The Crisis years : the 12th century B.C. : from beyond the Danube to the Tigris 0840371489

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..__-I-HE CRISIS YEARS: TH..._ ;r~ CENTURY B.C. From Beyond t he Danube to the Tigris BLACK SEA

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.N ATOLIA MESOPOTAMIA

SYRIA

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542

CAN AAN (

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BALKANS

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0 GREECE

AEGEANS'

MEDITERRANEAN SEA

ISBN

0-8403-7148-9

. ._ -""'-'...r---------------.........~----....._J i f{lustrat~a 6y Pia 'Wan{

THE CRISIS YEARS: THE 12TH CENTURY B.C. From Beyond the Danube to the Tigris

Edited by William A. Ward and Martha Sharp Joukowsky

With contributions by Paul Astr6m, Patricia Maynor Bikai, A. Caubet, William G. Dever, Trude Dothan, Cyrus H. Gordon, Hans G. Giiterbock, William W. Ha llo, H.A. Hoffner, Jr., R. Ross Holloway, Vassos Karageorghis, Leonard H. Lesko, Thomas L. McClellan, R.S. Merrillees, J.D. Muhly, Edith Porada, Jeremy Rutter, G. Kenneth Sams, Helene Sader, James Weinstein, Peter S. Wells, Marguerite Yon, and Richard L. Zettler.

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P.O. Box $39

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Contents Contents v List of Illustrations Abbreviations ix Preface xiii

•• Vll

Chapters

THE PROBLEM DEFINED

1

William W. Hallo From Bronze Age to Iron Age in Western Asia: Defining the Problem

2

J.D. Muhly

1

The Crisis Years in the Mediterranean World: Transition or Cultural Disintegration? 10

Paul Astrom•

3

Continuity, Discontinuity, Catastrophe, Nucleation-Some Remarks on Tenninology 27 EASTERN EUROPE AND ANATOLIA

Peter S. Wells

4

Crisis Years? The 12th Century B.C. in Central and Southeastern Europe

5

R. Ross Holloway•

Italy and the Central Mediterranean in the Crisis Years

6

46

Hans G. Giiterbock Survival of the Hittite Dynasty

8

40

H.A. Hoffner, Jr. The Last Days of Khattusha

7

31

53

G. Kenneth Sams Western Anatolia

56 THE AEGEAN WORLD

9

Jeremy Rutter

Cultural Novelties in the Post-Palatial Aegean World: Indices of Vitality or Decline? 61

V

vi

CONTENT'S

10

Vas.sos Karageorghis The Crisis Years; Cyprus

11

R. S. Mtrrillm The Crisis Years: Cyprus, A ReJoinder

12

19 87

Trude Dothan Social Dislocation and Cultural Change in the 12th Century B.C.

93

SYRIA-PALESTINE AND EGYPT 13

W1/1111m G. Det.'l'r The Late Bronze-Early lron I Horizon in Syria-Palestine: Egyptians, Canaanites, "Sea Peoples,' and Proto-lsrae ites 99

14

Marguerite Yon The End of the Kingdom of Ugarit 111 A Caubet Reoccupation of the Synan Coast after the Destruction of the "Crisis Years" Patricia Maynor B,ka,• The Phoenicians 132 /amtS Weinstein The Collapse of the Egyptian Empire in the Southern Levant 142 Ltonard H. Lesko Egypt in the 12th Century B.C. 151

15 16

11 18

12J

lVESTERN ASIA 19 20

21 22 23

l nthx

He'lbie Sader

The 12th Century BC. in Syria: The Problem of the Rise of th Ara Thomas L. McClellan e maeans 12th Century B.C. Syria. Comments on Sader's p Richard L Zdtler aper 164 12th Century B.C. Babylonia; Continuity and Cha Edith Porada nge 174 Sidelights on Lif · e in the 13th and 12th C . Cyrus H. Gordon entunes B.C. in Assyria The Mediterranean Synthesis 188

197

An astensk (") inchates in1nted COntnl,ut10ns fro

"' non•p., rt,cipants

182

151

List of Illustrations Figure

4.1 8.1 9.1 9.2 9.3 12.1 13.1 14.1 14.2 14.3 14.4 14.5 15.1 15.2 20.t 20.2 20.3 22.1 22.2 22.3 22.4 22.5

Map showing locations of Central and Southeast European sites mentioned in the text. 32 Gordion: Handmade bowl with incised decoration. 58 Fragmentary LH me collar-necked jar from Tiryns depicting a chariot race. 63 LH me Middle, stirrup jar from Pera ti. 64 Map of southeastern Argolid showing locations of LH IIJC sites. 69 Top Plan of Tell Miqne-Ekron. 95 Comparative Stratigraphy of LB llB-lron IA Sites in Palestine. 100 The tell of Ras Sharnra-Ugarit, 1990: Topographic Map. 112 Ras Shamra-Ugarit: Topography. 113 The evolution of the urban habita t at the end of the 13th century B.C. 115 Letter RS 34.129 mentioning the Shiqnla " wh o live on boats." 116 Objects d iscovered in the final phase of destruction. 118 The Levant during the 12th to 8th centuries. 125 Map of the Kingdom of Ugarit with ancient and modem toponyms. 126 Northeastern Syria: Number of Sites Through Time. 168 North Syria and Lebanon: Nu mber of Sites Through Tin1e. 169 Hectares Occupied Through Time: Kha bur and Biqa Surveys. 169 Monster with head and torso of a nude, bearded hero, scorpion tail and bird's claws. 184 Lion-man fighting lioness. 184 Demons on a cylinder seal found at Maa-Paleokastro. 185 Chariot scene on a seal impression from Ashur, 12th century B.C. 185 Hunt from a chariot, impression of an engraved roller from Maa-Pa leokastro. 185

Figures are numbered by Chapter, e.g., Fig. 4.1 = Chapter 4, Fig. 1.

..

VII

Abbreviations AA AAAS AANL AASOR Abo'I' Acta ArHung

AfO

A/ AJA Akkadica Ana/OR Anatolica Annuario AnSt Antiquity AO AOF ARET ASOR Assur AUB BA BAJ-! BaM BAR

BAR BASOR BCH Beryl us BIA BIFAO BiMes BiOr BSA

CAH

Archtiologischer Anzeiger. Anna/es Archeologiques Arabes Syriennes. Alli Accademia Naziona/e dei Lincei. Annual of the A1nerlcan Schools of Oriental Research. Ankara Arkeoloji Miizesinde ... Bogazklfy Tabletleri. Istanbul, 1948. Acta Archaeologica Hungarica. Archiv f11r Orientforschung. Antiquaries' Journal. American Journal of Archaeology. Akkadica. Periodique bimestrie/ de la Fondation Assyrio/ogique Georges Dossin. Analecta Orientalia. Anatolica. Annuaire international pour /es civilisations de l'Asie anterieure. Annuario de/fa R. Scoula Archeologica di Atene. Anatolian Studies. Antiquity. A Quarterly Review of Archaeology. Der Alte Orient. Altorientalische Forschungen. Archivi Reali di Ebla-Testi. A1nerican Schools of Oriental Research. Assur. Monographic journal of the Near East. American University of Beirut. Biblical Archaeologist. Bibliotheque archeologique et historique de /'lnstitut Franr;ais d' Archeologie du Proche-Orient. Baghdader Mitteilungen, Deutsches Archiiologisches lnstitut. British Archaeological Reports.

Biblical Archaeology Review. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research. Bulletin de correspondance hellenique. Berytus Archaeological Studies. Bulletin of the Institute of Archaeology (London). Bulletin de l'lnstitut Francais d'Archeologie Oriental. Bibliotheca Mesopotamica. Bibliotheca Orienta/is. British School at Athens, Annual. Ca,nbridge Ancient lclistory.

ix

x

A66RE\I IATIONS

CiVtS

CNRS CR CRAIBL

CTH £AEHL Elilt1itio1 £PH£ Ciotta

HUCA IE/ /AOS JCS J,ll JEOL /ES/-10 !FA THS 11£S

IKF /NES JRGZM ISS£A KBo Kho KUB Let>a11t Man MARJ MDAI AlnAbt

MDAI MadAbl

MOOG MSS MV(A)G NABU 0/P

0/A OLA

OpusAlh PBF

PBSR PdP

PEQ

Cor,, 11 s der 111yke11isclre11 Sieg.-1. . . , , Ct·11t r,• Nntio11nl de In Reclrerche Scie11t1{1qu, Clnssicril Rcvieu•. . . B II s Lett res ' /'Acade111ie des l11scnpt1011s et er . Conrptes re111I us d< • 971 E u ocJ • Catalogue des t1·xtes /rittites. Pans, 1 . . irl l onmtr: Stana St'U!ttl 1:co,u,111/a, (1988). Bui ii hns been left to others to justiry the renninology. 11,c next speaJccr has been in the forcfronl of the deba1e, weighing both the role of copper and tin in the tmde patterns of the Bronze Age, and U,e con,ing of iron (Muhly 1973; 1976; Wertime and Muhly 1980). Far be it fron, me to try to improve on his presentation of the evidence. I \viii confine myself r,llher to son,e scattered recent studies \Vhich bear on the question. The question itself can be neatly summed up under four admittedly somewhat artificial headings: evidence for bronze in the Bronze Age, for bronze in the Iron Age, for iron in the Bronze Age, and for iron in the Iron Age! The case for bronze in the Bronze Age can appeal, once n,ore, to the efforts of H. Muller-Karpe, whose own schema divides both the Near Eastern and the European 'Bronze Age into a Copper Age (essentinlly the third n,illennium) and a Bronze Age proper (essentially the second millennium) and each of these in tun, into five sub-stages labelled early, old, middle, young. and late respectively (1974: 17). His previously mentioned history of the 13th and 12th centuries includes, i. a., a brief study by J. C. Courtois (1975) of the bronze industry at Ugarit and in Nortll Syria in the Late Bron ze Age and its extension on Cyprus during the transition from Bronze to Iron. He has also edi ted the series of monographs on "prehistoric bronze finds" for the Union Internationale des Sciences Prehistoriques et Protohistoriques, including. i. a., H. Erkanal's study on the axes and adzes of central Anatolia in the second millennium (1977; cf. now also Porada 1989), Subhi Anwar Rashid on foundation figurines (1983), Eva Braun-Holzinger on other bronze figurines (1 984) from Mesopotamia, and Lilly Gershuny on bronze vessels from Israel and Jordan (1985). As for iron in the Bronze Age, it has never been denied that some of il was always in use, but the question is whether it was ever more than just a rare and expensive m etal before the Iron Age. Two alleged cases of "anomalous quantities of iron a t AJalaJch and Nuzi in the Middle and Late Bronze Ages" respectively have been disposed of by J. A. Brinkman (1987). In the case of meteoric iron, it stands to reason that tlle supply was extremely limited and that, combined with limited supply, the "heavenly" source of the metal wou ld contrive to give it intrinsic value reOected in its use for sacred and other specialized functions. Such is, for example, tlle case witll an axe (ba-zi-in) vowed to Nergal in one literary text (Wilcke 1969: 58, n. 210; Behrens 1988) or, in another, with tlle axe used by Lugalbanda to dispatch his quarry for a divine

S

meal (1-1.nllo 1983: 176,344 with con,n,on1s) or, In~ lhird cnsc, with the dasgcrs (gfr) used for ndmlnlsle~ng oaths nt Ur (sec the references collected by ~niman 1982: 35). In nil thrc;: cases, 1hc 1crm used ,s 1111- rm, which elsewhere n,onns tin, or perhaps lend, or even at lin,cs arsenic (von Soden l 985: 111). A. A. Vaiman, who has studied " iron in Sumer" (1982), regards 1111 as n,oteoric iron and 1111• bar ns terrestrial iron. This 1111-bar(-s,l) is equaled with Akkadinn pan;i/111 (cf. Hebrew ban;cl), which von Soden (1972 s.v.) identifies as n,ctcoric Iron in texts of Middle Bronze date (Old Assyrian and Old Babylonian) but as terrestrial iron in 1hose of Late Bronze and Iron Age date (Middle Babylonian, Late Babylonian, Neo-Assyrian)! But pan;il/11 at least once translates Sumerian 1111-ta-sur-m, literally " rained down fron, hea ven," and in 1hat Late Bronze copy of a literary 1ext is apparenlly understood as meteoric iron (Civil 1964: 2f., 27; Nougayrol 1968: 313: 21 f.); it occurs there in parallelisrn with a11-11a = an1111k11, i.e. tin. And terreslrial iron sad for Brinkman's (1968) "post- Kasslto Babylonia: 1158-722 8.C ." R. M. Adams introduced tho term Middle Babylonian to characterize the period 1150-626 B.C. (Brinkman 1984: 3, n. 3), and is followed in this by Zettler (Conference 1990). This practice, ho wever, conAicts with traditional Assyriological usage which regard s Kassite, not post- Kassite, times as the heart of the Mid dle Babylonian period; it sho uld ba abandoned. 4. 0. W. Muscarella noted that " Cimmerian" alTOw• heads were in fairly common use and not demonstrably "Cimmerlan" o r "Scythian." Such arrowheads were found at Ugarit and in Cyprus, among other places. For the "Scythian bow," see most recently Hallo 1989. 5. C. K. Sams s uggested that, a fter invading Anatolia, the Phrygians maintained a connection to Thrace and the Balkans generaUy for the sake of access to tha ores o r Carpathia and perhaps even to the tin of Bohem.ia. By the same

7

token, they may hnvc bc,m inn position lo deny 1hcsc rt••

source, to others,

6. In thl• connection, C. H. Cordon cllcd Amos 9:7, which opproprialoly links the contemporary molfl!mcnts C)r Israelites, Soa Pooplcs (Philistines) ond Arnmoc.1n8 , S.,ms stressed tho possible ''Phrygion" role In Anotollo. An alternative model- indood tho only one pl'CSlollon• Octwhilllp II, Tr•n•. S. Rcynrtldo, N~w York: Harper and now.

Parade ond Ol1plny: F.xporlment• In Dronu Ago lJurop.,, l'p. Sl ~N In /In,..,.,,, C•••f"' •"" 1111

CENTRAL AND SOUTHEASTERN EUROPE

MditnTonan,_ ed. V. Markotic:. Warminster: Aris •nd Phllhps. eoi-,J. M., and Harding. A . F. 197'9 Tht Bronze Age in Eurr,pe. New York:St. Martin's.

F.ogan.C. 1981

The Gold Vessels of the Bronze Age in Ireland and Beyond. Proc. Rqyal Irish At:lldemy Sect. c, Vol. 81, C, No.14: 345-82. Furminek, V., and Harding. A. F. 1980 Periodlsation In the Central European Bronze Age. BIA 17: 117-28. HAnsel, B. 1976 Beitrllge zur regioMlen und chronologischen Gliederung tier 11/teren Hallstattzeit an der unteren DoMu. Bonn: Habelt. 1982 Siidosteuropa zwischen 1600 und 1000 v. Chr. Pp. 1-38 in Sildosteuropa zwischni 1600 und 1000 v. Chr., ed. B. H/i.nsel. Berlin: Moreland. Harding. A. F. 1983 The Bronze Age in Central and Eastern Europe. Ad""nces in World Archaeology 2: 1-50. 1984 The Myceruwms and Europe. London: Academic Press. Kimming, W. 1964 Sceviilkerbewegung und Umenfelderkultur. Pp. 220-83 in Studier, aus Alteuropa I, ed. R. von Uslar. Cologne: Biihlau. Kossack, G. 1974 Prunkgraber: Bemerkungen zu Eigenschaften und Aussagewert. Pp. 3-33 in Studien zur vorund frilltgeschi.chten Archaologie I, ed. G. Kossack and G. Ulbert. Munich: Beck. Laszlo, A. 1977 Anfange der Benutzung und der Bearbeitung des Eisens auf dem Gebiete Rumaniens. Acta ArHung 29: 53-75. Matthaus, H. 1981 Spatmykenische und urnenfelderzeitliche Vogelplastik. Pp. 277-98 in Studier, zur Bronzezeil, ed. H. Lorenz. Mainz: Philipp von Zabem. Morintz, S. 1964 Quelques problems concemant la periode an• cieIJne du Hallstatt au Bas-Danube la lumiere des fouilles de Babadag. Dacia 8: 101- 18. Mwler, A. von. 1964 Die jungbronzezeitliche Siedlung von BerlinLichterftlde. Berlin: Hessling. Millier-Karpe, H. 1955 Das umenfelder,eitliche Wagengrab von Hart, Oberbayern. Bayerische Vorgeschichtsbllitter 21: 46--75. 1%2 Zur spatbronzezeitlichen Bewaffnung in Mit• teleuropa und Griechenland. GermaniA 40: 255-87.

a

1980

39

/undo,,ch dtr Vorgeschichte 4. Bronuuit. Munich: Beck.

Peroni, R.

1979

Prom Bronze Age to Iron Age: Economlc, Historical and Social Considerations. Pp. 7-30 in Italy Before the Romans, ed. D. and F. Ridgway. New York: Academic Press. Piggott, S. 1959 A Late Bronze Age Wine Trade? Antiquity 33: 122-23. Pittioni, R. 1976 Bergbau: Kupfererz. Pp. 251-66 in Realfexikon der Ccmanischen Allmumskunde 2, ed. H. Beck, et al. Berlin: de Cruyter. Rowlands, M. 1984 Conceptualizing the European Bronze and Early Iron Age. Pp. 147-56 in European Social Eoolulion, ed.). Bintliff. Sheffield: Sheffield University. Rusu, M. 1981 Bemerkungen zu den grossen Werkstatten· und Ciessereifunden aus Siebenbilrgen. Pp. 375-402 in Studien zur Bronzeuit, ed . H. Lorenz. Mainz: Philipp von Zabern. Sandars, N. 1983 North and South at the End of the Mycenaean Age: Aspects of an Old Problem. OJA 2: 43-68. Schauer, P. 1985 Spuren orientalischen und agaischen Einflusses im bronzezeitlichen Nordischen Kreis. [RCZM 1986 1987

32: 123-95. Die Goldblechkegel dtr Bronzezeit. Bonn: Habe!L Der vierradnge Wagen in Zeremonialgeschehen

und Bestattungsbrauch der orientalisch-agaischen Hochkulturen und ihrer Randgebiete. Pp. 1-24 in Vierriidrige Wagen dtr Hallslattzeil. Mainz: Romisch-Cermanisches Zentralmuseum. Stratan, I., and Vulpe, A. 1977 Der Hugel von Susani. PZ 52: 28-60. Taylor, T. 1989 Iron and Iron Age in the Carpatho-Balkan Region: Aspects of Social and Technological Change 1700-400 B.C. Pp. 6S-92 in Tht Bronze Age. Iron Age Transition in Eurr,pe, eds. M. L. S. Serensen and R. Thomas. BAR International Series, 483. Oxford: BAR. Vulpe, A, and Mihailescu-Birliba, V. 1985 Der Goldschatz von Radeni, Jud. Neam~ in der Westmoldau, Rumanien. PZ 60: 47~9. Wells, P.S. 1984 Farms, Vil!JJges, and Cities: Commerc, and Urban Origins in Late Prehistoric Eurr,pe. Ithaca: Cornell University Press.

CHAPTER 5

Italy and the Central Mediterranean in the Crisis Years R. ROSS HOLLOWAY Brown University

ABSTRACT White Italy is gencmlly ignored in studies 011 the Easttrn Medite~rancan 1Jro11~ Ag,,, archa,ology shows that this region was within the Eastern MedrterrantJJn orbit in the 12th century B.C. Commercial contacis with the enst began•~ early as tire_ 1 7//r antury B.C. and there is ample evidena of Mycenw,n and Cypnot rm!"'rts rn the Late Bronze Ag,,. Metallurgy and the faienct! industry were eastern rmporls a11d workshops for Mya.-n pottcy are known at Italian ~ites. Cu_Uural elemenls such as social slruciure show eastern influtnce and the rntroductron of cremation ituli'ades a tie with the northern Danube. TM archaeologiazl situation in lf•ly is thus P"rlinent to the crisis years of th< Medittrranean and must also be considered in the ...,ch for llu: origins of the Sea Peoples.

...,.,,,.1

Seen from the perspective of the high civiliza• lions of Egypt and the Near East or from the point of view of the satellites of these civilizations in the Aegean, the peoples of Italy and of her adjacent is• lands in the dosing centuries of the SC('Ond millennium B.C. take on the aspect of the American woodland Indians as they appeared to European eyes in the 17th century A.O. At first glance the salient characteristics o r the Italians would seem to be a negligible material culture and a dispersed pa t· tern of settlements suggesting rudimentary social development. Chronological uncertainties, further• more, would appear to make the interpretation of what little is known a risky business. In their love affair with the Aegean Bronze Age, American uni• versity departments of classics have cast hardly one glance toward prehistoric Italy. Although stu• dents of the ancient Near East do not need to be rE;~inded that western North Africa, Spain, Sar• d1rua, ?nd a part of Sicily were to become a greater Phocrucia, they may £eel that the Phoenicians have little to do with the end of the Bronze Age.1 The testimony of archaeology, however, makes it clear that the area was within the Eastern Mcditerra• ncan orbit during the crisis years or the 12th century B.C. A prominent aspect of the involvement of Italy and the islands or the Central Mediterranean

40

with the cast was the establishment of workshops producing faience and pseudo-Mycenaean pottery in Italy. The bronze deposits on Sardinia were ex• ploited by metalworkers who employed tech· niques from the east and were presumably also easterners. Political influence is evident in the group of Mycenaean-like kingdoms that grew up in southeastern Sicily. It is less apparent in penin· sular Italy and conspicuously absent in Sardinia where the nuraghic villages maintained their char• actcristic architecture in a fossilized prehistoric landscape even down to the begirming of Roman rule in the 3rd century B.C. The Mediterranean Sea became a highway when the first vessels capable of open water navigation were built in the early Neolithic.2 Such shipping promoted a taste for high style decorated pottery that spread across the Adriatic during the Middle Neolithic. Later it brought bronze metallu,sr to Italy at the opening of the third millennium. By the end of the third millennium it seems probable that Greece and Aegean Turkey were receiving visits from enterprising Sicilians. The evidence of their presence is the trail of Sicilian bone plaques that stTetches through Apulia to Lema and Troy (Holloway 1981: 17- 19).

ITALY AN DTH llCENTRALMBDITBRKANBAN

A new era In ('1tSt•W-Apennine.16 IJ this change IS due to Proto-Villanovan influence, then the earlier date for the beginning of the Proto-Villanovan phenomenon in Italy should be correct. The Sul:>-Apennine presence on Lipari is itself the. best documented instance of conquest in this penod. The stratigraphic evidence of the violent arrival of these people and the marked difference betwee'.' their material culture and that of the precedmg inhabitants leaves no doubt as to the nature of their coming. The memory of this event was preserved until historical times when it was recounted as the coming of the Ausonii from Italy to the islands (Diodorus v, 7). Other splinter groups from the mainland pushed into $idly penetrating

• ITALY ANO'llMECENTRALMEDITERRAN l!AN

to lhc oulsldrls of the Panta lica•Caltaglro ne kingdoms (Blcltl Scstlcri 1979).

n,c Ausonian C>uld now further lower the dates fr ~ not we Assyrian and Middle Babylonian p:~odt e Middle . 'od • n and the corTt?Spond ing pen in Egypt. I am no h . h c ronologer. For th . 1s reason, 1 ave consulted leagues Professors Brinkman and We t my colOriental Institute. Wente is well-know n e at the n as one of the authors o f a Iowered Egyptian absol t h ' km · uecronology. Bnn an, 1n a recent, unpublished delivered at the 1990 Nahonal Meeting' ~a:r American Oriental Society _e . in Atlanta , sharp 1y cn11cized the recent, very high chronological scheme of Peter Huber and the much quoted and much followed ultra-low scheme of Wilhelm and Boese . (1987)Thl . pointed out, ha ve .e atter, Bnnkman f basedh . t eir system or Middle Babylonian and Assynan chronology on a restoration in the Nassouhi king list which they made in order to make it fit their d~si~ scheme. It is Brinkman's opinion that there 1s simply no compelling evidence for the Wilhelm and Boese scheme. As a Hittitologist who works with a historical corpus in which almost no chronological information is ever given, I am quite at home with suspending my judgment on absolute dates, and I shall continue to do so here on the assurance of Brinkman that there is insufficient evidence for the newest proposed absolute chronology.

° .

B. Relative Chronology It is somewhat remarkable, especially to Assyriologists accustomed to documentary evidence for the length of reigns, that no Hittite text gives the length of a Hittite king's reign. For some kings, however, periods of years within their reign~ are5 mentioned, which provides a minimal duratton, and occasional synchronisms enable us to an:hor Hittite imperial history and chronology. to fixed points in the history of Assyria, Babylorua, Egypt or Ugarit. Another approach is the totalling of average lengths for a generation. This is something like a tree ring sequence, only the rings are the. members of the geneology. In the Hittite ~ling hne ~ew_ Kingdom, the generational hnks a:~!{i ~I, p1lubuma I, (2) Arnuwanda II and Mu hi!'1 III 4 MuwataUi II and I ~urs IV (S) (Urkhi-Teshub), Kurunta, and Tudkhahya '

o~:e(r,

IV. Questions Raised by the New Evidence. 1. In view of the older textual material now con-

veniently edited and discussed by van den Hout and the new Bronze Tablet edited by Otten, how are we lo reconstruct the line of kings al Tarkhuntasha following Kurunta? What is the chronological sequence of the Ulmi-Teshub Treaty and the Bronze Tablet treaty with Kurunta? 2. Are the Kurunta of the Bronze Tablet and the Ulmi-Teshub of KBo 4.10 the same person? d 3. Are the Kurunta of the Bronze Tablet and of the "Great King" seal the same person, or is this Kurunta a previously unknown successor of Shuppiluliuma II? , 4. If the former, how are we to understand the title "Great King" as applied to Kurunta? Does this imply an overthrow of the reigning Hittite emperor by the King of Tarkhuntasha? S. If the latter, can we say that, since the Siidburg installation has not been shown to be ~ unused tomb, it does not prove that Shupp1luh· uma II was the last Hittite emperor to rule from Khattusha? 6. Since there is no bu.rial chamber, what is th; nature of the Siidburg installation? 7. How are we to understand the military opera· tions of Shuppiluliuma II mentioned in the hieroglyphic inscriphon on the Siidbu~g_, ~hich .ire directed against a large number of cities including Tarkhuntasha? Was this a prelude to I w k apline of Carchernish sur,riv~ ~ow that the royal Ku(n)zi-Tesh b ' since a king named tinued to u suc~eed~ Talrni-Teshub and conS" nh rule, styling himself as "Great King" . ure agen (1986) showed that this Kunzi-Tesh~b is even mentioned in historical fragments from ~.attusha which also contain the name of Shuppiu iuma II, showing him to be a contemporary . 1 ~- To what extent can we speak of politicai continuity or discontinuity? Just what areas of the Hittite _land fell to the enemies, and what areas continued? These are questions for which one cannot at present offer ~y ?r convincing answers. But the first step toward f1nd1ng answers is to frame the questions.

NOTES ()ten 1988: 16 f., line 35. He is cal.led SES MAljRU,

ftnt/oldest brother." o, 4.14 (+) KUB 40.38 (CTH 123); Meriggi 1962; 1963: Sf.; von Schuler 1964: 42; Stefanini 1965: 39enhuber 1969: 274 (KZ 83); Singer 1985. Murshili ll's predecessor, Amuwanda. The Muwho reigned at the end of the Old Kingdom; cf.

4. Merneptah reigned for 10 years according to Krauss 1978: 259, with note 4 and table on p. 203. According to the lower chronology, his regnal years are 1213- 1204 e.c. ·5. For example, entries for 21 years plus an unnumbered year are given in Murshili H's Detailed Annals.

1987.

BIBLIOGRAPHY , M. New Evidence on the Last Days of Ugarit. AJA 69, 253-58.

A.

Nouveaux textes ougaritiques de Ras lbn Hani. AIIM~ du College de France 79: 481-90.

0.

Die Chronologie der hethitischen Texte ~d d_ie hethitische Geschichte der Grossre1chze1t. ~KM. Suppl. I: 226-49. uoer historiographische und _Phil~logisch~ Methoden in der Hethitologie. Onentalu, NS 40·

J. 208-23,

~ lablette RS 86.2230 et la phase finale du fllyaume d'Ugarit. Syria 65: 395-98. and Gurney, O. R. . Lo don: .,,.. Ct{,graphy of the Hitti~ Empire. " British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara,

,,!:,

Goetze, A. 1925 Hattusilis. Der Bericht Ol,er seine Thronbesteigung neust den Parallel~xten. MV(A)G 29, 1924, 3 = Hethitische Texte, He~ 1. 1928 Oas Hethiter-Reich. AO 27: 40 ff. G=~H. ·· d U 197• Catalogue des documenls royaux h,thtes u • " millenaire avant f.-C . Langues et Civilisations Orientales. Paris: Editions du CNRS. Gordon, E. I. d KAL KUR · 1967 The Meaning of the Ideogram KAS = "Underground Water-course". JCS 21: 70-88. Giiterbock, H. G. . . 1· The North.Central Area of H1tt1te Anato 1a. 1961 JNES 20: SS-97. . The Hittite Conquest of Cyprus Reconsidered. 1967 JNES 26: 73-81. Hawkins,KJ. ~-T--"ub and the "Great Kings" of Karkamis. 1988 UZI ~ AnSt 38: 99-108.

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Die Beziehungen Agyptens zu Vonler•"'· . .L d ~~n rm 3 und 2. funrlausen v. Chr. Wiesbaden· H · rassowitz. . arl96-l Urhi-Tesup in Agypten. JCS 17: 87-97. f!offner, H. A., Jr. 1989 ~e Ulmitesu~ Treaty (I- Qschichte Syriens im 2. Jahrtausend v. u. Z. Deut1970 sche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, lnstitut fiir Orientforschung, Veroffentlichung Nr. 40. Berlin: Akademie Verlag. 1974 "Hungerjahre" in Hatti. AOF 1: 165-74. Krauss, R. 1978 Das Ende der Amamaz.eit. Hildesheimer Agyptologlsche Beitrage, 7. Hildesheim: Gerstenberg. Lackenbacher, S. 1982 Nouveaux documents d'Ugarit I. Une lettre royale. RA 76: 141-56. Laroche, E. 1947 Un point d'histoire: Ulmi-Tessub. RHA 8: 40-48. Mertggi, P. l962 Ober einige hethitische Fragmente historischen lnhalts. WZKM 58: 66-110. Neu, E., and Riister, C. l-4Z . 22 1973 Zur Datierung hethitischer Texte. Pp. m . . . ed E Neu and C. Festschrift Heinrich Otten, s.. · Riister. Wiesbaden: Harrassow1tz. Neve p R Its of the exca· - Bogazkl>y-Hattush a. ~ew esu. 16. 7-20. 90 vations in the upper city. Anatolrca ·

1989 ·

Otten, H. 1963 Neuc Quellen zum Au kl 1969 :eiches. MOOG 94: 1- ~ ang des Heth.iliSYed these cities were not invade fr 'de j\Jlatolia. rs orn outtnscri ti p on from the S .. db s• Bittel also noted the occurrence of the ti'tJ G sense th t Sh . u urg at Bog1iaz1c.. · 1yphi c U\SCtiptions · · · J(ing in hierog frorn tw e. reat Tarkh a upp1luliuma U did oy in the • period after the fall of the Hittite E 0. Sites of th untasha, which may irn I ha something to t,,e K rah'' "k rnp1re One e usurper Kurunta who hp y t t he put dolYt\ of t11em is a. oyu .. near Elbistan where the ~reaBt King according to these:~ f~laimd~ the titte cavator, Tahs1n Ozguc;, found a large st la ~. ut for one we d un in the car,;_ seribed with a long hieroglyphic text ere:ted 1~m , o not know ha .-~ eans, and, even if Shuppil I' w t the verb t11e first Early Iron Age period and pan'1y "buried~ runta at that time . u 1urna defeated I( in tJie second. The site showed no trace of d o~e of his descenda~tsw~~ ~: ha_ve prevented. lion of the Late Bronze level. The other is th~:cl