterior is glazed and bears red and green vitreous material. The ‘inside’ of the rim itself is blackened and covered with yellow-green vitreous material. 586. 10mm x 15mm x 7mm.

Vitrified ceramic (Fig. 179: E945:47/?). Fragment of fired clay with black vitreous material on one side, fired bright orange on the other, from Area R. Occasional small stone inclusions in the fabric. Fragment of tuyère or furnace lining. No original find number. 20mm x 26mm x 17mm.

Vitrified ceramic (Fig. 179: E945:46/?). Fragment with green vitreous material on one surface and fired bright orange on the surviving portion of the other, from Area R. Light grey fabric. Possibly a fragment of a tuyère or furnace lining. 675. 28mm x 23mm x 14mm.

Slagged clay (Fig. 179: E945:48/?). Fragment of grey clay with slag/black vitreous material on one side, the other faintly fire-reddened, no find details recorded. Not as heavily encrusted or fired as the previous two pieces. Fragment of a tuyère, furnace lining, or large crucible. No original find number. 34mm x 25mm x 11mm.

Crucible sherds (Fig. 178: E945:45/I). Two sherds of a crucible – an adjoining rim and body sherd. Thin, fine grey fabric. Slightly reddened internally and glazed externally. The fragment is gently curved, though this gives no indication of crucible type. 590. 17mm x

Fig. 179 Slagged and vitrified clay fragments 277

APPENDIX 3

Slagged clay (Fig. 179: E945:49/?). A fragment of clay, fired to an orange colour, from Pit 4. Heavily slagged on one surface. Nondescript piece, irregular in shape, perhaps from a furnace lining. No original find number. 28mm x 25mm x 13mm.

the artefact, and originally had a diameter of c.15mm. An undecorated band surrounds it and is, in turn, bordered by a band of raised pellet decoration. The plain area is 8mm in width, the pellet band 15–20mm wide. The latter consists of three rows of pellets. A raised border separates the decorated area from the plain band.

Vitrified ceramic (Fig. 179: E945:50/II). Irregularlyshaped lump of slagged clay, from Fosse 2, by flagstone. The ‘interior’ of the piece is burnt to a bright orange colour, the ‘exterior’ is heavily slagged. The fabric contains numerous minute grit inclusions. Possibly part of a tuyère or furnace lining. No original find number. 25mm x 34mm x 20mm.

The second opening is located on the edge of the surviving fragment and very little of it remains. It may once have been the same size as the other, central opening. There is no plain band or raised border surrounding this hole, the rows of pellets continue right up to it. The most significant feature of this opening is the blackening of the surrounding clay, suggesting the use of a wick. The blackened area extends through the thickness of the opening, 5–10mm across the upper surface, and is also visible on the underside of the upper part of the vessel. It extends on both surfaces of the upper half as far as the central opening.

Two fragments of slagged clay (Fig. 179: E945:51/?). Two rim fragments of relatively hard clay, from Pit 4. Grey to buff in colour, the pieces are not fire-reddened. Slightly curved, their interiors are slagged while their rims have a heavier coating. The external surface is relatively rough, not well finished like a vessel wall. Probable fragments of furnace lining. No original find number. A: 45mm x 60mm x 18mm; B: 47mm x 66mm x 30mm.

The vessel appears to have been manufactured in two halves, with a join visible internally and a slight ridge externally. The smaller of the two fragments had broken away from the larger along this line.

Possible tuyère fragment (Fig. 179: E945:52/?). Fragment of a fired clay ring, from Pit 4. The fabric is orange in colour and contains frequent minute grit inclusions. The exterior is heavily slagged, the slag overflowing the ‘rim’ or opening of the piece. Possibly the rim of a thick-walled crucible with a small diameter, or the nozzle of a tuyère. No original find number. Original internal D. 25mm; Th. 15mm.

That this lamp was used is suggested by the blackening of the two small openings in its upper surface, one held a wick, the other facilitated the filling of the vessel with oil. Possibly imported from the Continent or from Roman or Post-Roman Britain as it is of Roman type R (Bailey 1980, 377). 326. L. of fragment 66mm; Th. of fabric 7–12mm; W. of fragment 30mm; Th. of fabric at base 5mm; H. of vessel 40mm; Th. of central opening 6mm; approximate D. of central opening 15mm; Th. of peripheral opening 11mm.

Fragment (Fig. 180: E945:53/II?). Fragment of baked clay, irregular in shape, from the interior. Not vitrified, though well-fired throughout. Buff to orange in colour, it was originally part of a larger structure or artefact, possibly a clay mould, tuyère or a rim fragment of furnace lining. Recovered from a sample of animal bone. No original find number. 40mm x 20mm x 10mm.

Pottery sherd (Fig. 180: E945:55/I?). Rim sherd of a wheel-thrown vessel, from spill of Bank 2 in Area R. Light reddish-brown externally, internally a dirty white (with faint brown tone). The fabric is the same colour as the interior surface and is profusely gritted with crushed quartz particles. The sherd has an everted rim with one line of ‘decoration’ on the body of the sherd below and parallel with the rim itself. From an Ei jar or cooking pot. No original find number. Max. W. 36mm; rim Th. 9mm; max. H. 24mm; body Th. 6mm.

Oil lamp fragment (Fig. 180: E945:54/II). Two adjoining fragments of an oil lamp, from Fosse 2, by flagstone. Well-fired, buff-coloured, ware with very few inclusions. A relatively thick-walled vessel when compared with the crucible fragments. Represents approximately one-third of the original artefact. The lower half exhibits the remains of a flattened area, forming a base to allow the vessel to stand independent of any support.

Bead (Fig. 180: E945:56/I). Complete tubular bead of unknown material, perforated lengthways, from under Bank 2. The bead is slightly curved, circular in section, and its surface is very smooth. Pale pink in colour with fine lines running lengthways along the whole surface of the bead. The fabric is white and chalk-like. Perhaps a painted ‘clay’ bead? No original find number. Max. L. 17mm; D. of bead: 6mm; D. of perforation: 1mm.

The upper half of the piece bears the remains of two, finely formed, circular openings. Approximately onethird of one and one-eighth of the other remain. The best-surviving opening is located opposite the base of

278

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Fig. 180 Clay artefacts BONE AND ANTLER Perforated boar tusk (Fig. 182: E945:57/II?). Boar’s tusk, slightly polished, from Square B. The tusk is perforated for suspension near its broader end. Possibly a pendant. The tusk is now split lengthways and in two pieces. The point is rounded. 134. 79mm x 15mm (at top) x 3–13mm.

Comb fragments (Fig. 181: E945:59/II?). Fragments of two different bone combs, both decorated, from Trench 1. Fragment A consists of 14 teeth fragments (a) and 7 pieces of the comb plates. Two are fragments of the central plate, both with teeth-stumps intact (b and c). These two are very similar and are undoubtedly from the same comb, though they are not adjoining. Of the other pieces, two are quite small, one with a single incised straight line along its edge (d), the other exhibiting tooth-cutting marks, an edge line and two parallel central lines (e). A further piece (f) preserves the original thickness of the comb. Here, the three plates (the two decorated side plates and the plain tooth- or back-plate) are held together by a small iron rivet, now corroded in place. One of the other decorated pieces (g) also has an iron rivet in situ, though the other two plates are not now attached. The final piece (h) adjoins (f), the ‘triple’ fragment. The length of the surviving teeth fragments ranges from 8mm to 14mm. The decoration on the comb is geometric. A straight line borders the plates on both edges while four parallel lines run along the centre of the plates. Vertical lines are added to these in a panel near the centre of the comb, while to either side of this, a panel of vertical lines join the central four horizontal lines with those along the edges.

Comb fragments (Fig. 181: E945:58/II?). Two fragments of bone comb(s), 17 comb teeth, four fragments of comb teeth, and three small pieces of bone not necessarily from a comb, from Trench 1. A is the larger of the two comb fragments. It is subrectangular in shape, with the remains of four teeth cut into it. No decoration. A back-plate. The smaller fragment, B, exhibits the remains of two teeth and the marks of two more. These two fragments are not adjoining but may have come from the same comb, being of equal thickness and with very similar teeth. B is not decorated either. Of the (maximum) 21 teeth found, little can be said other than that they differ from those cut into the two fragments. These teeth are longer than the largest surviving fragment example, though it is not impossible that they came from the same comb. The three small pieces are non-descript chips of bone. 431. A 24mm x 19mm x 3mm, max. L. of teeth 10mm; B 13mm x 8mm x 3mm, max. L. of teeth 4mm; teeth 10–15mm L.

279

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Fig. 181 Bone comb fragments Fragment B consists of three fragments of a comb, larger than the previous example. These three pieces are the adjoining side plates (a and c) and back plate (b) of the comb. No longer riveted together, the remains of an iron-stained rivet-hole are visible. The back plate retains the stumps of 16 teeth. The decoration on this comb consists of a straight line along the upper and lower edges of the side plates, two sets of straight parallel lines running the length of the fragments, and the remains of a central design composed of deeply carved hollow circles. These join the central lines with the outer, while a panel of vertical lines was cut between the two sets of central parallel lines. 435.

remains of a third rivet-hole are also visible. One side plate is almost twice the length of the other, and it is this piece that partially retains the third rivet-hole. This plate is not decorated though it does bear some small vertical cuts near its lower edge, from the cutting of the teeth. The back plate is broken in two, though both parts remain riveted in place. The stumps of approximately 19 teeth are visible on this piece. The shorter side plate is also undecorated and displays a series of deeply incised cuts along its lower edge, from the cutting of the teeth. 442. Max. L. 37mm; L. of short side and back plates 20mm; max. Th. 8mm (including rivet); Th. of long side plate 3mm. Comb tooth (Fig. 181: E945:61/I). Tooth of a bone comb, from Bank 2. Very large compared to other teeth from site. Rectangular in section near the top, sub-oval near the tip or point. From a relatively large comb. 537. 24mm x 3mm x 2mm.

Comb fragment (Fig. 181: E945:60/II?). Fragment of a bone comb consisting of the central segment of the three plates, from Trench 1. These are riveted together with two corroded iron rivets still in situ, while the 280

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Fig. 182 Bone artefacts

Comb tooth (Fig. 181: E945:62/I). Relatively large tooth of a bone comb, though not as large as the previous example, from Bank 2. Neither of these match the other teeth recovered from the site. Oblong in section. This tooth is lightly serrated along both edges, possibly to enhance function, as ornament, or a result of use. 545. 22mm x 4mm 1–2mm.

Disc (Fig. 182: E945:66/II). A circular disc of bone with a circular central perforation, from the silting of Fosse 2. No ornament visible. A strip across the diameter of the disc appears quite worn. If this was a button, then the wear pattern would reflect the method used to attach it to a piece of fabric. 607. D. 19mm; perforation D. 2mm; Th. 2–3mm.

Pin (Fig. 182: E945:63/I). Almost complete pig fibula pin, point missing, from Bank 2. The shank is circular in cross-section and tapers slightly towards the, now missing, point. At the top, the shank splays into a flat head, sub-rectangular in section. There is no decoration visible on the pin which is slightly curved. 576. Max. L. 79mm; head 16mm x 4–9mm x 3mm; shank 63mm x 2–4mm D.

Cut tine (Fig. 183: E945:67/I). Antler tine of red deer, from Bank 2. Sawn or cut straight across proximal end in preparation for use, possibly as a handle or haft for a tanged instrument. The porous bone at the proximal end does show a small hole which, if not of recent origin, may once have held or have been intended to hold a tanged object. The piece shows no other signs of working. The proximal end was broken when found, though the three detached pieces have since been reattached. Possibly broken during manufacture of ‘handle’ or during the use of the attached tool. 585. L. 136mm; proximal section 26mm x 19mm; distal section 15mm x 12mm.

Pin (Fig. 182: E945:64/II?). Shank of a bone pin, found in three pieces and re-assembled, from Area R. There is no pin-head, which is either missing or the pin may originally have been flat-topped. No ornament is visible on the piece. The shank is circular in section, slightly curved and tapers to a blunt point. 724. 89mm x 5mm max. D.

Cut tine (Fig. 183: E945:68/I). Antler tine of red deer cut or sawn straight across proximal end, possibly in preparation for use. Found with dump of large bones in Trench 2. A knife mark or notch is visible near the proximal end. Perhaps intended for use as a haft, though it is not hollowed out to receive an implement. 542. Max. L. 143mm; proximal section 26mm x 25mm; distal section 15mm x 14mm.

Unfinished pin? (Fig. 182: E945:65/?). Trimmed fragment of bone, from Pit 3. Sub-square to subrectangular in section, tapering to an oblique point. Knife-cut facets visible over entire surface. Upper end broken. Possibly a pin in the early stages of manufacture. Recovered from sample of animal bone. No original find number. Max. L. 74mm; upper section 9mm x 7mm.

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Fig. 183 Antler artefacts

Comb fragment (Fig. 183: E945:69/II?). Fragment of an antler comb back plate, from Area R. The stumps of 11 teeth protrude from the lower edge of the plate, while the upper edge is decorated with rows of circular perforations. The remains of two rows are present, one above the other. The bottom row consists of two complete circles and the remains of two others, while the upper row consists of the remains of four circles. 753. 22mm x 16mm x 3mm.

four sides trimmed straight, from Area R. The purpose of the piece is unknown, possibly just the first step in the manufacture of an object such as a comb-plate. 758. 61mm x 34mm x 9mm. Worked fragment (Fig. 183: E945:71/II?). Worked fragment of deer antler, from Area R. Section of burr or basal ring of antler tine, broken from a complete circle, though deliberately cut transversely. Knife cut visible on surface. Function of original ring unknown. Recovered from sample of animal bone. No original find number. 35mm x 17mm x 14mm.

Worked fragment (Fig. 183: E945:70/II?). Fragment of deer antler cut into a sub-rectangular shape, with all

282

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Fig. 184 Stone artefacts

STONE (FIG. 184) Ball (E945:74/II?). Rounded stone pebble, subspherical in shape, from Area R. The surface is unmarked and quite smooth though not polished. Function unknown. 637. 43–49mm D.

Whetstone (E945:72/II?). End fragment of a stone hone or whetstone, from the middle of Trench 2. Subrectangular in shape and section. The fragment is semipolished with no ornament, almost parallel sides, rounded corners and a flat end. Both surfaces exhibit length-wise scratches, though these are more pronounced on one side, with a distinct groove visible. Possibly mudstone. Similar to the butt of a polished stone axe. 12. 58mm x 41mm x 14mm.

Ball (E945:75/II?). Sub-spherical stone object, from Area R. A possible pecking hammer or pestle. Handheld not hafted. The surface is very smooth with moderate pecking or bruising along a section of the object’s ‘edge’. Occasional marks are visible elsewhere, though there is no ornament and the stone is not polished. 652. Dimensions of broad face 58mm x 58mm; max. Th. 36mm.

Fragments (E945:73/II?). Two adjoining fragments of a stone object, from Area R. The piece is relatively thin and flat with a rounded, approximately right-angled, corner intact, while the two surviving edges are well finished and slightly rounded. The majority of one surface is lightly reddened and has a quite flat, uniform appearance. The reverse side is more uneven except along a 1cm wide band next to the two original edges. The fragment was clearly deliberately shaped, though bears no ornament. Its function is unknown, though it may have come into contact with a heat source at some stage or, perhaps, been used in connection with the manufacture of purple dye (suggested by the reddish colour). 634. 87mm x 59mm x 6–10mm.

Fragment (E945:76/II?). Large fragment of a stone object recorded as part of a stone axe, however it bears little resemblance to such, from Area R. A section of the original bluntly pointed edge is preserved. The piece is sub-triangular in shape, while the original object was flat and possibly oval or sub-rectangular with rounded ends or corners. Both surfaces show signs of fire-reddening and the whole fragment is cracked, dividing the surface into numerous small sections. This was perhaps caused by subjection to heat/fire. The cross-section reveals a dark grey core 283

APPENDIX 3

with approximately 5–7mm of fire-reddened stone on either side. One surface appears flatter and smoother than the other, though examination is hindered by the frequent cracks. There are no visible markings or ornament. The original function of the object is unknown. It has clearly been subjected to intense heat, perhaps functioning as a heating tray for metalworking. 640. 130mm x 89mm x 28mm.

Cork (Mount 1995, 139), and Cahercommaun, Co. Clare (Hencken 1938, 58). Of the six examples discovered at the last site, Hencken found it ‘difficult to ascribe any use to them; certainly they are much too large to be spindle-whorls in the making. Since there was no pottery, they cannot be pot covers’ (ibid.). He was, of course, ignoring their possible use with leather, metal and wooden vessels.

Fragment (E945:77/?). Fragment of a very finegrained sandstone disc, from Area R. The original artefact was almost perfectly circular and very well made. Both surfaces are very flat and smooth with a straight, smooth edge. There is no visible ornament, fire-reddening or scratch marks to suggest function. 735. D. c.107mm; Th. 13mm.

Of the metal artefacts, little can be said. The bronze ring (E945:03) has few comparisons, though a somewhat similar penannular finger-ring is known from Lough Seddy in Co. Westmeath. This ring measures approximately 17mm in internal diameter while the hoop has a diamond-shaped cross-section, and bears a herringbone design (N.M.I. no. E499:381, Jones pers. comm.). The iron knives (E945:06– E945:13) are of the simple, single-edged, tanged variety so common from Early Medieval Ireland. The most curious iron artefact is, undoubtedly, the wheellike object (E945:18). A unique find, its function is unknown. It appears too delicate to have formed part of a harness, perhaps a fitment for vessel suspension is more likely. The bifid pin (E945:14) and the penannular brooch (E945:17) are relatively common artefact types.

Artefact Discussion Few of the artefacts recovered merit individual discussion, being typical finds of the Early Medieval period. The whetstone fragment (E945:72) is of O’Connor’s block-whetstone type, consisting of ‘a more or less regular, block-like shape with a rectangular cross-section, most commonly having two broader faces and two narrow sides’ (O’Connor 1991, 47). Only 18% of the block-whetstones examined in this study were marked with grooves, as the Rathgurreen example is. These were ‘apparently the result of bringing objects like awls or pins to a point and possibly also working the ends of knives’ (ibid. 57).

Of the bone artefacts, the finished pin (E945:63) is a pig fibula pin, almost identical to those found at Rathmullan in Co. Down (Lynn 1982, 38), while the comb remains represent three different classes, as defined by Dunlevy (1988). The antler fragment (E945:69) is of Dunlevy’s class C1, single-edged, composite combs with crests often decorated with openwork punched dots. These range in date from the fourth century to the ninth and examples are known from Lagore, Lough Gara, Ballinderry 2 and Sluggary (ibid. 356). Combs (E945:59a) and (E945:59b) are of class F, single-edged, Viking-type combs. These can be decorated with dot-and-circle motifs joining incised parallel lines, and date from the ninth to the twelfth century (ibid. 363). Class F combs have been discovered at Lagore and Carraig Aille. Finally, fragment (E945:60) is from a comb of class G. Again, these are single-edged, composite artefacts, though are generally long and straight-backed with often undecorated ‘D’-shaped side-plates. They date from the ninth to the thirteenth century and have been found at Dooey, Knowth and Leacanabuaile (ibid. 368).

The stone disc fragment (E945:77) represents the remains of a somewhat enigmatic artefact commonly found on excavated Early Medieval sites. These flat discs range in diameter from 65mm to 170mm, and 6mm to 120mm thick. They are generally of finegrained sandstone or slate, some more perfectly shaped then others. Often referred to as a pot-cover, ‘a disc such as this, when complete, would have fitted very well as a cover for the imported E-ware cooking pots found at Garranes. It may be significant that at Reask a base sherd of imported pottery was found in the same square as this possible pot cover fragment’ (Fanning 1981, 130). Consisting of a range of domestic wares, the diameter of E-ware vessels vary greatly from, for example, the 40mm (approximately) of and E6 unguent jar to the 200mm of an E3 carinated bowl. A variety of E1 jar sizes are known (with a capacity of 0.83 to 1.65 litres), while Thomas (1990, 8) compares the E2 beakers to a modern coffee mug in size, and the E3 bowls to modern pudding-dishes. The stone discs, then, could easily have acted as lids for such imported vessels.

The clay vessel (E945:54) has been identified by Dr. Donald Bailey, now retired from the Department of Prehistoric and Romano-British Antiquities of the British Museum, as an oil lamp manufactured near Rome, sometime in the fourth or fifth century AD (pers. comm.). Of Bailey’s type R, these lamps are ‘normally small ... with globular bodies, short, rounded nozzles with large wick-holes, and stubby handles, not always completely pierced ... The discus of these lamps is small and usually plain, and the wide, rounded shoulders are decorated with rows of raised points or

At Garranes itself, two discs were discovered, in addition to the imported pottery sherds. Rathgurreen, also, produced both disc and imported pottery. However, stone discs have been found on sites with no ceramic evidence, for example Leacanabuaile, Co. Kerry (Ó Ríordáin and Foy 1943, 93), Killanully, Co. 284

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globules’ (Bailey 1980, 377). All of the examples in the British Museum are of a buff or orange micaceous clay, with traces of a matt orange or brown slip. Type R was chronologically long-lived, with Bailey suggesting a period of manufacture between the late third and early fifth century AD (ibid. 379).

had this been done. These bones are identified below by Sheila Hamilton-Dyer. This site is one of several coastal ringforts that have been excavated, the list including Rathmullan (Lynn 1981–2) and Ballyfounder (Waterman 1958) in Co. Down, Deer Park Farms, Co. Antrim (Lynn 1987), Loher (O’Flaherty 1985) and Leacanabuaile (Ó Ríordáin and Foy 1941) in Co. Kerry and Ardcloon, Co. Mayo (Rynne 1956). Unfortunately the faunal remains from the latter three have not been studied or reported in any detail so the bones from Rathgurreen are therefore of great interest as they provide a unique ringfort assemblage from the west coast of Ireland.

D. ENVIRONMENTAL REMAINS The Mammal Bones from Rathgurreen Ringfort By EMILY MURRAY School of Archaeology and Palaeoecology, Queens University Belfast

Methodology The minimum number of individuals (MNI) were calculated on the basis of the most frequent skeletal element present, taking left and right sides into consideration. No attempt was made to increase the MNI on the basis of bone size, state of epiphysial fusion or tooth eruption as this method is only valid for very small samples. The abbreviations used for bone measurements are those of von den Driesch (1976). The fusion data is based on Silver (1969) while the age of the state of tooth eruption is based on Higham (1967) and tooth wear on Grant (1982). Unfortunately no detailed study of the age-slaughter pattern or gender of the animals could be undertaken due to the limited number of complete mandibles and restricted metrical data.

Introduction The excavations at Rathgurreen produced three samples of bone; two dating to two separate phases of occupation subdivided into independent features, and a third consisting of material from several pits of unknown date. As the phasing for this latter sample was undetermined, and the bone samples numerically small and fragmentary, the identified bones are simply listed in Tables 95–97 and will not be discussed in any detail in this report. The excavator does not indicate the method of bone collection in his notes suggesting that they were handcollected during the course of excavation. It is unfortunate that neither sieving nor bulk sampling was undertaken as a small number of bird and fish bone were retrieved, a quantity which may have been larger

General results The distribution of animals present from the two phases in terms of MNIs and fragment totals are summarised in Table 79.

Phase 1 Animal

Frag. %

Cattle Horse Sheep/Goat Pig Dog Cat Hare Red Deer

65.5 2 16 16 0.1 0.1 0.3 -

Sample No.

674

Phase 2

MNI %

Frag. %

MNI %

42 4 21 21 4 4 4 -

63 2 22 11.8 0.4 0.3 0.1 0.4

41 5 20 23 5 2 2 2

24

1392

44

Table 79. Fragments and MNI distribution from Rathgurreen after Tables 96 and 97

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Phase 1 Bone

Approx. Age at Fusion (in months)

Pelvis Humerus P. & Radius P. Metacarpal D., Tibia D. & Metatarsal D. Femur P. & Calcaneus Femur D., Humerus P., Radius D., Tibia P. & Ulna.

No. No. Fused Unfused

7-10 10-18 24-36 36-42 42-48

2 17 16 3 8

1 3 8 3

Phase 2 No. No. Fused Unfused 26 10 8 17

2 10 9 15

Table 80. Cattle epiphyseal fusion data for longbones after Silver (1969, 285–6), using the method outlined by Chaplin (1971). The data represents a MNI of c.6 from Phase 1 and a MNI of c.13 from Phase 2

The two assemblages are dominated by domestic animals – cattle, sheep/goat and pig – with the numbers of the latter two being almost identical. There is little overall change at Rathgurreen during the two phases of occupation. Pig increase slightly in Phase 2 and there is no evidence for the consumption of fish during this period of occupation either though this may be circumstantial. Wild animals are represented by isolated bones from hare, red deer and bird while dog, cat and horse also feature in small numbers. Fosse 2 (Phase 2) produced a small quantity of intrusive rodent bones, principally rat, which are not included in the tables or overall discussion. None of the bones showed signs of any pathologies.

neonate humeri (1 left and 1 right) and one tibia. These bones indicate the presence on site of aborted calves, possibly due to brucellosis, and suggests that cattle, or at least pregnant or nursing cows, were housed inside the ringfort. The Críth Gablach specifically refers to calf-pens (lías, lóeg) as structures a farmer of bóaire rank would be expected to own and, in light of further texts, Kelly suggests that such structures would have been within the ‘les’ or ringfort (Kelly 1997, 364).

Rathgurreen Deer Park Farms Phase 1 Phase 2 F1230 MNI = 10 MNI = 18 MNI = 37 Mandible Scapula Humerus P. Humerus D. Radius P. Radius D. Ulna Metacarpal P. Metacarpal D. Pelvis Femur P. Femur D. Tibia P. Tibia D. Calcaneus Astragalus Metatarsal P. Metatarsal D.

Domesticated animals Cattle Cattle were the dominant species providing most of the meat consumed at Rathgurreen during both phases of occupation (Table 79). No complete mandibulae survived so fusion data must be relied on to provide some indication of the age/slaughter pattern. a. Ageing and Sexing Both phases indicated that the majority of cattle were over two years old when killed (Table 80). According to McCormick (1992a) this would therefore suggest a dairying economy as he argues that in order to procure milk from cows their calves must also be present. On reaching two years those not retained for reproduction would therefore be slaughtered. Data compiled from Dublin and other Early Christian sites by McCormick (ibid.) indicates that distal widths of metacarpals of less than 56mm are generally female while those above 58mm are male. Only four such measurements were attainable from the Rathgurreen assemblage but all were below 56mm indicating cows. Although this sample is by no means representative, their presence supports the hypothesis that Rathgurreen maintained a dairying economy.

60 5 80 20 60 60 10 70 50 30 90 50 30 60 60 100 60 30

0 83.3 22.2 66.6 61.1 33.3 44.4 55.5 11.1 66.6 22.2 16.6 27.7 38.8 83.3 100 72.2 22.2

100.0 64.8 5.4 59.5 43.2 24.3 40.5 24.3 5.4 43.2 24.3 16.2 18.9 24.3 45.9 37.8 35.1 10.8

Table 81. Survival rates of individual skeletal parts of cattle from Rathgurreen and Deer Park Farms (after McCormick unpub.). The minimum number of animals represented by each part was taken as a percentage of the total. P = proximal, D = distal b. Survival Rate The survival rate of cattle skeletal parts (Table 81) corresponds from the two phases and also with Deer Park Farms (McCormick unpub.), a waterlogged site,

A metacarpal from Phase 2 had an un-fused proximal end indicating a neonate calf while Pit 7 produced two 286

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thus suggesting good preservation of the bones from Rathgurreen. The most notable difference between the two sites is the differential preservation of astragauli and mandibulae. This may be due to the collection factor as waterlogged bones are harder and less friable than those on non-waterlogged sites, and as mandibulae are thin-walled they tend to shatter upon being removed. The few complete cattle horns that occurred at Rathgurreen indicated the presence of the short-horned breed of cattle.

c. Stature There is no difference in cattle bone size between the two phases, and the metrical data from the cattle longbones (Tables 83 and 84) corresponds with that from Deer Park Farms and other contemporary sites. Only four complete longbones occurred and these indicated a withers height range of between 111.1cm and 122.1cm (Table 82). The range of withers heights from Deer Park Farms is between 103.6cm and 110.7cm (McCormick unpub.), while cattle bones from Fishamble Street gave estimated withers heights ranging between 97.2 and 127cm (McCormick 1987, 180).

Bone Metacarpal

GL (mm) Multiplication factor estimated withers height (cm) 185.1 6.00 111.1 186.6 6.00 112.0 Metatarsal 221.2 5.45 120.6 224.0 5.45 122.1 Table 82. Estimated withers heights (after Fock and Matolsci in von den Driesch & Boessneck 1974, 336) Phase 1 Cattle Scapula Humerus Radius Metacarpal

Pelvis Femur Tibia Astragalus Calcaneus Metatarsal

Phase 2 Cattle Scapula Humerus Radius Metacarpal

Pelvis Femur Tibia Astragalus Calcaneus Metatarsal

No. Min. Max. Mean Std. dev. GLP 2 65.2 66.7 SLC 2 46.5 47.7 Bd 1 86.3 Bt 5 61.5 75.4 68.4 5.1 Bp 2 66.7 81.5 GL 1 185.1 Bp 2 50.4 52.5 Bd 3 48.8 53.4 50.9 2.3 SD 1 28.2 LA 1 70.1 Bd 1 62.0 Bd 5 50.4 56.7 54.2 2.3 GLI 13 57.4 63.1 59.9 1.9 GL 1 117.5 Bp 4 42.3 47.5 43.9 2.5 Bd 4 42.3 56.4 48.9 6.0 Sd 1 25.4 Table 83. Cattle bone measurements from Rathgurreen Phase 1 No. Min. Max. Mean Std. dev. GLP 5 59.6 67.2 62.4 3.5 SLC 3 43.3 49.6 46.4 3.2 Bd 5 74.0 87.3 80.2 5.6 Bp 8 70.3 85.7 76.3 5.1 GL 1 186.6 Bp 1 55.2 Bd 1 49.9 LA 2 60.7 66.4 Bd 1 79.3 Bp 1 86.5 Bd 3 54.0 60.5 57.3 3.3 GLI 16 53.1 63.5 58.3 3.8 GL 2 121.3 124.6 GL 2 221.2 224.0 Bp 12 36.2 51.2 43.1 4.0 Bd 3 46.5 62.2 52.4 8.6 Table 84. Cattle bone measurements from Rathgurreen Phase 2 287

APPENDIX 3

d. Butchery Quite a few chop marks were evident on the bones from both phases. The majority of these were distinct horizontal cuts located between the articulated ends and the shaft of longbones while several chop marks also occurred on rib bones. The vast majority of bones were broken and fragmentary and it is highly probable that some of this resulted from the extraction of bone marrow. Also, a cattle skull from Bank 2 had several horizontal cuts around the base of one horn.

hides or fleece, milk or horns and so it is most efficient to slaughter them once they have matured fully. Taking the assumption that pigs farrow in springtime, coupled with the tooth-wear patterns recorded at Moynagh crannóg, McCormick (1987) found that sixty-seven percent of pigs were slaughtered between their second August and the following spring and that only four percent survived beyond thirty months. The ageing data from Rathgurreen (Table 85) is based on epiphyseal fusion which is less reliable or conclusive but it does provide supportive evidence for this mode of husbandry. Phase 1 also produced one neonate tibia and Pit 9 contained one right neonate scapula suggesting that farrowing, which naturally occurs between March and May, happened on or near to the site. Neo-natal pig bones were also present in the floor of a souterrain at Marshes Upper, Co. Louth (McCormick 1992b) and at Killyliss rath Co. Tyrone (McCormick 1984), while at Deer Park Farms a concentration of the louse Haematopinus suis in Structure Iota within the ringfort suggested to the analysts that it may actually have been used as a pig pen (Kenwood and Allison 1994, 96).

Pig Pig were marginally the second most important animal at Rathgurreen. The surviving loose pig canines indicated that there were at least five females and six males from Phase 2 while Phase 1 produced evidence for two females. Only two complete mandibles survived, both from Phase 1 and both with the same wear patterns (Grant Stage C; Higham Stage 22) suggesting that they were aged between 25–27 months at their death (after Higham 1967; Grant 1982) which corresponds with the fusion data (Table 83). Pigs’ sole economic use is to provide meat, they do not produce

Bone Humerus D., Radius P. Metacarpal D., Tibia D. Metatarsal D. Humerus P., Radius D., Ulna, Femur P. & D., Tibia P.

Phase 1 No. No. Fused Unfused 7 1 5 1 -

Approx. Age at Fusion 1 yr. 2 yrs. 2.25 yrs. 3.5 yrs.

1

7

Phase 2 No. No. Fused Unfused 9 5 4 -

8

Table 85. Pig epiphyseal fusion data of longbones after Silver (1969, 285–6)

Phase 1 Pig Scapula Radius Tibia Astragalus

GLP SLC Bp Bd GLI

No. 1 1 3 1 1

Min.

Max. 32.5 23 23.5 27.2 28.3 40.6

Mean 25.7 -

Std. dev. 2 -

Table 86. Pig bone measurements in mm from Rathgurreen Phase 1

Phase 2 Pig Humerus Radius Pelvis Tibia Astragalus Calcaneus

Bd Bt Bp LA Bd GLI GL

No. 2 3 5 3 4 2 1

Min. Max. 36.4 36.6 26.5 28.1 25.4 37.3 26.3 31.0 27.3 30.0 39.0 40.8 75.5

Mean 27.3 29 27.9 28.3 -

Std. dev. 0.8 4.8 2.7 1.2 -

Table 87. Pig bone measurements in mm from Rathgurreen Phase 2 288

RATHGURREEN

Phase 1 Sheep Scapula Humerus Radius Femur Tibia Astragalus Metatarsal

GLP Bd Bt Bp Bd Bd GLI Bp

No. 1 3 3 1 1 2 1 1

Min. Max. 27.1 25.6 27.4 24.0 25.3 27.2 33.5 21.4 25.4 26.4 18.0

Mean 26.5 24.8 -

Std. dev. 0.9 0.7 -

Table 88. Sheep/goat bone measurements in mm from Rathgurreen Phase 1

Phase 2 Sheep Scapula Humerus Radius Femur Tibia Astragalus Calcaneus

GLP SLC Bd Bt Bp Bp Bd Bp Bd GLI GL

No. 1 1 6 1 3 1 1 2 7 3 1

Min. Max. 28.4 17.0 25.2 36.6 28.4 22.4 27.2 43.5 38.3 36.9 38.5 21.4 25.8 22.5 26.0 49.7

Mean 28.5 25.0 23.5 24.6 -

Std. dev. 4.1 2.4 1.6 1.9 -

Table 89. Sheep/goat bone measurements in mm from Rathgurreen Phase 2

Sheep/Goat The only evidence for goat at Rathgurreen was one female goat horn from Pit 3, the rest of the ovicaprid remains appeared to be of sheep. The fusion data was limited but suggested that the majority of sheep killed were over two years of age. Four mandibulae survived; in one the M2 was in tertiary eruption (Higham Stage 11) indicating age of death between 11–12 months while the two others from Phase 2 showed secondary wear on all permanent teeth (Higham Stage 16+) indicating that they were aged 28+ months when they died, as did the fourth mandible from Pit 3 (after Higham 1967). Pit 7 produced two neonate sheep humeri (one left, one right) and one neonate tibia while

No. Est. live weight (kg) Est. carcass weight Total carcass weight % carcass weight

an un-fused proximal metacarpal was retrieved from Phase 2 indicating the presence of a second neonate lamb. A sheep-sized rib from the site had been crushed and gnawed but it was difficult to tell if the agent was dog, pig or human (S. Hamilton-Dyer pers. comm.). Meat Yield Table 90 below gives a rough estimate of the meat produced by the sample of bones retrieved from the site. Although sheep and pig occur in almost equal amounts, the quantity of meat supplied by sheep is much reduced in comparison to that of pig. It is likely, therefore, that the sheep were kept for other reasons than as a source of meat, presumably for their fleeces.

Phase 1 Cattle Sheep Pig 10 5 5 350 22 87.5 175 11 70 1750 55 350 81.2

2.6

16.2

Cattle 18 350 175 3150

Phase 2 Sheep 9 22 11 99

Pig 10 87.5 70 700

79.8

2.5

17.7

Table 90. Relative proportion of carcass meat produced at Rathgurreen. Cattle (est. live weight 300–400kg) and sheep (25kg adult male, 19kg adult female) have a dressing out weight of 50% and pig (75–110kg) dresses out at 80% (van Wijngaarden-Bakker 1986, 44–45; Boyd et al. 1964, 10)

289

APPENDIX 3

Cat Cat is represented by an MNI of one at Rathgurreen and no complete longbones were retrieved so their stature could not be estimated. The cat distal tibia and humerus, and proximal humerus and calcaneus from Phase 2 were all fused. The proximal epiphyses of the humerus of cat fuses between eight-and-a-half and eleven-and-a-half months which indicates that the cat represented here was older than this when it died (after Habermehl 1961, 151). The cat appears to have had a widespread distribution in the Early Christian period but it only occurs in small numbers on rural sites. It has also been found that cats from rural sites tend to be larger and more mature on death in comparison to those from urban sites (McCormick 1988, 223). Although the data from Rathgurreen is extremely limited it does appear to fit in with this general trend. Cat

Phase GL

Humerus Humerus Tibia Calcaneus

1 2 2 2

26.0

Bp

Bd

13.1 -

19.3 16.3 14.6 -

Other domesticates Only small quantities of horse and dog were present at Rathgurreen and little can be said of them. Unfortunately no complete canine or equine cranial or longbones survived so the stature of these animals could not be estimated. Horse

Phase

GLI

Bp

Bd

1 2 2

50.5

67.8 -

68.0 -

Radius Tibia Astragalus

Table 92. Measurements of horse bones from Rathgurreen (in mm) Wild animals A certain degree of hunting and gathering was undertaken at Rathgurreen which is indicated by the presence of shellfish, fish and bird bones as well as red deer and hare remains. Red deer only occurs in Phase 1 and is represented in the main by antler fragments two of which were worked. Phase 1 also produced one proximal red deer radius which gave a Bp value of 56.7mm. Hare could have been exploited for both its flesh and pelt and the hare pelvis from Phase 1 at Rathgurreen displayed several teeth marks (cat/dog/human?) along its ilium shaft. The greatest length of a hare calcaneus from Phase 2 was 25.2mm.

Bt 13.4 -

Table 91. Measurements of cat bones from Rathgurreen (in mm)

Dun Eoghanachta 4 Dun Eoghanachta 1 and 2 Oughtymore Doonloughan DL11 Illaunloughan 1 Illaunloughan 2 Illaunloughan 5 Larrybane

Cattle

Illaunloughan 4

Sheep

Illaunloughan 3

Pig

Dun Eoghanachta 3 Rathgurreen 1 Rathgurreen 2 Deer Park Farms Marshes Upper 3 Moynagh D Ballyfounder Lough Faughan

0%

10%

20%

30%

40%

50%

60%

70%

80%

90%

100%

Fig. 185 Distribution of the main domesticates from Early Christian coastal sites; Dún Eoghanachta (Murray unpub.), Oughtymore (McCormick 1984), DL 11 (Murray unpub.), Illaunloughan (Murray unpub.), Larrybane (Jope 1961–2), Deer Park Farms (McCormick unpub.), Marshes Upper (McCormick 1993), Moynagh crannóg (McCormick 1987), Ballyfounder (Jope 1958) and Lough Faughan (Jope 1955) 290

RATHGURREEN

of the economies of these sites, i.e. nature of husbandry etc. is hindered due to the brief reports in both cases.

Discussion The selection of animals identified from Rathgurreen compares favourably with the assemblages from the two other excavated west coast ringforts, Ardcloon and Leacanabuaile. Ardcloon produced cattle, sheep, pig, some bird, one fish vertebrae and some red deer including antler (Roche 1956). The bones from Leacanabuaile included cattle (c.90%), sheep (most of which were young), one possible goat, pig (mainly young), 1 badger, 1 dog, 1 seal (tooth and bone of hind flipper) and 1 red deer including antler fragments (Stelfox 1941). At Ardcloon and Leacanabuile, unlike Rathgurreen, sheep appear to have had a greater importance than pig although any further comparison

Comparison with a wider selection of coastal sites (Fig. 185) illustrates that at most other contemporary west coast sites sheep appear to have played a primary role while in general cattle and pig were more important on east coast and ringfort sites which are associated with good soils. Rathgurreen would appear to fit-in best with the latter group of sites. All of these assemblages indicate rural, self-sufficient farming economies in which there was a certain degree of opportunism – shellfish, fish, birds etc. – most likely in the lean months in early spring.

Cattle Horse Sheep

Pig

Dog

Cat

Hare

Horn/Antler Skull Mandible Teeth Scapula Humerus Radius Ulna Metacarpal Pelvis Femur Patella Tibia Fibula Astragalus Calcaneus Metatarsal Metapodia Tar/Car

14 11 20 162 14 19 15 17 14 34 18 1 11 18 14 17 9 4

1 8 1 -

3 4 60 2 7 4 4 3 10 2 1 5 1 1 -

9 2 37 9 3 3 7 3 7 2 1 8 2 3 3 -

1 -

1 -

1 1 -

Phalanx 1 Phalanx 2 Phalanx 3

19 5 5

1 -

2 -

3 4 3

-

-

-

Total Total %

442 65.7

11 1.6

109 16.2

108 16.0

1 0.1

1 0.1

2 0.3

MNI MNI %

10 42

1 4

5 21

5 21

1 4

1 4

1 4

Table 93. Distribution of identified fragments and MNIs of animal bones from Rathgurreen Phase 1

291

APPENDIX 3

Cattle 22 7 33 360 45 45 36 17 19 57 33 4 30 29 32 29 26 9

Horse 26 1 2 1 1 -

Deer 1 13 209 6 13 8 2 2 4 13 3 4 2 1

Sheep 2 2 62 17 11 6 15 4 8 5 11 1 3 6 3 1 -

Phalanx 1 Phalanx 2 Phalanx 3

24 19 4

-

7 2 1

3 1 -

Total Total %

880 63.2

33 2.4

299 21.5

MNI MNI %

18 41

2 5

9 20

Horn/Antler Skull Mandible Teeth Scapula Humerus Radius Ulna Metacarpal Pelvis Femur Patella Tibia Fibula Astragalus Calcaneus Metatarsal Metapodia Tar/Car

Pig 5 1 11 -

Dog 2 1 1 -

Cat 2 1 1 -

Hare 1 -

-

1 -

-

-

164 11.7

6 0.4

5 0.4

4 0.3

1 0.1

10 23

1 2

2 5

1 2

1 2

Table 94. Distribution of identified fragments and MNIs of animal bones from Rathgurreen Phase 2

Horn/Antler Mandible Teeth Scapula Humerus Radius Ulna Metacarpal Pelvis Patella Fibula Astragalus Calcaneus

Cattle 2 1 10 1 2 1 1 1 1 1 1

Sheep 1 3 4 1 -

Pig 2 1 1 -

Phalanx 1 Phalanx 2 Phalanx 3

3 1 2

-

1

Total Total %

28 66.7

9 21.4

5 11.9

MNI

1

1

1

Table 95. Distribution of identified fragments and MNIs of animal bones from Pit 3 Trench 2 292

RATHGURREEN

Pit 7 Square N

Cattle

Horse

Sheep

Pig

Dog

Mandible Teeth Scapula Humerus Radius Ulna Pelvis Femur Tibia Calcaneus Metapodia Phalanx 1

1 6 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 1

1 -

1 2 1 1 -

1 -

1 -

Total

17

1

5

1

1

MNI

1

1

1

1

1

Table 96. Distribution of identified fragments and MNIs of animal bones from Pit 7

Cattle

Horse

Sheep

Pig

Pit 4 T. 2 Teeth Pelvis Metapodia

1 1

-

4 -

-

Pit 5 Sq. G Teeth Radius Metapodial

-

1 -

1 1

-

Pit 6 Sq. N Pelvis Phalanx 1

-

-

-

1 1

Pit 9 Sq. O Mandible Teeth Scapula

2 -

-

-

1 1 1

Pit-Trench complex, Area R Horn/Antler 3 Mandible 1 Teeth 8 Pelvis Femur Tibia Metapodia 1 Scapula Radius 1 Phalanx 3 1

1 1 -

1 3 1 1 1 -

1 1 -

Table 97. Distribution of identified fragments of animal bones from undated pits at Rathgurreen

293

APPENDIX 3

Pit 3 T 2 Pig; Astragalus

GLI 38.0

Pit 7 Dog; Scapula Cattle; Radius

GLP 27.4 -

SLC 25.0 -

Pit 6 Pig; Pelvis

LA 28.3

LAR 33.0

Una’s Pit Area R Pig; Pelvis

LA 28.0

LAR 31.2

Pit-Trench complex Cattle; Tibia

BD 61.2

BP 69.8

Table 98. Distribution of bone measurements from undated pits at Rathgurreen

medieval period, and then only at Anglo-Norman sites (McCormick 1991). The two goose bones (phase II) could be from wild or domestic birds as it is very difficult to distinguish the goose from its wild greylag ancestor. The remaining two bones are also from phase II. They are from a Manx shearwater, the most common of the European shearwaters. These birds come ashore only to breed, laying their eggs in burrows along the coast and on islands. They are edible and these bones could be from exploitation or from a natural mortality.

Fish and Fowl Bones By SHEILA HAMILTON-DYER 5 Suffolk Ave., Shirley, Southampton

A small sample of 39 bones was submitted for analysis. Identifications were made using the modern comparative collections of S.Hamilton-Dyer. The archive includes full details of each bone. A summary of the taxa found from each context is given in Table 99.

The 12 fish bones are from three species, together with an un-diagnostic fragment. The nine scad bones are all vertebrae and were recovered from under Bank 2. The bones represent good sized individuals. Today they are most common off the northern coast but rarely deeper than 100m. They can be found all round Ireland and were often seen split and dry-salted round the west coast (Hill 1992). Both of the other fish, one bone of each, came from Pit 3. The hake cleithrum is from a fish larger than 1m. Hake are a deep water species of the middle and lower continental shelf. The angler is represented by the distinctive post-branchial bone from a fish of at least 15kg. The angler can grow to over 40kg and is most commonly found on the bottom usually at depths over 18m (Wheeler 1978). The large backward-facing teeth are used to hold prey lured close to the enormous mouth. Often sold beheaded and skinned as ‘monkfish tail’, it makes excellent eating.

The 39 fragments are composed of 27 bird bones and 12 fish bones. The remains are in good condition and, although no sieving was undertaken, quite small bones were recovered including several of small passerines and nine scad vertebrae. One of the bones, a goose tibia, had been gnawed. The puncture marks were not made by a large animal but probably a cat or other small carnivore. The birds represent four, or perhaps five, species. The more numerous bones are those of small passerines. Most of the remains match blackbird although thrush is not entirely ruled out. The bones were found mainly in Fosse 1 and probably represent two natural mortalities. The domestic fowl fragments numbered seven individual bones including one from a hen in lay (Driver 1982). Two other fragments could not be identified but are probably also of fowl. This bird was probably introduced to Ireland relatively late, there are some records from Iron Age sites in England and it was certainly present during the Roman period. Although there are some records for Early Christian Ireland, fowl does not seem to have been favoured by the Irish population and bones are not common until the

If contemporary, these few fish remains imply some considerable fishing skill, probably by long line. They are not species which are usually caught inshore, and no inshore fish are present although some common species, for example the Ballan wrasse, have large sturdy bones.

294

RATHGURREEN

Species Fowl Fowl-sized Goose Manx shearwater Small passerine Hake Scad Angler Fish fragment Total

Phase I 2 1 2 -

Phase II 4 1 2 2 13 7 1

Pit3 1 1 -

5

30

2

Pit 5 1 1

Pit 7 1 1

Table 99. Species Distribution

Marine Molluscan Remains from Rathgurreen Ringfort By EMILY MURRAY School of Archaeology and Palaeoecology, Queens University Belfast to determine an MNI for each sample. In all cases the number of surviving apertures was greater than the number of apices and so this was the figure used as the MNI. The bivalves were quantified by the number of umbones present and lefts and rights were noted to determine a minimum number of individuals (MNI) for each of these species. Size was not considered in this calculation. Measurements of the shells were taken in millimetres with the use of vernier callipers and oyster measurements were taken as per Kent (1988). The nomenclature followed is that in Hayward and Ryland (1990) and the reference collection in the Ulster Museum was consulted for the identification of some of the species. The shellfish are listed in Tables 100– 102. As with the faunal material, shells produced by the pit samples were identified and recorded (Table 3) but are not discussed in this report.

Introduction Sixteen molluscan species were identified from the Rathgurreen samples (listed in Tables 100–102); eight types of marine gastropod and eight bivalve species. The quantity of gastropods dominated the assemblages in both phases, accounting for 93.5% in Phase 1 and 87.3% in Phase 2. Dogwhelks, periwinkles and limpets were the most numerous of these with the former two each accounting for over 73% in the two different phases respectively. Quantification and Identification Gastropods were quantified by the number of apices that were present with the exception of broken Nucella lapillus for which the number of apertures were counted. Both apices and apertures of broken dogwhelks (Nucella lapillus) were counted separately

Rathgurreen; Phase 1

Bank 1 Fosse 1 Bank 2

Total % MNI MNI Gastropods (1151) (93.5) Helix nemoralis 2 1 4 2 9 0.7 Littorina littorea 17 55 20 1 93 7.6 Nucella lapillus 65 65 5.3 Nucella lapillus (broken) 1 902 3 906 73.7 Ocenebra erinacea 5 5 0.4 Patella vulgata 1 22 13 1 37 3.0 Land snails 36 36 2.9 Bivalves (80) (6.5) Cerastoderma edule 4L 5R 5 0.4 Chlamys varia 1L 1 0.1 Mytilus edulis 4L 2R 4 0.3 Ostrea edulis 1L 1L 16L22R 49L35R 67 5.4 Venerupis decussata 1L1R 2R 3 0.2 Total MNI 3 58 1086 38 52 1231 Table 100. Distribution of the identified shellfish from Rathgurreen Phase 1 (L = left valve, R = right valve) 295

Bank Spill

Bank 2 Kerb

APPENDIX 3

Rathgurreen; Phase 2

Fosse 1

Square H

Interior

Total % MNI MNI (13763) (87.3) 2 0.01 6 0.04 28 0.18 1 0.01 11657 73.94 18 0.11 54 0.34 1988 12.61 9 0.06

Gastropods Buccinum undatum Helix aspersa Helix nemoralis Littorina obtusata Littorina littorea Nucella lapillus N. lapillus (broken) Patella vulgata Land snails

6 16 83 3 183 9

1 6869 1 736 -

1 12 1 4705 17 51 1069 -

Bivalves Cerastoderma edule Chlamys varia Dosina exoleta Mytilus edulis Ostrea edulis Pecten maximus Venerupis decussata Venus verrucosa

8L6R 1L 2R 54L 62R 2L 2R

411L 385R 17L 19R 58L 63R -

969L 912R 2L 3R 1R 4L 5R 296L 381R 1L 62L 76R 1L

(2003) 1388 3 1 7 462 1 139 2

Total MNI

376

8100

7293

15766

(12.7) 8.80 0.02 0.01 0.04 2.93 0.01 0.88 0.01

Table 101. Distribution of the identified shellfish from Rathgurreen Phase 2

Rathgurreen; Pits Gastropods Helix nemoralis Littorina littorea Nucella lapillus N. lapillus (broken) Patella vulgata Bivalves Cerastoderma edule Mytilus edulis Ostrea edulis Venerupis decussata

Una's Pit

Pit 2

Pit 3

Pit 1

Pit-trench complex

12 432 5 1 7

7 -

1 2 -

3 -

3 54 1 9

1L 1R -

2L 4R 7L 3R

-

-

1L -

Table 102. Distribution of the identified shellfish from pits at Rathgurreen Gastropods Periwinkles (Littorina littorea) Periwinkles were the most commonly occurring species at Rathgurreen and dominated the assemblage in Phase 2 (73.94%). This is an edible species and it is ubiquitous on the rocky shorelines of Ireland. Many of the periwinkle apices were severely corroded through burrowings made by a small organism of some sort, either while alive on the shore or post-depositionally.

Dogwhelks (Nucella lapillus) A large number of deliberately broken dogwhelks were recovered from the site, in particular from Phase 1 where they accounted for 73.7% of the total MNI. Broken dogwhelks have been retrieved from several other west coast sites in counties Galway, Mayo, Sligo and Donegal, and of those radiocarbon dated, all come from the Early Christian period. A Romano-British site at Duckpool in Cornwall, which dated to the third and fourth centuries AD has also produced large numbers of broken dogwhelks (Ratcliffe 1995).

Flat winkle (Littorina obtusata) One flat winkle came from the interior of the site. This shellfish lives on fucoid seaweeds which grow in the inter-tidal zone, and it may therefore have been brought to the site accidentally attached to seaweed.

These shellfish, like the Murex species of the Mediterranean, secrete a white mucus in their 296

RATHGURREEN

hypobrancial gland located underneath the shell’s apex. This secretion when oxidised turns through intermediate shades of yellow, green and red to a fast purple dye. Murex were commercially fished and shellfish-purple dyed cloth, principally wool, was sold by the Pheonicians from the thirteenth century BC, although there is archaeological evidence for its exploitation in Crete since 1750 BC (Stieglitz 1994). Pliny the Elder, writing in his Naturalis Historiae in the first century AD (Rackham 1940), described the methods used along the shores of the Mediterranean to harvest and process the shellfish and dye. Huge mounds of shellfish attest to the methods and industry he portrays, notably from the cities of Tyre and Sidon (Stieglitz 1994) and also several Israeli Tel sites (Karmon and Spanier 1987).

often harvested inadvertently through the collection of oysters which were also present in the assemblage. Limpets (Patella vulgata) Limpets were also relatively important at Rathgurreen accounting for 12% of the total shellfish in Phase 2. Limpets could have been used as a source of food or bait and because fish bones were present on site bait is a good possibility. According to Fenton (1984, 127), fishermen in Scotland prepare limpet bait by either scalding or chewing the flesh to soften it before it is placed on the hooks. The shellfish may therefore have ended-up on site through their pre-treatment for use with long lines. Limpets are also known to have been collected and given as fodder to pigs and poultry (Jeffreys 1867, 239) and there is evidence for the presence of both animals at Rathgurreen.

The dye yield of the 906 dogwhelks, as represented by the excavated sample at Rathgurreen, would only have been c.12–13.6 grams of pure, undiluted dye (an average of 14–15mg of dye is yielded by each dogwhelk. These figures have been determined through fortnightly collection and sampling of 30 dogwhelks from the coasts of Co. Sligo and Co. Down over one year by the author). Almost no evidence for the practical use of shellfish purple, either literary or archaeological, from Ireland has as yet been discovered. It could potentially have been used in manuscript illumination, to dye cloth or threads which in turn could have been used to embellish mantle fringes etc., or possibly to stain or ‘tattoo’ the skin.

a. Size The limpet measurements from Rathgurreen are summarised in Table 103. The length values ranged between 28.1mm and 50.3mm, while the height values ranged between 9.2mm and 22.8mm. The mean length values for a modern population observed and recorded in Bantry Bay, Co. Cork (Thompson 1980) ranged between 22mm and 46.5mm. The Rathgurreen sample compares well with these observations suggesting random exploitation of a relatively normal shoreline population. Land snails Two terrestrial land-snails were identified in the samples, Helix aspersa, the common garden snail, and Helix nemoralis, both of which are commonly found all over Ireland, in particular near the coast. The latter species is typically found in sand-hill habitats where there are blown sands. This assemblage of 44 identified and 45 unidentified land snails from Phases 1 and 2 represents molluscs that would have lived and died on the site, as opposed to the assemblage of marine species that were brought to the site by human activity.

Sting Winkles (Ocenebra erinacea) Curiously, Phase 1 at Rathgurreen also produced five sting winkles whose apices were broken off in the same manner as the dogwhelks. Ocenebra erinacea are part of the Muricidea family which also includes the dogwhelk and the Murex, and probably also produces dye. These shellfish, along with starfish, are the main predators of oysters and are notorious pests on commercial oyster beds. Small numbers are therefore

Rathgurreen Phase 1 Phase 2

Sample No. min. 13 9.2 89 9

Height | max. mean std. dev. min. 25.8 14.5 4.2 28.1 22.8 14.5 2.9 29.3

Length max. mean 45.7 38.8 50.3 38.5

std. dev. 4.6 4.3

Table 103. Size of limpets from Rathgurreen (in mm)

Phase 1 left Phase 1 right Phase 2 left Phase 2 right

Sample No. 12 37 43 102

mean width 52.7 57.3 63.4 50.0

std. dev. 7.7 10.3 7.0 5.5

mean height 66.1 64.0 69.9 57.8

std. dev 9.7 11.1 7.0 6.5

Table 104. Distribution of oyster valve sizes (left and right) from Rathgurreen (in mm) 297

APPENDIX 3

Common whelk (Buccinum undatum) The other gastropod species present at Rathgurreen was the common whelk or ‘buckie’. It is a carnivorous species which attacks its prey by means of a proboscis (McMillan 1973, 49) and inhabits the lower shore and below. One of the buckies was suitable for measurement and gave a greatest length of 33.5mm which is relatively small, suggesting that it could have been picked up close to low water mark. Larger specimens live offshore and are generally caught in baited traps or dredges.

market. These values compare well in size with the archaeological samples from Rathgurreen. Assuming it was these beds that were harvested, the sample would suggest that the small size of oysters from this locality was prevalent in the Early Christian period also. This may imply that the beds were being over-exploited at both periods or that for some environmental reason(s), possibly over-stocking, the oysters did not thrive as well as they could have. b. Shape The nature of the physical environment which an oyster inhabits dictates its morphological growth and development. Thus, an interpretation of the morphology of a sample of shells can lead one to suggest the nature of the bed from which the shellfish originated. One method of interpreting the morphological data is to determine the height length ratio (HLR) by dividing the height by the length or width of each shell. If the valve originated from a bed with a firm substrate then the HLR value is generally less than 1.0 or 1.3 according to Kent (1988, 28), and the shell is relatively round or broad. Such oysters are usually associated with firm muddy or sandy beds. HLR values greater than this can be considered elongated. The HLR results from the Rathgurreen valves are shown in Table 107 and the distribution of the values are plotted in Figure 186.

Bivalves Oysters a. Size It is illegal in Ireland to harvest oysters less than 3'' (76.2mm) in diameter (Whilde 1972, 34). The oysters exploited by the inhabitants at Rathgurreen were however small (Table 5) and the majority fell well below this current legal limit. In Tyrone Bay, which borders the southern perimeter of the Maree peninsula, there is an extensive oyster bed. Browne (1903, 31) reported on this, the Stradbally Oyster Fishery, and other shellfish layings in Ireland at the turn of the century. He noted that the oysters from this particular bed had diameters of between 1.5'' to 2.5'' (38.1–63.5mm) and that they were too small for

Phase 1 (right) Phase 1 (left) Phase 2 (right) Phase 2 (left)

Sample No. 37 12 102 43

HLR min. 1 1.21 0.91 0.95

HLR max. 1.2 1.43 1.34 1.48

HLR mean 1.12 1.26 1.16 1.11

std. dev. 0.06 0.07 0.08 0.10

Table 105. Height-length ratios (HLR) for right and left valves from Rathgurreen Distribution of HLR values of Oysters from Rathgurreen 35 30

FREQUENCY

25 20

Phase 1 Phase 2

15 10

1.45-1.50

1.40-1.45

1.35-1.40

1.30-1.35

1.25-1.30

1.20-1.25

1.15-1.20

1.10-1.15

1.05-1.10

1.00-1.05

0.95-1.00

0

0.90-0.95

5

HLR

Fig. 186 Histogram showing the distribution of HLR (Height Length Ratio) values of oysters, left and right valves combined, from Rathgurreen 298

RATHGURREEN

The histogram illustrates that the majority of the valves at Rathgurreen have a HLR value ranging between 1– 1.35 suggesting relatively broad and round valves (Kent 1988, 28). There is no noticeable difference between the samples from the two phases suggesting that the same beds were probably exploited by the inhabitants of Rathgurreen during both periods of occupation.

report also noted that ‘Dredging has been so continual on Kilcorgan beds...that only a few oysters have been left upon it’ (ibid. 116). Actual measurements of the oyster valves are not given, but the suggestion that they were ‘large’ conflicts with Browne’s (1903) and Whilde’s (1972) observations of the same oyster beds. In Browne’s report on the shell-fish layings around the Irish coast in 1903, he records the presence of a natural public bed in Tyrone bay, the Stradbally Oyster Fishery, extending from Bird island to the junction of the Kilcolgan and Clarin rivers, i.e. in the bay to the south of the Maree peninsula. The bed reportedly covered the centre of the bay reaching to within ten yards of low water mark on the northern shore. The bed substrate consisted of a mixture of sand, gravel, shells and mud. It is one of two public oyster fisheries still remaining which provides worthwhile catches and is more widely known as the ‘Clarinbridge Oyster Fishery’ (Whilde 1972, 11). Fishing is only permitted there now in the month of December and hand-picking is prohibited as a conservation measure (ibid.). In Browne’s (1903, 31) time, fishing was also restricted to the first ten days of December.

c. Encrusting and Infesting organisms The oyster valves from Phase 1 displayed holes bored by both gastropods and the sponge Cliona celata. Several valves were encrusted with acorn barnacles, occurring in ones and twos as opposed to dense clusters, along with ridged calcareous tubes of large polycheate worms. The presence of sponge borings and polycheate worm tubes were mutually exclusive and only a couple of valves displayed any evidence of polydora burrowings. Phase 2 oysters were also encrusted with barnacles and large polycheate worm tubes and had holes bored by both carnivorous gastropods and Cliona celata. Unlike Phase 1 oysters however, there was a considerable presence of Polydora ciliata worm burrowings on the outer surfaces of the shells. It is not clear to the author why this should have been.

Mweeloon Bay to the north of the peninsula, according to Browne’s report, also contained an oyster bed, ‘Ardfry Oyster Beds’, occupying a greater part of the bay on the northern shore ‘extending from low water mark to about the centre of the channel to a point opposite Toberavennan and from this point the whole of the bay up to Kilcamin’ (Browne 1903, 52). The bed was reportedly weedy and stony and the ground composed of a mixture of gravel, sand and mud (ibid.).

There was no evidence of sand tubes, polyzoa or small polycheate worm tubes on any of the valves. Overall, the oyster valves from Rathgurreen were relatively clean and free of encrusting and infesting organisms. Whilde (1972, 67) observed that Polydora ciliata and Cliona celata were the main organisms which attacked oysters at the Clarinbridge (Stradbally) Oyster Fishery in the late 1960s early 1970s and evidence for both were also detected on the archaeological samples. He also noted that the fishermen scraped off barnacles and tubeworms with a knife after harvesting as they quickly died off and started to smell which, if left in situ, would obviously not aid in their marketability.

Either of these beds could have been exploited by the inhabitants of Rathgurreen as the site is almost equidistant from the two bays. They have similar substrates so no noticeable differences would be expected in the oyster shells’ morphology. Considering, however, that the distance from Rathgurreen to Tyrone Bay is slightly shorter and the beds there are on the northern shores, one might suggest that it was these beds which were exploited by the inhabitants of the site, although this is pure speculation.

d. Notching A large number of the oyster valves from the Rathgurreen samples had distinctive notches along the ventral edges of their valves. A short knife is traditionally used to prise open fresh oysters which will usually cause the shell to be nicked.

Cockles Cockles are a very common and well known species around the coast of Ireland. They make shallow burrows in sand or sandy mud in the middle and lower shores of estuarine tidal flats, such as the bays found to the north and south of the Maree peninsula. Harvesting of both cockles and carpet shells (Venerupis Sp.) would require digging into the mud or sand at low tide which is usually done with the aid of a spade, pronged fork or curved knife.

e. Oyster beds in the locality The 1836 report on fishing activities and resources in Galway Bay by the Commissioners of Irish Fisheries recorded that ‘there are two oyster banks near Galway: one of small extent, claimed by the Corporation, and called the mayor’s bank and the other at Kilcorgan [Kilcolgan] near Island Eddy...The oysters are large, but not superior of flavour; and are taken with dredges from September to April’ (Anon. 1836, 115). The

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Shellfish

average meat weight per shellfish (g)

No. in sample

Estimated meat weight (g)

Phase 1

periwinkle cockle oyster limpet

1.01 1.73 7.50 1.50

93 93.9 5 8.7 67 502.5 37 55.5 Total Phase 1 = 0.66kg = 429 calories

Phase 2

periwinkle cockle oyster limpet

1.01 1.73 7.50 1.50

11657 11773.6 (11.8kg) 1388 2401.2 (2.4kg) 462 3465.0 (3.5kg) 1988 2982 (3kg) Total Phase 2 = 20.7kg = 13, 455 calories

Table 106. Estimated meat and calorific returns from shellfish at Rathgurreen (after Winder 1980, Evans and Spencer 1976–7, Shawcross in Evans and Spencer 1976–7) Several corroded iron knives were recovered from the site which could have been used for this activity although specialised tools are not in general required for the collection of shellfish.

E. DISCUSSION Craft Activities That several different crafts were undertaken at Rathgurreen is evident in its archaeological record. Bronze-working, in phase I, is represented by the small number of finished items and the handful of crucible sherds (E945:30–E945:45). These are quite small and uninformative, though they are from bag-shaped or pyramidal vessels and not flat-bottomed examples. No moulds were discovered, however this may be due to the limited survival of phase I evidence. Bronzeworking was, most likely, undertaken in phase II also, though perhaps located on the opposite (unexcavated) side of the site to the phase II ironworking (Comber 1996/2004). Raw material for this work had to be imported to the site, either in the form of ingots or scrap bronze, or individual units of tin and copper (ore, ingots, cakes, scrap).

Other bivalves Venerupis decussata, Venus verrucosa and Dosina exoleta are all common edible clams found in muddy gravel or sand in shallow waters along the southern and western coasts of Ireland. Only a couple of scallop valves (Chlamys varia and Pecten maximus) were found in the samples. As scallops are sub-tidal and free-swimming species they are difficult to harvest without the use of a boat and other specialised equipment. It is unlikely that such equipment was in use or common in the Early Christian period so their absence here is not surprising. The Commissioners report on the state of the Irish Fisheries in 1836 comments that in Galway bay ‘large scallops are occasionally taken up in the herring-nets which show that they are in the bay, and they are of good quality’ (Anon. 1836, 115). Several fragments of Mytilus survived in the samples and these could have been gathered to serve as a source of food or bait.

Ironworking appears to have been practised in both phases though the majority of the evidence comes from phase II. A quantity of iron slag was found scattered throughout the site, including two furnace bottoms and fragments of others. The remains of an iron-smelting furnace were located in Fosse 2 on the south side of the rath, therefore dating it to phase II. Associated with furnace activity were eight sherds of vitrified and slagged ceramic (E945:46–E945:52), either fragments of tuyères or furnace lining. Raw material for this work may have consisted of bog ore, dug from the nearby peat deposits in the townlands of Derry and Ballynamanagh. It seems likely that the various iron tools recovered from the fort were manufactured on site. That they were, at least, sharpened at the rath is evidenced by the whetstone (E945:72).

Estimated meat weight In an analysis of the shellfish remains from Southampton, Winder (1980, 121–125) calculated the average meat weight of modern samples of oyster, periwinkle and cockle shellfish which she then used to estimate the meat weight of the archaeological sample. Using these figures, and those for limpets as calculated by Evans and Spencer (1976–7, 215), Table 106 illustrates the meat returns from shellfish at Rathgurreen. Shawcross’ data (quoted in Evans and Spencer 1976–7, 216) of 650 calories per kg is also applied to the Rathgurreen figures and the totals are also presented in Table 106. Considering that roughly 2,700 calories are required daily per person (ibid.) the actual returns represented by the shellfish at Rathgurreen, despite the apparent bulk, is minimal.

A somewhat uncommon craft practised at Rathgurreen was the production of purple dye. The majority of the evidence comes from Phase I, and consists of broken dog-whelk shells. The flat stone artefact (E945:73) 300

RATHGURREEN

may have had some involvement as it bears reddish staining on both of its flat surfaces. As Murray points out, the quantity of pure dye produced by the recovered shells would have been relatively small, however larger quantities of used shells may have been dumped outside of the immediate settlement. Broken dogwhelks are known from Inishkea, Co. Mayo, Dooey, Co. Donegal and Omey Island, Co. Galway (Murray pers. comm.).

cattle, pig and sheep were all found within the fort, reflecting the housing of pregnant or nursing mothers (at least) in the area enclosed by the defences - giving some indication of the use of space within the ringfort. Domestic fowl were also represented, one of the bones from a hen in lay. Material relating to crop cultivation is, unfortunately, absent from the site. No soil samples, in which seeds might have been preserved, were taken during the excavation and no quernstones were found. This is probably due, in some degree, to the limited extent of the dig and to excavation practices in the 1940s. Food produced through agriculture was supplemented by hunting, fishing and gathering. Both the bones and antler of red deer were recovered, perhaps hunted with the aid of horses and dogs. The goose bones and those of the Manx Shearwater possibly reflect fowling, while fish remains included scad, hake and angler – all of which are offshore species, necessitating the use of a fishing line from a boat. Extensive spreads of seashells were encountered throughout the site, and consisted of sixteen different species. Shellfish clearly formed an important part of the diet of the inhabitants and were, no doubt, readily available along the nearby seashore (as they are today).

Evidence of textile and leather production on the site is tenuous at best. The quantity and range of animal bones clearly indicate no shortage of the raw materials for either wool or leather manufacture. Artefactual evidence is limited to the two stone balls (E945:74, E945:75), possibly used as polishers or ‘pounders’, and the iron implement (E945:16) perhaps employed in weaving or garment manufacture. The raw materials for bone and antler working were, clearly, plentiful and it seems probable that at least some of the bone artefacts recovered were made on site. The unfinished piece (E945:65), possibly a pin, represents bone-working, while antler-working is evidenced by the two deliberately cut tines (E945:67, E945:68), the sub-rectangular trimmed fragment (E945:70, possibly intended for a comb-plate), and the section of shaped antler ring (E945:71).

Trade Rathgurreen, and the local community it represented, did not exist in isolation from the rest of the country, probably due to the proximity of the Ballynamanagh river and Galway Bay. As already mentioned, the raw materials for bronze-working had to be imported, either from another Irish site, Britain or the Continent (phase I). Definite imports are represented by the oil lamp (E945:54 – phase II) and sherd of E-ware (E945:55 – phase uncertain), though it is unclear whether these were obtained direct from their sources on the Continent or indirectly, from another Irish site.

Other materials were also probably worked at Rathgurreen. The clay crucibles were most likely made on site, so too any tuyères or furnace lining (E945:46– E945:52). The whetstone and other stone artefacts may also have been manufactured at the fort. Wood was undoubtedly used to some extent, both for domestic and construction purposes. Much charcoal was found, though no sampling strategy was employed. No definite woodworking tools could be identified, though the various iron nails do suggest some measure of timber use. No domestic pottery, glass or amber artefacts were discovered.

Site Chronology The exact dating of the site and its various features and phases is quite problematic. Pit 10, the furnace, is the only example of a pit which can be attributed to one or other of the phases – in this case the second, due to its position in Fosse 2. The other pits may belong to either phase. Pit 3, however, did contain the shank of a bronze pin, the head of which was found beneath Bank 2. This suggests the possibility that the pit dates to phase I though, admittedly, the pin shank may have been retained or overlooked in the cleaning of the site at the end of phase I and thrown into Pit 3 during phase II, reflecting the problem of residuality at the site.

Food Supply The food economy of Rathgurreen is well represented by the preserved assemblages of both bone and shell, though it must be remembered that only one-quarter of the site was excavated. Cattle, as on most Early Medieval settlements, was the dominant species, providing most of the meat consumed in both phases. They were, however, kept primarily for dairying and not beef production. Pig bones were also quite plentiful and, again, came from both phases, with both males and females represented. These animals were slaughtered for their meat when they reached their full body size, between 25 and 27 months. Sheep also provided meat for the inhabitants, though were possibly primarily exploited for their fleece – indirect evidence of textile production. A single goat was identified in the assemblage, along with small quantities of horse, dog and cat. Neonate bones of

The excavator did not suggest a date for the site, being unaware of the sherd of E-ware recovered from a sample of animal bone, and making no comment on the oil lamp. The former can be dated to between 550 and 650 AD, though it is uncertain which phase of 301

APPENDIX 3

occupation it came from. The manufacture of the latter dates to the fourth or fifth century and it was found in association with the phase II iron smelting furnace and adjacent fire-reddened flagstone. Radiocarbon analyses (Table 107) have produced a date of 360– 598 (cal. AD, 2ı) for phase I, and 664–851 (cal. AD, 2ı) for phase II. The former (sample UB-4331) was obtained from a dog-whelk found beneath Bank 2, the latter (sample UB-4323) from an animal bone recovered from the south-western quadrant of the interior.

diameter (65–70m), the construction of the inner bank and ditch greatly reduced the living space within the site (to c.48m in diameter) while simultaneously increasing the visual impact and imposing nature of the fort. As Duignan noted: ‘The finds from beneath Bank 2 (phase I), the interior of the fort (phase II) and the silting of Fosse 2 (phase II) are all quite similar, leading to the conclusion that the two phases of occupation represented by them [the small finds] followed immediately on one another. There was neither a chronological nor cultural break in the record. The transformation of the defences was apparently the work of the original builders.’ Accepting continuity of occupation, some external catalyst must have sparked the morphological alteration of Rathgurreen.

Radiocarbon Determinations The radiocarbon dating was undertaken by Queens University Belfast Radiocarbon Research Laboratory, from which the following information was received.

A date in the sixth/early seventh century AD for the modification of the defences suggests some possible explanations. The introduction of new agricultural techniques, such as dairying and the use of the heavier coulter plough, from late or post-Roman Britain led to an increase in the population of Early Medieval Ireland (McCormick 1995, 36). This may, in turn, have encouraged the rise of new dynastic families, their power and wealth due to an efficient agricultural base. New-found wealth may have been expressed in the form of settlement, a statement of power and prestige. The importance of a very visual, and well protected, territorial claim would also have increased with the rise in population pressure.

Sample UB-4331 Material Shell (with marine correction) Delta 13 C rel. PDB 0.888 ± 0.200 Radiocarbon Age (Yrs BP) 1925 ± 30 Calibrated Ages Ranges 1ı range AD 426 – 548 2ı range AD 374 – 601 References for datasets [and intervals] used: Stuiver, Pearson and Braziunas 1986.

Sample Material Delta 13 C rel. PDB Radiocarbon Age (Yrs BP) Calibrated Ages Range 1ı range 2ı range References for datasets [and Stuiver and Pearson 1986.

UB-4323 Bone -22.496 ± 0.200 1275 ± 36

Perhaps the enlargement of Rathgurreen’s defences could be viewed in this light, though the historical evidence reveals another possible explanation. A date in the fourth or fifth century for the original construction of the site coincides with the arrival of Eoghan Aidhne and his descendants, the Uí Fiachrach. The morphological modification in the sixth or early seventh century might be a reflection of the prestige enjoyed by the Uí Fiachrach in the seventh century when Guaire was king of Connaught and, indeed, an increased need for defendable, visually imposing territorial markers.

AD 676 – 777 AD 664 – 851 intervals] used:

Table 107. Radiocarbon determinations from Rathgurreen

The earlier part of this range places the commencement of occupation at Rathgurreen at the beginning of the traditionally accepted fifth-to-ninth century date for ringforts. The length of occupation reflects extensive habitation, spanning at least four centuries. The discovery of the early oil lamp in phase II may be easily explained as a ‘left-over’ or ‘keepsake’ from the primary settlement. The date of the end of activity on the site is unknown. Two of the bone combs represented in the assemblage are of types commonly found in contexts dating from the ninth to the thirteenth century, possibly extending the duration of occupation by another century or two.

Natural Resources Some of the most valuable resources in the area of Rathgurreen are the sea, its bays, and the rivers feeding into them. The seashores, even today, are exploited for various shellfish such as cockle, mussel and periwinkle, while several of the bays are well known for their oyster beds and are regularly dredged. Both sea and rivers are also an invaluable source of many species of fish and, in the past, seabirds. Of course, the same waterways were essential components of a communications network, both in terms of ‘military’ and trade usage. The land in the area consists mainly of a limestone based free-draining soil with the light soils providing excellent dry pasture. In many parts of the district there

Rathgurreen is somewhat unusual in the phases of its construction. Initially a univallate site of large internal 302

RATHGURREEN

occur outcrops of limestone, the likely source of much building material. There is now no significant woodland in the area, though the nearby townland name of Derry (Doire) meaning ‘oak-wood’, suggests that this may not always have been the case. Towards the inland extremity of the peninsula there were, and still are to some extent, deposits of bog alluvium and the cutting of scraw turf is a traditional activity in the area. There is also a possibility that bog iron ore, hydrated iron oxide, may have formed alongside the peat, and been exploited by the inhabitants of the many ringforts in the region.

broadly datable to the Early Medieval period. Located within a radius of approximately 0.7km of the site are four earthen ringforts, to the west, south-west and south. There are no sites situated north or east of Rathgurreen, that is between the site and the Ballynamanagh river. Approximately 0.7km directly south of Rathgurreen in Ballynamanagh West townland lies Lisdoo (Fig. 187 site 30, 103:41), a univallate earthen rath with a souterrain in its south-west sector. Located on a low rise in undulating terrain, the fort measures 41.2m in diameter. To the south-west of Rathgurreen are two sites, one (Fig. 187 site 29, 103:23) in Ballynacourty townland, the other (Fig. 187 site 32, 103:34) on the border of Ballynacourty and Knockawuddy townlands. Site 32 is nearest to Rathgurreen, at a distance of c.0.4km. It is univallate and partially destroyed, being cut in two by a road running ENE-WSW. The interior of the fort slopes from north to south, with a diameter of 25.8m. To the south-west of this is site 29, roughly 0.7km from Rathgurreen. Named Parkmore on the Ordnance Survey maps, this site has in recent years been completely destroyed during a field clearance operation. Prior to its destruction, however, it consisted of a univallate ringfort with an internal diameter of 33m and external diameter of 53m. The final site in the general vicinity of Rathgurreen is site 34 (Fig. 187, 95:48), Raheennavaddoge. Located in Garraun Upper townland, Raheennavaddoge consists of a univallate earthen fort measuring 25–34m in internal diameter.

Landscape Study Rathgurreen is situated on the highest point on the Maree peninsula, at 30m above sea-level. Nowhere in the area does the land rise to any considerable height though it is extensively undulating in nature, with many low hillocks scattered throughout the region. Rathgurreen would have enjoyed an excellent 360° view of the surrounding countryside, especially to the west, north and east. The site is located in Cottage townland, Ballynacourty parish, in the barony of Dunkellin. The underlying geology is limestone-based while the area of the fort is drained by the Ballynamanagh river which flows to the east of the site, entering the sea at Dunbulcaun Bay to the south. The landscape context of Rathgurreen may be approached at three levels, namely the townland in which it is located, its relationship to the sites in its immediate vicinity, and in terms of its possible original territory.

Possible Ancient Territory The Maree peninsula is effectively delimited along its eastern border by the Ballynamanagh river. This flows from north to south along a slightly meandering course, and was fordable in very few places. The river does not, however, completely isolate the peninsula, with a narrow corridor of land 0.5km in width between it and the sea along the northern edge of the territory. This stretch of land, though, consists of the townland of Seafield, part of which is quite low-lying and prone to flooding at high-tide. The peninsula is not quite coterminous with the original parish of Ballinacourty, the latter being slightly larger. The parish limits enclose five ringforts, three possible ringforts and one probable ecclesiastical site, in addition to those described below. These are situated on the Ardfry peninsula, and to the east of the Ballynamanagh River and, as such, are not incorporated in the following landscape study of Maree.

Townland Organisation The townlands in the vicinity of Rathgurreen (Cottage, Seafield, Derry, Ballynamanagh East and West, Knockawuddy and Garraun Upper) do not appear to reflect in their shape any ancient land divisions, being delimited by relatively recent straight, angular boundaries. Cottage townland covers an area of 67 hectares, including 0.4 of a hectare over which the Ballynamanagh river flows. For the most part, the townland consists of fair pastureland with some of the lowest lying areas covered by marsh and wetlands. Rathgurreen is the only monument located in the townland, and even then the townland boundary must deviate from its straight line to encompass the site. Immediate locality Very few archaeological sites occur in the immediate vicinity of Rathgurreen, though those that do are all

303

APPENDIX 3

Fig. 187 Early Medieval sites on the Maree peninsula 304

RATHGURREEN

Site Number 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 27 28 29 30 31 32 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 49 50 51 52

RMP Number 102:38 102:23 102:24 103:97 102:22 102:07 102:06 102:05 102:04 102:03 102:09 94:11 94:33 94:34 94:44 94:14 94:13 102:14 102:10 102:08 102:01 103:01 --103:39 103:28 103:29 103:26 103:24 103:23 103:41 103:42 103:34 95:09 95:48 95:40 102:149 95:39 95:38 95:47 95:37 95:41 94:05 95:80 95:146 95:148 95:147 95:51 95:17 95:19 95:20 95:05 103:40

Site Type

Site Name (if any)

Ringfort Ringfort Mill-site Ringfort Ringfort Ringfort Holy Well Ringfort and souterrain Ringfort and souterrain Ringfort and hut Ringfort Ringfort Holy Well Ringfort Ringfort Ringfort Enclosure site (rath) Enclosure (mounds and sout.–H.) Ringfort Ringfort Ringfort and road Ringfort Rath site? Ringfort Ringfort Ringfort Ringfort Ringfort Ringfort Ringfort Ringfort Ringfort Ringfort Ringfort Ringfort Bullaun stone Ecclesiastical remains? Ringfort and souterrain Ringfort, possible souterrain Holy Well Earthwork Earthwork Ringfort Ringfort Ringfort Ringfort Ecclesiastical remains Ringfort Earthwork and souterrain Ecclesiastical remains Ringfort, burial ground Ringfort

Lisheen Ballaghbristy Rath Shanmullen Rains Fort Raphuca --Tobersorney St. Sornia’s Cell (Holt) Lisheenacaca Raheen (Holt) Parknaree (Holt) Rathpharson Toberbrenan Rathmore Plumbtree Fort Rathmonere ----------------------Rathknock Parkmore Lisdoo Dunbulcaun --Rathgurreen Raheenavaddoge Lismaleen --Rathmanshere (Holt) --Raheen Toberbour Raheenagower (Holt) Druimedubh Shanbally Rath (Holt) --Rahapeeca (Holt) Rahaowlthaun (Holt) Kilcaimin Cahercullin --Caheradrinan Cahergal ---

Table 108. Key to Fig. 187; Early Medieval sites on the Maree peninsula

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APPENDIX 3

Fig. 188 Dunbulcaun Evidence of human activity, from at least as early as the Neolithic, is present on the peninsula. The remains of a portal tomb (deValera and Ó Nualláin 1972, 14– 15), and a number of polished stone axes found in the area, probably represent Neolithic activity. Two standing stones, a court tomb (ibid. 16, no.19) and numerous fulachta fiadh are attributed to the Bronze Age, while Iron Age evidence is typically absent excepting some literary references to the Fir Bolg (e.g. see Holt 1912, 44). Post-dating the Early Medieval period, the Anglo-Normans are represented by a thirteenth-century de Burgo hall-house and the foundations of an associated village, while both Kilcaimin and Ballynacourty churches, the undecorated shaft of a stone cross, and the foundations of the ‘great house’ of the Martyns are all dated to the Medieval or Post-Medieval period (fifteenth to eighteenth centuries AD).

diameter and 91m externally, and is quite isolated on the western bank of the river, its nearest neighbour being Lisdoo (site 30, 103:41) nearly a kilometer to the west. However, on the opposite bank of the river, approximately 100m from Dunbulcaun, are located the fragmentary remains of another earthen ringfort, site 52 (103:40). A cluster of three ringforts is located just over 1km to the south-west of Rathgurreen. Rathknock (site 28, 103:24) is the farthest inland of the three and also the most impressive morphologically. Located on the slope just to the north of the crest of a hill, the fort has an internal diameter of 24.5m and external diameter of 55.7m. Approximately 100m to the south-west of Rathknock lies site 27 (103:26), Ballynacoortin (Fig. 189). The much damaged remains are those of a bivallate earthen fort 58m in diameter. The third and final fort in this group is site 26 (103:29), a univallate rath situated on the southern slope of a hill, upon the northern slope of which Rathknock is located. This ringfort has an internal diameter of 32m and an external diameter of c.49m.

The Early Medieval period, however, is very well represented by numerous earthen raths, stone cashels, several holy wells and a couple of possible early monastic sites. The Maree peninsula is represented on O.S. 6-inch maps 94, 95, 102 and 103, and the relevant sites are here dealt with in a roughly clock-wise sequence (Fig. 187). Rathgurreen and its associated four ringforts are situated on the eastern edge of this territory, with only one site nearer to the river. Site 31 (103:42), Dunbulcaun, is a very well-defended bivallate ringfort (Fig. 188). It is strategically located at the mouth of the Ballynamanagh river where it enters Dunbulcaun Bay. The site measures 41m in internal

Three more sites are located to the west of the last group, though they do not seem to form a cluster. Site 25 (103:28) consists of a cashel located on a low hilltop, with an internal diameter measuring between 23m and 27m. To the west of this is site 24 (103:39), a cashel according to Holt (1912, 232). Nothing now remains of the enclosure, which was in a bad state of preservation even when Holt visited.

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Fig. 189 Ballynacoortin and a holy well. The largest of these is site 8 (102:05), a bivallate cashel much destroyed by the construction of a farmhouse and outhouses within its eastern sector. The cashel was originally c.61m in diameter.

He recorded the existence of approximately one-third of a cashel wall. South of these two is site 4 (103:97), a univallate ringfort located in close proximity to the seashore. Now almost totally destroyed, McCaffrey (1952, 191) recorded an internal diameter of c.41m and an external diameter of c.51m.

Immediately south of this cashel (also site 8) are the remains of a stone hut, 5.7m in internal diameter. In the past, the site was known locally as ‘St. Sorney’s bed’ due to the proximity of site 7 (102:06), Tobernasorney. The latter is a holy well commemorating St. Sorney or St. Sornia, perhaps suggesting a religious use for site 8? The final site in the group, site 6 (102:07), is another cashel. The site is located next to the shores of Loughnahulla Bay and less than 100m from the large bivallate cashel, site 8, and it measures 29.3m in internal diameter.

Three more clusters of sites and several isolated examples can be found on the south-western corner of the peninsula. Approximately half a kilometer to the north-west of site 4 lies Raphuca, a bivallate earthen ringfort (site 5, 102:22). The fort is located on the north-western slope of a hill, with good views except to the south-west which is obscured by the top of the low hill upon which the site is situated. The rath measures 32– 36.2m in internal diameter and 43–47m externally. To the west of this the peninsula narrows into a thin finger of land jutting out into the sea, surrounded by several small islands.

Approximately 150m to the north of this group lie two sites in close proximity to one another, sites 9 (102:04) and 11 (102:09). Both are ringforts though one of earth (site 11) and the other of stone (site 9). Named Lisheenacaca, this latter cashel only partially survives and has a good view overlooking Loughnahulla Bay to the west, and measures 34m in internal diameter. To the north-west of these two, near the shore of Lackanaloy Creek, lies site 10 (102:03) which consists of a ringfort, trackway and hut-site. The fort is univallate, 26.8m internally and 31.3m externally, and referred to as Raheen by Holt (1912, 230). A slightly raised earthen trackway joins the north-west sector of the ringfort with a hut-site located c.30m to the north. The hut-site is represented by a low earthen bank 8– 9.9m in diameter.

Two sites are located on this area of land, sites 2 (102:23) and 3 (102:24), both in Carrowmore townland. Site 3 is that of a tidal mill, with a channel cut through the narrow finger of land at this point. Though he did not actually view them himself, Holt noted that ‘the mill-stones are said to be intact’ (1912, 251). Unfortunately, however, the exact nature and date of this mill is unknown though some level of antiquity may be indicated by the name of the site – ‘Shanmullen’ meaning ‘old mill’. Site 2 lies to the west of the mill site. Ballaghbristy fort consists of a earthen rath (now in poor condition due to tillage) located on the crown of a ridge and which originally had a diameter of c.50m.

A further group of three ringforts and a trackway are located on the boundary of Ballynacloghy and Ahapouleen townlands. Site 22 (103:01) consists of a cashel 32m in diameter. Immediately to the west lies a ringfort (site 21, 102:01) with associated trackway and enclosure. The ringfort is univallate, though the

Ballynacloghy townland, located to the north of Carrowmore, is relatively densely populated with sites of the Early Medieval period. Overlooking Loughnahulla Bay to the west lies a small group of three sites – two cashels (one with associated hut-site) 307

APPENDIX 3

northern half of the site has recently been destroyed during land reclamation. The fort measures 33–40m in diameter. Leaving the eastern sector of the fort and curving south for a length of approximately 58 m is a raised trackway with occasional areas of protruding stone. This track joins the ringfort to a sub-rectangular enclosure measuring 28m by 11.5m.

is site 38 (95:38), an unnamed earthen ringfort with stone-lined souterrain. The fort may originally have been bivallate (c.43m in internal diameter) but is now practically levelled. To the south-west of this fort are sites 36 (95:149) and 37 (95:39), one probably closely associated with the other. Site 36 is a bullaun stone, a granite boulder with a shallow depression or hollow on its upper surface. The nearby site 37, called Rathmanshere by Holt (1912, 228), has up to now been regarded as a univallate ringfort. It is, however, quite irregular in shape and has a rather large internal diameter of 66– 69m. The presence of a bullaun stone (usually linked to early ecclesiastical centres) suggests the site was a monastic one. The present Roman Catholic church stands just 250m to the south-east. The final site in this arc is site 35 (95:40), Lismaleen, a small ringfort 24m in internal diameter and 38m in external diameter.

The other two sites in this group, sites 20 (102:08) and 19 (102:10), are located to the west of the last cluster. Site 20 originally consisted of a circular fort with internal diameter of c.35m and external diameter of 45.7m (McCaffrey 1952, 174). The site has since been completely destroyed and a neighbouring enclosure, site 19, does not survive either. It is recorded by McCaffrey as a cashel measuring 53–70m in external diameter (1952, 175). Approximately half a kilometer to the north-west of this cluster are three sites which can be viewed as a group. The first of these, Rathpharson (site 12), is marked on both O.S. sheet 102 (:02) and sheet 94 (:11). It is a univallate oval ringfort with internal diameter of 22.5– 28m. To the north of Rathpharson is site 16 (94:14), Rathmonere, a univallate ringfort 34m in diameter. Both Rathmonere and site 17 (94:13) are located on the boundary between Ballynacloghy and Prospecthill townlands. Site 17 is now completely destroyed but was recorded by Holt as consisting of a ringfort, hut and souterrain (1912, 228). In 1952 McCaffrey recorded a circular ringfort 48.8m in external diameter but could find no trace of either hut or souterrain.

Discussion The application of Matthew Stout’s model of ringfort clusters is a useful exercise in examining the landscape context of Rathgurreen. As already noted, Rathgurreen in its first phase fits none of Stout’s categories, while in its second phase it falls between clusters 2 and 4, being bivallate yet located near the border of the territory and closest to cluster 4 in dimensions. Of the sites in its vicinity, Lisdoo and Parkmore are closest to cluster 3, while Raheennavaddoge and site 32 resemble cluster 1 forts. Dunbulcaun is quite similar to Rathgurreen in some ways. It too is bivallate and located on the edge of the territory, thus falling between clusters 2 and 4. Moving west, Rathknock fits into cluster 2, while Ballynacoortin and site 26 are possible cluster 3 candidates. Site 25 fits into cluster 1 while Rains Fort could also be cluster 3.

To the north-west of these lies site 15 (94:44), Plumbtree Fort. This is a bivallate earthen ringfort with somewhat obscured views to the north and west and measuring 33m internally and 48–61m externally. Again to the north-west, lies site 14 (94:34), Rathmore, an aptly named bivallate ringfort. The fort is located on the crest of a hill with a good view in all directions. It has an internal diameter of 51–58m and measures 72.6–83.5m externally. To the south-west of Rathmore, though not necessarily associated with it, is site 13 (94:33), a holy well named Toberbrenan.

On the extreme south-western tip of the Maree peninsula, Raphuca fits cluster 3, site 8, the site possibly associated with St. Sornia, fits no category very well, and site 6 is probably cluster 3. Lisheenacaca, sites 20 and 21 are all probable cluster 3 sites, while site 19 is a possible cluster 4, and site 22 and Raheen cluster 1. Ballaghbristy Fort falls between clusters 2 and 4.

Returning to the northern part of the study area, there are two isolated sites with possible Early Medieval associations. Site 47 (95:51) is Kilcaimin, the remains of a medieval church and graveyard situated on a coastal inlet. The site is, however, named after St. Caimin, a seventh-century saint and the brother of King Guaire of Kinvara, a short boat journey from the site. The church is located right on the northern edge of the suggested territory. The second site is number 40 (95:37), Toberbour, a now closed holy well. The final group of sites to be examined are located in a rough arc running from south-west, through south, to north-west, situated in Garraun Upper and Lower townlands. The northernmost of this group, site 39 (95:47), is Raheen, a bivallate ringfort 34m in diameter. South of Raheen

To the north of these, Rathpharson, site 17 and Rathmonere are all possible cluster 3 forts, Plumbtree Fort fits into cluster 2 while 94:43 is possibly cluster 1 or cluster 3. Rathmore is yet another site which falls between clusters 2 and 4. The final four sites are those located in an arc to the west of Rathgurreen. Raheen and site 38 are probably cluster 3, Lismaleen a possible cluster 5, while Rathmanshere (the possible monastic site) fits none of the categories.

308

RATHGURREEN

In examining the landscape in this manner, certain patterns can be identified. Included in the study area are four sites which fall between clusters 2 and 4. These are bivallate, not necessarily near an ecclesiastical centre or group of cluster 5 sites, but located near the edge of the territory. Rathgurreen itself controls the north-eastern sector of this territory, Dunbulcaun the south-east, Ballaghbristy the southwest, and Rathmore the north-west. Dunbulcaun appears to have been built by the same people involved in the construction of phase I at Rathgurreen. Both have an enclosing bank with a hollow or shallow ‘ditch’ running along its top.

exactly). With just over thirty ringforts identified in this region, sixteen loosely fit into this group, a group Stout equates with the bóaire class of Irish society, the equivalent of today’s strong farmers. He associates his clusters 1 and 5 with the lower (and poorer) social classes of the ócaire , however only five or six sites in Maree can be linked with cluster 1, and just one site with cluster 5. It would appear, then, that the Maree peninsula was an optimum location for human settlement, with several high-status ringfort settlements. The good farmland was exploited by the bóaire class, while the resources of the coastline and river(s) were controlled by the nobility from the four well positioned ‘border’ forts. The possibility then exists, using this landscape model, that the highest ranking nobility controlling and benefitting from the wealth, was based in the two cluster 2 sites - Rathknock and Plumbtree Fort. However, the inhabitants of the four boundary forts (Rathgurreen, Dunbulcaun, Ballaghbristy and Rathmore) were undoubtedly of high status also.

Though Dunbulcaun is not as impressive today as Rathgurreen, its original importance is evident in its siting. Located at the mouth of the Ballynamanagh river, and quite close to the mouths of the Clarinbridge and Kilcolgan rivers, the site gave its name to the bay into which all three rivers feed, strongly suggesting that the inhabitants of the fort controlled the bay of Dunbulcaun. Its relationship with site 52 across the river in Ballynamanagh East townland is uncertain, though perhaps a ford once existed in this area, an important crossing point which had to be carefully monitored and controlled. Whether site 52 was affiliated with the territory of Maree, or its neighbours to the east, is impossible to determine at present.

Although Rathgurreen does not clearly fit into any of Matthew Stout’s morphological clusters, its excavated evidence can be used to determine economic class (as in chapter 16) (Table 109). It is evident from this that the limited excavations at Rathgurreen place the site in economic class 4. It seems likely, however, that further excavation would push the site into a wealthier category. Economic class 4 is associated with the higher lordly grades, perhaps specifically the Aire Tuíseo. Stout’s model places the site between his clusters 2 and 4, the highest and lowest lordly grades, respectively. This compares well with the economic analysis, though the economic approach appears more exact.

The two sites definitely associated with cluster 2, Rathknock and Plumbtree Fort, are located nearly 2km apart. Both are bivallate, situated to one side of a hilltop, and approximately equidistant from the possible monastic site of Rathmanshere. Neither are in overtly strategic positions unlike the previous four sites. Perhaps these better protected ringforts (due to their more central location within the territory) were the homesteads of the local nobility, the borders of the region being controlled from/by the four larger sites.

The economy of Rathgurreen was based on agriculture though it is obvious that the inhabitants exploited the nearby Ballynamanagh river and coastline for food. It also seems probable that these were valuable trade and travel routes.

Studying the peninsula as a whole, it is evident that the vast majority of the ringforts in the area fit the characteristics of cluster 3 most closely (though not

A

B

C

D

E

F

G

H

I

J

K

L

-

Min

Ext

Min

-

-

Av

-

Ext

-

Av

Av

5

20

5

10

10

10

20

TOTAL

CLASS

80

4

Date

County

Morphology

Size

Size class

Exc. info.

4th-9th

Galway

Biv.

95

A

c.25%

Table 109. Rathgurreen economic and size classes

309

APPENDIX 3

The inhabitants, however, appear to have been selfsufficient in most aspects of domestic life, not depending on trade to obtain foodstuffs or tools required for everyday living. The importance of the site is evident in the range and quantity of food remains, the evidence for hunting and bronze-working, and the presence of luxury items including a penannular iron brooch and a decorated bronze ring. However, the profusion of fine metal and glass objects and evidence of extensive craftworking and trade, generally indicative of the most wealthy in society, is absent from Rathgurreen.

Whether this reflects the social standing of the inhabitants or the status of the local economy is uncertain. The occupants may have been the most powerful in the area, the equivalent of those at Garranes, or they may have been slightly removed from such a high rank. Perhaps Rathgurreen was an important border outpost, occasionally or periodically home to the local king though not his primary seat. This might be more safely located deeper within his territory. Morphologically, the site is clearly a very defensive one, due either to its border location or as a reflection of status, or perhaps a little of both. The discovery of E-ware and evidence of bronze-working, however slight, does indicate wealthy inhabitants. This suggests that Rathgurreen was more than a ‘military’ rath intent solely on guarding a frontier.

Economically, this site is of high status though apparently not quite at the top of the social ladder.

310

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