The Diabolic Root: A Study of Peyotism, the New Indian Religion, Among the Delawares [Reprint 2016 ed.] 9781512818376

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THE DIABOLIC ROOT

The Diabolic Root A STUDY OF PEYOTISM, THE NEW INDIAN RELIGION, AMONG THE

DELAWARES

By Vincenzo

Petrullo

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS THE UNIVERSITY MUSEUM

Philadelphia

1934

Copyright

1934

UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA PRESS

Manufactured

in the United States of America

London Humphrey

Milford

Oxford University

Press

PREFACE ETHNOLOGICAL observations are largely dependent for their accuracy and depth on the people whose culture is the subject f o r investigation. Without their cooperation, good will, and active intelligent aid the field worker has a hopeless task before him. Especially true is this of studies in religion, both in its historical and interpretative phases. In the case of the Peyotists there are two mental states that increase the difficulties of investigation. In the first place the Peyotists are suspicious of any white man who appears in their midst and asks questions or in other w a y s demonstrates his interest in the religion. T o o often they have had to regret confidence in the stranger, for many have gone among them to gather superficial facts and later raise propaganda for government intercession to eradicate the Peyote cult. A l s o a prime law of Peyotism is that P e j o t e is the teacher of the religion, and that by submitting oneself to the narcotic intoxication with faith and a sincere desire to learn, everything will be revealed. T h e r e f o r e to ask of the Peyotists questions on the religion is not necessary. They should be asked of Peyote instead. So it is with especial gratitude toward the Delawares that this study is presented. I was accepted at Dewey without suspicion except on the part of the Andersons, and was allowed to gather material f r e e l y . Dr. Speck's introduction was enough. A t Anadarko I met a closed sphere. However, by a curious mistake I was able to gather what I wanted. In some inexplicable manner the story spread that I was ν

Preface partly descended from Delawares. That opened the meetings to me. Later when I discovered the mistake and attempted to rectify matters I found that I had won their confidence and that it was no longer of any importance, since I had eaten Peyote with them and Peyote apparently found me "clean and sincere," for it did not even make me sick. The most conservative of the Peyotists then talked willingly and freely about their religion. In organizing the material gathered, a difficulty presented itself. In collecting descriptions and creeds there was much repetition. However, I feel that the Delawares ought to be made to speak for themselves, and the exposition of their religion has been made to approximate as closely as possible their own way of thinking about it. It is obvious that their limited vocabulary could not always express their exact meaning. I have therefore allowed myself some editing of the material. The material was gathered mainly in 1 9 2 9 - 3 0 . I have especially to thank James C. Webber, Chief Elk Hair, Joe Washington, Willie Long Bone, Willie Thomas, Jack Thomas, E. Reynolds, and G. Anderson for the information. These men represent the most revered Peyotists and are in fact leaders. Practically all are old men who have been eating Peyote for many years. The younger men refused to talk about Peyote on the grounds that they did not know enough. A study of this nature entails expense, and I take pleasure in acknowledging my indebtedness to the Sigma Xi Society, University of Pennsylvania Chapter; the University Museum; and the Faculty Research Committee of the University of Pennsylvania. To Dr. F. G. Speck I owe my training, the suggestion that vi

Preface I take the study, and guidance in its execution. As teacher and friend he has encouraged and critically examined my progress. Without his intimate knowledge of Delaware religion and backgrounds which has always been at my disposal I should have been at a loss for a real understanding of the problems of acculturation involved in the study. Finally, I take fully responsibility for the defects of the p a p e r . There were difficulties in the way of gathering the material and a r r a n g i n g it; and in some instances I fell short of my objective. VINCENZO

Philadelphia,

1934

vii

PETRULLO

CONTENTS page ν

PREFACE I

INTRODUCTION

I

The Peyote

3

Peyote Intoxication

6

History of Peyotism

13

The Delawares II

23

HISTORY AND NATURE OF DELAWARE PEYOTISM

31

Introduction

31

Current Legends Concerning the Discovery of Peyote

34

First Version Second Version Third Version Fourth Version

34 37 38 40

Introduction of the Little Moon and Big Moon at Dewey Little Moon Rituals and Creeds Creed of Elk Hair Outline Procedure of a Typical Little Moon Ceremony Creed of Joe Washington Conversion and Experiences of James C. Webber with Peyote Big Moon Rituals and Creeds Life and Teachings of John Wilson ix

41 46 46 48 64 68 78 78

Contents page

Description of a Wilson or Big Moon Meeting Attended at Anadarko by the Author Big Moon Variants

95

Anderson Big Moon Variant Griffin Big Moon Variant Black Wolf Big Moon Variant Long Bone Big Moon Variant Creed of Jack Thomas Enoch Big Moon Variant Willie Thomas Big Moon Variant Narratives Dealing with Peyote Experiences A Kickapoo Tribesman John Quapaw Jack Kushuwe Quanna Parker III

HISTORICAL-ETHNOLOGICAL ANALYSIS

99 103 105 109 110 112 114 118 118 123 125 129 131

Introduction

131

Dissemination and Development of the Cult

132

Limits of the Variations of the Doctrines

139

Limits of the Variations of the Ritual

150

Assimilation

160

Delaware Ceremonial Pattern Elements Common Both to Peyotism and the Old Delaware Religion Important Elements of the Old Delaware Religion Missing from Peyotism Important Elements of Peyotism not Found in the Old Delaware Religion Christian Influences IV

87

162 168 169 170 172

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

175

BIBLIOGRAPHY

183

χ

ILLUSTRATIONS Peyote Meeting in a Tipi

title

page

Draivn by Tatiana Proskouriakoff Peyote

facing

page

A Little Moon Shrine 1

6

48

A Big Moon Variant J

80

A Big Moon Shrine Joe Washington Jack Thomas

"

110

Willie Thomas Plates

pages 177-182

I

INTRODUCTION IN the course of the epical struggle between the European and American Indian peoples, religion has played important and varied roles. T o the aborigines it has served as a bulwark against the demoralizing effects of European contact, and not rarely it has supplied them with fresh inspiration for desperate uprisings against the newcomers. In recent years among a large number of tribes of the Plains area, religion has appeared in another form and assumed a new function. Peyotism, claimed to be the " n e w Indian religion," contains no prophetic f o r m u l a for the imminent extermination of the Whites and the return to the preColumbian conditions; it teaches acceptance of the new world, and makes possible an attitude of resignation in the face of the probable disappearance of the Indian groups as distinct peoples, culturally and r a c i a l l y , by insisting on the necessity of emancipation f r o m mundane aspirations. The greater goal that the Indian should attempt to attain is a loftier spiritual realm which is beyond the reach of the Whites to destroy. A religion with such doctrines is the natural but

final

recourse of a subjugated people who f u l l y realize the inadequacy of their material means to restore their former worldstate. Their spiritual battle is won if they can build a subjective universe containing a heaven whose attainment does not depend on materialistic means. B y acquiring an outlook on life which permits indifferent contemplation of 1

The Diabolic Root the ordinary pursuits of men, a response of sympathy and pity to the injustices suffered at the hands of their neighbors, and serene acceptance of evil and misfortune, spiritual freedom and self-respect are assured. Such an escape from an oppressive world the Peyotists seem to have found. Prominent among the peoples that have turned to Peyote for guidance and deliverance from an unfriendly world are the Delawares of Oklahoma. The history of this people contains the usual misfortunes attendant on European settlement of the New World: unsuccessful resistance to the territorial and cultural encroachments of the newcomers; transmigration to unknown and undesirable lands; gradual tribal disintegration under the reservation system. To them has come the northward-moving Peyote cult, bringing a respite from the threatened spiritual annihilation. In the narcotic Peyote the Delawares feel that they have found a means of reestablishing the old intimate relationship with the Spirit-forces which they felt was vanishing with other phases of their religion, thus restoring to them a certain degree of spiritual comfort. But the conversion of the Delawares to the new religion brought to the tribe an internal cultural struggle, for its acceptance implied the discarding of the old, and this could not be accomplished easily. A change of religion in the life of an individual is recognizable as a momentous event; when it is experienced by an entire people we are confronted with a major cultural episode. Religion, steeped in tradition, supported by myth, legend, and current experience, expressed in forms involving psychological, social, artistic, and economic habits, is notoriously a most conservative phase of culture. A change of religion, therefore, may demand a complete revolution in the most deeply 2

Introduction rooted convictions and sentiments, and the establishing of a new set of life-values, which is not accomplished without intense psychological and cultural struggles. The substitution of Peyotism for the old doctrines and ceremonies of the Delawares is a most interesting illustration of such an upheaval. Its history may perhaps describe the forces that have controlled and directed the religious transformation; a definition of its fundamental nature may indicate its appeal and inspiration to a people confronted with a dilemma; and an analysis of its doctrines and ritualistic forms may explain the extent of the revolution. The scope of the present study is, therefore, to offer a descriptive and historical account of the introduction, assimilation, and evolution of the Peyote creeds and rituals professed by the Delawares of Oklahoma; an analysis of this material that may lead to an understanding of the cultural and psychological forces that have influenced their development; and an evaluation of the personalities that have been the active instruments in the reshaping of the original cult in the course of its assimilation by the Delawares. THE

PEYOTE

1

is a god, a plant, a narcotic; a "diabolic root," an "insidious evil," a "Satanic gift"; the "giver of visions," the "earthly paradise"; a panacea in medicine; it depends PEYOTE

1 Peyote is the common name, but it has been known to the White traders as mescal, mescal bean, mescal button (but not to be confused with the drink made from the agave). It has been given particular names by most of the Indian tribes who make use of Peyote: "hikori" by the Tarahumare of Mexico; "ho" by the Mescalero; "seni" by the Kiowa; "biisung," meaning "medicine," by the Delawares. The word "Peyote" (pronounced pay-o'ty) is thought to be a corruption of the Aztec "peyotl." For a discussion of this point see A. Rouhier, Le Peyotl, Paris, 1927, Doin.

3

The Diabolic Root on the point of view of the two cultures and two methods of seeking knowledge as to which appellatives are accurately descriptive. To the Indians it is a beneficent Spiritforce appointed by the Great Spirit to take care of them; to the White missionary it is an evil power whose special function it is to captivate and destroy the souls of the aborigines; to the White scientist it is a narcotic whose properties and effects on the human system are not completely understood, and a potential medicinal drug. Considered botanically it is another species of the cactus, Lophophora Williamsii, small, spineless, limited in its geographical distribution to northern Mexico and southern Texas. 2 This region is much visited by pilgrims who go to gather the sacred plant as well as to experience religious thrills in the Peyote land. Since the modern life imposes economic restrictions on the movements of the Indian peoples, this desirable pilgrimage cannot be made often enough by the tribes which are located hundreds of miles away, so in such states as Oklahoma the plant is grown in pots and barrels and other containers, receiving careful and painstaking attention as well as protection from spying eyes, but the yield is small. Traders often supply the deficiency. Peyotism, anciently a minor magico-religious cult of a few Mexican tribes, has taken on the dimensions of an allsufficient religion'among a large number of the tribes occupying reservations in the states lying between the Rio 2 Peyote has received various scientific names sharing the uncertainty in the nomenclature of the cacti. Lophophora Williamsii is in favor with botanists; Rouhier after reviewing the controversy accepts Ehinocactus Williamsii Lew.; investigators of its narcotic properties seem to favor Anhalonium Lewinii. For a distribution map see Rouhier, op. cit.

4

Introduction Grande and the Canadian border east of the Rockies. Transformed in ritual and doctrine, one fundamental law and one fundamental phenomenon link the present forms of the cult to the Pre-Columbian which must have been centered in northern Mexico. "Knowledge of Peyote can be had only by eating Peyote," is the law; the intoxication produced by eating Peyote is the phenomenon. Through the intoxication revelations are received, cures are performed, the mind is cleared of worry. Peyote is considered to be a god revealing its doctrines directly to the individual without the transmitting agency of a priesthood, making it indispensable to one seeking knowledge of the religion to subject himself often to the physically unpleasant, mentally glamorous, emotionally awesome, always exhilarating, perhaps sublime effects of the narcotic. By the Indians it is eaten ritualistically to the accompaniment of songs, drum beat, and rattle shaking; at night, in the presence of Spirit-forces, 3 such as the Moon, the Stars and Planets, the Winds, the Earth, Fire, and Water, in an attitude of prayer and religious revery, continuous for twelve, perhaps eighteen hours. The narcotic is consumed 3 T h e term "Spirit-force" is used with the same meaning given to it by Dr. F. G. Speck. See Frank G. Speck, A Study oj the Delaware Indian Big House Ceremony, Harrisburg, 1931, Publications of the Pennsylvania Historical Commission, II, 29-30. Some writers have attempted to explain the differences between the dancing ritual of the Mexican Indians and the quiet contemplative form of the tribes north of the Rio Grande on the grounds that the green Peyote is more exhilarating or vice versa. C. McLeod, in his American Indian Frontier, believes that the dry is the stronger. However, neither theory is tenable. To contradict McLeod there is the opinion of the Indians w h o always suggest to the beginner, as they did in the case of the author, that he eat the dry form since it is weaker than the green. On the other hand the stronger the intoxication the more is the subject prone to want to "sit e n d think." There is no fixed dose, each devotee eating as much as he can. Therefore the differences in ritual need to be explained on grounds other than the kind of Peyote eaten.

5

The Diabolic Root in three forms: the green plant which is especially desirable though the most disagreeable in taste; the dry "button" which is the most common form; and its tea, which is given to the sick and the women. Each devotee eats as much as he can in the course of the night, and such are the effects that very often this becomes an ordeal. 4 Nevertheless, it is insisted that Peyote must be eaten with abandon, for if the desired state of purity is attained no bad effects will be felt. Thus, the eating of Peyote at religious meetings is not merely symbolical, and the intoxication produced is fundamentally due to the narcotic properties of the drug. Peyote

Intoxication

Peyote is of an extremely bitter taste and unpleasant odor. Taken in the solid form it must be thoroughly masticated, causing some nausea even to those who have been accustomed to eat it for a long period of time. Stomachic fullness, headache, and a general feeling of physical discomfort generally accompany the more pleasant psychological effects. There is a remarkable lessening of susceptibility to fatigue, and although sleep is impossible for many hours after the first effects have worn off, no discomfort is suffered on that account. In most cases there will be no after-effects of any sort, the subject sleeping the usual amount and awakening in a normal state. While it acts as an anaphrodisiac, normal desire is reestablished with the complete disappearance of the other effects. The drug is not habit-forming.5 4 As everyone who has eaten Peyote can well testify. Almost any of the reports on Peyote intoxication mention it. See Bibliography. 5 Those who have attacked the Peyote cult claim the contrary. See F. H. Daiker, "Liquor and Peyote, a menace to the Indian," Report 32nd Annual Lake Mohonk Conference, 1914, pp. 62-68; "Peyote an Insidious Evil," Indian Rights Assn. no. 114, 1918. However, the consensus of opinion

6

PEYOTE (Lophophora

Williamsii)

I pi>er left: Peyote grown in tin container·· Lower left: the green P e y o t e Right: dried Peyote " b u t t o n s "

Introduction The quantity of Peyote eaten, the state of health, thf! personal idiosyncrasies and cultural factors that sum up a personality direct and control the psychological phases of the intoxication.® In general, mental ease, exhilaration, a feeling of greater mental capacity and superiority, a feeling of well-being and a contemplative mood are characteristic responses. Often a certain impression of unreality is present as if an "ethereal and subtle" gauze places itself between the ego and the outside world; but there is no actual loss of consciousness of the realities of existence. This feeling may be accentuated into a definite split or dual personality, one normal ego critically observing another, compensating for a distorted world of time, space, and values, so that the subject never shows any reactions such as are associated, for example, with alcoholic intoxication. Colors appear brighter, surfaces show greater details, noises sound louder, and in the case of drums beating considerably richer in tone; speech has greater meaning, logic is more acute, ideas are of a clearer essence; in short, the mind is alert and more sensitive to stimulus from the objective and subjective worlds. 7 An intense intoxication may induce the glamorous visions that have received so much attention in the literature. These may consist of scenes and landscapes familiar to the subject and belonging to conscious memory. Fantastic visions that have no reference to reality, similar to dream imagery, and of even more exotic imagery are apparently limited to among anthropologists and those who have investigated the drug in the laboratory, is to the contrary. See Rouhier, op. cit. 6 A review of the literature on the characteristics of the intoxication makes this evident. See Rouhier, op. cit.; Havelock Ellis (see Bibliography), etc. 7 Rouhier, op. cit.; Havelock Ellis; S. W. Fernberger, "Further Observations on Peyote Intoxication," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology, Vol. XXVI, no. 4, Jan.-March 1932.

7

The Diabolic Root very sensitive cases. Flashes of color often in rhythmic motions of intense luminosity are common. Rhythmic drumming seems to enhance the beauty and variety of the objects seen. 8 There is some evidence that the visions can be controlled and directed by the subject or in some cases by outside suggestion.® To quote an example of the sort of visions experienced by sensitive subjects: "Two dark masses border the visual field on each side and join together at the bottom; above, a clear field. I have the impression of a lighted sky on a night when the moon shines, seen between two dark shadows of houses bordering a dark street, seen in perspective. From the zenith there falls a multitude of whitish points, animated with incessant motion; one would say a falling of stars, or perhaps a downfall of snow. Twice, in the same scenery, this falling of luminous objects is that of undulating crooked lines of small white and red, or green and red spheres, excessively lighted. . . . 8 The Indians claim this; author's personal experience; see Femberger, op. cit.; Rouhier, op. cit. More experiments ought to be conducted to determine to what extent the effects can be controlled and directed by outside stimulation. 9 See Femberger, op. cit. This is evident to the author from his study of the Peyote cult. Note: In the above report on an experiment conducted on Peyote intoxication along lines suggested by the author of the present study he is quoted as saying that "in the Peyote cults investigated there is no actual, implied or even symbolic eroticism, which marks these ceremonies from practically every other known American Indian ceremony of any tribe or group." Obviously Dr. F e m b e r g e r misunderstood the statement made, namely that although a number of writers attacked the Peyote cult on the ground that it was generally demoralizing, and especially erotic in nature, there is neither actual nor symbolical eroticism in the ceremonies, and that the drug itself is probably an anaphrodisiac as was suspected by K. Lumholtz in Unknown Mexico; the first one to give any attention to this effect of the Peyote. The author was on a field trip of a year's duration at the time the report was ready for the printers, and consequently Dr. F e m b e r g e r had no opportunity of showing the manuscript to him.

8

Introduction " F o r an instant I open my eyes, then close them. A human figure appears, on the outer side of my left eye, whitish, a bit light and soft, but of such great clearness of character and of a personality so startling that I literally gasp with surprise. The landing of a staircase shapes itself. An open door opens laterally on it. A horsehair broom, handled by an invisible person, rhythmically goes in and out of this door. At each exit, the broom separates itself from the handle, and the strands go on the landing like a procession of large caterpillars. At the same time, it seems to push out of the room an illuminated carpet which has no end, and is of a beautiful greenish yellow color, undulating the length of the walk, like a cloth of light. There is a stop. The broom has disappeared, the procession of caterpillars has ceased, and here is the luminous carpet which mounts the stairway indefinitely, with a slow regular movement, and which is engulfed in the room. Cerebrally, if I may use this expression, I make physical efforts to look in the room at the back of which there is, I know (how?), a window opening on a garden full of sunlight, without being able to get there. "Then, through all my visual field, there pass masks, a large quantity of masks of all forms and colors; it is a real obsession. There are masks of cardboard, of wax, of white sized cloth, Japanese masks, velvet masks rose colored, red, green, pale yellow, black. The colors are without life and brilliance, but their outlines are clear and precise; their forms exactly delineated, and meanwhile I perceive them as through a fog. The sad face of Niobe of black bronze passes slowly, one time in its entirety, and another time in fragments and reduced to its lower half, then a mask of cardboard of a brick red color representing an Indian. I see him

9

The Diabolic Root again, reduced to his lower half, a little later, after having seen other visions. "The human figure seen at the end reappears at my left, very close to me, and looks at me. "A small familiar cat comes to lie near me; I caress it mechanically without seeing it (my eyes being closed); the tactile sensation transforms itself immediately to an image representing a cat, leaning on an angle of forty-five degrees from the horizontal diameter of the visual field, where the head of the cat occupies the center. The color of the imaginary cat is that of the real cat; reddish gray striped with brown. "On a completely obscured background appear two small pointed horns, in the form of a V. They are of beautiful blue color, an ideal and extraordinary blue of such great purity that it seems woven of light and draws from me cries of rapture. . . . "Sometimes violet lights, like suns which shine in darkness, are produced, always at the same point of the visual field; the upper right quarter. They give me the impression of a real shock on the retina, so bright are they. . . . "One a little behind the other, two human figures rise, on the left of the visual field. They are black and white like photographs. Both clothe characters of an individuality so precise and striking that I would recognize the individuals they represented, if I met them on the street. They do not recall to me any face that I know. I note perfectly the details of their clothing. One of them with a round brown head, wears the collar of his shirt straight, very low, has on a narrow necktie tied in the form of an X as neckties were worn in the eighteen-eighties. "There appears very clearly, although seen in a con-

10

Introduction stantly growing obscurity, a yellowish brown lion, crouched and seen face on. His two front paws are crossed one over the other. Something, meanwhile, hinders me from seeing better, a thick vertical line, very much like a post of a dark shade, that divides it in two. That makes the image very painful to look at. The lion moves slowly; I have no feeling of fear, I know well enough that it is a vision, and I regret that it is badly lit up. "Suddenly, the lion transforms itself into a monster of the same color, with an extraordinary aspect; his body is that of a quadruped, but the head is replaced by a large shell-worked bivalve which barks." 10 The Indian, however, eats Peyote in a religious mood and interprets his experiences accordingly: "On one occasion we were to have a meeting of men and I went to the meeting with a woman, with whom I thought of going around the next day. That was the only reason I went with her. When we arrived the one who was to lead asked me to sit near him. There he placed me. He urged me to eat a lot of Peyote, so I did. The leaders of the regalia always place the regalia in front of themselves; they also had a Peyote placed there. The leader placed a very small one in front of himself this time. 'Why does he have a very small one there,' I thought to myself? I did not think much about it. "It was now late at night and I had eaten a lot of Peyote and felt rather tired. I suffered considerably. After a while I looked at the Peyote and there stood an eagle with outspread wings. It was as beautiful a sight as one could behold. Each of the feathers seemed to have a mark. The eagle stood looking at me. I looked around thinking that 10

Rouhier, op. cit.

11

The Diabolic Root perhaps there was something the matter with my sight. Then I looked again and it Avas really there. I then looked in a different direction and it disappeared. Only the small Peyote remained. I looked around at the other people but they all had their heads bowed and were singing. I was very much surprised. "Some time after this I saw a lion in the same place where I had seen the eagle. I watched it very closely. It was alive and looking at me. I looked at it very closely, and when I turned my eyes away just the little bit it disappeared. Ί suppose they all know of this and I am just beginning to know of it,' I thought. Then I saw a small person at the same place. He wore blue clothes and a shining brimmed cap. He had on a soldier's uniform. He was sitting on the arm of the person that was drumming, and he looked at everyone. He was a little man perfect in all proportions. Finally I lost sight of him. I was very surprised indeed. I sat very quietly. 'This is what it is,' I thought, 'this is what they all probably see and I'm just beginning to find out.' "Then I prayed to Earthmaker: 'This, your ceremony, let me hereafter perform.' "Then again I prayed to Earthmaker. I bowed my head and closed my eyes and began to speak. I said many things that I would ordinarily never have spoken about. As I prayed I was aware of something above me and there he was: Earthmaker [God] to whom I was praying, he it was. That which is called soul, that it is, that is what one calls Earthmaker. Now this is what I felt and saw. The one called Earthmaker is a spirit and that is what I felt and saw. All of us sitting there, we had all together one spirit or soul; at least that is what I learned. I instantly became the spirit and I was their spirit or soul. Whatever they thought of I

12

Introduction immediately knew. I did not have to speak to them and get an answer to know what their thoughts had been. Then I thought of a certain place, f a r away, and immediately I was there; I was my thought. "Then I immediately got over my trance and again got into my normal condition, so that he would have to speak to me before I knew his thoughts. I became like my former self. It became necessary for me to speak to him." 11 Experiments on Peyote intoxication, therefore, may establish the general effects produced on a neutral subject, but in considering the religion it is the interpretations of the experiences by the Indians that are all-important. The Indian devotee will still read the exotic effects of the drug in terms of his cultural and, more particularly, his religious background. It is enough for him that Peyote does produce phenomena which are extraordinary. History

of

Peyotism

As a medicine, a narcotic, and a god, Peyote became known to the Spanish fathers as early as the middle of the sixteenth century, when they found it in common use by the tribes inhabiting the regions contiguous to the Peyote land. Unfortunately only scant mention is made of the cult in the historical records so that it is impossible to reconstruct the form of it. 12 Enough is known to support the suggestion that 11

Paul Radin, The Winnebago Tribe. A brief description is given by Father Ortega: "Close to the musician was seated the leader of the singing whose business it was to mark the time. Each of these had his assistants to take his place when he should become fatigued. Near by was placed a tray filled with peyote which is a diabolical« root that is ground up and drunk by them so that they may not become weakened by the exhausting effects of so long a function, which they began by forming as large a circle of men and women as could occupy the space of ground that had been swept off for this purpose. One after the other went dancing in a ring or marking time with their feet, keeping in the middle the 12

13

The Diabolic Root it was not far different from that existent among the modern Mexican Indians of the same religion. Not so much because of the narcotic qualities of the plant, but rather because of the resistance the religious cult offered to Christianity, the use of Peyote was early interdicted and the beliefs associated with it were condemned. In the writings of that period its effects are described as constituting a particular satanic enticement to keep the souls of the aborigines in bondage. It actually was given the name "diabolic root" by a physician from the Spanish court sent to investigate the plant life of New Spain. 13 Nevertheless, in spite of all efforts made to suppress its use and the associated beliefs, the aborigines continued to employ it as an aid to divination and prophecy and as a medicine, and a special ritual involving the eating of the plant by the shaman accompanies other religious festivals to this day. This aboriginal medicine and god has, in fact, refused to bow to modern medicine and to the Christian Supreme Being over which for centuries it has been celebrating a sort of triumph. The cult, originally limited to the tribes south of the Rio Grande, has within this period spread with phenomenal success northward to the Canadian border, including among its converts members of most of the tribes in the Plains area, among many of whom this musician and the choir-master whom they invited, and singing in the same unmusical tune that he did. "They would dance all night, from five o'clock in the evening to seven o'clock in the morning, without stopping nor leaving the circle. When the dance was ended all stood who could hold themselves on their feet; for the majority from the peyote and the wine which they drank were unable to utilize their legs to hold themselves upright." Padre Jose Ortega (d. 1700). Historia del Nayarit, pp. 22-23, new ed. 1887. (Quoted in E. Safford, Narcotic Plants and Stimulants.) 13 Dr. Francisco Hernandez, De Hist, plant. Nov. Hisp., 1790,3: 70. (Quoted in E. Safford, Narcotic Plants and Stimulants.) For a comprehensive review of the ancient sources see Rouhier, op. cit.

14

Introduction minor cult of the Mexicans has become an all-sufficient religion. Opposition to the cult on the part of civil authorities and missionaries has never abated. It has been denounced from the legislature floor and from the pulpit. Official investigations have caused steps to be undertaken to prevent its further diffusion. 14 All has been of no avail, however, and today it counts more converts than ever before. For to the Indian Peyote is neither a "diabolic root" nor a "satanic gift" nor an "artificial paradise," but a beneficent god whose special care it is to guide him through moral tribulations, to cure his mental and physical afflictions, and to help him attain that degree of mental and physical purity prerequisite to holding communion with the Great Spirit. There is more known about the effects produced by Peyote than about the religious rituals and beliefs connected with its use. The early Spanish sources paid little attention to the latter, but considerably more to the former, since it not only formed the most spectacular phase of the complex but also seemed to be the particular feature that attracted the aborigines to the religion. The literature is emphatic in attributing to Peyote intoxication the production of terrifying or laughable, but nevertheless glamorous visions, and it records the observation that it lowers such inhibitions as fear, and that it possesses remarkable stimulating powers. It is reported that the aborigines could withdraw to the deserts and live entirely on Peyote which served them both as food and drink. Long marches, impossible ordinarily, 14 The eating of Peyote was prohibited in Mexico, and it was made a sin equivalent to cannibalism. In the United States there have been official investigations and laws passed to prevent its transportation. See Robert E. L. Newberne and Charles H. Burke, Peyote, a Compilation from the Files of the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Lawrence, Kansas, 1923.

15

The Diabolic Root could also be undertaken under the influence of the cactus. The aborigines attributed these same powers to the drug but their interpretations of the visions were in religious terms. They saw in Peyote a beneficent spiritual force that aided them in time of trouble. Its legendary discovery is described as having occurred when a tribe, fleeing from the enemy, suffered the misfortune of breaking its water vessels, and Peyote taking pity revealed itself to a member of the tribe. 15 However, the actual beginnings of the cult are not historically known, but it probably occurred long before the arrival of the Spaniards. 16 The modern accounts of the Peyote cult of the contemporary Mexican tribes that still inhabit the less accessible parts of northern Mexico and have retained a fair degree of their native culture give us more details. Nominally these people are Christians; fundamentally they are in their way of thinking, especially in religious matters, the same people that resisted the Spaniards in the sixteenth century. They have, for instance, introduced a number of superficial Christian traits in their Peyote ceremonies, but Peyote itself has not lost any attribute over the 400 years that it has been under the direct attack of the white man and Christianity. Lumholtz 17 has reported the religious use of Peyote 15

A. Rouhier, op. cit., p. 93. James Mooney was convinced that the cult is as ancient as the occupancy of the region where Peyote grows. James Mooney, "The Mescal Plant and Ceremony," Therapeutic Gazette, XX (18%), 7-11. For a discussion of the antiquity of the cult see Rouhier, op. cit., who has produced the best summary of the cult and the effects of the drug. 17 C. Lumholtz, Unknown Mexico. "The Huichol Indians of Mexico," Bulletin of the American Museum, of Natural History, X (1900), 1; "Symbolism of the Huichol Indians," Memoirs of the American Museum of Natural History, 1900. For modern notes on the Mexican Peyote cult see also J. Alden Mason. "The Fiesta of the Pinole at Azqueltan." The Museum Journal, Vol. ΓΠ, no. 3, Sept. 1912. 1β

16

Introduction among the Huichol and Tarahumare. The latter believe that when their god went to heaven he left behind Peyote as the great remedy for them. In conformity with their concepts of the plant world, Peyote like the other plants is a Spiritforce, though greater than the others. Even by the Christian Tarahumare it is held in great reverence and is called by them "uncle." It is supposed by them to sit next to the Chris-* tian God; in fact the greatest of the varieties of Peyote (the Tarahumare distinguish five) is supposed to be the twin brother of God. The trip to the Peyote country is a difficult one, lasting weeks and even months. Various taboos are imposed on the pilgrims, such as sexual abstinence and strict dietary limitations, for only those who are pure can find Peyote. It is believed that Peyote sings very beautifully in the fields where it grows so that it makes it easier for the Tarahumare to find it. It likes to sing and does so often. For instance, when it is being carried to the village in blankets from its own country it sings all the way, " I want to go away with you to your country so that you may sing an incantation for me." It is held in such reverence that great care is taken in handling the plant and keeping it. It is kept in the storehouses and not in the living quarters, because it is feared it would become offended at anything wrong or lascivious that might take place there. Women and children are not permitted to touch it except in preparing it for the feast. Whenever taken out of the storehouses it is offered meat and drink. In approaching Peyote one must lift his hat in salutation, and it is believed that Peyote responds in the customary fashion. The Christian Tarahumare make the sign of the cross.

17

The Diabolic Root They believe that Peyote has many virtues. It brings health to the tribe, and if properly taken care of in the storehouses many other benefits accrue. Not only is it used medicinally in case of sickness, but it is believed that by holding Peyote feasts the sickness will be dispelled. This concept is so strong that at all important festivals some medicine man devotes his entire attention to the Peyote ceremony in order that the health of the participants in the main celebration may be preserved. Whether the Peyote ceremony is the principal event of a feast or merely a side affair accompanying some other celebration, it has the same form. The night before the Peyote feast is to be given, a patio is swept clean, and its owner gives to the women a quantity of Peyote which is ground up by them. The stone, when the process is over, is carefully washed and the water saved. The next evening the medicine man draws on the ground some mystical figures and covers them with a gourd, upon which he leans a notched stick. He rasps on this in accompaniment to his singing. While he sings, men or women—but never the two sexes together—dance before him. The ceremony lasts all night. Should the medicine man want to stop for a moment he asks permission of the Peyote, and exchanges formal salutations with it. It is not known which of the tribes of the Plains were the first to become familiar with the Peyote. Credit for its discovery is variously given by the Indians to the Apache, Comache, Kiowa, and Tonkawan, and legends have been developed on this point. There seems to be no doubt, however, that the Plains tribes borrowed rather than discovered the cult. It is known that they were in the habit of raiding the Mexican tribes, and it seems probable that they became

18

Introduction acquainted both with the plant and its marvelous powers through the agency of the people they harassed. Once they became acquainted with the cult, however, it diffused quickly, but not before the new converts had developed a ritual different from any reported from Mexico, and patterned after no other ceremony till then practised by themselves.18 The earliest report of the ceremonial use of Peyote by the Plains Indians is that of James Mooney, who wrote , about it in the early nineties. At that time the ceremonial pattern and the religious beliefs were well established among the Kiowa. The medicinal properties were extolled, and influenced the devotion of the Kiowa to the plant. A striking departure from the Mexican beliefs and ritual is plain. "On account of its medical properties," writes Mooney, "and wonderful effect upon the imagination, it is regarded by the Indians as the vegetal incarnation of deity, and a whole system of myth and ritual has grown up in connection with its use. The rite originated among the more southern tribes and has come through the Mescalero and Comanche to the Kiowa within about fifty years." 19 At another point he adds: "Briefly stated, it may be said that the Indians regard the mescal [Peyote] as a panacea in medicine, as a source of inspiration and a key which opens to them all the glories of another world. They consider it particularly 18 Compare the type described by Mooney with those described by Lumholtz. A comparison of the Peyote ceremony practised by the Plains Indians with their more ancient ceremonies reveals a marked departure from the old pattern. T h e shrine, the form of the ritual, and the eating of the drug do not seem to follow any former pattern. 19 James Mooney, "The Mescal Plant and Ceremony," Therapeutic Gazette, XX (1896), 7-11.

19

The Diabolic Root effective in hemorrhages and consumptive diseases. For this reason the returned students from the East who almost inevitably acquire consumption in the damp eastern climate, are usually among the staunchest defenders of the ceremony, having found by experience that the plant brings them relief." The eating of Peyote never developed into a fixed habit, according to Mooney, who was greatly impressed by the medicinal properties of the plant. He reported that he actually saw cases of the reputed cures of consumption. Mooney attributed the psychological effects to the ceremonial accompaniment of prayer and song, the sound of the drum, and the rattle and the glare of the fire, which formed the setting for the ritualistic eating of the Peyote. The devotees sat inside a tipi at night with a fire blazing in the center. The meeting was opened by the leader, who then passed four buttons of the Peyote to each one present. After each had eaten the Peyote the leader would take the rattle, his assistant the drum, and sing a song four times to the accompaniment of the drum and rattle. The drum and rattle were then handed to the next couple and so the songs went around and around the circle with only a break for a baptismal ceremony at midnight, and another for the daylight ceremony, until perhaps nine o'clock the next morning. Then the instruments were passed out of the tipi, sacred food was eaten, and the ceremony ended. The sacred foods consisted of parched corn, sweets, rice or other boiled grain, boiled fruit, and dried meat pounded with sugar. There does not seem to be any limit to the amount of Peyote that anyone was allowed to eat. After midnight each ate as much as he pleased. All smoked hand-made

20

Introduction cigarettes, the smoke of tobacco being considered sacred. At intervals some fervent devotee would break out in earnest prayer, stretching out his hands towards the fire and the sacred mescal while praying. For the rest of the time, when not singing the song and handling the drum or rattle with all his strength, he sat quietly with his blanket drawn about him and his eyes fixed upon the sacred Peyote in the center. He had to be instantly ready when his turn came to sing, or to make a prayer at the request of someone present, so it is apparent that the senses were always under control of the will. The rest of the day was spent in resting and smoking. As a rule only the men took part in the ceremony, but women and children were brought in when sick, and after prayers for their recovery were allowed to eat one or more Peyote buttons prepared for them by the leader.* 0 The essential features of the ceremony are the same as those practised today by numerous other tribes, including the Delawares. There is reason to believe that the subsequent diffusion emanated not from Mexico but from such tribes as the Kiowa and the Comanche, although the exact lines are difficult to trace for lack of information. Peyotism has been investigated but little, and the lack of data on these points suggests numerous problems for field research. In seeking reasons for the rapid assimilation of this new religion, it has been suggested that it made an excellent substitute for the fasting and self-torture employed by Plains Indians seeking a vision. The acquisition of guard20 The leader, who has come to be called "road-chief" or "road-man," is generally the person who knows most about the ritual. He has little power other than to keep order and interpret the purposes of the meeting to the others. His position is one of honor rather than authority.

21

The Diabolic Root ian Spirit-forces, of revelations of ceremonies, healing powers, and success in undertakings, were considered possible through the blessings bestowed by visions. Peyote, the "giver of visions," therefore, became a means toward the desired goal, and through its agency visions could be obtained more easily. 21 As plausible as this explanation appears to be, it is unsupported by any evidence. First of all, it is well to note that a specific purpose led to the seeking of the vision in the old pattern, that the ordeal was suffered in solitude, and that the vision bestowed particular powers on the successful suppliant. 22 In Peyotism as reported from the various Plains groups none of these points can be matched. Peyote is not eaten in isolation but in groups, and instead of the infliction of torture, the seance is accompanied with prayer and reverential singing. There is no suggestion in the literature that there is sought at such times the granting of special powers by visions. Functionally then, there is no similarity. From those who have investigated the cult in the field, on the other hand, has come the suggestion that Peyote's appeal is along medicinal lines. To substantiate this theory, it is pointed out that converts are usually made through healing demonstrations.23 Peyote is not so much the giver of visions then, but the healer supreme. But stopping there, it does not explain why Peyotism is a religious phenomenon and not an ordinary medicinal practice. Other herbs 2 1 Ruth Shonle, "Peyote, the Giver of Visions," American Anthropologist, 1925, New Series,*XVII (1925), No. 1; first suggested by Dr. Ralph Linton. 2 2 See Ruth F. Benedict, "Vision in Plains Culture," American Anthropologist, XXIV (1922), 1-23. 2 3 Paul Radin, "A Sketch of the Peyote Cult of the Winnebago, a Study in Borrowing." Journal of Religious Psychology, VII (Jan. 1914), 1-22.

22

Introduction are employed without being the centers of religious systems. It would seem that Peyotism must have a stronger appeal for the Plains Indians than merely as a curative plant. In the fact that the use of Peyote has never been free from ritual and doctrines that are essentially religious may lie the clue. It came to the Plains Indians as a religious cult with doctrines and ritual, and it has merely grown in its dimensions since. It was as a religious cult that it was transmitted to the Delawares about 1880, and it has ever maintained that character among them. THE

DELAWARES

Of the numerous Indian tribes that once peopled the eastern United States only a few have survived as distinct cultural groups. Those that escaped extermination in the wars that accompanied the white settling of the country remained subject to the increasing pressure of the virile Euro-American civilization. That complete dissolution of the tribal cultures has not taken place is due to their intrinsic conservatism, but this has not proved strong enough since the loss of the old tribal independence. With the inception of the modern reservation system there were really no barriers left strong enough to stop the flow of acculturation begun in earlier times. Complete suffocation of the individual tribal-culture patterns seems inevitable in the typical Oklahoma melting pot. Some have already succumbed, but a few, among which is the Delaware, are still striving to maintain their identity. There are two communities of Delawares in Oklahoma, one established near Dewey and the other at Anadarko. The latter represents a small band that became seperated from the main body in the early days of the protracted 23

The Diabolic Root westward migration of the tribe, a group which started from the shores of the Atlantic and by 1820 had drifted as far south as Texas. It became affiliated with the Caddo and Wichita and has remained with these tribes to this day. The wanderings of the main body ended with its removal to the vicinity of Dewey in 1867 when it was incorporated in the Cherokee nation, though it kept its own tribal organization. With remarkable tenacity it has maintained faith in its own social institutions, its religious creeds and rites, and its peculiar psychological approach to the problems of life. Both bands have lost to a large degree their material culture, but in spite of the long period of separation, the Anadarko band still shares with that of Dewey many aspects of Delaware subjective life as well as the language. The Delawares are fully aware that their culture structure is crumbling, and they place the blame on the exigencies of modern economic life imposed upon them by the Whites. Being forced to live on the individual land allotments has, for one thing, broken down the former close community life. Social intercourse is now limited to casual visiting of each other, and to the equally casual meetings at the towns where they go for marketing or other business. There is the lack of daily contact and communal interests such as they had when they lived in villages, each family being now interested in the management of its own meager and unfruitful property. Formerly the occupations of the men were similar and called for participation in common ventures; employment is now sought wherever it may be found, and there is neither the chase nor the war party to throw the men together in the pursuit of a common end. The younger generation is assimilating more White than Delaware culture. The children are sent to government 24

Introduction schools, and they try to shape their conduct in accordance with the pattern of American youth. Few manifest any desire to learn the traditional mores of the tribe, and as a matter of fact it is almost impossible for them to do so. Their attention being focused on the life existing outside of tribal bounds, they can no longer receive adequate instruction by word or precept in the religious rites, especially in those which are not of a simple pattern. The mastery of the rites really requires close attention and daily association with the older people such as is not possible under modern conditions. The result of this is that on the death of the few old men now conversant with the lore and rituals of the tribe, most of the ceremonies will not be performed again for lack of knowledge on the part of the succeeding generation. A cogent reason for the failure to perform the religious ceremonies at the prescribed periods is, of course, the economic poverty of the people. A characteristic element of the Delaware religious pattern is the custom of individual, family, or clan sponsorship of the ceremony. The ceremonial building, the paraphernalia, and the food as well as the payment of helpers, was taken care of by the hosts. In former times this was of little consequence since it was only necessary to hunt in order to obtain what was needed; but today practically everything needed has to be bought. For instance, formerly meat was obtained by a ceremonial hunt; but now venison has been replaced by beef and the money with which to buy it is not always available. The last performance of the Doll Dance would not have taken place had not financial aid been received from an outsider interested in observing it before it became extinct. Another factor of great importance is to be found in the

25

The Diabolic Root breaking down of the tribal barriers through intertribal visiting. The reservation system has caused the old tribal animosities to disappear, and there has arisen a sympathetic attitude of the various tribal units towards each other, with the result that intercourse between them has become common, and each other's rites are observed and studied with the avowed purpose of comparison. This constant interchanging of ideas is giving rise to a novel feeling for Indian nationality. As welcome as this may be to one interested in the progress and development of the Indian, it must not be underestimated as being of prime importance in the disintegration of the tribal culture patterns. The Delawares are actively participating in this, and as a result not only have they assimilated many of the ideas emanating from the other tribes, but have disseminated their own widely. The members of the older generation are not accepting the inevitability of extinction. They have observed the changes in their mode of living and have come to understand the futility of trying to stem the apparent course of events. Their discouragement and their distress nevertheless force them to make valiant efforts to build anew. Their faith in the old doctrines and religious rites has remained unshaken, and they would revive the entire structure if they could. Realizing the impossibility of that and sharing with the rest of mankind the need of believing in a subjective universe governed and defined by absolute concepts which would offer an escape from the antagonistic world, they have striven to build a new religion promising emancipation. They might have turned to Christianity, for its doctrines of acceptance and resignation would have brought solace to the disturbed state of the Delawares, but the antipathy felt toward any White product has proved an 26

Introduction insurmountable barrier. Instead they have taken up an Indian product which they know to be ancient and free of European defilement, namely Peyotism. In its doctrines they rest with an enviable equanimity, no longer disturbed by the chaotic world revolving about them. They have discovered the key to a serene outlook on life, expressed in such phrases as "I feel pity for everyone," "All that is in the universe is good because God put it there," or "We sing because the birds sing." This describes briefly the state of the traditional Delaware culture at the present time. It is fast disappearing altogether while the Delawares look on, powerless to stem the course of events. Fifty years ago, when Peyote first became known to them, they were experiencing a similar sort of despair and hopelessness over their vanishing culture, over their defeats, over the past grandeur which could not be regained. They were facing a spiritual crisis, and their religion appeared to be powerless to help them. Some turned to Peyotism, and as time has but intensified the antagonistic forces, more and more have become converted to the new religion which offers a means of escape. When the Delawares became Peyote converts they could not forget the doctrines of their religion easily. The teachings of generations cannot be discarded overnight, and as will be seen, the Delawares have not done so. A brief review of their cosmology may help to understand their approach to Peyotism, especially since the old Delaware religion has been existing side by side with the new, and though dying out is still sufficiently virile to hold many faithful to it. That the Delawares had a religion whose limits were well defined at the time of the first contact with the Whites

27

The Diabolic Root is strongly indicated even in the brief notes of the early writers. Recently two well-known authorities have strengthened the early observations by studies of the contemporary forms of the ancient beliefs and ceremonies. 24 The religious ideology is markedly definitive and free from ambiguity or obscurity. The relationship between man and God, the Great Spirit, is perfectly understood without there being any recourse to irrational and unexplainable mysticism. The duties of the Delawares to God, to the system of Nature created by God, to mankind, and to the self; the functional nature of the religious ceremonies; and the ethical precepts set down for the individual in his everyday activities and ceremonial activities, are rigorously outlined. Dr. Speck is firmly convinced that " . . . we have here a religion in a simple form. Indicated in its followers are virtues that no one would question as being of ennobling nature; for instance, humility of spirit and conduct, dependence upon the benevolence of the Spirit-forces, gratitude for the blessings they bestow, supplication for the continuation of the blessings, the exemplariness of 'clean' sincere behavior toward man and spirit, altruism, consideration of the afflicted and the aged, the apostrophe against violence and war, the value of concentrated unity in worship, the assumed dignity and grandeur of the rites, and in particular the endeavor to insure and promote human health and welfare irrespective of tribe or race." 2 5 In the Delaware cosmology there is a God or Great 2 4 M. R. Harrington, and Monographs, New Speck, A Study of the 1931; and others. - 2 5 Speck, op. cit., p.

Religion and Ceremonies of the Lenape. Indian Notes York, Museum of the American Indian, 1921; F. G. Delaware Indian Big House Ceremony, Harrisburg, 21.

28

Introduction 26

Spirit, who is the Creator of All Things, Our Father. All the phenomena of nature, both animate and inanimate, are ordained and fixed by him. All human activity and all knowledge also emanate from him. There must be no deviation from the established order of nature. For instance, the Great Spirit having created the birds and given them a way of doing things, such as a mode of singing, if they were to modify it or stop altogether, all other phenomena of nature would be affected. In like manner the Great Spirit gave the various tribes and the various race their ceremonies. Since only the Great Spirit invents, any attempt of man to modify what has been created is a violation of the laws of nature and of the Great Spirit. The Great Spirit makes known his will to man through the agency of Spirit-forces. It is these agents who reveal themselves to human beings, teaching them the ways of the Great Spirit. They themselves have no power which emanates from themselves. They are the transmitters of his power. There is nothing in nature as created by God which is bad. As long as man carries out his ceremonies and has the proper attitude toward the phenomena surrounding him, there will be no evil. In the same way, everything that is found in nature is good, since the Great Spirit "put everything here for his children, and for a good purpose." In the ceremonies everything must be done in accordance with nature, which is interpreted by the Delaware as being in accordance with the rules given with the ceremony by the Great Spirit, through one of the spirits or Spiritforces. In Dr. Speck's words: 26

For a discussion of this term, see Speck, op. cit., p. 26.

29

The Diabolic Root "To deviate from the processes of nature, in thought, in act is sacrilege to him, to limit himself to its sphere is a sacred obligation passed down to him from his forefathers, barring him off from the hazards of change and alteration, in his conduct of life and particularly in the performance of his religious duties." Therefore, contamination by anything European is not tolerated in the ceremonies. 27 Every people has its own way of worshipping. The Delawares have their way which was prescribed for them by the Great Spirit. The Big House is a prescribed institution and forms the chief and most important ceremony carried out by the tribe. The ceremony must be performed yearly by the Delawares, not only for their own good, but for the good of the entire world. It is not expected, however, that other peoples will copy the ceremony; they have their own to perform. This esoterism of Delaware religion is of the utmost importance in their religious philosophy. Not only must things be done in accordance with nature, but this idea of purity is carried even to the performer. He must be pure, free from defilement, before he can achieve communication with the spirits. Those taking part in the ceremony must be physically and mentally clean. In fact the ceremony purifies the individual, and is in a way a preparation for his approach to the spirits. It is emphasized that man is poor and humble, in respect to the forces of nature and the power of the Great Spirit. The prayers are addressed to him in all humility and meekness. Not only is this attitude taken in the relationship of man to his creator, but even in the contact of man with man. 27

On the concept of purity and defilement see above cited work.

30

II HISTORY AND NATURE OF DELAWARE PEYOTISM INTRODUCTION

A RELIGION that insists that each individual can learn its doctrines only through personal experience with its gods must necessarily exist in a variable form. This being the fundamental principle of Delaware Peyotism, it has resulted in numerous interpretations which have led to the creation of new rituals and sometimes even somewhat antagonistic doctrines, since its introduction into the tribe about 1880. During the past fifty years the original cult borrowed from the Plains tribes settled near Anadarko has been modified and even recast by Delawares claiming new revelations. Nevertheless it would be odd if, during this period of time, certain types developed by individuals of more than ordinary capacity did not predominate. Two such outstanding figures are John Wilson and Elk Hair. In fact the former has made Peyote history not only among the Delawares but over the entire Plains area, for many of the tribes practise some form of the ritual developed by him or his disciples. Elk Hair, on the other hand, has barely managed to keep a following among the Delawares of Dewey. The difference between the two men is sharp: Wilson was the progressive visionary filled with the missionary spirit; Elk Hair has remained the conservative Delaware, the leader 31

The Diabolic Root and champion of the old Delaware religion, holding to the rigid Delaware principle that no innovations must be introduced in a religious ritual after it has been once revealed to a human being. Wilson became a convert to Peyotism before Elk Hair, and claimed a revealed ritual of his own when the latter began to think about accepting the new religion. Finding the Wilson form or, as it has come to be called, the "Moonhead" or " B i g Moon" tainted with some Christian concepts, he rejected it and tried to introduce among his people the orthodox, " t r u e " Kiowa and Comanche ritual, which has come to be known as the "Little Moon." Thus the antagonism between the two men dates back to Elk Hair's conversion about 1885. A liberality of spirit governs attendance at the different Moons. The attitude of the Peyotists is a courteous liberality, understanding and permitting the expression of individualism. It is conceded by them that differences exist between the forms of the ritual and the creeds professed, but this is of little consequence since, they say, the fundamental belief is the same. All are believers in the Great Spirit and Peyote, and basic variations which to the ethnographer seem of the greatest importance actually do not disturb them. It is agreed that the differences are the result of poor human understanding; i.e., the Great Spirit gave Peyote to the Indians, and the differences that have sprung up are the result of attempts of various individuals to explain what has been revealed to them. This does not change its real nature, however. There is one Great Spirit and one Peyote ritual and creed, and everyone is striving toward the same end, which is an understanding of both creed and ritual as they were revealed by the Great Spirit through Peyote.

32

Delaware Peyotism One of the interesting observations made is the intertribal nature of the meetings. When a Peyote meeting is held by the Delawares, attendance and participation in it is not restricted to Delawares. There exists no tribal preemption or sponsorship of any form. Anyone who is an Indian is welcomed to a meeting and no distinction is made because of tribal affiliation. A meeting may be given by a Delaware, but it may be, as in the case of the meeting described by me, that most of the attendants are of other tribes. Not only do Delawares welcome other tribesmen, but they themselves do not hesitate to attend meetings given by a member of another tribe. Attendance at meetings seems to be governed by three factors: the prestige that a tribe may have derived from its reputed familiarity with the cult, the length of time that it has been acquainted with it, and the prestige enjoyed by the chosen road-chief, which is based on his familiarity with the cult and his moral reputation. For instance, it is desirable to eat with Comanche or the Kiowa because they are reputed to have learned of Peyote many years before the others, and to practise the original form of the ritual. Likewise it is equally desirable to eat Peyote with Willie Thomas at Anadarko, or with Victor Griffin at Quapaw, or with the Andersons at Dewey. To accomplish this pilgrimages are made by individuals and sometimes groups, who pass from tribe to tribe, and from leader to leader "learning about Peyote." In the material that is about to be presented there will be a great variation both in the Peyote rituals and in the creeds professed by individuals. Lacking an authoritative priesthood, there exist no official ritualistic form and doctrines for the religion; so it has been found necessary to

33

The Diabolic Root describe the numerous variants in order to obtain an objective picture of the religious complex and the forces that have been active in directing its development. Wherever possible the informants have been made to use their own words, suffering only such corrections as may make the meaning clearer. Whenever possible the material about to be presented was confirmed by observation and checked with other informants. Necessarily, it has also been edited. CURRENT

LEGENDS

CONCERNING OF

THE

DISCOVERY

PEYOTE

No claim is made by the Delawares that they were the first discoverers of Peyote or the originators of the religious cult. In the following legends due credit is given to the Comanche as the first to whom Peyote revealed itself. First Version

1

About seventy-five years ago the Comanche Indians were at war with some Mexican Indian tribes. Once after having successfully raided their enemies, they were pursued so closely that they were forced to leave behind one of their women who had been sick for a long time, and had become so exhausted that she asked to be left behind. Providing her with shelter, food, medicine, and leaving with her a little boy to take care of her needs, they continued their flight westward. It was their intention to return for her as soon as they could evade their pursuers. They knew that the other Indians, their enemies, would not harm the old woman and the little boy, for it is a custom of the Indians not to kill any woman or child left behind under such conditions. However, the little boy left behind 1

Narrated by James C. Webber.

34

Delaware Peyotism with the old woman was anxious to follow his people. So, when darkness fell, he ran away from the sick woman, and following the tracks of the horses, tried to catch up with the band. The boy followed the trail until he was too tired to go any farther, and he fell asleep under the trees somewhere. As soon as the woman missed him, she became troubled, fearing that the little boy might lose his way or fall by the wayside before he reached his people. She became so worried on his account that, sick as she was, she managed to rise, and followed the little boy. Weak from sickness and age, she sought him, praying and pleading with the Great Spirit to spare him. She told the Great Spirit, even the Creator, that she herself would be willing to die if the child were spared. But, after going a short distance, her strength left her and she fell unconscious to the ground. While she was in this pitiful state an unknown being came to her. He appeared to be an Indian, dressed in the manner of the great chiefs of her own people. Speaking in her own language, he said to her: " Y o u are sick, old woman, and yet you are more worried about the child than you are about yourself. Do not worry about him. The child is safe." Pointing to the west, he continued: "Tomorrow, when the sun is this high," raising his arm, "the boy will reach the camp of his people safely; but unless you have help and do as I tell you, you will not live long. " I want you to look at m e " ; and when she had done so, he added, "When I have gone, you will find an herb where I am standing. It will be within your reach, and if you will

35

The Diabolic Root eat this herb, you will discover the greatest medicine in this world for the Indians. After you have eaten it, the Great Spirit, even the Creator, will teach you the songs, the rules and regulations of a new Indian religion. I repeat, when I am gone, pull up the plant that will appear where I now stand, and eat as many as you can. This will restore your strength and health." Now, while she was looking and listening to this being who appeared to be an Indian, dressed in full regalia according to the custom and dress of her tribe, the man began to vanish, lowering himself gently into the ground. While waiting for him to appear again, she saw in the spot where he had been a number of strange plants. Around them there was light. Thinking about the unknown being's instructions to her, she knew that these were the plants that she was to eat in order to regain her health. She ate as many as she could and immediately felt her strength returning to her. After a while the herb itself took the form of a chief and medicine man, and began to talk. The herb was Peyote, and the chief was also Peyote himself. Showing her the plant of the tipi which all worshippers were to have when they ate the herb, he told her: " I want you to look within this place of worship. You will find a half moon moulded out of the earth, which represents the altar. Back of it, as near as possible to the center, there will be a fireplace. To build the fire, use the very best wood, selected and specially prepared for this purpose, though it can be of any kind." Then Peyote taught her the four original songs which have to be sung in the meeting: the opening song of the meeting, the midnight water-call song, the morning water-

36

Delaware Peyotism call song, and the closing song. Peyote also instructed her in all of the other rules of the meeting. This is the way Peyote was revealed to the Indians. Second, Version

2

A long time ago there was a great war. At one time one tribe lost a battle and many of its people were killed. One man, finding himself alone and despairing of saving himself, decided to await death where he was. "All my people have been killed," he said to himself, "our enemies are going to kill me also. I will give myself u p . " He lay down on his stomach and hid his face in his hands. He waited. Soon he heard a person approaching from the east. " S u r e l y , " he said to himelf, "this is one of my enemies." He heard him coming, and waited, expecting to be killed. He heard the person come right up to his head. He was sure that now he would be killed. He waited, but instead he heard the man, who was Peyote, say: " I have come here not to kill you, but to bring you a good message. You know that many of your people have been killed and that the rest are scattered in all directions. I have come here to tell you what to do. I have come here to take away all your trouble. Those of your people who have survived the battle are safe. Your own children are safe. Now, I want to teach you something which you will transmit to your people. Do as I tell you and no trouble will come to you from anywhere. Your people will not be killed 2

Narrated by Joe Washington.

37

The Diabolic Root any more. This is what I look like. You will find me around here." The man opened his eyes, looked around but saw no one. He felt the Peyote plant in his hand. Then Peyote spoke again and taught him what to do. Peyote gave his power to the man. The man went back to his people and told them that Peyote had come to him. He told his people not to worry, that everything would be all right. There would be no more trouble. Everything would be good. But Peyote had said: "There are several different ways that you can use me, but unless you use me in only one way, the right way, I may harm you. Use me the right way and I will help you." Peyote told this Indian how to use him in the right way. Third Version

3

A long time ago a group of Indians went hunting, taking with them a young boy. Wanting to prove that he too was a man, the boy left his companions to hunt alone. After a successful day the hunting party went back to the camping ground, but the boy failed to return. At that time there were many wild beasts in our land, and the people worried about the child. They searched for him many days, but did not find him. At last his sister, his only relative, decided to search for the boy herself. She decided to look for him in the west. She wandered about for many days without discovering any trace of her brother, and finally all hope left her. Grieving, she said to herself: " H e is gone. Now I don't care where I go. I don't care what becomes of me." 3

Narrated by Elk Hair.

38

Delaware Peyotism One morning she began the search early. She was weak from lack of food and water. Coming to a lake, she lay down and prayed to God, saying, "I don't care what becomes of me now, but I hope that God will let me see my brother once more before I die." She stretched herself out to die, her head to the east, her feet pointing to the west, her stretched-out arms pointing to the south and north, saying to herself, "I don't care to live any more. Since I can't find my brother, I will die." All at once she began to reach down several inches in the mud and water with her fingers and felt something cool. At the same time she saw a man standing before her who said to her: "Here, what is the use of worrying? Look at me! Your people are safe. I am taking care of them. Your brother is safe. He is still living. If you want to see your brother, look to the west." She did so, and saw her brother a very long distance away. At the same time something cool touched her hand again. The man disappeared. She looked at what she had in her hand which spoke to her, saying: "It is I, Peyote. Now you can drink this water. You have had nothing to drink or eat for a long time. Drink this water and you will feel well. Now, eat what you have in your left hand. Sit down and think about yourself. Think about being happy in this world. Don't worry about your brother. He is safe." She ate what was in her left hand and she saw her brother again. He said to her, "I am safe. Don't worry about me." He then disappeared. Then Peyote spoke to her again, instructing her how the plant in her left hand was to be used. "When you get back to your people, show them what

39

The Diabolic Root you have in your left hand. It is my power put here by God. Use it the way I teach you. Use it to keep well and to keep from worrying in this world. Either drink it or eat it." The girl went back to the village and told her people. That is how the Indians discovered Peyote. Fourth

Version *

There lived a Comanche man, his wife, and two children, a boy and a girl. They were living in a desert region. One time the boy took his weapon and went away to hunt. When he had been gone for two days with no sign of his return, his father became anxious and set out to find him. He returned to the camp and gave up his son for lost. They were living in a country where there was little food and were on the point of starvation. Then the girl was grieved over the loss of her brother, and without further preparations she set out by herself to find him. There were no signs to follow but she started forth, saying to herself that she would either find her lost brother or give up her life in the attempt. She resolved that when she started out she would not turn back. Then for two days and two nights she wandered without food or water, all the time becoming weaker and having to stop more frequently to rest in the shade of the bushes. After the second day she grew so weak that she could only move a short distance. She had found no traces of her brother. At last while resting beneath a bush she realized that she could go no farther, and she thought she was about to die of hunger and thirst. Then she heard a voice from the air telling her to look around behind her, that something was there which would feed and strengthen her and quench * Narrated at Anadarko. This version is criticized as being an attempt on the part of the Comanche to claim the discovery of the cult.

40

Delaware Peyotism her thirst. She did not understand what it meant. But the voice spoke to her again and told her to look around. It was Peyote who spoke to her but she could see no one. Then she obeyed and beheld near her a growing Peyote plant. It was the first she had ever seen and she knew that it was what the voice meant. It looked so fresh and full of moisture. Then she took it, chewed it up and swallowed it. Immediately her strength returned and her mind became clear and she no longer felt the need of food or water. Then the voice of Peyote spoke to her again and told her who he was. It also told her to return to camp, as there was no need of going on because her brother was safe home again. She obeyed and reached camp without suffering any more. There she found her brother safely returned and she told them what had happened to her, and of the Peyote plant and of Peyote who had spoken to her and saved her life. That is how the Comanche came to know of the power of Peyote. INTRODUCTION

OF

THE

MOON

LITTLE

AT

MOON

AND

BIG

DEWEY

About fifty years ago Elk Hair, who is my uncle, 5 and who is now chief of the Delawares, had many misfortunes. His wife died and he himself became desperately ill. He no longer wanted to live and the Indian herb doctors could not help him. However, he had a friend, also a Delaware, who was living with the Anadarko band. His name was Johnson Bob and he had known the use of Peyote for many years, having learned it from the Comanche. Hearing that his friend Elk Hair was desperately ill, he came to see him. 5 J o e Washington is a fervent believer in the old Delaware religious system, and is intimately associated with Elk Hair, the chief and spiritual leader of the Delawares at Dewey. In addition he is intensely religious.

41

The Diabolic Root He talked to the sick man about Peyote, telling him that it was a good thing and that he should try it, but he was not able to convince Elk Hair. Finally Johnson Bob said to the sick man: " I t ' s up to you. You must make up your mind to use Peyote. I cannot do it for you. No man can help you. Peyote is good, but you yourself must make up your mind to use it. Let me know when you are ready." β When Johnson Bob had left him, my uncle began to think about his condition. He reflected that his children were motherless. If he died they would be orphans with no one to take care of them. He decided that for their sake he had to get well. He thought of this all day and night, and by the following morning he had made up his mind to use Peyote. Johnson Bob then gave a little meeting for the sick man 7 and after a while Elk Hair recovered. He has used Peyote since then. Peyote is good. Some time after Elk Hair was cured in this way, his sister, who was my mother, had a similar experience. She was very ill but she did not want to die because of her young son whom she wanted to see grow into manhood. She decided to try Peyote. Elk Hair and Johnson Bob gave a little meeting for her. She also became well. Peyote is good. When I was nine years old, in 1 8 8 4 , 1 became very sick. A little meeting was given for me. I was taken into the meeting and given a small quantity of Peyote. My mother told me that it was medicine and that I should take it to 0 Unless one decides to surrender himself completely to Peyote no benefit will be derived. This is important to remember in the discussion of Peyote intoxication. ' Elk Hair is in his seventies.

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Delaware Peyotism get well. The people attending the meeting prayed to God through Peyote to have pity on me. I was cured. My mother used to say: "A person who takes Peyote for sickness and uses his will power and the power that the Great Spirit put in Peyote will get well. Peyote must be used for curing sickness because the Great Spirit put it here for that purpose." When they gave me Peyote, its power went down to where the sickness was. At first I felt very bad. Finally I vomited. After that I felt better. Peyote took the sickness out of me. It did not give me visions. After I became well, I used to go to the meetings with my mother. I helped the sick about and I always had in mind the wish that the sick person get well. It did good. Peyote is good. About 1 8 8 5 a group of us, including my uncle Elk Hair, went to hunt near the Comanche territory. We also visited the Delaware band that was living with the Wichita and Caddo near Anadarko. There we learned more about Peyote, and we found that there was another form of the Peyote rite. John Wilson, a Delaware, had discovered his Moonhead or Big Moon fireplace. Elk Hair, however, did not like John Wilson's way. He said that Wilson was mixing two things: Christianity and Peyote. That was had. The Christian way of worshipping is good and Peyote is good, but the two should not be mixed. Mixing ways of worship is bad, and Elk Hair told Wilson that. They were mixing the White man's way with the Indian way. Elk Hair preferred the Comanche way because it was the pure Indian way; it was the true Peyote way. It was Peyote. We brought back to our people the pure Peyote rite and we have used Peyote in the right way ever since. When we returned we found that Wilson had already 43

The Diabolic Root brought his Big Moon meeting to our band. Many Delawares worship Peyote that way and also many other tribes who don't know the original Peyote rite. John Wilson, the originator of the Big Moon, was living among the Caddo. He was one of the first Delawares to eat Peyote. He belonged to the Black Beaver band that left the tribe, migrated to Texas, then made its way back to Oklahoma, but was held by the Government at the Wichita and Caddo reservations. It was there that Wilson was born and raised. As a young man, he went to Arizona and New Mexico, and it was there that he had some experience with Peyote. When he returned to the Caddo Reservation he set up a meeting of his own. He claimed that Peyote had appeared to him, as an Indian dressed in the Delaware way, and had revealed to him the new way of holding the Peyote meetings. He also claimed that Peyote had given him the name of Moonhead and that the new way of holding a meeting was to be known as the Moonhead; that Peyote had shown him how to build the altar, which we call the Moon, and had given him the rules of the meeting. He claimed further that he alone, or such men as he appointed, had the power to build the Moonhead or Big Moon shrine, and that these leaders in turn had the power to confer the right of building Moons upon others. Wilson said that he had the right to charge a fee for building the Moon, and that the leaders he appointed also had the same right. This was contrary to Indian ways. The followers of Wilson are still charging money to build such Moons. The builder of a new Moon conducts the first meeting in it, and then turns it over to the person who had the Moon built, who in turn has the right to build Moons for others. 44

Delaware Peyotism After building the Moon, Wilson sometimes would have a small house built over it, and a cross placed on the rooftop. The crucifix was used in the meeting. This was a precaution against the White authorities, and to gain the good will of the Christians. For some time Christian teachers went into these houses to kneel and pray, and even attended the meeting. John Wilson himself had received some Catholic instruction. In connection with Peyote meetings, Wilson ran a sweatlodge before the meeting for anyone who was sick. He charged a fee for this also. Wilson and one of his followers, called Wolf, who acted as his chief, would set up a meeting and invite everyone to come. In the meeting they would show their generosity by giving away everything that they had, finally remaining only with their breech-cloth. Before such generosity, those in the meeting in turn would give Wilson and Wolf many gifts, many times the value of what they had received. This was not right, nor was it right to charge a fee for building the Moons. No one is permitted by the Great Spirit to charge for the power that the Great Spirit has given him. It is believed that Wilson was punished for his cupidity and for using his power in the wrong way. After many years, and after he had established his Moon among the Delawares at Dewey, the Osage and the Quapaws, he went to the Quapaws to conduct a meeting. In addition to charging a fee for conducting the meeting, and receiving rich presents, he asked the Quapaws to give him a woman. He then started for home, driving a two-horse wagon. His wagon was filled with presents given to him by the Quapaws, and on the wagon with him there was the Quapaw woman and another Quapaw. A string of ponies

45

The Diabolic Root were tied to the buckboard, and they caused his death. When he came to a railroad crossing, the ponies pulled back, and the horses in front pulled forward and he was hit by a train. He was instantly killed, as well as his two companions. The Indians say that he was killed because he violated the laws of the Great Spirit. His nephews, the Andersons, took over the leadership among the Delawares at Dewey. At some of the Big Moon meetings, the picture of Wilson is worshipped. Wilson claimed that he was the forerunner of Christ, but his followers have always considered him as being Christ himself. Wilson had many followers, and some of them have become very prominent as leaders, though in some cases they have changed the original Big Moon meeting in some way. Victor Griffin, now a chief of the Quapaw, living at Miami, Oklahoma, is one of them. He has a great reputation. He has changed the original Wilson meeting, in some ways. LITTLE MOON RITUALS AND CREEDS Creed

of Elk

Hair

I have been using Peyote for forty-five years. I have had my own experiences with Peyote. It has given me what I want in this life. It has given me a clear mind and good health. I pray to Peyote for these blessings. The Great Spirit has given us Peyote to help us. I pray to the Great Spirit and to Peyote. I have come to feel pity for everyone. Peyote has taught me. I feel sorry for everyone who does harm. I know what is right and wrong. Peyote has taught me. I have prayed and Peyote has given me help. It has given me the right vision to feel sorry for people and to

46

Delaware Peyotism pray for them. I pray for people whether they are rich or poor. We are all the same. We are all taken care of by God, and we all go to the same place when we die. Before I took Peyote the first time, I studied myself. I thought, "The Great Spirit has put Peyote here for the people to use." Then I made up my mind to use it. I was sick one time. I made up my mind that I was going to use Peyote. That is the reason that I use it right. I use what the Great Spirit put here for his people. That is the reason that we use tobacco in the meetings. It is another gift of the Great Spirit to mankind. I myself have made up my mind about Peyote. Peyote has given me visions. He gave me visions telling me how to study our existence, how to think right. I pray to God and to Peyote in order to get a clear mind and be good before I leave this world. From now on I must prepare myself to enter the next world. I must pray to Peyote to make my mind good and clear. God has told me to get ready so that I can go where there is only goodness. Peyote was put here for the people to use so that they can study life, have good thoughts and live right. God taught Peyote to teach his children the good ways, to have good thoughts and clear minds before they leave here. God chose Peyote to do this for him. I am waiting to leave this world. I have good thoughts all day long and all night long. I pray every morning and every evening, thanking God and asking for good thoughts. I am glad to see good everywhere, I pray for everybody. Peyote has taught me this. It is hard for many people to do this. People have different thoughts about what goes on in the world. Many people cannot study the world. Peyote has

47

The Diabolic Root given me such good tidings that nothing can bother me. One must have his soul clean before leaving this world. This is not hard f o r me because Peyote has taught me. I use it for this. I pray to Peyote. It was put here by God for me to use. It is good for sickness and to cleanse the soul before death. Outline Procedure

of a Typical Little Ceremony 8

Moon

Now, first I am going to give the rules and regulations of the original Moon, or the Little Moon, as it is now known, Wilson having given the original Moon that name. To give a Peyote meeting one must have a good purpose. Meetings cannot be held otherwise. This rule was made by Peyote when he taught the rite to the woman who was the first human being to learn about it. There are four cases for which meetings ought to be given; in case of sickness, in time of trouble, for the welfare of the community, and to show the best and most prized kind of hospitality to visiting friends, in order to wish them well and to take away their troubles. Meetings should be held also about a year after the birth of a child, so that the child may grow up with good thoughts and a strong body; at the death of any member of the family; at Thanksgiving time; and during the Christmas and New Year festivals. When a person decides to give a meeting for any of the above purposes, he chooses a competent leader or roadchief, that is, a man who knows the ceremony and has a 8 James C. Webber considers himself a young man and hardly fit to discuss religious matters because of his youth. He is close to fifty. He was Dr. Speck's main informant in the Big House study. In the following narrative he is imagining himself in the position of the leader conducting the meeting.

48

Λ BIG

MOON

VARIANT

Delaware Peyotism high moral reputation. He must also have had experiences with Peyote. He is asked to "sit on the Peyote r o a d . " 9 The leader then selects a fire-chief, who also must be experienced in Peyote. The fire-chief, besides attending to the fire, brings in the water at midnight, waits on the members of the meeting during the night, and furnishes part of the prayer and blessing of the water when it is brought into the meeting. The road-chief then selects a man who drums for him and for the cedar-chief if the latter desires it during the singing. He also appoints a cedar-chief. This man prepares cedar boughs and seeds, and at different intervals during the meeting, at the request of the road-chief, walks up to the Moon and sprinkles the fire with cedar incense after offering a short prayer. This is done to fill the tipi with fresh smoke and smell, and to cleanse it of all evil spirits. The road-chief must supply himself with tobacco, either Indian tobacco or any other kind, and have cigarette paper, secured from very thin and otherwise carefully selected corn husks. He must have a staff about five feet long, decorated with feathers, ribbons, and otter skins. The otter is a sacred animal and is used to decorate the hair and person in ceremonies. He must have a gourd, and supply a bucket and drinking cup for the Peyote tea. Other equipment consists of the dry Peyote, cleaned and prepared, supplied by the one giving the meeting and his friends, and a little rug upon which the road-chief places the gourd, staff, drumstick, and vessel containing the Peyote. It is the duty of the road-chief to prepare the tipi and 0 The thoughts of the worshippers are supposed to travel on the Peyote road to reach the Creator.

49

The Diabolic Root the Peyote shrine as well as to see that the other officers perform their duties correctly. Now it is said that the tipi represents a special place of worship and must be constructed in the best way using twenty-one poles. It is like one's own house, but we do not believe that it represents the world as the Winnebago say. Before sundown, the drum-chief will tie a small drum, using either an earthen jar or a small kettle made for this purpose. 10 He uses otter or deer skin for the drumhead, which is soaked in water so that it can be stretched. He must have four small stones, a piece of cord, and a sharp stick or deer horn to tighten the drumhead. The fire-chief builds a fire inside the tipi, in which process he does not use matches, but flint and steel, or flint, in order to make a holy, clean fire, which is a great healing power and is stronger than any other kind of fire. The fire is built of twelve sticks, interlaced at the ends. Each stick represents one of the moons of the year and each heaven, 11 but some say that each stick represents a feather in the tail of the eagle. The fire-chief also takes care of the ashes in the course of the meeting, sweeping them away from the fire with a turkey wing, towards the Mo'on, so that by rooming they are in the shape of the Moon. Very often a whisk broom is used in place of the turkey wing. 12 The road-chief and the other members dress in ceremonial fashion, painting themselves in the customary way. 13 There is no special regalia for the ceremony. 10 The water drum is U9ed universally in the Peyote meetings, except in the Mexican forms. 11 See Speck, Delaware Indian Big House Ceremony for discussion of the symbolism of the number twelve among the Delawares. 12 The eagle and the turkey are considered symbolical of purity by the Delawares. 18 See Frank G. Speck, "Notes on the Life of John Wilson, the Revealer of

50

Delaware Peyotism In the evening, when all are ready, they enter the tipi in single file, the road-chief leading, followed by the cedarchief, the drum-chief, and the other members in their appointed places as decreed by the road-chief. The fire-chief enters last. They enter and file to the left and circle around, the road-chief taking his place before the altar, the cedarman at his left, the drum-chief at his right. Then the roadchief assigns places to the rest. The fire-chief takes his place by the door, before the fire. Anyone who is last must apply to the fire-chief, who transmits the request to the road-chief. If permission is granted to the late comer to enter, the latter circles to the left, if necessary passing between the road-chief and the altar, to reach his assigned place. The road-chief carries with him the bag of tobacco and the rug. He places these before him. He hands the drum to the man seated at his right. He hands to the man seated at his left the bag containing the cedar. The bag of Peyote is placed close to the Moon. The road-chief has a fan of twelve feathers, and a staff which he places before him. When everything is ready, remaining seated, he makes a speech in the language that most of the people in the tipi understand. He says, "Brothers and sisters, we have gathered here tonight at the request of our sister and friend [the one who gives the meeting]. She has asked me to accept the leadership of this meeting. Of course, I am going to do the best I can, although there are a number of you who are better qualified to run this meeting than I am. But I have accepted, and I have selected these others to assist me to conPeyote, as Recalled by His Nephew, C. Anderson," General Magazine and Historical Chronicle, July 1933.

51

The Diabolic Root duct the meeting in accordance with the rules that have been laid down by the Great Spirit, who is our creator and the Creator of all things. Therefore, since our Father Peyote has established this worship, it is my duty and the duty of everyone to cooperate in our endeavor to make this meeting a successful one. "Now, our sister who has put up this meeting has prepared everything. It is her request that I announce the purpose of this meeting. It is that, unfortunately, her son is very ill. He will be brought into this meeting and we must give him our entire and strict attention. Now, in order that we may help our brother, through our faith in the Great Spirit, and the intervention of Father Peyote, a great spirit, we must concentrate our minds strictly on our religion, and pray constantly the whole night long. We are going to ask the sick man to put faith not in my leadership, but in the power of the Great Spirit, who has not only the power to heal the sick, but can bring the dead to life again. The Great Spirit has given us this place of worship and this kind of worship for the benefit of mankind. Therefore, we must not make light of anything or anybody. Brothers and sisters, you must help us to make this meeting a success. If there is anyone among you who also is ill or has some sorrow and feels that through the help of someone here he may be helped, let him request that he make a pipe, or let a brother request it for him, and make the prayer for him, and prepare the Peyote for him. "The Peyote you see here, after I have placed this Father here, 14 all this dry Peyote, this green Peyote, and the tea 1 4 The road-chief places a large Peyote button on the shrine. The reader should refer to the figures illustrating the shrines. For the one here described see page 177.

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Delaware Peyotism that is in that vessel, is placed here for your use. Our sisters will help themselves to the tea first. Also we must see to it that our sick brother has ample tea because he is in our care and must be especially assisted. "If any of you have your own feathers, gourds, or drumsticks, or anything else that is used in this meeting, you may use them after midnight, but not before. If you have Peyote of your own you may not eat it until all the Peyote that we have here is eaten. "After the prayer is made no one must go outside. l a If you want to go outside to smoke you must ask me. Otherwise it will be understood that the pipe is for the purpose of making a special prayer. I have said all that I want to say now." The leader then takes his tobacco and one of the cornhusk papers, and also hands one paper to the drum-chief and one to the cedar-chief. He then pours tobacco on his husk, and passes the tobacco to the drum-chief, and then to the cedar-chief, who passes the tobacco and husk to all the members—to the left. When all have their pipes ready, the road-chief calls to the fire-chief, and says: "It is your duty to take a lighted stick from our Grandfather the Fire and bring it to me. It will light my pipe and those of my assistants, and you will help everyone who wants a light, going in order to the l e f t . " When the fire-chief has done this, he takes his place, and then he is allowed to light his own. The road-chief then begins the evening prayer. Everyone prays, the roadchief does not officiate for everyone. All prayers are of15 Evil Spirits are supposed to travel about at night time, and anyone going outside will be contaminated by them. In the Big Moon forms that will be described later, the devotee has to undergo a purification ceremony every time he enters the tipi.

53

The Diabolic Root fered to the Peyote which is on the Moon, upon which the members are supposed to keep their eyes throughout the ceremony, the Great Spirit of course being kept in mind. The Peyote on the altar, and not the road-chief, is considered to be the real leader of the meeting. The road-chief then makes the prayer.1® "Father Peyote! I have come here tonight to offer you my humble prayer. You know my circumstances, you know my condition, you know my heart, my thought, my being. The Great Spirit has placed a great responsibility upon you in the whole universe, to bring amelioration to your children whom you see here. We are your humble servants. We are just the same as the day we were born; helpless, needy, struggling for existence. Some of us are strong and hardy, others weak and crippled. "Now, Father, you are the conductor of this meeting. I am placed here only to carry out your wishes. We thank you and also these other spirits that are here tonight; our Mother Earth who has provided this splendid altar which is in the shape of part of the body of our Brother the Night-Moon; our Grandfather the Fire who is a great healer; this cedar which we are going to feed to the Fire is also a great relief to us, with its wonderful refreshing odor, and which is our sacrifice as a burnt offering, and is carried to the T\velve Heavens, for our sick brother, and ourselves, and families, and friends, and all our brothers and sisters of the Indian race; and our Mother Water, which is most necessary for life, to quench our thirst, give us strength, and refresh us. Our great Brother the NightMoon is here with us in the sky, he who takes care of us at night, makes us feel his great power. We also feel the 16

This is an approximation of the prayer made in Delaware.

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Delaware Peyotism power of the planets and stars that give us so much light. May we work together as one unit, that we may accomplish something by midnight, when we shall ask our Brother the Night-Moon to give us a few minutes of rest, and also we shall call on our Mother Water, to give us her blessing. We will also thank the wind that we breathe. "We must not forget another great healer, the DayMoon, who will, in turn, come forth tomorrow morning to give us light and heat. "Father Peyote, I appeal to you to guide us properly through this meeting tonight. I leave it to you, and through you to the Great Spirit, and all the other spirits of the earth and the heavens, to hear our humble prayers and pleadings, for the good of all these people that we have here tonight, and particularly for our sick brother, that he may regain his normal health again. "This is all I want to say now." While this prayer is offered aloud by the road-chief, each one present, sitting cross-legged, holding the pipe in his hand, is praying at the same time, but silently. At the end of the prayer, each carefully places the stump of his pipe on the ground before him. Everyone looks at the Peyote on the altar while praying, and is supposed to keep his eyes on it throughout the whole meeting. As soon as the prayer is finished and the pipes are laid down, the bag of Peyote is passed around, always to the left. No one must waste any of the served plant nor use any that he may have brought with him to the meeting until the quantity supplied by the host is exhausted. The road-chief then sings the opening song. The opening song is sung in Comanche, though in other sects other songs are sometimes substituted for it. It is, in

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The Diabolic Root scope, of the same meaning a s the prayer—an appeal to the Great Spirit through Peyote. The road-chief then sings three songs of his own choosing, his drum-chief drumming for him. When he is through, he passes the gourd, staff, and feathers to the man at his left, the cedar-chief. The drumchief or the road-chief may drum for him. When singing, the staff and feathers are held in the left hand directly before the person singing, the gourd in the right. The singer, as well as everyone else, looks at the Peyote which is on the altar. The cedar-chief sings four songs, any four that he may choose, and then passes the paraphernalia to the man at his left, and in turn drums for him. Each one sings four songs in turn though he is not compelled to sing. Sometimes the drum is "let loose"—that is, the singer may choose his drummer. The fire-chief takes his regular turn at singing. During the singing Peyote is being eaten and drunk. No one is allowed to go outside. When the drum has gone around once, if anyone has to go out, he is permitted to do so, though this is not looked upon with favor. He must obtain permission from the roadchief. If anyone wants to make a prayer, he asks if he may make a pipe. After permission is granted, and he has lighted his pipe, he makes his prayer, taking due care in the disposal of the pipe at the end, to place the stub carefully before him. Among the Delaware no testimony is given. They do not tell of the experiences then. They wait days before doing so, and then not in meeting. When everyone has sung, the road-chief then sings another four songs, and the round is made again. This is repeated until midnight. When the staff comes back to the road-chief

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Delaware Peyotism at midnight, he does not call it in, he sings the midnight water-call. This also is a standard song and is of Comanche origin. The fire-chief brings in the water, the road-chief blesses it. The road-chief then takes his whistle, made of the femur of some small animal, but preferably the leg bone of the eagle, and goes outside. Either the cedar-chief or the drum-chief occupies the road-seat. The cedar-chief will then sing four songs while the drum-chief drums for him. The road-chief blows his whistle facing the east, one long, four short, followed by one long blast. 1 7 While he is blowing his whistle, the cedar-chief sings his first song. The road-chief offers his prayer to the east. He then prays to the south while the cedar-chief sings his second song. He then turns to the west and lastly to the north. The prayers are addressed to the Great Spirit, but offered through Peyote. The road-chief comes in then and takes his seat. He talks to the members and says: " W e have come to the resting place, my brothers and sisters. No doubt some of you are tired. Rest a while, go outside and breathe the fresh air. Our Mother Water has been brought in and blessed. Drink as much of it as you can and want. Rest, for we have to keep up till morning." When everyone is in the tipi again, the road-chief makes a short speech, encouraging the members to bear up till morning. He says, "Brothers and sisters, we have gone through the first half of the night. We must now concentrate upon the purpose for which we have come to this meeting. Everybody must do his utmost to make this meeting a success. When we work in harmony, it makes it easier on those who conduct the meeting. When meetings are con17

This element is foreign to the Delawares.

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The Diabolic Root ducted in this manner everyone will feel better in the morning. He then sings four songs and the whole thing is done over again. But now everyone can use his own feathers and gourd, though he must use the same staff and drum that were used in the first part of the ritual. When it is about five o'clock the road-chief sings the morning water-call. Then the fire-chief says, " A messenger has arrived with water." The road-chief tells him to let her in. A woman enters with a pail of water. She is the wife, or daughter, or sister of the road-chief, and is dressed in Indian clothes. She does not attend the meeting, but sleeps at home until she hears the morning water-song. It is the Indian belief that purity comes through the blessing of a woman for either food or water. They regard that as a great honor, and the woman who brings in the water is highly respected not only by those who worship Peyote, but all other persons are required and asked to hold the same respect for her. The fire-chief places a blanket at his place. The woman brings in the water and, sitting on the blanket, places the water between herself and the fire. The fire-chief sits at her right. In the meantime the fire-chief has prepared a pipe, and the road-chief offers a prayer. He says: "Father Peyote, now comes the time when our Brother the Day-Moon brings us light for the day, and heat and strength, and we want to thank the Great Spirit through you for all these spears [staff, gourd, etc.]. We want to thank our Mother Earth for her endurance, she has held us so dearly to her bosom. We thank our Brother the Wind for giving us air. We thank our Mother Water which we

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Delaware Peyotism drink. We thank through you, Father, the Great Spirit, that we have had such a gracious lady to bring us water, which is fresh and pure, quenches our thirst and refreshes us. Now I will let our sister take the rest of this pipe, she shall pray for us, she shall thank all the spirits, including our Grandfather the Fire, and she shall also bless the Peyote food which has been prepared for us, to be brought in after the water has been passed around." The fire-chief gets up, walks over to the road-chief, takes the pipe, and brings it to the woman. She takes the pipe and after a few puffs, makes her prayer, "Father Peyote, through you I want to thank the Great Spirit, and to plead that he give me strength, health, and happiness as he has in the past. I want to thank all the Spirits in here which are taking part in the ceremony, and we want to ask you to have mercy on our leader, and on all of them who have so willingly and humbly come here to assist our road-chief and all of those Spirits which surround our worshipping place and all those who are placed in the heavens above, the clouds, and may our humble prayers be heard, that our aged people be benefited, our sick and ailing, and those who are in need, our children, be blessed with health and happiness. We also want to thank our Brother the Day-Moon for giving us light and heat, which he is now bringing to us this morning. We thank him for his care and guidance throughout the night, and when the noon hour comes we shall not forget to mention him. And now the food which is prepared will be brought in, and we thank you for this nourishment. This will be all." She is the first to drink out of the cup. The fire-chief takes the stub of her cigarette and places it before the

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The Diabolic Root fire between the burning logs, and takes the water to the man seated by the door at the left of the entrance. The water is then passed around, the fire-chief drinking last. The fire-chief takes his place at her right while this is being done. When all have drunk, the woman goes out to get the food. The road-chief sings the closing song. Then he says: "Brothers, we have now closed this meeting. Fire-chief, it is your duty to untie the drum and put these things aside. Peyote is left for anyone who wants it. Anyone can come in to the Peyote breakfast, and also can eat the Peyote." The woman goes out of the tipi, and returns to the house. She brings to the tipi specially prepared food, called Peyote breakfast. It is composed of hominy (maize, parched and ground very fine, and sweetened a little), dry jerked venison or, if that cannot be obtained, beef is used, which is also considered clean food, pounded up in stone pestles, seasoned and sweetened but not cooked. Also fresh fruit, peaches, pears, grapes. (Canned fruit is used by some.) The road-chief in his instructions and teachings will say: "Brothers and sisters, this food which our womenfolk have prepared is clean, because our mothers and sisters have prepared it, and they would not bring in here any food which is not pure. Furthermore, all red men who observe closely the rules and regulations that govern his people know that corn is placed first as food, and that meat of a clean animal, such as deer, antelope, and buffalo, is good. 18 Fruit is also necessary, and it is clean food. The Great Spirit placed these three kinds of food here for our use. 18

Domesticated animals are considered impure as a rule, though by necessity beef is allowed as pure food.

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Delaware Peyotism " T h e r e are many of you who are in here to partake of this food, who did not come last night to take part in the meeting, but you are welcome. S o m e of you have never seen nor taken part in this kind of worship. Y o u see that everything that we do here is worship, and that we pray during all hours of the night. This is not the end of the feast. W e all understand that there is another feast—the noon-hour feast. When our Brother Day-Moon has traveled his course and reaches the middle of the sky, we will then have a general union. All kinds of good food will be provided. Everyone is welcome, including the general p u b l i c . " After he has said these words he dismisses all who want to go. T h e tipi is left open. I f boys wish to sing, they go in and do so, with gourd, drum, staff, but not the originals, which have been put away. When the noon hour has come, and the food that has been prepared is laid out, the road-chief is notified that the dinner is ready. He calls for his assistants, and tells them to be seated. He seats also his family and the other people who are to take part in the meeting. Then the vacant places are filled by newcomers if there are any. After everyone is seated, the road-chief asks blessing for the food, which has been furnished by the person who is giving the meeting. The person who asks for the blessing must be competent. 1 9 " B r o t h e r s and sisters, and all our little children: Our great Brother, the Day-Moon, has come halfway over his road. W e all know the purpose for which this meeting has been put up, and by whom we have been called together here. Now we are glad when our Brother, who gives us light during the day and has blessed us with his great healing power and has given us strength, watches for us during 19

A person who is not pure will not be able to approach the Spirit-forces.

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The Diabolic Root the day; and we feel grateful to our brother who gave this meeting, who gave us this great opportunity to meet here and dine in the name of our Father Peyote. We must not forget that this food has been prepared by our mothers and sisters, those wonderful women who bring us into this world, who so carefully watch over us and suffer for us, and guide us through life to manhood and womanhood. We cannot begin to repay our debt to them. I myself, in my humble way, cannot express the value of their work and toil to prepare this food which is so wholesome and holy. It is clean, because they, our mothers, would not put anything before their children which is not clean and holy. We want to thank also all our friends for such food as they have contributed to this glorious meeting, and such other things and services that they have rendered. Now I will also add that any who came to this midday dinner must feel as if they have been with us the whole meeting, that it is no play, but a ceremony put here by the Great Spirit to bring blessing to his children. We thank the Great Spirit and our Father Peyote for all these blessings which are put on earth for our use; our mother the earth who carries us on her great body; our sister the water; the wind; and the heavenly bodies. "Now, brothers and sisters, I have said enough in my humble way. I am a poor boy. Many of the things that I have said I have heard the old people, who were much more advanced and more able than myself, say in expressing their feelings. With your help our prayers will be heard by the Great Spirit through the medium of Father Peyote. I ask for your cooperation, and remember me only as a poor boy and a humble person. I thank you."

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Delaware Peyotism Dinner is then eaten. What is left is taken and distributed among the people.

Most of the Peyotists refuse to discuss either the ritual or the creeds with strangers. To all queries, which may be accompanied with sincere expressions of sympathetic interest for the particular cult, the answer generally given is that there is only one creed and only one ritual, and that if one eats Peyote both will be revealed to him. Thus it becomes impossible often to obtain adequate accounts. Elk Hair is one of these Peyotists. The information he consented to give was meager enough, though the writer was in contact with him for many weeks. He did consent finally to give an outline of the meeting as it should be run, in his opinion. The essential features are here given, and they will be found to corroborate the account just given. There are, however, several points of difference. The preparations for the meeting and the paraphernalia are the same as those that have been described. The roadchief builds the Moon of dirt, a simple crescent-shaped mound behind the fire made in the center of the floor of the tipi. No marks are made on the Moon, and the Chief Peyote is placed on the floor to the west of it and in front of the road-chief. On entering the tipi, at nightfall, each devotee turns completely around, clockwise, and repeats this act before sitting down at his assigned place. Once having entered, no one is permitted to leave the tipi without the road-chief's permission. The meeting is opened with a prayer by the road-chief:

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The Diabolic Root "Brothers and sisters, we are here tonight to pray to the Great Spirit through Father Peyote. We have come to pray to you, Great Spirit, and to you, Father Peyote, his power. We pray that you grant us good health, clean minds, and take away our worries. We have come here to pray," etc., etc. When the road-chief has finished his prayer, four buttons of Peyote are given to each of the devotees. Each one also prepares a cigarette of corn husk and tobacco, and offers a prayer. Only four puffs are taken on the cigarette. The singing then begins, and is continued until midnight. There is no limit to the amount of Peyote that each devotee may consume after the first four buttons. At midnight there is a short recess announced by the singing of the four appropriate songs; and water is brought into the tipi. After the meeting is resumed there is no stop until morning, when water is again brought into the tipi, this time by a woman. On closing the meeting, each one touches the sacred paraphernalia to the head and the body, and drinks a little of the water in the Peyote drum, which is considered particularly holy. No one is permitted to use fans in the course of the meeting, it being considered inimi>· cal to the Spirit-forces. Creed

of Joe Washington

20

God is the creator. He created everybody and everything. He put everything in this world for everybody's benefit. He prescribed for each class of life the way to live in this world. He gave each people a way of worshipping. He gave the birds a way of singing which is worship; he gave 20 As originally given it c o n t a i n e d m a n y repetitions a p p r o x i m a t i n g ecstatic c h a n t .

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an

Delaware Peyotism the Delawares the Big House religion; he gave the Whites Christianity. The Delaware Big House is good, and it benefits everyone in the world; so is the White Man's religion. They must not be mixed. The White Man must keep his Christian religion, and the Delawares must continue to perform the Big House ceremony. If they are not kept up, or if they become mixed, the whole world will suffer. God put Peyote here. Peyote is good medicine because God put his power in the Peyote. If one talks to the Peyote and then eats it, the power that God put in it will enter the body and cure all sickness. Peyote is good. It is good for sick people if they pray to God when they eat it. There is only one God and he put Peyote here. We talk to the Peyote as if we are talking to God, for it is God's power. Peyote is good, but it must be used only for the purpose that God put it in this world. God put everything here for the benefit of his children, and he put Peyote here to cure their sickness. Peyote will give one good health and a clear mind, if eaten in a properly conducted meeting. A man goes to heaven when he dies, if he is good. Goodness was put in man by God. It is in him, and going to church does not make him good. Praying and going to church will keep the world as God made it, good, but it will not send a man to heaven. Now some claim that Peyote will send one to heaven. That is wrong. A man will go to heaven because of the goodness that is in him, and Peyote does not make one good. Peyote cures sickness and gives one a clear mind so that he can study God and the world. Peyote is God's power put here to take away sickness. Peyote is good.

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The Diabolic Root Peyote should not be eaten for visions. The visions are the result of the effect of Peyote on the body; but if you put your mind on God no visions come to disturb you. Then you really know Peyote. Think about God first, then talk to Peyote. S a y : " I don't come to the meetings to get visions, to see things, to hear things. I come here to get well, to pray, to make my people well. Help m e . " Many Indians eat it to get visions and hear things. It is the power of Peyote to produce those things. But that is a wrong way to use it. It should be eaten in order to get well, not to have visions. If in the course of the meeting visions come to you, you must pray hard. You must keep your mind fixed on the purpose for which the meeting is being held. You must keep your mind on Peyote and on God. When you have visions, Peyote is really exposing what is on your mind. It proves that your thoughts are not on good. It means that you do not have your mind on the purpose of the meeting. Peyote exposes a man's innermost thoughts. A man who gets visions does not learn anything about Peyote. He forgets why he takes Peyote. Suppose I go to a meeting just to eat Peyote. If I don't make up my mind to use Peyote the right way, I shall see snakes and many other things. But they are not real visions. They are the effect of Peyote, when your mind is not made up. There is no pse eating Peyote to see these things. But this is the reason that many people eat Peyote. It is like drinking. It is bad. By giving you these visions Peyote tells you that you have no business in the meeting. You don't have to eat Peyote or any other herb in order to go to heaven. To go to heaven all you have to do is to be

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Delaware Peyotism good. Many of the Moonheads say, " I am poor, I am alone, lead me to heaven." That is wrong. The Peyote road does not lead to heaven. Peyote also asks questions by giving you visions. It asks you, what is it you want? What is on your mind? They don't know what they want. Now this is the best way to use Peyote. Before you go to the meeting, set your mind on a good purpose. Concentrate your thoughts on God. If you do, you will see him. In the meeting, make " p i p e s " and concentrate on the purpose of the meeting. Use God's power for yourself. Smoke the pipe when you are worrying. Maybe Peyote affects you; perhaps it makes you sick. Call for a pipe. Pray, taking four puffs on the pipe, and then pass it to the road-chief. He can see that you are worried and he will pray and talk to the Chief Peyote for you. You do not have to tell the road-chief what it is that you want nor what is worrying you. When you make the cigarette your will power is in the pipe. Set your mind on God and Peyote will help you. The road-chief only helps you to talk to Peyote. The road-chief does not have any power himself. To be benefited, you must have the belief that Peyote is perfect and you must observe the rules very closely. Wilson was opposed by us because it was his belief that he was teaching not the Peyote belief. Wilson tried to make himself as good as Jesus. Wilson's belief was a mixture of Christianity and Peyote. He wasn't doing right. He was mixing the two religions. Peyote was put here only for the health of the people, but it must be used in the right way. Wilson claimed that Peyote could be used for good luck, to become smart, and to acquire wealth. There are no such

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The Diabolic Root powers in the herbs. Today there are different ways of holding Peyote meetings. That is not right. Peyote is a spiritual power and it must be used in the right way as it was revealed to mankind by Peyote. Wilson belittled the Big House. He said that the Peyote religion is better than the Big House. But Wilson was wrong. Peyote is good, but it is good and powerful medicine, not a religion like the Big House. Now, Peyote is good for a toothache, if a piece of it is placed on the tooth, and some on the outside of the face. Four boiled Peyote placed on top of the head will help in cases of insanity. In cases of consumption, eat Peyote often. Peyote clears the mind. It takes away worry. It makes you see things in the right light. I eat Peyote to take sickness away from me. Sometimes, perhaps, someone who is using Peyote becomes worried. Perhaps he feels like giving up everything. Perhaps he feels lonely. In such a case, he comes to a meeting. Peyote will give him visions, showing him what is wrong. Peyote will give him clear thoughts. Maybe after a while he becomes happy. Peyote gives help to the person who needs it and goes to the meeting. Peyote is God's power and it is good. 2 1 Conversion and Experiences of James C. Webber with Peyote " I attended a Peyote meeting for the first time in 1922. I had been very sick for about a year and a half, and at 2 1 T h e last sentence s u m s up the informant's conviction over which everything is practically superfluous. 2 - Only part of his narrative is produced.

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Delaware Peyotism the time that I decided to go to a meeting it seemed that there was no hope for me. My brother, who had been using Peyote for many years, had urged me to try the new faith and to go to the meetings. I had not only refused to go but had strongly opposed the use of Peyote for many years. I did not believe in it either as a religion or as a medicine. At this time he again urged me to attend a meeting. Some friends also urged me to do so. They believed that it would help me, give me strength and build me up. Finally I made up my mind to try the new faith. A Wilson Moon meeting was given near the Quapaw Indian Reservation. The meeting was conducted by Solomon Quapaw, and it was said that the fireplace was one of the oldest that Wilson had built. It was a west-door Moon, of the same type that Wilson had established among the Delawares at Dewey, some years before. His nephews, the Andersons, had succeeded him as leader there. They changed the Moon a little, making it an east door and holding the meeting in a tipi instead of a house. Wilson himself first built the Moons of earth, and held the meetings in a tipi. Later he turned to cement Moons and a house. In the meeting I kept continual watch, all night long. I ate a great deal of Peyote, and sang some of the songs that I had heard my brother sing for many years. I found that if a person is in real earnest prayer, the effect of Peyote is not intoxicating, but that it helps one to enter the spiritual world and gives one the determination to do good instead of evil. The more one prays while under the influence of the herb, the easier it is to correct one's conduct. As the Indians say, "If we want the meeting to be a success we must push hard." There comes a time when a person realizes a strong divine power over him which has

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The Diabolic Root the effect of strengthening him along the lines that he is praying. This divine power is always ready to help the sick and the needy. In my case I immediately realized that all the treatments I had been given before had been of no avail. After eating Peyote for two years my health was completely restored. Now up to the time that I began to eat Peyote I was very much opposed to its use as a medicine and I doubted the sincerity of the faith as a religion. After I attended several meetings and my health was restored, I changed my mind about it. I found that it is a good and powerful medicine and that it depends on one's self if the full spiritual and mental benefit is to be got from eating it. I believe that no matter how humble or helpless a person may be, the longer and the more faithfully he observes rules the more strength he will gain. I know by my own experience that anyone who has been accustomed to attending Peyote meetings is able to meet any emergency that life brings upon him. It is said, however, that many people, although they have used this herb for years, have not received benefit from it in so far as spiritual beings or things have appeared to them. Although we notice that their general health always improves, there are others, who by some unknown reason, will see objects or even beings, birds, or animals, which are looked upon as visions, while no one else will know anything about them at the meeting. These experiences come to them even in the first or second meeting that they may attend. As to myself, I felt immediately that I had been benefited. Although I had not seen objects, I could hear voices singing with me and I could easily detect through the fire and through the drum the nature of a man's prayer, and

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Delaware Peyotism I could divine his condition, and the nature of his illness. After the second meeting, I could tell whether or not he would recover from his illness. On this account, my Peyote brothers have recognized in me a gifted power, which I do not claim to be my own, but the Peyote Spirit's. There is also one other thing which all really experienced Peyote leaders know, and that is that no one can be too careful with his ability to help other people, because it never was intended for everyone who uses Peyote to be able to lead and to advise those who take part with him in Peyote ceremonies. It is through the good will of the Great Spirit only. At the first few meetings, the Peyote I ate, whether in small or large amounts, tended to make me sick at the stomach, causing vomiting, which the Indians claim is a punishment for one's sins. This vomiting cleanses the entire system of its filth, purifies the blood, and restores a person's nervous system to its normal condition. Peyote made me sick, but I heard voices. Now I don't vomit any more. The more a person prays, the less the physical effects of Peyote are felt. I had the feeling once that it was going to make me foolish, but that happens to everybody, and is a test of one's faith in Peyote. After I had eaten Peyote for a number of years, I visited a band of Shawnee Indians in the White Oak Hills about fifty miles southwest of Miami. While there Frank Vear, a Shawnee Peyote brother, invited me to help conduct a meeting for the benefit of his sick mother, who did not believe in Peyote. It was in this neighborhood that I joined the original Peyote organization. The Delaware had it, but there were not enough members to hold a meeting. Here it was established by John W. James, known as Jimmy Johns, of the Yuchi Indians, who are affiliated with the

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The Diabolic Root Creek around Sapulpo and Kellyville. They got it from the Cheyenne, who got it from the Comanche. During the night at this meeting I began to study the evil things that I had heard about the Shawnee in the neighborhood. I tried hard to compel myself to get off the subject, but on account of so many stories about night travelers and conjurers that had been told to me by some of my brothers who are very superstitious, I could not refrain from thinking of these mysterious things during the meeting. Sometime after midnight, I decided to go outside, despite the fact that I was afraid to go out alone in the dark. But since the meeting was in the house, the fire was built outside in the yard. I felt that if I went outside and used our Grandfather Fire and made a strong prayer to the Great Spirit through Peyote, I would feel confident that no evil powers could overcome me. I went outside, and after I used the fire I felt as if I could hear every noise that was made by every living being within a radius of several miles. I went about fifty yards from the fire, where stood an old log cabin which was being used as a stable for horses. This old building had been built many years before by one of the noted members of the Delaware. The thought struck me that these premises of a venerable old chief, who had at one time been recognized as a great leader of the Munsee, were abandoned. Again I made a short prayer while my brothers were carrying on the meeting in the house. My prayer was offered to the Great Spirit through Peyote, that I might not come in contact with an evil spirit of any nature. Suddenly I heard a buzzing. It appeared to come out from the very roof of the house in which the meeting was

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Delaware Peyotism held. The sound seemed to travel over the path of an arc. It reached almost the top of my head, and it felt as if it were going to alight there. It came very near exciting me beyond control, but I remember that I had prayed to Peyote to save me from all evil things. I shall always believe that my p r a y e r saved me from evil things that night. While I want to repeat that no visions appeared to me this time or at any other time, I realized that when anybody prays earnestly to the Great Spirit through Peyote, he will be granted anything that he calls for. In this particular experience, I made up my mind that if anything had come to harm me and the Great Spirit through Peyote was not able to stop it, I was willing to be struck down in death. At that moment I did not know whether I should stand up. I noticed that the sound had changed, and that it was now like the buzzing of a bee and about to alight on my head. But I continued to brave it out. I knew that faith is strength. I rose and looked up at the sky which was very dark. I managed to get back to the fire and I prayed again before entering the house. Now it isn't the custom of the Delaware in their religious life to recount immediately what one has experienced. For this reason the Wilson Moon Peyote followers have always disagreed with me. So I waited until late the next day before I told one of my brothers. I believe that a real conscientious Peyote worshipper should put his time in the observance of the rules and regulations, and in praying for the good of the people. From the beginning of my faith I have not used other herbs for curative purposes. My health is normal and I am growing bigger every day. I had another experience in 1 9 2 3 . I was eating Peyote 73

The Diabolic Root in one of the Wilson Moon camps in a Quapaw Reservation. That night we had among us a white man from Ireland, Pat Noonigan, who had been eating Peyote and drinking tea for three or four years. I had been eating a large quantity of Peyote, and had drunk a great deal of tea. After midnight, when the drum had gone around three times, it was Pat's turn to sing, and he began. Peyote had a very strong effect on him. While he was singing and having such a strenuous time of it, I thought I would observe his actions. In my heart, I really felt sorry for the man, because I realized that it was a very hard matter for a white man to accomplish anything in a Peyote meeting. While watching this man, I noticed a reflection of light on the left side of his head coming, perhaps, from the fire. His head was hanging down and he was not looking at the Chief Peyote as he should have been doing. I saw a cross on his left side, leaning on his head. Naturally I wondered why such a thing should appear to me, but after carefully studying the matter, I came to the conclusion that Peyote wanted to show me that this man was of an entirely different faith, in religion, and that his whole mind was running back to the days that he had spent in Ireland. When a Little Moon Peyote meeting is being held, it is understood that any Indian is welcome to go in, whether he takes part in it or not. But there is a strict rule against white or colored people having anything to do with the meeting or even being accepted as social members. There is only one time that the road-chief is allowed to suspend the rules, and that is when a committee of investigators comes from the office of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, or is sent by the United States Government. 74

Delaware Peyotism I did not mention my experience to anyone, although it is customary for the followers of Wilson to ask one another after the meeting what they saw or experienced. Some of them do not even wait until the meeting is over but they whisper and discuss the various experiences, the objects, the visions they claim to see all night long, during the meeting. That is contrary to the Peyote rules. Another time I was eating Peyote in a Big Moon meeting. I had eaten quite a few Peyote buttons at the very beginning of the meeting. The first few that I ate made me very sick for a time. They permitted us to have a tin can in which to spit. I used a tin can to vomit in. As soon as I had an opening I called for more Peyote. It was green, so I cleaned it. I took the dry skin off. Along towards morning I had eaten a lot of it. What I did not eat I placed behind me. While I was watching the Peyote on the altar and listening to the singing as the drum went around, I heard a voice which appeared to come from the tin can in front of me. I kept listening and apparently, the direction of the voice would change, coming sometimes from above, in the center of the tipi. Then I noticed that the singing seemed to be behind me right at the edge of the tipi. I tried to figure out what the meaning of this was, for everything that appears in a meeting has a meaning. My mind ran back to the night of my third meeting when I had had the same experience, only at that time the meeting was being held in one of the Peyote houses, and having had more Peyote than I could eat at that time, I had laid what I had not eaten on the bottom sill just behind me. It was sometime after midnight that the second man on my left, who was an old experienced Peyote man, called my attention to it. He said, "Why don't

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The Diabolic Root you eat that Peyote behind you? It has been singing ever since you put it there. This Peyote is to be used and not to be laid around." This thought of my past experience made me come to the conclusion that the reason I heard the voice in the can, and the voice behind me, was that Peyote wanted me to know, that in the first place it should be prepared and thoroughly cleaned. Then there would be no excuse for anyone to throw any part of it away. The fact is the Peyote is clean and there is no excuse for having cuspidors, which are filthy things, to spit in during the services. I discovered one other thing. Any man who is trying to live a pure and even life and strictly observes the rules laid down by the Great Spirit will concentrate his mind on the purpose for which he is eating his medicine, and if he should become a little sick, he will pray all the harder. The more a person is determined to accomplish his purpose the easier the effect of Peyote will be on him. That is one of the principle things that a road-chief, if he understands the conducting of meetings, will always tell the members. The old Delaware religion is too heavy for us who are becoming few and weak. It is too difficult; Peyote is easy in comparison. Therefore we who are weak take up this new Indian religion. This is the very objection raised by the old men to taking it up. But Peyote knows that the Indian's burden of becoming educated and at the same time keeping up the old religion is too heavy, for he said that to the old woman who was the first to discover our new religion. Peyote is to be the Indians' new religion. It is to be for all the Indian people and only for them. From my past experience and also the few facts that I have gathered through the information furnished by dif-

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Delaware Peyotism ferent people, the Delawares of Dewey belonging to my band, and from those at Anadarko, who have lived with the Caddo for many years and have intermarried with them, I find that the Delaware still holds to his ancient belief. The ancient belief is that the soul does not depart from this world until the twelfth day after death. The life-bloodsoul remains on earth and disappears. The body decays and goes back to the earth where it belongs. The Delaware does not believe in the second power represented by Jesus Christ. But in the new Peyote religion, he accepts Peyote as his father, who acts as the mediator between God and man. Now the Delaware when speaking of his soul believes that it will be transformed into an Indian in his own image. Only the existence will be spiritual. Unless he cleanses and prepares that soul on earth he will not have eternal happiness. He looks forward to eternal happiness where there is neither pain nor sorrow, where he will meet those who have gone before him who likewise have prepared themselves before departing from this world, and with them enjoy the pastimes that the Indians have in this world like Indian dice, football, and dances. The Delawares are taught that the ceremonial dances are labor and service to the Great Spirit. The Delawares, when properly conducting a Peyote meeting, should follow the example of those who are thoroughly versed in the rules and regulations of the Little Moon. Anyone following any other form is doing contrary to the original laws of the Peyote religion. There have been some Delawares living with the Caddo who have from time to time tried to introduce the Catholic faith in the Peyote meeting. Often they used the crucifix instead of the Peyote on the Moon. All these attempts have met with opposition from most of the Delawares. The old

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The Diabolic Root men say, "Either omit the Bible or don't have the meeting at all." In fact the old men attempted to have the Peyote ceremony approximate as much as possible the Big House. 23 When the crucifix is used in the meeting, one is praying to it and not to the Peyote. That is wrong. I believe in a Great Spirit who is even the Creator, and in Peyote as an earth spirit. I believe that Peyote has been given the power to stand as a mediator between the Indians and the Great Spirit. I believe that Peyote is the highest medicine of all the herbs. I know nothing about Christ and do not accept a second Spiritual power such as he represents. All power emanates from the Great Spirit. Peyote is not a second power but only a mediator between the Great Spirit and man. Peyote may be eaten as a medicine but it will not save anyone's soul. The man that runs the Peyote meeting has no power and is not saved unless he saves himself. Woman is pure and cleanses everything. BIG

Life

MOON

R I T U A L S AND

and Teachings

CREEDS

of John

24

Wilson

One of the most important early leaders of the Peyote movement was John Wilson, an Anadarko Delaware with some Caddo blood. He appears to be the most significant 28

To what extent this has taken place will be discussed later. I am indebted to Prof. Speck for many details of John Wilson's life. See his "Notes on the Life of John Wilson as Recalled by His Nephew, C. Anderson." M. R. Harrington, in Religion and Ceremonies of the Lenape, has described a form of the Big Moon. Museum of the American Indian, New York, 1921. 24

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Delaware Peyotism figure in the diffusion of the religion in Oklahoma since 1885. 2 5 Not only did he actively teach the faith to his fellow tribesmen of Anadarko and Dewey, but his influence extended to the Caddo, Wichita, Osage, Quapaw, and, in all probability, to many of the other tribes. The rituals and doctrines of the Winnebago, for instance, bear such a strong similarity to those propagated by Wilson that a direct borrowing can be postulated. The Kickapoo, the Omaha, and the Potawatomi are among others that seem to have patterned their Peyote creeds and ceremonies after those of Wilson. Before his conversion to Peyotism about 1880, this religious leader and teacher had led the usual life of the Indian. 2 6 Details about his life are few, but it is certain that he neither attained notoriety nor fame for his behavior before his conversion. According to tradition he was familiar with the Delaware religious ceremonies and also with those of the neighboring tribes. His wife was a Caddo, and consequently he was close to the mores of that tribe. Not only did he come in contact with the tribes at Anadarko, such as the Kiowa, Comanche, Apache, Wichita and Caddo, but, like most Indians, he wandered extensively. He was, of course, in touch with the Whites, and it is said that he was familiar with the Catholic missions. In personal habits he was neither better nor worse than the average Indian. He was addicted to moderate drinking and gambling, frequently the ordinary social activities, and actually took part in the contemporary religious movements that swept across the Plains. Undoubtedly he must T h e exact date of the introduction of the cult is uncertain. That is, he took part in the ceremonies and games, gambled a little, drank a little, and roamed from reservation to reservation, becoming acquainted with other tribal groups. 25

26

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The Diabolic Root have become acquainted with the Peyote movement in his youth, but, according to his nephew, he paid little attention to it until he was forty years old. There is a story that Wilson, in his extensive travels, had some experience with Peyote in New Mexico and that he returned from that region with his new religion. His nephew, who in his boyhood was closely associated with him and since his uncle's death has become heir to the leadership of the Wilson Moon at Dewey, is positive that the conversion took place in a different way. According to this informant, it was at a Comanche dance, not a Peyote ceremony, that Wilson was given a dry Peyote plant by a Comanche and urged to try it. It has been mentioned that it is a fundamental doctrine of all the Peyote cults that one can learn about Peyote and its religious doctrines only by personal efforts. Conversion comes not through rational conviction, but through actual experience with the plant and the Spirit-force it represents. Doubtless before this incident Wilson was acquainted with the creed and rituals, and he knew that only by personal trial could he attain a true understanding of the faith. It is said that he finally determined to subject himself to Peyote and took steps to prevent disturbance or distraction for a period of time during which he could concentrate on the new religion. He withdrew with his wife to a "clean and open place" near an abundant supply of good water, with provisions to last him for some weeks. In his retreat, free from worldly intrusion, he gave himself up to religious contemplation and Peyote. In his attitude he expressed humility, ignorance, and desire to learn from the spirit of the cactus. So humble was his approach, and so sincere, that Peyote took

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A BIG

MOON

SHRINE

Delaware Peyotism pity on him immediately and favored him with a series of revelations that transformed the prosaic Delaware into a religious leader and prophet of great influence. There is no evidence to show that Wilson was passing through any physical or mental crisis at this period of his life. Unlike many other stories of prophets, there is no indication that Iiis experiences with Peyote can be attributed to an unbalanced mind or to any other personal aberration. He neither fasted nor practised any other form of abnegation, and did not submit himself to any personal torture other than the nausea produced by the consumption of the plant. The revelations that he received, therefore, were the products of Peyote, or rather they represent its physiological and psychological effects plus his own interpretations during the periods of intoxication. He was, during the entire ordeal, in a state of religious intoxication produced by his concentration on the religious aspect of Peyote, the intensity of which cannot be properly measured. The neophyte ate Peyote at intervals, day and night, eight or nine "buttons" each time, over a period of two or three weeks. If these facts are true, he was subject to a continuous Peyote intoxication intensified by religious fervor for an unusually protracted good. Is there reason to wonder that he received revelations and attained a deep conviction of their divine origin? Wilson claimed that he was conducted to the sky realm by Peyote, whose presence he felt but whom he never saw. He was shown various figures in the sky and received instruction as to their meaning. The celestial landmarks representing events in the life of Christ and the relative position of celestial bodies and spiritual forces such as the

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The Diabolic Root Moon, Sun, Fire, and Water were pointed out. In one revelation he was shown the open grave of Christ and the road leading from it to the Moon. He learned that this was the road over which the founder of Christianity traveled to reach his Father. He was enjoined to walk on this road, called "Our Creator's Road" or the "Peyote Road," during his lifetime. He was told that through the use of Peyote and by honest endeavor to understand this spiritual force, his knowledge would increase until he reached the very end. Death would then .bring him in the presence of Peyote and Christ, marking the end of the journey. He received a body of moral and religious teachings, and details of ceremonial procedure, minute instructions as to the construction of the Moon, or Peyote altar, the paraphernalia to be employed in the ritual; and was taught the songs. According to his disciples, Wilson related that at first he received instruction in the making of a Little Moon but that in subsequent revelations more and more was added until in its final state, it became the Big Moon that he transmitted to his followers. John Wilson is dead, and consequently there is no way of determining the sequence of revelations and whether what he later taught was received during this period of retreat, or whether subsequent revelations increased his knowledge. His enemies claim that in the course of his life he professed to have had fresh visions which always were interpreted to his personal gain. His followers, however, staunchly deny these accusations and aspersions. At the end of the period of seclusion he returned to Anadarko and immediately made known his experiences. He built the Peyote altar or Moon after the fashion re-

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Delaware Peyotism vealed to him, which in details differed markedly from that employed by the Kiowa and the Comanche, though the general conception remained the same. He quickly acquired many followers, and began a series of pilgrimages to various tribes, preaching the new doctrines and making many converts on the way. About 1885 he visited his brethren at Dewey and successfully established his own cult there, leaving some disciples to carry on his work. He was invited by the Osage and he built a Moon for them, and they in turn joined the ranks of his most devoted followers. His career continued with increasing success until it was cut short by a deplorable accident. He was killed by a railroad train while returning from the Quapaw where he had fulfilled his mission, having left behind one of his Moons and a trained disciple. It is impossible to determine Wilson's exact teachings since information is obtainable only from secondary sources. Much of the symbolical material in connection with the Moon can no longer be interpreted, or has been given new interpretations. In the following exposition it is well to remember that the creeds ascribed to Wilson may, in large part, represent merely his disciple's interpretations. John Anderson, who has fallen heir to the leadership of the Dewey group, is Wilson's nephew, and was intimately familiar with him. Schisms based on different interpretations have already appeared among Wilson's followers, but Anderson's version can be taken as one of the most faithful. Wilson never claimed divine powers for himself, although his existence and his labors already show signs of becoming legendary, with the result that some of his followers are apt, in their enthusiasm, to think of him as a 83

The Diabolic Root sacred person. According to Anderson, he disclaimed even that he was sent by God to fulfill a mission. He merely asserted that Peyote revealed to him the proper way of conducting Peyote meetings "to cure disease, heal injury, purge the body from effects of sin; to lead the Indians to reach the regions above, where they could see Peyote and the Creator." Wilson claimed that the greatest teacher for the Indians is Peyote, communion which is possible to everyone provided he manifests the proper honesty of purpose to know Peyote and learn its teachings. By eating the plant and concentrating on Peyote and the ills that afflict mankind, by a proper show of humility and desire to learn to "walk on the r o a d , " this end can be attained. Thus each individual is to learn the doctrines of Peyote through personal experience and revelation. It is interesting to note that a distinction is drawn between revelation and vision. Visions and the disagreeable effects felt when one eats Peyote are the result of the sins and impurities that exist in the soul and the body. If one attains sufficient purity he will not be disturbed by the noxious effects. Only after eating Peyote a long time in the proper frame of mind is this result obtained. Revelations, therefore, do not refer to the visions that anyone may obtain, but represent the ultimate goal, obtainable only by the few who are persistent and sincere enough. Only through revelations can one learn, and through Peyote it is possible to acquire all knowledge. There are no Peyote "priests" who can give instruction in anything in the religion. The men who have learned the precepts and the formalism of the ritual through Peyote cite their experi-

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Delaware Peyotism ences merely as examples. It is obvious that this concept leaves the individual free to practise a modified ritual and to predicate slightly different doctrines provided he claims Peyote revelations, and is of sufficiently good reputation to be believed. Also it points out the difficulties confronting the investigator in trying to learn something about the religion. More often his inquiries will be answered by an offer of a quantity of Peyote, a request to eat it, and an assurance that if he really wants to know, Peyote will teach him. Nevertheless Wilson is reputed to have enjoined his followers to practise certain virtues which are neither new nor different from those urged by other Indians of a moral temperament. He warned against indulgence in alcohol and gambling, sexual license—prohibiting even the discussion of sex—matrimonial infidelity, falsehood, and was most emphatic against fighting, which was defined to include even a show of bad temper. Injury would be forgotten and forgiven if recourse was had to prayer and Peyote. He was opposed to witchcraft and love magic, considering these practices as social evils. The conduct prescribed for the Peyote worshipper, then, was not unlike that idealized in Christianity: an equanimity of mind, respect for one's neighbors, a peaceful disposition, forgiveness, and a reverent attitude toward the spiritual world. Primarily the Peyote meeting was held for the purpose of learning the Peyote religion and the moral precepts it taught. As has been said, this was accomplished through communion with the Spirit-force, Peyote, who transmits the wishes of the Great Spirit to the Indians. But Wilson also stressed that mental and physical afflictions could

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The Diabolic Root be cured in meetings if the proper attitude was manifested, which meant deep concentration on Peyote and the centering of desire on the relief of the sick person. His followers were asked while attending the meeting to "keep your mind on Peyote and don't think anything about the people around you or anything else. Look at the Peyote and the fire all the time and think of it. Sit quiet and do not move around or be uneasy." Wilson went so far as to claim that with Peyote all sickness could be cured if proper use was made of the plant and religious meetings accompanied the application of the remedy. There is no indication, however, in Anderson's version of his uncle's teachings that he considered other remedies and the ancient ceremonies impotent. His only claim was that Peyote was a cure-all and that if proper faith was placed in this Spirit-force other medical and religious practices were unnecessary. He was probably aware of the hopelessness of trying to continue the old ceremonial life, and in this there appears an effort to interest his people in a new religion that would satisfy all their wants as the older ceremonies had once done. During his sojourn in the sky realm with Peyote, Wilson received instruction on every detail of the ritual. A shrine called the Moon was to be built on the ground, and a tipi, within which the ritual was to be conducted, built over it. The details of the construction of this Moon with its symbolical markings were given, but unfortunately the original form is uncertain. Further instruction was given for the preparation of the paraphernalia, which was to consist of a water drum, a staff, a gourd rattle and feather fans. The songs, the singing of which is the main ritual, and the duties of the officers were revealed at this time. 86

Delaware Peyotism Description of a Wilson or Big Moon Meeting Attended at Anadarko by the Author There is, as has been noted before, no way of knowing the actual ritual taught by Wilson, nor the actual Moon or shrine that was revealed to him. Anderson claims that the one described by him is the original Moon of his uncle, but then so do other disciples claim that their Moon and their ritual represent the orthodox one. Yet there exists a wide variation, especially in the symbolic adornment of the shrine. The Peyote shrine in its simplest form consists of a mound in the shape of a crescent located a little to the west of the center of the tipi with the horns pointing to the east. This is called the Moon. A fire is built in the center floor of the tipi, and the worshippers sit in a circle with their gaze on a large Peyote button placed on top of the crescent. The entrance to the tipi is on the east side and directly opposite to it behind the shrine sits the road-chief. A line, sometimes imaginary, sometimes actually drawn on the ground, leads from the door to the Peyote on the crescent, and the road-chief is said to sit on this road, along which the thoughts of the worshipper must travel to reach the Peyote. The road-chief is merely a master of ceremonies rather than a priest. His assistants are a drum-chief, whose duties are to tie the drum and beat it when the road-chief sings; and a fire-chief, who is the guardian of the door and keeper of the fire. I did not succeed in observing a meeting conducted by Anderson, but at Anadarko I did attend a Big Moon meeting. The shrine, I was informed, was one that Wilson built before his death. Some of the marks were obliterated 87

The Diabolic Root and there was some opposition to my making a sketch of it. It is shown on page 179, A. A description is appended to the figure, but unfortunately to inquiries as to the symbolical meaning of the lines the reply was, " E a t Peyote. He will instruct you." The following description of the ceremonial procedure is given as written down the night after the meeting was held. Having been without sleep for about forty hours, having partaken of Peyote in the course of the meeting, and not having taken any notes for fear of offending my hosts, I can give only a brief summary of a most imposing twenty-four hour performance accompanied by the deepest feeling of reverence and awe and peace that it has been my lot to have witnessed either among primitive people or Christian groups engaged in worshipping their God. I took part in all phases of the ritual, ate a large dose of Peyote, sang songs, beat the drum for my neighbors, engaged in the cleansing ceremonies, and attempted to concentrate deeply on the Peyote as I was asked to do by my hosts. The next day, nevertheless, I was criticized by the too-observant Indians for not having given myself up to the Peyote altogether. My curiosity expressed by my wandering gaze was noted and censured. I was told that I could not learn by watching others, but only by being taught by Peyote. On my reporting, however, that I had suffered no physical disturbances and had seen no visions, they were somewhat mollified, reading in these points that Peyote was pleased with me, and that I was pure and clean. Otherwise Peyote would have caused nausea and perhaps sent disturbing visions. It must be mentioned that by a curious misunderstanding which did not come to my notice until several days afterwards, I was thought to be of Delaware descent. This proved fortunate, for I would

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Delaware Peyotism not have been permitted to attend the meeting if my hosts had known that I was pure White. The road-chief was Jack Williams, a Caddo related to the Delawares by marriage. It was a birthday meeting for his two young grandsons. A number of Delawares were present, among whom were Jack Thomas, the chief of the Anadarko band, and Willie Thomas. The latter has had revealed to him a Moon of his own. The group presented many points of interest. Jack Thomas believes in Peyote in the Wilson way, has a Moon exactly like his, and told me that he conducts the meeting exactly in the same way. Two Wichita and one Kiowa attended, none of them believing in the Wilson Moon. Another member was a follower of the Enoch Moon. In addition, the drum-chief was a Caddo undergoing treatment for consumption, and there was an old man, totally blind, who had been using Peyote since boyhood. His songs were different from those generally sung, and the author was told that they were the original songs. The tempo was considerably slower. Now, in spite of the differences in the creeds professed, no one seemed to mind doing what they were expected to do in this type of meeting. Later I was told that the differences are of no consequence, since all are believers in Peyote. It is a matter of courtesy to follow the rules believed in by the host, that is, the road-chief. After spending the afternoon in quiet conversation and rest, this being necessary in order to get in the proper frame of mind, we filed into the tipi, where we found the road-chief already seated in his place with the paraphernalia that was to be used in the ceremony before him. He directed us to our places, seating the more important near

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The Diabolic Root him. The women were grouped on the south side of the tipi, the men on the north. A comparatively large fire which had been started with flint and steel was kept burning in the middle of the tipi, furnishing both light and heat. In addition an oil lamp was placed near the altar on the northeast side. The fire-chief was kept constantly busy, sweeping the floor of the pit, shaping the coals in form of a heart, parting the ashes so that the Peyote road was kept clean. We sat for some time in silence so that we could put our minds on Peyote. During this period whosoever had brought his own drumsticks, feathers, rattles, or Peyote, passed them to the road-chief. No one was permitted to use his own paraphernalia until after midnight. The paraphernalia used by all included two large eagle wings, used by the road-chief to fan or brush the individuals that needed that attention in the course of the meeting, the right and left wing being used to brush the corresponding half of the person; a gourd rattle; a decorated staff; a small water drum; a decorated drumstick; a sprig of sage; a crucifix which was placed on the altar; corn husk and Indian tobacco; and of course the Peyote in three forms, dry, green, and the tea. We sat on blankets which were placed on sage strewn around the tipi, and were given a tin can in which to spit or vomit. Though we sat cross-legged most of the time, when one's turn came to sing, it was necessary to kneel. The road-chief opened the meeting with the usual speech in which he told us the purpose of the meeting, and exhorted everyone to concentrate his thoughts on Peyote. Making a cigarette from the corn husk and tobacco, and lighting it with a brand taken from the fire, since no matches can be

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Delaware Peyotism used in the meeting, he opened his prayer by taking four puffs. This prayer, like every other made in the course of the night was addressed to the Great Spirit, through Father Peyote. At intervals he held the pipe to the fire, to the Peyote, to the crucifix, to the four cardinal points. Tobacco, itself a spirit sent to man by the Great Spirit, was offered as a sacrifice. The prayer finished, he placed the stub carefully before him, and passed the tea to the women after he had put aside a small quantity to be given to the two grandsons in the morning. This tea by morning would become very holy. The men were given the dried and green Peyote, each taking four buttons and immediately eating them. It is not permitted to take more than the amount that one can eat immediately. A sprig of sage which had been passed around also, and which had been used both to masticate and to touch to the head, the mouth and the stomach, was returned to the road-chief who then began the singing. He held the staff, a feather, and the sage before him in his left hand, and shook the rattle with his right. The drum-chief accompanied him. He sang four songs, and at the end he and the drummer reciprocally fanned each other, accompanying this with the usual touching of the sacred ceremonial objects, i.e., the sage, the drumstick, the staff and the rattle to the body. The drum-chief now took his turn at singing while the road-chief drummed. At the end of each set of songs there was the usual fanning. The drum went around the tipi, each man first singing and then drumming for his neighbor. The other paraphernalia also made the circuit. Then the drum reached the women, who did not sing, but instead fanned themselves, and rubbed the top of their heads, their mouths

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The Diabolic Root and stomachs, as well as other parts of the body with their hands after touching the sacred objects. The sage was directly touched to the head and arms. There was no midnight intermission. The drum kept on making the circuit until dawn. Anyone was permitted to go out, but he had to ask the fire-chief, who in turn would transmit the request to the road-chief. This privilege was not abused, the tipi being left only when a person had to vomit violently. It is considered that one is taking the meeting with too much levity if he asks leave to go without real necessity. If a devotee did leave the tipi he had to be purified on entering. He would wait outside until the singer was through with his songs. Then he entered and passed to the right of the mound of earth symbolic of the sun and stood before the fire, with his arms and hands extended slightly before him in the classic pose of Jesus in the picture of the Ascension.,The fire-chief fanned him, taking heat from the fire with his fan. The brushing terminated at the hands, the feather being touched lightly to the length of the arms. The subject then bathed his hands at the fire and rubbed himself. Anyone could volunteer to fan him. He would thus be cleansed of all evil spirits which may have entered in him while he was out of the tipi, and all contamination with the outside world. Then he walked on the north side of the fireplace to stand before the road-chief, who fanned him with the eagle wings, using respectively the right and left wings of the bird to brush his right and left sides. In each case he touched the Peyote, and pointed the feather to the four cardinal points. Thus cleansed again, by the power of the eagle, the wind spirits, the fire, and the Peyote he

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Delaware Peyotism could touch the Chief Peyote on the Moon, rub himself, and take his place in the ceremony. In the course of the meeting, water could be had at any time without any ceremony, provided the road-chief gave permission. In the early morning several prayers were made. Permission was asked of the road-chief, and if the request to make a pipe was granted, the fire-chief got the corn husk and the tobacco. Being made and lighted, it was given to the road-chief, who puffed on it, touching it to the Chief Peyote, to the drum, to the feathers, etc., praying at the same time. At the conclusion of the prayer it was given to the person who had asked for the pipe, who puffed on it four times and offered his prayer for the children for whom the meeting was given. The stub was then returned to the road-chief who finished smoking it, while offering another prayer. It was then placed carefully before him. At dawn the drum was called in and the road-chief sang the morning water-song. Fresh water, fetched by the firechief, was blessed, and after another prayer had been offered, it was passed around and each person took four swallows. A speech was made and was followed by a prayer by the road-chief. Then we filed outside. Standing in line, in the same relative positions that we had occupied in the tipi, except that in this case the fire-chief was first, we washed our faces with the water that the fire-chief poured out in our hands. During this part of the ceremony we faced the rising sun.' Immediately as we finished our ablutions, we returned to the tipi, this time making a circuit, going to the left, that is, on the south side of the tipi, and when we reached the position of the road-chief,

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The Diabolic Root we faced east, greeting the sun by raising the arm. Then we took our places again. A comb was passed around and used. When all had returned to the tipi and were seated, the fire-chief spread the coals in the fire and burned incense of cedar. This was to freshen the air in the tipi, and to drive out any bad spirits that may have come in. The children were given the tea that had been saved for them, after which they were made to stand before the fire facing the road-chief, and underwent the same process of purification that the others had. The road-chief prayed for them, and the first part of the meeting was over. We were permitted to talk, but the singing began again and continued till noon. There was no Peyote breakfast served. When dinner was ready, the road-chief offered a prayer and sang the closing song. The drum was then untied and the paraphernalia put away. The dinner was served outside, but before we were permitted to eat a prayer was offered, and thanks given to the Great Spirit and to Peyote for what was considered a successful termination of the meeting. The food consisted of boiled meat, beans, etc., and great quantities of hard candy and other sweets. Each person present took away some of this sacred food in order to have members of his family partake of it. The rest of the day was spent in quiet, the group not disbanding until late in the afternoon. The meeting was quiet and dignified. There was no hysteria, no recounting of visual images, no self-accusatory speeches, no signs of suffering or distress other than that caused by the physiological effects of Peyote which is extremely distasteful, and in most cases causes at least slight vomiting. Even such a disciple as Willie Thomas as well as

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Delaware Peyotism the old man who had been using it since boyhood were thus afflicted. After the meeting, there were no signs of any after effects. Everyone appeared to be normally quiet and reserved. BIG MOON VARIANTS

27

An informant, Joe Washington, though out of sympathy with the Wilson movement because he considers it contaminated by Christian influences, claimed to have attended many of the Peyote meetings conducted by Wilson in person, near Dewey. He gave the following version of the ritual and doctrines. It has been mentioned that Wilson was not opposed to the older ceremonies nor to other medical treatments. In this account there appears a concrete instance that he utilized a native remedy for at least purification purposes, namely the sweat-lodge. According to Joe Washington, if a sick person requested Wilson to hold a Peyote meeting for him and he consented, the sweatlodge purification ceremony preceded the meeting. Wilson built the lodge and placed heated rocks inside it, together with a bucket of water and a cup. At this point he never omitted to collect a fee of one dollar. 2 8 When all was ready the patient, followed by Wilson, entered the lodge. After giving the sick man a cup of water to drink, Wilson poured water on the hot rocks and left the lodge. The steam rising from the rocks and filling the lodge caused profuse perspiration. A bath in the nearby creek followed. On the following night the Peyote meeting was held. 27 None of the Big Moon variations have been so standardized that they are kept intact for a long period of time. The following type is attributed to Wilson himself. 28 A substitute for the yard of wampum in the old Delaware rite.

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The Diabolic Root The meeting started at sundown. Wilson always entered the Peyote tipi first, and when the others entered it was to find him seated in his place, the position occupied by the road-chief. The drum-chief headed the line of worshippers and the fire-chief in his capacity of doorkeeper brought up the rear. The ritual was begun by Wilson with a speech in which he set forth the purpose for which it was being held and explained the rules of procedure to be observed. Among other things he explained to those assembled that in order to reach Jesus they had to follow the road that he had taken and that they must pray in order to believe in the guidance of Peyote. He identified this with the Peyote road. At the end of this explanatory speech, Wilson commenced the devotions by lighting a cigarette made of corn husk and tobacco called the "Pipe of Jesus." 29 He offered a prayer, as he puffed on it, in which he expressed his desire to travel the same road that Jesus had when he visited the earth. After the offering of the prayer, a bag of Peyote was passed around, each person taking as much as he desired. Wilson then sang the four customary opening songs, holding the staff and fan in his left hand and shaking his rattle with his right, while the drum-chief accompanied him on the drum. But these songs were not the ones revealed to the Comanche by Peyote, but were "Jesus Songs." 30 The drum-chief followed Wilson with four songs, holding the staff and fan and shaking the rattle while Wilson drummed for him. Afterwards, the man on the left of the road-chief 29 30

Although it is really a cigarette all persist in calling it a pipe. Of a faster tempo and sung by the younger men.

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Delaware Peyotism took up the singing with four songs while the drum-chief drummed for all of the singers. Throughout the entire meeting everyone kept his eyes, and presumably his attention fixed on the Chief Peyote placed on the Moon and on the crucifix which Wilson introduced in the ritual. If in the course of the meeting anyone voiced the complaint that he could not get his mind "working right," 3 1 Wilson helped him by taking some Peyote buttons, rolling them into pellets, holding them to the Peyote on the shrine, calling on the Chief Peyote, and giving them to the suppliant. There was a short intermission in the singing at midnight when Wilson made another speech, in which he spoke of Jesus who was supposed to have been born at that time. The singing then recommenced and continued until morning. Just before sunrise Wilson made another speech telling the people that Jesus was coming to see them. They all went out of the tipi when he had finished, fanned themselves, and tried to see Jesus come up from beyond the hill. Then they returned to the tipi, where Wilson made a speech. This was followed by singing which continued until noon, when everyone went to the dinner. Wilson sat at the east end of the table, made a speech, and prayed. He then passed around a cup of water, which he told them was symbolical of the blood of Jesus. After eating, everyone returned to the tipi, where Wilson passed around the staff, rattle, gourd, and drum. Each person touched these and rubbed himself. Then Wilson picked up the Chief Peyote and passed it around. This was touched to the hand, the heart, the mouth, and other parts 31

That is, concentrate on Peyote to the exclusion of all eke.

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The Diabolic Root of the body. Wilson made another speech and the meeting was then closed. If in the course of the meeting someone wanted to pray for some particular thing, he asked the road-chief for a cigarette. The road-chief prepared one, placing it before him. The fire-chief went to the north side of the Moon where the cigarette or pipe was placed. Picking it up, he went to the north crossroad, straddled it and held the cigarette to the fire. He held it to the east, and passed it to the crossroad-man, who took one puff on it and prayed for the person. He went back to the fire, held the cigarette over it, and took it to the road-chief. The road-chief told the fire-chief that the cigarette had come back, and requested him to ask what was desired. The fire-chief asked the question and transmitted the answer to the road-chief. The one who had called for the cigarette then went to the crossroad-chief on his side of the Peyote road, and was fanned by him. He proceeded next to the assistant firechief and was fanned again. He stood on one side of the road and was bathed in the fire. He went over to the other side of the road, stepping over carefully, first with one foot then with the other, and stood before the other crossroadchief who likewise fanned him. He bathed again in the fire, and went over to the road-chief and repeated his supplication. Then he turned around so that he faced the door of the tipi, and the road-chief offered a prayer for him. The suppliant then returned to the north crossroad-chief who also prayed for him. He took his place to the northeast of the fire, where the fire-chief prayed for him and bathed him in the fire. From here he went to the southwest of the fire where the assistant fire-chief prayed for him. He finally went over to the south crossroad-chief who prayed for

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Delaware Peyotism him, and then went before the fire, straddling the road. Everyone in the tipi proceeded to fan him. The prayer was then considered as offered and he was free to return to his place. Looking in from the door of the tipi, one saw the grave of Jesus, represented by the shrine. The Peyote was placed at the head of Jesus, the fire was at the heart, and the diamond shaped figures represented the feet. Jesus was supposed to be lying in the grave. The crescent represented his halo and his crown of thorns. The cigarette before the road-chief pointed the way over which he traveled when he returned to heaven. A person, when he made his way to the cigarette, and anyone leaving the tipi who wished to reenter it, first stopped at the entrance and gazed upon the shrine, walked on the south side of the fire, and went through the cleansing ceremony described above. According to Joe Washington, Wilson taught that the crossroads were symbolical of the many roads or ways of living. One can take any road he chooses, if he follows the Christian Bible, but if he wants to follow the road of Jesus, then he must choose the main road, which is the same road as the Peyote road. Anderson

Big Moon

Variant32

George Anderson and his brother, nephews of John Wilson, have become the recognized leaders at Dewey. In many respects they represent the last tractable element of the Delawares, being antagonistic to anyone seeking information from them. My request that I be allowed to attend 3 2 For a description of the shrine, see F. G. Speck, "Notes on the Life of John Wilson, etc."

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The Diabolic Root one of their meetings was refused, and their answers to my questions on their beliefs was the suggestion that I eat Peyote, who would teach me everything that I wanted to know. In their approach to Peyote, they are among the most pious, considering it almost sacrilege to talk about this great Spirit-force. They profess to follow the doctrines of their famous preceptor John Wilson, and their Moon is supposed to be a replica of his, though others claim that it is different in many features. George Anderson's experiences with Peyote date back to about 1889, when he was fourteen years old. Being ill at the time, John Wilson gave him two buttons of Peyote. He took this small dose and was cured of his ailment. However, he had to wait several years before he was told by his uncle to learn more about Peyote. His experiences since have been in the nature of cures. He himself has been active in disseminating the religion among other tribes, and he has built Moons for the Seneca and the Osage. He claims no disagreeable effects from Peyote, and few disturbing visions. No more can be gathered from him, although his reputation and his steadfast adherence to Peyote suggest that his experiences must be considerably richer. The following account of an Anderson meeting was obtained from one who has attended frequently. Meager as it is, it contains some interesting comparative material: The rules of the Anderson Big Moon meeting permit the holding of meetings at any time, although usually there is a strong reason for doing so. They are held at times of weddings, births, and very often in cases of sickness. The officers are the road-chief, the drum-chief who beats the drum for every singer, and a fire-chief who tends the

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Delaware Peyotism fire, brings water into the meeting, and burns cedar incense. The worshippers part the hair in the middle, and paint the breast over the heart red. The Moon is a crescent-shaped mound with a groove on the crest representing the road that the devotee must travel to reach Peyote.' 13 It is often built of cement instead of dirt. A crucifix is placed upright on the Moon, and the Chief Peyote is placed on the ridge of the Moon in front of the road-chief. This Moon requires a large fire. Twelve sticks are used at the beginning and the fire is started with flint and steel. The ashes are piled on each side of the fire to represent the lungs of Jesus. Prayers accompanied with the tobacco offering are made only by the road-chief. The road-chief and the drum-chief enter the tipi first, take their places behind the Moon, and await the coming of the other worshippers. Places are assigned by the roadchief. The road-chief opens the meeting by making a pipe 34 and praying. He is the only one that makes a pipe. When he is through he sings a song, accompanying himself with a rattle, and holds the staff before him with his left hand. He does not sing the original Comanche opening song. Then he sings three other songs. When he is through, he fans himself and the drum-chief, and passes the gourd and staff to the man next to him, who sings in turn. Peyote is eaten before the singing begins, and at any other time in the course of the meeting. At midnight there is a recess for a few minutes, but there is no water-call, 33 34

A road of righteousness. The offering of tobacco is necessary with each prayer.

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The Diabolic Root since water is drunk at all times. When the meeting is started again another drum-chief is chosen, and the singing is begun again to continue until morning. In the morning there is no morning water-call, and the road-chief does not go out to whistle to the four quarters of the earth. The water is brought in by the fire-chief instead of by the woman as in the Little Moon. The road-chief blesses it, drinks first, and then passes it to the man at his left. Each drinks as much as he wants. Before the water is passed around, the fire-chief goes to the fire, warms his hands and passes them over his body, patting his head, his mouth, and his chest. This is called taking the fire over the body. The fire purifies. The road-chief takes his eagle wing, warms it at the fire and brushes the fire-chief, patting his head, arms, and hands. Any member can perform this service, in addition. Anyone in the tipi can ask to be brushed at any time. They also use their fans to do this, each one being permitted to use his own fan to do this from the beginning to the end of the meeting. This is supposed to cure illness, and is equivalent to bathing in the fire. When the sun appears they take their feathers, go outside, and fan each other. This is to greet the sun. Wilson claimed that he got his power from the sun, and that was the reason that Peyote called him Moonhead. By brushing each other, they cleanse each other, so they believe. Then they hang the feathers in the wind so that all the evil will be blown away. Then they reenter the tipi or house, circle to the left, stop at the back, and greet the sun again by raising the right arm. The singing then begins again and lasts until

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Delaware Peyotism noon, but it is open to anyone and anyone can now go outside. The drum is not untied until the noon dinner is served. When dinner is ready they leave the place of worship. The road-chief may ask one of the old men to give the blessing for the food. The man offering the prayer faces the east, the table being placed east to west. He raises his right hand and looks at the sun, and instead of talking so that he can be heard by everyone, according to the old Indian way, he talks in low tones to the Day-Moon, thanking him for the food. Then water is passed around. Everyone must drink of it and out of the same cup. The food is served, and what is left is distributed to the families. Griffin Big Moon

Variant35

Many of the disciples of John Wilson have sought leadership by changing the symbolical features of the shrine. This variant is by a Quapaw, but since many Delawares attend its meetings, a brief description is included in the present study. The Griffin Moon was established about 1906 or 1907 by a Quapaw, Victor Griffin, who lives at Devil's Promenade, a Quapaw Indian village. At one time he was very closely associated with Wilson. In fact, he was greatly instrumental in inducing so many to follow Wilson when he introduced his cult among the Quapaw and the neighboring Seneca. He conceived the idea of changing the position of the already established Moon, after Wilson left the Quapaw Reservation. With his influence over the Quapaw and the Seneca (his first wife belonged to the latter tribe), he has been successful in creating a following. 35

See page 182, B.

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The Diabolic Root His first attempt to revise the Moon was in the Osage Reservation. He succeeded, and gained rapid recognition. He also revised the rules left by Wilson. Following Wilson's death, he claimed to have been chosen by Wilson as his successor, to have received the power to become a leader, and to have the right to establish Moons in the name of Wilson, and to change them so as to conform to the practices of the Catholic faith. However, John Quapaw, a very old man of good reputation and known for his honesty, was the one appointed by Wilson as a successor to himself. His duty was to perform marriage ceremonies and to officiate at any affairs coming up before the Peyote organization. He was also empowered to act as mediator when presents were exchanged after the breaking up of the meetings. Also, when anyone was dangerously ill it was John Quapaw's duty to make a special appeal or invocation to Peyote for the grace of the Great Spirit. Griffin differed from Wilson in that he not only charged a fee for making the Moon, and for giving it the name of the person for whom it was made, but he would run the first meeting and sometimes the first three, for which he would charge a fee. He then would instruct the person who was to become the owner and leader, giving him full powers to conduct the meeting at this Moon. He always arranged beforehand the compensation he was to receive. This man is still living, and has been called particularly by the Osage to build Moons. However, there are few of the older generation who follow it. The Griffin Moon is an east-door fireplace, and is governed by the rules of the Wilson Moon for the most part. The crucifix is placed on the altar with the Peyote.

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Delaware Peyotism The altar consists of a crescent, with a line on its crest. A line is drawn east and west, from the door to the back of the tipi. Another line cutting this and the two horns of the crescent, is drawn north to south. At the juncture of the two lines, a heart is drawn. Another line, north to south, is drawn a little below, representing a resting place or a line in the body, and at its juncture with the road, the fire is built. Still another line is drawn further down, north to south, and there a mound is raised in the shape of a disc, and twelve lines are drawn radiating from the center. This represents the sun. Surrounding the sun for the most part, the moon is drawn in the form of a crescent, with a line on its crest. Black Wolf Big Moon

Variant38

Black Wolf was the adopted son of John Wilson. He is a man of great influence in the Peyote movement. Unfortunately his exact whereabouts could not be determined. A description of the ritual was obtained from several sources, but principally from J o e Washington, whose version is given here. It will be noted that the shrine is painted black and red. This is the only case known of such a departure from the original types.

When J e s u s got up from the grave, he took four steps to reach heaven. 3 7 Then he turned and faced the world, weeping and preaching to the people. Now, in this meeting, it is said that you sit in the shadow of the world, so as to look better at the grave of Jesus. See page 180, A. Long Bone enumerates seven steps instead of four. In both cases Peyote is the last step. 30 37

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The Diabolic Root When Jesus was resurrected, he showed his lungs, his heart, and his blood. In this Moon the tipi, that is the whole thing, represents the world. The shrine represents the grave of Jesus. Black is symbolic of the ill will that was borne against Jesus when he was a child. The fire represents the blood dripping from Jesus' heart. The outer crown of the Moon represents his crown of thorns. The Comanche songs are not used in this Moon. There is no midnight water-call. There is no cedar-chief, and no whistle is used. There is no special Peyote breakfast. The procedure is very similar to what has been described, but there is slight variation at several points. The following account describes the procedure for closing the meeting. Just before the sun comes up, the road-chief takes the gourd, fan, and staff. The drum-chief picks up the Chief Peyote and puts it on the drum, then picks up the drum and stick with both hands. The road-chief talks and tells those assembled to go out of the tipi, since morning has come. He preaches about Jesus coming up from his grave, and he points out the footsteps of Jesus. Everyone stands up at the conclusion, and the fire-chiefs go out of the tipi, and stand together on the north side. The road-chief follows the fire-chiefs, and then comes the drum-chief, passing on the north side of the altar. The others can go out in any way. They go out to see Jesus for the last time, that is, when he turned around. They all face Christ. The road-chief stands to the left of the drum-chief, the others behind them. All pray to Jesus; some even prostrate themselves and hide their faces. All rub themselves with the Peyote and the paraphernalia. Then the fire-chiefs go to the road-chief, take the fan and fan him, and afterward fan everybody

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Delaware Peyotism else. This is to cleanse. Following this the road-chief fans the fire-chiefs, and then the road-chief and the drum-chief fan everyone else. The road-chief leads the group into the tipi again, passing to the south of the altar. Everything is put back in place again. Then the fire-chief gets the cedar, spreads the fire, and puts the cedar in the fire. Afterwards the assistant fire-chief bathes in the fire and rubs himself with Peyote. He then takes water to the road-chief, and goes back to his place. The road-chief prays and tells the people that the water is the blood of Jesus. After he drinks, the assistant firechief takes a cup and passes water around. Everyone fans himself, goes to the fire, to the Peyote, to the sun. After doing this, they can call for water. The fire-chief passes around hard candy. That is the end of the ceremony. Anyone can go out, but most stay, singing, chatting, and smoking until noon, then after a prayer dinner is eaten. Whoever wants Peyote must ask the drum-chief. He takes the Peyote, talks to the Chief Peyote, and then distributes it to those who have asked for it. If someone wants a particular person to prepare the Peyote for him, someone who knows a great deal about Peyote, he goes through the following precedure: He goes to the fire and says that he wants to take the same road that Jesus took. He goes to the leader and gives him four Peyote buttons. The roadchief prays, mentioning that one of the devotees has brought Peyote to him, who wants to take the Jesus road. The road-chief then rolls the Peyote into pellets, and puts down the first that he makes. When he has finished the second, he tells the chief about it and tells the suppliant to stand up. This person goes to stand before him between the fire and the altar, where he is told to stand by the road-

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The Diabolic Root chief. The road-chief then asks him to give him his left hand, and puts the first Peyote in it. The suppliant swallows it, as also the second one, which the road-chief puts in his right hand. Then he puts both hands to the Chief Peyote and rubs himself. He touches the staff, the gourd, and the drum, and again rubs himself. The road-chief touches the fan to the paraphernalia and fans him, as does also the drum-chief. The suppliant returns to the fire on the north side, stands before it, bathes his hands in the fire, and rubs himself. He goes to the east of the fire and does the same thing. The fire-chief goes to the fire, touches it with the fan, goes to the sun, also touches it with the fan and then fans him. The assistant does the same thing. Anyone else may do this. The man turns, facing the sun mound, touches it and rubs himself. He then returns to his place. If anyone goes out during the course of the meeting, this is what he must do when he reenters. He enters the tipi, passes on the south side of the earth and sun mound and stands between this mound and the fire straddling the Peyote road. As he stands there looking at the fire and the Chief Peyote, the fire-chief goes to the north side of the grave to the Chief Peyote, passes his feather over it, and holding it close to the ground, comes and fans him on the right side. The assistant fire-chief does the same thing on the south side. The person who has entered then goes to the south side of the grave, straddling the Peyote road, and looks at the Chief Peyote. The roadchief touches the Peyote with his eagle wing fan and fans him. The drum-chief and the cedar-chief do the same thing. He then warms his hands at the fire and takes the fire (symbolically) in his body by rubbing his hands over his body. He is now considered purified and takes his place.

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Delaware Peyotism Long Bone Big Moon

Variant38

Long Bone is a devout Peyotist. He claims to follow the teachings of Black Wolf, the adopted son of John Wilson. His narrative given below, though brief, presents a number of new and interesting points.

Somewhere back east a child was born. They named him Jesus. The Whites killed him. He was sent by God our Father to take care of his children. When Jesus departed from this world, he took seven steps to reach our Father. With each step that he took he left word with Earth, our Mother, to take care of her children and God's, that is the Indian people. The first step to reach our Father is Peyote, the second is Fire, the third is Water, the fourth is the Clouds and the Rain, the fifth is the Moon, the sixth is the Sun, the next and the last is our Father. He left the seven people to take care of his children, so that some day his children might find out the way he went to reach our Father when he departed from this world. I don't use Peyote as a medicine. I use it to follow in the footsteps of Jesus. Were it not for this I wouldn't use it at all. It is difficult to use it. It is not at all pleasant, but we have to suffer anyway, the way Jesus did, if we want to go to our Father. There are many other medicines for sickness, but I don't believe in using Peyote that way. The Andersons believe that it cures sickness, but I don't believe in Peyote that way. One must have faith in Peyote to derive any benefits from Him. I have used Peyote for thirty years. Once I 38

Long Bone places little importance on the exact form of the ritual.

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The Diabolic Root stopped using it, but after some time I began using it again. I have the same belief that I had before. I was taught by Black Wolf who was a Caddo. He told me that Peyote took pity on him when he lost his daughter, and showed him the road. Peyote came to him in the image of an Indian and told him the rules. Peyote cleanses a person's spirit. It makes one anxious to find out more about the Father. One's faults can be overcome by using Peyote. Peyote can do only what the Father told him to do. It is said by some that Peyote can do anything for a person. That is wrong. Peyote can do only that which is right in the eyes of the Father. When you enter the tipi you go to the fire. The fire-chief brushes you, and then you sit down where the road-chief directs. You do this every time you enter the tipi. The road-chief then makes a talk. He explains the purpose of the meeting. He smokes a cigarette while he does this. Then he passes the tobacco around. Everyone makes a cigarette. Everyone then prays, but only the road-chief prays aloud. At the end of the prayer the Peyote is passed around. Each person takes seven buttons. After everyone has eaten his seven, the road-chief picks up the staff, which is in the form of a cross and beaded, and shaking the gourd with his right hand sings four songs, while the man at his right drums for him. When he is through the drummer sings. Then everyone else in turn, each person singing four songs. Creed of Jack

Thomas

Jack Thomas, the present chief of the Anadarko Delawares, is not related to Willie Thomas, who is considered to be one of the greatest living leaders. However, this

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JOE JACK

THOMAS

WASHINGTON WILLIE

THOxMAS

Delaware Peyotism Thomas is an old man, about eighty years old, knew John Wilson personally and is a firm believer in the Wilson ritual, as described in my personal account of the meeting. He gave the following account of his conversion and beliefs: Peyote is good. Once I nearly died. I had got a job as a policeman from the government. I was to catch someone. I became sick. I went to the Peyote meetings and I got well. I went to my job of catching people. I became sick again and this time I nearly died. I was taken to the hospital but after a while I ran away. I went to my brother, who had a Peyote house. He gave me a meeting. There were only two people in the tipi who loved me. These were my brother and another relative. They did not want me to die. The others in the tipi did not like me. Peyote told me this. I had been a man-catcher. That was the reason. The two persons that loved me prayed for me and I got well. I did not go back to my job of man-catcher. Peyote showed me that it is wrong. I believe in Peyote in the Wilson way. That is the way I learned it. It is good. Wilson taught that there are two roads, the good and the bad, the hard and the easy. The good road and the very hard road is the Peyote road. Before I knew Peyote I drank a great deal. I gambled. I did many things that are bad. I was a man-catcher. Peyote has taught me that all these things are wrong. I never become angry any more. I think good of everybody. My mind is at peace. Peyote has done this for me. God gave us Peyote so that he could do this. But you must pray to God. In the meeting and at all times you must keep your mind on God, on Peyote. and their teachings.

Ill

The Diabolic Root Enoch Big Moon

Variant39

When in 1894 a group of Delawares from Dewey visited the Caddo at Anadarko in order to investigate the Peyote religion about which they had heard, they found in addition to the Wilson another called the Enoch Moon. This was discovered by one Enoch, who was part Delaware and part Caddo, after Wilson received his revelation. The experience of Willie Thomas, the brother-in-law of Enoch, gave this Moon a great deal of prestige. Enoch discovered the Moon after he died and came to life again. Thomas had a like experience. He was ill, and was taken to an Enoch meeting to see if he could be cured. He ate Peyote. After he left the meeting he died, but was not buried immediately. After three days he came to life again. He was not buried because it was thought that he was under the influence of Peyote and that he would come to life again. He recovered his health and is living today. This happened about 1898. This Moon represents the grave of a man. The head is at the west, the feet at the east. A mark at the man's forehead represents the body of Christ. A straight line from this place to the feet represents the Jesus road. In the region of the breast a cross line is drawn, and at the point of the juncture of the roads a heart is drawn. At the waist line and at the knees there are also cross lines. At the ankles is a disc with twelve rays, representing the sun. At the feet a small circle without radiating lines represents the moon. Both of these circles are raised in circular mounds. Each of the cross lines represents a resting place, or recitation lines. 39

Some members of his family still follow Enoch.

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Delaware Peyotism If anyone wants to make a special prayer at any time, he must wait until the staff and drum have reached one of these points, and no one is permitted to go outside while such a prayer is being made. Also, no one is permitted to go outside while anyone is drinking medicine or preparing to do so. The road line is sometimes called the heart line. Other lines appear on the Moon representing heavenly bodies, but no one knows what they really mean. It is believed that in time, through continued faith, will come the true meaning of these diagonal and perpendicular lines. 40 Reynolds, of the Anadarko land gave the following version of the Enoch variant: 41 The rules of this Moon are only a little different from the Wilson Moon. There is no mound, the altar consisting of only a Moon drawn on the ground in the shape of a crescent, at the west end of the pit. In the pit the fire is built. The first stick in the fire represents the heart. There are twelve other sticks which represent the ribs. A line running from the entrance of the tipi to the back represents the Peyote road that must be traveled to reach Peyote. In addition there is a mound at the east end of the road. This represents the sun with its rays shining on the world. The Chief Peyote is placed on the crescent, which represents the night Moon and the crown of Jesus. The officers of the meeting are the road-chief, the drumchief, the cedar-chief, the fire-chief, and the assistant firechief. If you want water in this meeting, you ask the drum-chief or the cedar-chief, whichever is on your side of the tipi. 40 41

See pages 179, 180, 181. See page 181, B.

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The Diabolic Root This man tells the road-chief that you want water, and he in turn tells one of the fire-chiefs. The road-chief then prays and gives the water, which the fire-chief has brought to him, to the drum-chief or the cedar-chief, who makes a speech and prays. The fire-chief then brings you the water, you drink and give it back to him, and he fans you. Willie Thomas Big Moon

Variant42

Today, 1934, Willie Thomas is a man of sixty-five in splendid physical condition for a man of his age. He is deeply religious and is considered one of the best Peyote leaders. Morally also he holds an enviable position at Anadarko. He was present at the meeting held by Jack Williams, which I attended, and there not only was given the place of honor, but was even consulted on the propriety of doing this or that. I heard the story of Willie Thomas from many sources, though he was very reluctant to say much about himself. However, he was willing to explain to me his beliefs and directed the making of my sketch of his fireplace. After making certain that I was sincere in my wish to understand Peyote, he made a special trip to visit me and to give me the material that I have about his Moon. His conversion to Peyote appears to have been brought about by an extraordinary experience. He was taken ill when in his prime, over thirty years ago, and was carried into a Peyote meeting to be cured. Previous to this time he had never attended one in spite of the fact that Enoch, who was a renowned leader and originator of his own Moon, was his brother-in-law. It was to an Enoch Moon meeting that he was taken and while there it is claimed that he « See page 181, A.

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Delaware Peyotism died, but Peyote users refused to have him buried. It is claimed he came to life again after three days and is still living today. He has never been sick since this initial experience with Peyote. While he was dead, Peyote appeared to him. I was unable to get an account of the vision. He became a firm believer in the power of Peyote, and later developed his own form of the ritual, claiming that the way of making the Moon was revealed to him by Peyote. Page 1 8 1 , A. shows the Moon. In explaining it to me he placed a silver crucifix which he always carries about with him and which he had attached to his fan at the meeting, on the sketch as is shown by the dotted line. The altar represents the grave of Jesus. Jesus is on his back, with his arms extended as on the cross. The diamonds represent the four steps that Jesus made when he rose from the grave to reach God: the first step being to Peyote, the second to the fire, the third to the sun, the fourth to God. The heart within the diamonds represents the heart of the fire. According to Thomas everything has a heart, and so he places a heart in the sun, a heart in the morning star, at the head of Jesus, and a heart for Jesus himself. The Moon is used because the meeting is held at night, it being delegated by the Great Spirit to take care of mankind at night, just as the sun takes care of mankind during the day. The radiating lines represent the light that is about the head of Jesus, and also represent the light given off by the morning star. The ashes swept to both sides of the Peyote road do not represent the lungs, but the sweeping is done simply to keep the Peyote road clean. The Moon is never made of cement, but of red clay if it can be had. Willie Thomas does not charge a fee for building a Moon. It can be seen that it really does not differ very 115

The Diabolic Root much from the Enoch as it is used today at Anadarko. In the meeting the rules are not much different from the other forms. The members file to the left. The roadchief sits facing east. He has a drum-chief and a fire-chief. In going out of the tipi (the meeting is always held in a tipi), those who sit on the north side of the road go out on that side, and those who sit on the south go out on that side. In entering the tipi after going out, if the member's place is on the north he circles the sun on the north side to stand before the fire to be fanned, and then goes to the road-chief still on the north side. If his place is on the south side he stays on that side. As in the other meetings, the women sit on the south side and never take part in the singing. In the Enoch meeting, no water was drunk until the drum had made the circuit four times, which meant that no water was drunk until dawn. Willie Thomas changed this rule. In his meeting water can be had at any time. The drum-chief does not make the circuit with the drum. Each man takes his turn at singing and drumming for his neighbor. The meeting stops at sunrise, when everyone goes outside. There the face and hands are washed, the hair is combed, all using the same comb. Then all enter the tipi to the left, stop at the road-chief's place to greet the sun, and sit in their places. Cedar shavings are sprinkled on the fire, water is again passed around, and then a prayer is offered, in which thanks is offered for the success of the meeting. The meeting is then closed, but anyone can stay in the tipi to sing or talk and smoke. There is a departure from the Enoch and the Wilson Moon in that the road-chief does not make the pipe for

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Delaware Peyotism everyone. The tobacco is passed around and each one rolls his cigarette. The road-chief is the only one who makes his prayer aloud, but this is not considered as praying for everyone, since making the pipe is equivalent to praying. Tobacco is an offering. In the Wilson form only the roadchief makes the pipe, meaning that he prays for everyone. Below is given the creed of Willie Thomas: Everything that God put in this earth is good. God told the Delawares to do good even before he sent Christ to the Whites who killed him. We sing in the meeting because even the birds sing. God commanded it. God made Peyote. It is his power. It is the power of Jesus. Jesus came afterwards on this earth, after Peyote. The Delawares knew about God's power before the coming of Christ. God had told the Delawares the same things that Jesus told the Whites. Peyote teaches in the meeting. Everything in the meeting has to be natural. Everything has to be done according to nature's laws. As you eat Peyote you can see what you feel and think clearly. If you have any bad thoughts it will be revealed to you. There is light in the tipi because God said "Let there be light." Darkness belongs to the evil powers. You eat four Peyote at the beginning of the meeting in order to start quick. You eat as much as you like.

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The Diabolic Root NARRATIVES

DEALING

WITH

EXPERIENCES

PEYOTE

43

A Kickapoo Tribesman

44

This was told to me by Jimmy Johns, whose real name is John W. James, one of the leading men of the Yuchi, who has had wide experience as a Peyote leader, and is recognized as one of the foremost Indian doctors among the Peyote leaders. This Kickapoo man was recognized as a great Indian herb doctor. In the later years of his life he suddenly became very ill and because of the great faith he had in his gift, he conceived the idea that by using some of his own medicines he could recover. In the meantime, while he was ill, a number of his tribesmen tried to induce him to try some of these things, but he said that he himself was an Indian doctor with a gifted power to heal the sick. This power was given to him by his supreme guardian in a vision, and if his medicines which he had been taking were going to fail to restore his health there was nothing in the world that could save him or anyone else. After two or three weeks of his illness a stranger came along and tried to persuade him to get a doctor at once. The sick man refused. The person, however, notified the United States government Indian agent under whose jurisdiction the Kickapoo man was living. This man reported the dangerous condition of the sick man and the Indian agent, accompanied by his chief clerk, made a special ef43

These are current among the Delawares, and are here reproduced to illustrate the various types of experience that bear witness to the power of Peyote. 44 Narrated by James C. Webber.

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Delaware Peyotism fort to drive out and investigate. He took with him the department doctor. The sick man refused the aid of the doctor, but the agent forced him into a vehicle, took him to the town and placed him in the care of a nurse and a doctor. His clothes were taken from him and he was put in the dormitory by himself. He was very weak, but he refused to lie down, and sat on the edge of the bed looking about him. He noticed that even the windows were barred. He kept on thinking that he wanted to get out and that this place was like a jail. He felt that he had been treated like a maniac. After a while, he became entirely exhausted and fell over on the bed. In that condition, he had the following experience, which has become the greatest and most far-reaching testimonial that the Peyote religion has. The man claimed that he hardly realized that his experience was merely a dream, and to this day, because of his experience, he has been recognized as one of the greatest leaders of Peyote. While lying on the bed and striving to get his freedom, and in a stupor, he says that a little boy came from the westerly direction. There seemed to him to be open timber, and the path that the boy followed was a white path, which signified purity, and the boy being young signified that we are all children. The boy was to lead him over the road which led over a hill into a valley. When the boy came closer, the Kickapoo noticed that he held in his right hand a nicely decorated eagle feather. His clothing was made of red Indian buckskin, in the usual manner. He spoke and said, "Uncle"—this is the customary way of address when youths speak to older people as a sign of respect—"I want you to get up. Some people have sent for you," and he pointed to the west, over the

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The Diabolic Root hill and to the valley, "and I have come here to tell you and to show you the way." The Kickapoo rose and without hesitation followed the boy over the great white way which seemed to be so pure and so clean. After they had gone some distance over the crest of the hill, the boy leading the way and holding the feather before him, he saw several tipis, and from the largest one there came the sound of an Indian singing, and the beating of a drum. The boy stopped in front of the east entrance of this large and beautiful tipi, and shouted inside, "We have come!" The doorkeeper was ordered by the road-chief to tell the Kickapoo to come in. The door was opened and the singing and drumming ceased. The boy led the way again. He went to the left side of the fireplace and past the roadchief's seat between the Moon and the road-chief and continued around the fire and took his place, left vacant when he had gone on his errand. Now the sick man had been trying, all this time, to make out what was going to take place. He looked around at each of the men, and he discovered that he had been led into a Peyote meeting. The Indians were nicely dressed in buckskins. Finally the road-chief addressed him. "Brother, we have sent for you, because you are a poor boy and need help." He said that at this moment he realized the fact that in reality he was helpless and that these very brothers who now came to his aid were the very ones he had shunned for many years. The road-chief said, "Brother, you will notice that this path runs around the fire, circling the Moon and fire, and the rules in here require that you observe them closely. A vacancy has been awaiting you for a long time."

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Delaware Peyotism Gazing across the way, the Kickapoo saw a vacant place. He noticed that the fire was very bright, and that the instruments such as the drum, the drumstick, the gourd, the staff which appeared to be a plain stick, and the Chief Peyote, were all carefully arranged in front of the leader. He followed the instructions given to him, and following the path around the fire and Moon he seated himself in the vacant place. After a few moments, the road-chief said: "Brother, we are all weak, but we know your condition. We want you to look back into your life and see how much you have missed because you so sincerely believed that all the power in the world lay in your own medicine. We are going to show you here that no man ever gets too old but his fellow men can teach him something." Gazing around, he noticed that there was some food around the lodge and the leader said: "You must be hungry. We have finished eating, but there is plenty of Peyote and Peyote tea for you. This fireplace is the worship for the Indians. This is the place to heal the sick. This food is for the nourishment of the body. But this medicine has a great curative power, provided you have faith and abide by the rules and regulations which govern the Peyote ceremony. Now we want you to eat and drink this Peyote. Afterwards, eat of this food which has been blessed." After the Kickapoo had eaten all he wanted of the Peyote and the food, the road-chief said: "Brother, I want you to look around this tipi. You have never had the opportunity before. You have been thinking and talking against Peyote for many years without knowing anything about its power or its merits. I want you to realize that we have called you here as real brothers, at

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The Diabolic Root this last and critical moment because your own remedies have failed to help you. But what we give you here will restore you to normal health." The Kickapoo sat in position listening to the road-chief and looking about him. He saw a beautiful fireplace and the instruments which the road-chief had before him. He also saw some kind of wing which seemed to be a turkey wing in the possession of the fire-chief, which he used in cleaning the fireplace, after piling the ashes just between the fire and the Moon in a mound with two short sticks which he used to pick up coals. After he had seen and studied these things, the road-chief spoke: "The Peyote that you see on the Moon represents the greatest plant or herb that exists in the herb kingdom of the world." He was also told that where all other medicines failed Peyote had never failed, and that having faith in Peyote would strengthen the weakest and the most reckless. The Kickapoo at the conclusion of the meeting had not spoken one word. The same little boy was instructed to lead the man back to the place where he had found him. The little boy led the way, holding the eagle feather before him, and they walked over the hill following the great white way which looked so clean. When they came to the end of the journey, the Kickapoo awoke and found himself in the dormitory, lying across the bed, undressed, and still very weak and very sick. He managed to get up and reach the window, where he looked out, and wished he had his clothing. He thought about the vision that he had had. It was at this moment that he realized that he had been too independent, and that no man has medicine greater than his fellow men. He made

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Delaware Peyotism up his mind that if he regained some strength and his freedom, he would go to attend a Peyote meeting. After he had attended several meetings, he told us about his vision. He lifted his hand in prayer to the Great Spirit, and told us that he believed that he had received a mission from the Great Spirit to tell the people about his vision, and that the Great Spirit had revealed many things to his children through Father Peyote. No experiences were ever alike, he told us, and that he was going to try to live a good life, that he wanted to hold himself up as an example of a helpless man believing that he himself knew the greatest medicine, and that he was saved from death by this great medicine. Today he is one of the greatest Peyote leaders, and he always doctors with Peyote. John Quapaw

4,>

In 1924 John Quapaw, an old Quapaw chief, was taken very ill. He was very wealthy, since the town of Quapaw, which was named after him, has produced zinc and lead mines. He was able to get good medical attention because the place he lived in is within twelve miles of the county seat, Ottawa. During his illness, the White physicians were not able to help him. He was so sick that even his urine had to be pumped out of him. He was suffering from inflammation of the bladder. Some of the White doctors even claimed that he was suffering from a relapsed condition of venereal diseases. The chief dismissed all the White doctors and sought aid of the Indian herb doctors. But even this did not 4 5 A story stressing the necessity of putting complete faith in Peyote, an Indian product.

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The Diabolic Root help him. He became so weak that the people of the neighborhood had to sit up with him. There was a visitor in the neighborhood by the name of Willie Thomas. He was known to be a Delaware with a small amount of Caddo blood. He had the reputation of being a great Peyote leader. Quapaw asked that a messenger be sent to Thomas, who came to see the old chief. Quapaw said to him: "Brother, I believe that my day to depart from this world has come. But I want to be sure of that. That is why I sent for you. I have great faith in the Delaware Indians. I have always been taught that they are the greatest healers among the Indians. In fact we recognize them as being our grandfathers. I sent for you, feeling that being a Delaware you would know of some medicine which will restore my health." Thomas, who is a chief of the Delaware living at Anadarko, listened carefully to the old man, and when he had finished, he said: "Brother, I want you to feel and know that Delaware and myself are no more than you are. I am a poor boy myself, the same as you. But I want to say to you, Brother, that you are a great deal older than I am and that for many years you have followed the Peyote religion, as it was taught to you by Wilson who came to this section of the country. I do not know why a man like you, who has helped to doctor the sick for many years in the past and has had your success, cannot help yourself. I do not see that I can offer any better medicine than Peyote. Do you mean to tell me that you have put Peyote aside and expect the medicine of the White doctors and Indian doctors with their common herb medicine to be greater than Peyote as a medi-

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Delaware Peyotism cine? If you want me to help you I am going to suggest to you that you name three good moral men, and we shall come this evening and give you a sick meeting in your bedroom. We shall hold a meeting and I shall run it. We are going to give you all the Peyote tea that you will want to drink." That night they held the meeting. Willie Thomas is one of the first originators of the Big Moon, which represents a grave. He had died and was dead for three days, and then came to life again. Quapaw appeared to be very uncomfortable all that night, but about four o'clock in the morning he requested aid to urinate. All at once he passed a large number of gallstones and was relieved. In the morning he was so relieved that he ordered his team and drove to his home about six miles east of the place. He said: " A man should never go back on his faith. I am going home to rest one day, but in the meantime I shall order a fat hog killed and dressed, and the next night I am going to have a meeting in my own Peyote house and I want everyone to come to help me." 4 6 This man fully recovered. At that time he was an assistant chief of the Quapaw. He was so well afterwards that when the chief died he became chief and handled the affairs of his tribe until his death in 1928. Jack Kushuwe

47

This shows that the Indians can be well educated and yet go back to their own customs and people. Jack Kushuwe was a half-breed Iowa Indian who re4 0 Concerted effort on the part of a group is a necessary act to one seeking a cure. * ' Offered to illustrate that the Indian can never become a white man in culture.

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The Diabolic Root ceived a good education. About 1899 he entered the Chilocco Industrial School for the Indians. Before finishing school he ran away. He was then only eighteen. On returning to his reservation his guardian sent him to another school. He soon gained the reputation of a great leader in Bible classes and Y.M.C.A. work. Some years later he became a Presbyterian minister with a parish near his home. He married and raised a family. One of his daughters—his favorite child—was taken very ill when she was about eighteen. Jack Kushuwe had acquired a great deal of wrealth left to him by his parents, and he was also drawing a large salary. He called in all the local doctors, but they failed to help. He sent to New York for specialists, but they were just as helpless. Within a year and a half Jack Kushuwe had spent all his money, had borrowed all he could, and had sold most of his property. He tried Peyote meetings but he departed from the rules. The original Peyote people claim that one cannot be a Christian and a Peyotist at the same time. Not being able to employ any more doctors, he recalled the warm friendship that had once existed between him and the Kiowa and some other tribes. So as a last resort he put his daughter in an automobile and went to a little town in the heart of the Kiowa Indian Reservation. The first person he saw in the street was a young Kiowa. Approaching him, he asked if the young man knew any herb doctor in the town. The young man answered that he did not know the best, but that there were several good doctors of his tribe and that his father knew something of medicine. Jack asked him how he had come to town, and the young man replied that he was on horse-

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Delaware Peyotism back. He then led Jack Kushuwe to his father's place in the country. On arriving there the young man went with Kushuwe to the house and told his father in the Kiowa tongue that an Iowa Indian was there with his very sick daughter, and that she had been given up by the doctors as incurable. The old man, hearing that Kushuwe wanted to speak to him, said, " I know this man by reputation. He is that great preacher of the Gospel who revised the rules of the Peyote meeting and opposed the use of tobacco as an offering. Let him come in." When Kushuwe entered the room, the Kiowa man said, "You have come here to get help. It seems that you ought to be able to help your daughter yourself. I know your reputation. You have been running Peyote meetings, but before this you were recognized as a great preacher—a great salaried minister of the Gospel. I understand that you consider tobacco a filthy and dirty thing. Your failure to make a success of your Peyote meetings is because you have taken out the main thing which all Indians regard as their heart in making an offering to the Great Spirit. In time of prayer and sickness it is absolutely necessary to use either Indian tobacco or ordinary tobacco as an offering. But this is no time to argue. If you are sincere and believe that the Kiowa Indians or any other Indians who are versed in the rules and regulations of the original Peyote meetings can help your daughter, you will leave it to us to pull your daughter through. It is up to you to say whether we shall have our own way of doctoring her. We shall know in the first or second meeting if we can help your daughter." Kushuwe quickly answered that he was willing to turn

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T h e Diabolic R o o t over his sick daughter to the old chief. So the latter, turning to his son, told him to go seek the three other men who were to act as his assistants. He was to tell them that they were to be there at seven o'clock, and he was to invite any others who were willing to come. Again he turned to Kushuwe and said, "Brother, we are poor. If you will go at once to get some groceries, we will hold a meeting this very evening. I shall prepare the tipi." A meeting was held in the evening. The sick girl was given a great deal of tea to drink. She was so weak that she had to be carried into the tipi and placed on a pallet. Before five o'clock next morning she was able to sit up for a few minutes and ask for food. It was the first time in several months that she had done so. Food was given to her. After this meeting the road-chief told his assistants to rest that evening, but to return the night after for another meeting. Four meetings were held for the sick girl. At the end, the girl was feeling much better and was well enough to stand. The father gave what little money he had to the road-chief, and admitted that he had made a great mistake in conducting his own meetings without the use of tobacco. He told the Kiowa leader that he would never forget his lesson, praising Peyote as a great healing power. He said, " I am going to continue to run meetings, and I want my brothers to know that I shall place tobacco in the meetings." He did so afterwards, giving several meetings for his daughter. He always used tobacco. The daughter fully recovered, later married, and now has raised a family.

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Delaware Peyotism Quanna Parker

48

Quanna Parker was a chief of the Comanche and is said to have had Delaware blood. He was very prominent among the Comanche. About 1 8 6 8 a band of Comanche, among whom was Quanna Parker, drifted down into Old Mexico, and also traveled in Arizona and New Mexico. He became acquainted with the Peyote leaders in that part of the country, and also came in contact with some bands of Kickapoo and Comanche living in Mexico. He claimed to have been greatly inspired by Peyote and soon gained recognition as a great leader and medicine man. When he gained this power of healing it was said that sometimes he could heal the sick without even holding a meeting. A young man was taken very sick. He was a member of a different tribe, which was very poor. Having heard of the great healing power of Parker, they sent a messenger to interview him, and to see what it would cost to have this great doctor treat the sick man. Parker informed the messenger that it would cost the tribe $ 2 2 5 to cure the man. This created great consternation, because the Indians are well aware of the fact that any man who is possessed of power to heal through the gift of the Great Spirit will have his power taken away from him if he charges a fee for his services. As a consequence of his disregard of this rule, P a r k e r lost his life. Although the young man's relatives and parents had been able to raise only $ 7 5 , the chief accepted this and agreed to give three meetings for the boy. Each meet4 8 T h i s is a new conception of the ownership of medicine. In the old p a t t e r n , t h e o w n e r e x p e c t e d payment.

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The Diabolic Root ing proved to be effective and the young man improved. He fully recovered from his illness, and his tribe was so well pleased with this that they agreed to pay the rest of the money as soon as they could get it. Unfortunately the old chief fell ill himself. He called the best leaders of the tribe and they held a series of meetings. Finally he was told that his case was hopeless. Before dying he said, " I have made a great mistake to demand a fee for helping the meek and poor. For this I must pay the price by giving up my own life."

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III HISTORICAL-ETHNOLOGICAL

ANALYSIS

INTRODUCTION

WHEN the Delawares first became acquainted with the Peyote cult of such tribes as the Kiowa and the Comanche it was to them an alien product subject to critical examination and query. Its status was ccrtainly different from that of their own traditional ceremonies and associated beliefs which were accepted, or rather absorbed, from infancy without skeptical questioning. To be accepted the neAv cult had to offer something desirable from the point of view of the Delawares and it had to demonstrate its worth. Also, the existing prejudices against a foreign cult were intensified by the Delaware doctrinal barriers against conversion to the religion of another people. How were these antagonistic forces overcome and why did the Delawares first accept the Peyote cult? Have these forces been active in its subsequent dissemination? To what extent has its success been due to the contents and nature of the complex, to historico-cultural factors, to various personalities that have led the movement? The Delawares had to reconcile the concepts and form a l i s t s elements of the Peyote cult with the old Delaware ceremonial pattern, which formed part of their cultural background, or else reject the latter entirely. How did they solve this problem? Did they recast the Peyote complex in Delaware terms, or did they keep it in its pure borrowed

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The Diabolic Root form? Was the change brought about consciously, or without being aware that they were introducing innovations? Barely fifty years have elapsed since its introduction into the tribe, and yet it has taken numerous forms, as has been demonstrated in the previous pages. What has been the course of its development? Have the persons responsible for its transmission and development kept the cult within certain limits? What has determined these limits? If the old Delaware culture has transformed the Peyote cult, how has the latter reacted on the former? Delaware Peyotism offers material for the study of the origin and development of a religion in a well established cultural milieu; the cult having existed outside of the tribe, it presents a normal case of the borrowing of a complex by one people from another, and thus its examination ought to supply suggestions as to the mechanics of this cultural phenomenon; having reshaped the life values of a people it ought to demonstrate a case of cultural evolution under the stimulation of new environment. It will be our task, then, to examine the material presented in the foregoing pages for suggestions that will clarify the processes of borrowing, dissemination, assimilation, growth, and cultural transformation that are indicated by the above questions. DISSEMINATION

AND

DEVELOPMENT

OF

THE

CULT

It has been demonstrated by various writers that religions are created and propagated by individuals characterized by a "religious temperament." 1 They are the 1 Paul Radin, "Religion of the North American Indians," Journal of American Folk-Lore, Vol. XXVII, no. CVI; and elsewhere. F. G. Speck, Delaware Indian Big House Ceremony; Robert E. Lowie, Primitive Religion, etc.

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Historical Analysis ones who become the leaders and are able to direct the religious destinies of their people. Two such men in the history of Delaware Peyotism appear to be John Wilson and Elk Hair. Both have attained exceptional influence in the tribe: the former through his active proselytizing for Peyotism, the latter as the leader of the conservative element actively fighting for the continued existence of everything that is old Delaware, but particularly the religion. Both men became converts to the Peyote cult about the same time, and both through the agency of the Kiowa and Comanche. They are the ones responsible for a doctrinal schism that has created the Big Moon and Little Moon. What led to the conversion of these men? There exists no record of the Peyote ritual and beliefs of the Comanche and only brief notes of those of the Kiowa, so it is impossible to reconstruct definitely the religious content of the cult that was offered to the first Delaware converts. However, it is certain that Peyote itself was the most important element. Both Wilson and Elk Hair were converted only after they had experienced its effects. What was the nature of their experiences? In our brief examination of Peyote intoxication it was indicated that the general effects of the cactus are predictable but that the more exotic kind, such as visions, for example, vary in accordance with the cultural background of the subjects and their personal idiosyncrasies. We can postulate, therefore, that under the influence of Peyote Wilson and Elk Hair entered into an ecstatic state varying in intensity and quality with their susceptibility to the drug, their physical state and mental attitude. If their approach was religious, then the chances that they would have this feeling was intensified.

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The Diabolic Root When John Wilson decided to eat Peyote he was doubtless acquainted with the cult to some extent. Living at Anadarko where it was practised most intensively, it seems probable that he was familiar with the current stories of the discovery of Peyote, the cures that it had performed, the nature of the intoxication it produces, the exceptional experiences of those especially susceptible to the drug, and other lore centered around the cactus. He may have listened to claims that in Peyote was to be found the new Indian religion, and also the counterclaims of the conservatives and skeptics. He refused to take part in the meetings, until for some unknown reason he decided to investigate for himself. His method was extremely rational. Unlike most stories of Peyote conversion, this individual had no mental aberration to cure, and was seeking relief for no physical ailment. We can postulate three reasons for his decision: to experience the glamorous intoxication, to seek a guardian spirit after the fashion of the Plains Indians among whom he lived, or to discover the religious content in the Peyote. His behavior prior and subsequent to his first experience with the drug strongly indicates that the last was the true reason, which is the one claimed by his disciples. We are told that he withdrew to a "clean and open" space, away from worldly distractions, to eat Peyote. This was unusual behavior. The normal procedure was to eat Peyote in the company of other people as part of a ritual. Had he wanted to experience the effects of Peyote he could have subjected himself to it at his home or at any of the numerous meetings that were held near by. Had he wanted to learn the Kiowa or Comanche medicoreligious cult he would have gone to the meetings. His subsequent behavior proves that he was not seeking a guardian

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Historical Analysis spirit. The facts seem to justify the contention that he went into solitary retreat to learn about a new religion, and that rather than trust to human agents to teach him its form he chose to learn it directly from Peyote. He was successful and returned to Anadarko with a religion to preach, richer in content than the original cult which inspired him. Peyote convinced and taught Wilson through revelations given mostly in the visual form. There is no reason to doubt that the neophyte saw all that he claimed while under the effects of the drug. It is important to note again that his mental attitude and approach was always religious, and that consequently his interpretation of what he saw was in religious terms; that the formalistic elements of his revealed ritual were basically similar to the Kiowa type; and that his revealed doctrines, a s will be demonstrated later, were largely in keeping with the old Delaware religious ideology, but he introduced a strong personal element. If, on the other hand, the approach was one of skepticism, indifference, or merely of curiosity to experience its reputed glamorous visions, the response would have been along different lines. The conversion of Elk Hair followed a different path. H e too was offered Peyote, and experimented with it until he became convinced of its efficacy. Unlike Wilson, Elk H a i r was distressed physically and mentally at the time. H e was suffering from the recent loss of his wife and was desperately ill. He did not withdraw into solitude to try Peyote, but apparently ate it in Peyote meetings given for his benefit. He claims that it cured him of his mental depression and physical illness. Thus his experiences with Peyote were medicinal but linked with a religious approach. Later, when he had occasion to examine the cult

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The Diabolic Root of the Kiowa and the reformed Wilson Big Moon religion, he rejected the latter in favor of the former, claiming that Wilson was not teaching the Peyote cult as it had originally been revealed, that is, in the medico-religious form, and that anyway it could not replace the old Delaware religion which the Delawares naturally were obligated to continue. Coming from the same source, it is to be assumed that the content of the Peyote cult offered to both men was the same. Why then did they respond differently? Why did Wilson seek knowledge of Peyote in solitude instead of in association with other Peyote devotees? Why did he not accept Peyote merely as a panacea in medicine, that is, take over the concept of the Kiowa and Comanche? The background of the men is suggestive. Wilson was a member of the Anadarko band, living in an alien environment, surrounded by Plains Indians such as the Kiowa, Comanche, Wichita, Apache, and Caddo. These tribes had their religious ceremonies, but the Delawares of Anadarko no longer remembered their ancient rituals, and it is quite possible that they felt the need for a religious-ceremonial life. Though it cannot be ascertained that this was the case, it would seem as if the situation was favorable to the introduction of a new religion. But at Dewey, where Elk Hair lived, the Delawares were still practising their age-long periodic ceremonies, though they were beginning to suffer from the change in their economic life. Today there is no one at Anadarko who can adequately describe any phase of the old Delaware religion, whereas at Dewey there is a strong element that would and could revive it, were it economically possible. Temperamental differences between the two were of course equally effective, but this ground is

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Historical Analysis too uncertain, for lack of proper facts, to push its inquiry too far. The subsequent dissemination of the two cults, the Big Moon of Wilson and the Little Moon of Elk Hair, produces further clarification. Wilson taught his religion at Anadarko, and later at Dewey, and succeeded in making many converts. Elk Hair tried to spread his medicoreligious cult among the Delawares of Dewey but he has never succeeded in making more than one or two converts outside of his own little family group, though he is the recognized leader of the tribe in its political and its old religious life. What are the factors that have caused this difference? First of all there is the matter of personality. There is little doubt that of the two men Wilson was the more fitted to act the part of the prophet. But it is also true that the message that each brought to the Delawares must be considered of importance. Wilson brought to his people a new religion, a hope of building anew, a definite severance with the past; whereas Elk Hair preached the old religion, and offered only another medico-religious cult. For economic and social reasons it was becoming more and more impossible, and it has become totally so now, to perform the old Delaware ceremonies, and it is quite possible that there was loss of confidence in the efficacy of the old in a new environment. Considering the changes that had taken place in Delaware culture and tribal life it would seem that the time was ready for the expression of the religious feeling in a new form, and that Wilson offered doctrines and a ritual more appropriate to the needs of his people. Wilson claimed revelation for his authority in modify-

137

The Diabolic Root ing the ritual and doctrines of the Peyote cult. In subsequent years he was the recipient of a series of revelations. He became an active proselytizer. He taught and made converts to his Moon at Anadarko, not only among his own people but also among the Caddo and Wichita. He went to Dewey and established his cult there, his first converts being his own relatives, who in fact have since become the recognized leaders of the Big Moon. He succeeded in making converts among the Osage and the Quapaw, and probably among many other tribes. From time to time he introduced new features or modified the old, claiming fresh revelations for his authority to do so. He personally built Peyote shrines for his disciples wherever he went. His influence is widespread in Oklahoma today, though he has been dead a number of years. Apparently Wilson introduced a certain amount of license in the interpretation of the religion. Many of his followers, especially those of a religious temperament, in turn claim to have received revelations which not only have clarified the religion for them but have given them power to change the shrine, the ritualistic form, and the doctrines, in accordance with their new knowledge. Peyotism under Wilson's leadership has become an intensely personal religion. The variations of the ritualistic complex, and the creeds that have been presented in the foregoing pages well attest to that. Elk Hair, on the other hand, has never permitted any modification of the original cult. Has it developed at all during the fifty years that have elapsed since his conversion? In ritualistic form it seems to have remained the same as the ancient Kiowa type, but an examination of his creed and those of his followers will show that there has occurred

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Historical Analysis a change. The medico-religious cult has in turn evolved into a well-defined religion superseding the ancient Delaware. Elk Hair has turned more and more to Peyote for guidance and consolation, and by his disciple Webber it is frankly admitted that Peyotism must be the new Delaware religion. There is a definite renunciation of the old Delaware ceremonies, not because faith has been lost in them but because it has become plain that they can no longer be performed. To quote Webber again: "The old Delaware religion is too heavy for us who are few and weak. It is too difficult; Peyote is easy in comparison. Therefore, we who are weak take up this new religion. This is the very objection raised by the old men to taking it up. But Peyote knows that the Indians' burden of becoming educated and at the same time keeping up the old religion is too heavy, for he said that to the old woman who was the first to discover our new religion. Peyote is to be the Indians' new religion. It is to be for all the Indian people and only for them." We have seen, then, that Wilson offered to his people a religion soon after his conversion, and that his disciples have continued the tradition; and that Elk Hair first offered a medico-religious cult, but now he has come to look upon Peyotism as a religion, and that his disciples consider it definitely as such. Peyote is still the healer supreme as it is for the followers of the Big Moon, but it is also a Spirit-force that brings enlightenment and peace, and prepares the individual for the next life. LIMITS OF T H E VARIATIONS O F T H E

DOCTRINES

It bears repetition that the one fundamental and indis-

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The Diabolic Root pensable feature of all the forms of Delaware Peyotism is the continual subjection of the devotee to an intense intoxication. If too long a period is allowed to elapse between feasts of the cactus one has to begin over again in the pursuit of the desired end. A priori this may be interpreted that the narcotic effects with their fantastically glamorous character are the real desiderata, which are known to be produced more easily when the Peyotist has become accustomed to the drug. However, no such motive seems to influence those who look upon Peyotism as a religion, and have been eating Peyote for many years. It is unquestionably true that those whose approach is characterized by the desire to experience a new thrill soon abandon the attempt. Peyote is not habit-forming—its general physiological effects are too disagreeable—and any of the more exotic visions are too easily dissipated. Certainly to this class Peyote does not compete with alcohol or with the other common narcotics clandestinely peddled among the Indians of Oklahoma. It is clear in the material that has been presented that the Peyotists do not consider Peyote intoxication an end in itself, but rather as a means to an end. The followers of the Little Moon consider it a test of the Spirit-force Peyote to determine the sincerity of the worshipper, for, if he lets himself be distracted by either the discomfort or the pleasurable sensations that come upon him, then Peyote has proved that he is not eating Peyote with a religious purpose; it is also a means of cleansing the body and the mind of the "dirt" that has accumulated there in leading the ordinary sinful life, by revealing the impure thoughts; and, finally, it may guide the worshipper to a solution of his problem. If the devotee intensifies his religious attitude

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Historical Analysis Peyote may even send him revelations which will guide him through life, and prepare him to meet the Great Spirit at his death. The attitude of the followers of the Big Moon is similar, though they tend to stress the revelations more and the medicinal effects less. Once having passed the stage of ordinary intoxication, the devotee will not be bothered with visions of a terrifying or pleasurable nature any more but will receive teachings which will guide him in traveling over the Peyote road which leads to the Great Spirit, the Father. It is evident that the approach is not profane but deeply religious, in accordance with the fundamental concepts of Wilson and Elk Hair. Strictly following the beliefs of Wilson, his followers from the very first have conceived of Peyotism as an all-sufficient religion. It has been shown that the followers of Elk Hair have developed the same attitude. They are convinced that there is no need to practise other religious ceremonies if the proper devotion to Peyote is manifested, since this will place the individual on the Peyote road, which is also the Father's or Creator's road, leading to the realm of the Creator. The individual is entirely responsible for his spiritual welfare, and Peyote will help him if he is ready to be guided. Concentration on the revelations of Peyote, not its exotic effects, will teach him the path to follow. Merely eating Peyote is not enough. He must inspect his motives, attain the proper state of humility, and sincerely desire to lead a pure life. For instance, Jack Thomas found that he could not follow the Creator's road until he had purged himself of immoral practices such as "man-catching"; Peyote indirectly revealed to him the iniquity of such actions. Long Bone claims that Peyote teaches him how to follow the road to reach the Creator,

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The Diabolic Root and Willie Thomas emphasizes that Peyote reveals moral precepts. There is no intimation in any of the material which has been presented that Peyote is considered to be anything but a Spirit-force subservient to the Great Spirit, or God. Peyote in the Little Moon appears as a healer and purifier. Peyote was sent to the Indians to take care of them, i.e., to drive away sickness from the body and to take away worry from the mind by helping the individual to reach a mental state in which he can more easily see the solution to his problems; and there is a suggestion in Elk Hair's beliefs that Peyote will also teach proper conduct provided the individual first has become aware of the fact that he is not leading a moral life. However, it is not the plant that performs all this, nor is it the Spirit-force Peyote. Peyote remains in the functional position of transmitting the prayers of the suppliant to the Great Spirit, and in turn brings the message of the Creator to mankind. On the part of the followers of John Wilson, which include the followers of the Wolf, Anderson, Griffin, and Black Wolf Moons, we have a similar exposition of the Peyote spirit as a healer and teacher sent by the Great Spirit to the Indians. His function is not unlike that of Jesus, and in fact a parallel is drawn with the natures of Jesus and Peyote. It is explained that Peyote was sent to the Indians and that afterwards Jesus was sent to the Whites, with the same purpose. However, the Whites killed Jesus in their ignorance, and thus have only the cross left; whereas the Indians never killed Peyote, with the result that they still have him, and the material manifestation of Peyote is the plant. Fundamentally then, there is no conflict in the doctrines, and the difference lies in the extension of the func-

142

Historical Analysis tional power of Peyote in that it can teach one to be good, whereas in the Little Moon creeds the individual is left to realize that for himself. John Wilson taught that there was a good road and a bad one, the hard and the easy. Prayer and a good moral life were indicative of pursuit of the good road; looseness in character, of the bad; by eating Peyote one could learn to lead a good life. It is interesting to note that the final results of different forms of Peyote worship turn out to be the same, as shown by what the informants describe as their state of mind. Their minds are cleansed, they do not become angry any more, they see good in the world. The two doctrines are not irreconcilable, therefore, and the schism does not preclude both groups from attending each others' meetings, as has been noted before. Though faith is put in Peyote to act as the intermediary between the Indian and the Great Spirit, entire faith is given to the latter, who is referred to as "our Father, the creator of all things," and dominates all the creeds of the Peyote complex. The prayers are offered to the Great Spirit. Webber believes that there is a Great Spirit that is the Creator, and he recognizes no second Power. It is this Great Spirit that the sick man is asked to put faith in if he is to hope for a cure. Everything springs from the Great Spirit, Tobacco and Peyote being his gifts to mankind. Elk Hair uses "what God put here for his people." Even Long Bone says that "Peyote makes one anxious to find out more about the Father," and that "Peyote's powers are limited, and he can only do what is right in the eyes of the Father." "It is God who put Peyote here," according to Willie Thomas. Associated with the belief in the Great Spirit and Peyote there is the concept of the existence of a pantheon of other

143

The Diabolic Root Spirit-forces, such as Earth, Morning Star, Sun, Moon, Fire, Water, Winds, Tobacco, and a host of others. These Spirit-forces are remembered in the prayers and thanked for the assistance they give to mankind. They too are performing their functions as set down by the Great Spirit. Of these Earth, Fire, Water, the Sun and the Moon, and Tobacco, are not dissociable from the Peyote ritual. They must be present at the ceremony, and aid the worshippers, for which they are properly thanked. Many of them are represented symbolically in the Peyote shrine, and in some of the Big Moon types they are given hearts, the symbol of life. Willie Thomas has gone furthest in this feature, contrasting sharply with the Little Moon, whose followers are content to represent only the Moon symbolically. Fire is a curative Spirit-force, Water refreshes the tired worshippers, Tobacco supplies an offering to the other Spiritforces, the Moon and the Sun give light to the world, the Morning Star seems to help the Sun and the Moon; in short, each of these Spirit-forces performs its own particular task assigned to it for the benefit of mankind. Associated with the purely religious idea of Peyote, there is a strongly emphasized ethical philosophy which seems to be inspired by the Spirit-force itself. To the Delawares Peyote is a wholly beneficent, compassionate being, full of pity for the Indian, sympathetic, and ever ready to help the individual in his moments of trouble. All that emanates from him is positive good. Peyote helps the Indian by restoring him to good health, by guiding him in mental and spiritual afflictions to a better state, but it punishes no human being for evil act or thought, for failure to perform his ceremony, or for desecrating any element of the religious complex. His doctrines are free from any retaliative

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Historical Analysis principle, and his methods of helping the Indian are gentle and full of understanding of the weakness of a human being. This essential character of Peyote is exemplified in the legends of the origin of Peyotism, and the stories of conversion to it. The motive of the first version of the legends is the pitiable state of a sick old woman who exhausts her physical strength in a vain search for a little boy lost in the wilderness; in the second and third, it is distress of a girl seeking her lost brother; and in the fourth version Peyote takes compassion on a warrior whose people have been routed in battle, and who has lost all desire to live, as a consequence." In the first three versions there is also the element of personal sacrifice on the part of the old woman and the girl, which Peyote rewards by revealing himself and his religion; but the main note seems to be Peyote's desire to bring relief to the Indians from the distress that they are suffering. This is also a characteristic element of the stories of conversions. The doctrines of the religion are consistent with the personality ascribed to Peyote. His followers would clothe themselves in a morality that transcends the common human passions. Purity of thought and act, goodness, kindness, altruism and brotherliness, humility, equanimity of spirit in the face of the most adverse conditions, a calm peaceful conception of the universe with complete faith in its Creator, are virtues embodied in the doctrines, which the Peyotist would fain practise. Judging from the mental state which some of the informants claim that they have attained, this goal is approachable by the Delaware. Both the Big and Little Moon doctrinarians teach that 2

See page 37.

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The Diabolic Root it is necessary to travel the Peyote road to reach what may be called the Peyotists' heaven. This road, represented symbolically on the shrine, is a difficult one. It is identified with the Creator's road and, by some members of the Big Moons, with the Jesus road. These last have definitely in mind the road of suffering that Jesus traveled to redeem mankind; but the others have a more general concept of the difficulties of life and of conquering the base human passions, and of the hardships involved in submitting repeatedly to Peyote intoxication with its attendent ritual. To travel on it, it is necessary to concentrate on the goodness of the Universe and the justness of the Creator, to look upon misfortune with indifference, on evil with pity for the perpetrators, on injustice with compassion for these responsible. It is obvious that the attainment of such an outlook is not easy, and this is recognized by the Delawares. With humility, therefore, they approach Peyote to lead the way. The Peyote meeting is essentially an altruistic performance. As has been mentioned before, Peyote is almost never eaten except in the religious meetings, and these are never held unless there is some very strong cause, such as the illness of a member of the community, particular distress of some Peyotist, and more rarely on the birth of a child, birthdays, and sometimes even for visiting friends. At every meeting the attention of those present is fixed on the person for whom the meeting has been called, and on his malady. Self is forgotten in the attempt to help the suffering member to better health or ease of mind. Thus the Peyotist subjects himself to the Peyote intoxication, to prayer and concentration on religious matters for twelve and eighteen hours for the sake of helping a fellow man. By concerted effort, by attaining purity, by appealing to Peyote, the

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Historical Analysis devotees hope to win the attention of the Spirit-forces and their intercession for the sick person. The personal enlightenment and other benefits that may come to one in the course of the meeting are merely incidental in relation to the major objective of effecting a cure. Communion with the Spirt-forces, but particularly with Peyote, represents the ultimate desire of the Peyotist. He pictures nature as being divisible into two categories, the seen ordinary everyday world in which he lives, and the spirit world which he knows to exist through extraordinary phenomena and tradition, and which he hopes to know better after death. He considers that man, without the aid of the Spirit-forces to guide him through the difficulties of life, is a lost creature. Therefore he solicits their aid. Peyote is sufficient to most of the Peyotists. Communion with this Spirit-force will bring all the assistance needed. This is an exclusive feature that is explained in the origin legends and other stories. It seems that Peyote has been appointed by the Great Spirit, or God, to look after the Indians in whatever need may exist. In the approach to the Spirit-forces, including Peyote, humility and a pitiful attitude are characteristic. In the speeches of the road-chief in the meetings, in the prayers, in the tales of conversion and other lore, the Delaware appears meek and humble, conscious of his insufficiency. He is a "poor boy" who needs help and guidance f r o m Peyote, the compassionate, the pitiful. It is important to note that aid is not sought for material success in worldly enterprises, but purely in the realm of the spiritual, and in the medicinal. This doctrine is common to all of the Peyotists, irrespective of Moon affiliation. The concept of purity finds strong manifestation both in 147

The Diabolic Root the doctrines and in the ritualistic complex. To the Delaware Peyotist, Nature as created by the Great Spirit is clean,, pure, and good; Nature as transformed by man, especially the Euro-Americans, is defiled. Man's nature is good and clean, but often sullied by his own impure thoughts and actions. In approaching the Spirit-forces the Peyotist must strive to attain a certain degree of purity if he is to succeed in his quest. Peyote will help him to arrive at such a state, provided he demonstrates his sincerity, "makes up his mind." The ritual which aids him to fix his attention on spiritual things helps him also in this feature. Everything used in the meeting must be pure and undefiled, as the worshippers themselves, their thoughts, and emotions. This means that the paraphernalia used are to be free of all European traits, and must approximate as closely as possible the ancient "natural" objects. The shrine is made of the natural earth, the drum is the natural water drum of tradition, the fans are Avings of the eagle, itself a pure bird, or of the turkey; the meeting should be held in the tipi, not a frame house; the fire should be started with flint and steel, or better with the fire drill; the worshippers must sit on the ground strewn with sage grass; the cigarettes, "pipes," as they are called, must be made in the meeting, using corn husk instead of paper for the covering, that only water may be drunk; and the food eaten in the morning must be pure, such as hominy, beef replacing the buffalo, candy, but no salt must be used, and the midday dinner must likewise be pure. These are a few of the restrictions placed on objects used in the meetings. The list could be made longer, but what has been given summarizes the most important. In the Little Moon complex we find this strictly

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Historical Analysis adhered to, but in the Big Moon a number of intrusive elements have crept in. For instance, the crucifix is often placed on the shrine alongside the Peyote; a whisk broom is used instead of the eagle or turkey wing; an oil lamp is kept lighted in the tipi so that there will be light as God commanded, according to Willie Thomas. However, these defiled objects are few and the main principle is a basic one in the doctrines, and is given such importance that one of the strongest criticisms of the Big Moons by the followers of the Little Moon is that the ritual has been defiled even though the taint is not extensive. In organization there is very little difference between the Moons. Essentially Peyotism is an individualistic religion, and as a consequence it is free from a professional priest or shamanistic class. Even extraordinary experiences with Peyote do not convert one into a priest. The older men who have been eating Peyote for many years, like Elk H a i r and Willie Thomas, enjoy a little prestige because they are known to be good men and more familiar with the doctrines and ritual than the others; but they are not thought to have any special powers. Every man's prayer is as good as his neighbor's. One acquires merit for sincere attendance at meetings, but this merit cannot be transmitted to others. In the meeting itself the road-chief and the other officers do not even represent leadership. They perform their duties of keeping order in the meeting, knowing that perhaps on the morrow some of the other worshippers may occupy their positions. There is no official doctrine, each man's knowledge being respected as personal property, and no attempt is made to teach any one particular creed. The neophyte is left free to discuss the

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The Diabolic Root various principles of the religion, to experience religious phenomena, and to formulate his own creed. It again must be emphasized that teachings come only from Peyote, and that the individual is free to interpret them as he wishes. It is evident, then, that in the religious, ethical, and regulative contents of the doctrines of the various Moons there is practically no difference, and certainly no contradictory principles. The principle of individualism has permitted elaboration and modification, but the fundamental structure of the complex has not been affected thereby. Yet enough differences do exist to have caused historical schisms. Let us turn to the ritual for further material which may help better to define the Moons. LIMITS OF THE VARIATIONS OF THE

RITUAL

The Peyote ritual, as well as the doctrines, is supposed to have been revealed by the Spirit-force. Whatever Modifications have been introduced from time to time in the paraphernalia, the shrine, and the rites have been due to fresh revelations which some of the Peyotists have claimed. The principle of individualistic interpretation of everything connected with the complex permits the modification of any element, provided the individual will claim a revelation. Originally the shrine was a simple affair. From Mooney's description of the Kiowa form we gather that it consisted of a tipi differing in no way from the ordinary type; and on the floor of the tipi there was heaped up a crescentshaped mound called the Moon, on which was placed a Peyote button; at the center of the floor there was built a fire. The worshippers sat in a circle close to the walls of

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Historical Analysis the tipi with their eyes fixed on the Peyote placed on the Moon. This type still exists among the Delawares, the Little Moon shrine being almost exactly like it.3 The desirability of holding the Peyote meeting in a tipi has remained constant. Among the Delawares no meeting is ever held inside of any other kind of structure unless the sick person for whom the meeting is given is so ill that he cannot be taken to the tipi. In this case the meeting is held at his bedside without any shrine, but a Peyote button is placed on the floor, and a fire is built outside. No meeting is ever held except at night time. The altar has been changed considerably by the followers of the Big Moon. Wilson was the first to claim a new revelation and authority to modify many elements of the ritual. Unfortunately the first type that he created is not known. In the diagrammatical sketches on pages 177-182 are shown various types which are supposed to represent the original Wilson Moon. However, there are certain elements in common. The crescent-shaped mound so characteristic of the Little Moon altar has tended to disappear, being replaced by a crescent-shaped drawing as shown on page 180, which in turn has undergone modification to the point of resembling a horseshoe as, in fact, it is interpreted by some Peyotists. The button of Peyote is still kept in the same relative position. The drawing of the Moon has been embellished with symbolical lines and representative drawings of the morning star, the heart, a sun mound at the east side of the tipi, and sometimes a sun and moon mound with radiating lines. The Peyote road is represented by a line leading from the sun mound to the Peyote, and crossroads interpreted symbolically have been added. In several 3

T r u e of all the Peyote cults, Mexican included.

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The Diabolic Root forms the crucifix appears beside the Peyote button. The fire is built in a pit. The modification of the shrine, as can be seen best by a comparison of the sketches and photographs of Moons, has been extensive; yet few of the original elements have disappeared. The crescent-shaped Moon still appears either in the mound form or reduced to a drawing, the Peyote button is still placed on the Moon, and the fire is built in the center. It would seem that the rest merely represents an effort to portray graphically various elements of cosmology and theology. The Peyote road, for instance, is symbolically drawn, and the worshippers are told that they will run the risk of being sidetracked if they fail to show the needed amount of effort and desire to travel on the holy road. The crossroads are sometimes interpreted as temptations to stray from the main objective. The real symbolism of the various elements of the shrine is rather vague in most cases. Since no effort has been made to develop a fixed shrine, each individual is supposed to interpret the Moon in accordance with the knowledge that comes to him through eating Peyote. Even the older men refuse to say much about its symbolism, claiming either that they do not know or that their interpretations would not be correct, since Peyote might send them further revelations. There has not been much change in the paraphernalia. The water drum, gourd rattle, staff, eagle or turkey feathers for sweeping the ashes, appear in all of the forms. At least one Big Moon ritual has added sage, which is masticated with the Peyote, held with the staff before the eyes when singing, and in a Little Moon form, otter skin has been added to the staff. In connection with the parapher-

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Historical Analysis nalia there is growing a decorative art, mostly symbolical, which however is too young to permit of study. The gourd handles are sometimes decorated with beads, the staff is decorated with feathers and sometimes with a crucifix, and facial painting is considered desirable but not practised generally. 4 The rite has remained in its essential form. The devotees enter in a line, sit down at the appointed places; the roadchief makes a speech outlining the purpose of the meeting and exhorting those present to do their best to concentrate on its religious content; four Peyote buttons are given to each one; the road-chief commences the singing with four songs, and then each one in turn sings four songs. There are prayers and the making of pipes, tobacco being considered a necessary offering; in the morning there is the drinking of water and eating of the Peyote breakfast. The Little Moon meeting stops with that, but the Big Moon recommences, to continue till noon. In the Big Moon ritual there is also the tendency to go outside in the morning and look at the sun. It seems that this act is definitely connected with the giving of thanks to the Spirit-forces that have been present and assisted at the meeting. There is a difference in the songs. These have not been recorded, but on the whole the songs sung by the Big Moon followers tend to be faster in tempo and more intense in feeling. This is true also of the songs sung by the younger men and those who have fine voices. The earlier songs, sung by the older men, are considerably more impressive. The pattern seems to be the same. The song is begun in a high falsetto, and the same phrase is repeated over and over again, each time lowering the pitch of the 4

The ceremonial equipment has not been developed.

153

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