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THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THOMAS BECKET ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY I 162-1170
VOLUME I Letters 1-175
EDITED AND TRANSLATED BY
ANNE]. DUGGAN
CLARENDON PRESS · OXFORD
PREFACE
, I' 11 E genesis of this edition of the Correspondence of Thomas Becket
f';OCs back to my undergraduate days, when the dating of the papal ll'ltcr Quanto per carissimum (MTB, no. 310) first engaged my interest 111 texts and their transmission. The two volumes which follow are the result of that initial question. In their preparation I have incurred many pleasant debts, which I now gratefully acknowledge. In the first instance, I must thank the Librarians, Archivists, l~cepers of Manuscripts (and their assistants) who allowed me access to their manuscripts and research materials: the Keepers of Manuscripts in the Manuscript Room of the British Library in I ,ondon, the Bibliotheque Nationale in Paris, and the Bodleian I ,ibrary in Oxford; the Librarians of Corpus Christi College and Trinity College in Cambridge; the Librarians of Lambeth Palace, I ,ondon; the Municipal Librarians of A vranches and Laon; the k:eeper of Manuscripts in the Biblioteca Vallicclliana in Rome; and I he Prefects of the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana in Vatican City. My special thanks are also due to the late Professor Stephan Kuttner, I )irector of the Institute of Medieval Canon Law, then at Berkeley, California, and to Professor Laurent Mayali, Director of the Robbins Collection, Boalt Hall, Berkeley, California, for generous access over the years to the research environment in which the more technical aspects of this work were carried out. But I also owe much to generous friends and colleagues: Dr Julia Barrow (for information ofthefamilia of the bishops of Hereford), the late Father Leonard Boyle, OP (for photocopies of relevant letters in Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Reginensis !at. 179), Professor Christopher Brooke (who gave much encouragement and advice at the beginning of what turned out to be a much longer project than my youthful enthusiasm envisaged), the late Professor Christopher Cheney (for advice on dating), Dr Julian Hascldinc (for lending his microfilm of Valenciennes, bibliotheque municipale, MS 482, and many illuminating discussions about Sollicito reuoluens: [252] and Peter of Cclle's letters), Dr Marie Lovatt (for information on Roger of Pont l'Eveque), Alan Piper and Malcolm Parkes (for information about the Becket materials in Bern, Burgerbibliothek,
V Ill
l'REl'/\CE
MS 568), Professors Laurent Mayali and David Johnston (for giving me the benefit of their knowledge of Roman law); Professor Ursula Nilgen (for information on Heidelberg Universitats-bibl. Cod. Salem ix.30), Professor Robert Somerville (to whom I owe knowledge of Lisbon, Biblioteca nacional, cod. Alcobac;a 290/ 143), and Father Joseph Van der Straeten, Societe des Bollandistes (for photocopies of some folios of Brussels, Bibi. royale, MS IV.600 [formerly Phillipps MS 4622] ). In addition to these and many other scholarly debts, I must acknowledge the assistance of the General Editors of Oxford Medieval Texts and the care and exactitude of Mr John Cordy, who must be the prince of copy editors. Most of all, however, these volumes owe a great deal to my dear late husband, Dr Charles Duggan, to whom they arc dedicated. His unrivalled knowledge of twelfth-century canon law, his exacting scholarship, and unfailing reassurance and support sustained the project until its completion, although, regrettably, he did not live to see these volumes in print. ANNE
J.
CONTENTS
VOLUME I ,\ B l:lREVIATED REFERENCES
xm
INTRODUCTION
XXI
I
THE CORRESPONDENCE
Authorship and Authenticity Dating and Historical Context u62 u63 rr64 rr65 u66 rr67 rr68 u69 1170
DUGGAN
King's College London 27 May 1999
II
THE MANUSCRIPTS
A.
THE BECKET GROUP 1. 11. 111.
iv. B.
The The The The
Bodleian Family Vatican Family Lambeth Family 'New Letters' in the Lambeth family
ALAN OF TEWKESBURY'S COLLECTION
Recension I a. The Collations and Marginalia in MS a b. John of Salisbury's Letters in MS a c. Other Sources d. 'Hand D' e. The Canterbury-CirencesterTewkesbury Connection n. Recension II m. Recension III 1v. The Gale Transcripts v. Roger of Crowland's Quadrilogus 1.
XXI
xxm xxvn xxxn XXXlll XXXVI XXXVlll
xl xliv xlviii !iii !ix lxviii lxix lxxi lxxiii lxxvi lxxix lxxx lxxxiv lxxxvi XC XCI
xcn xc11 XClll XCVI C
Cl
III
C.
THE FOLIOT GROUP
D.
JOHN OF SALISBURY'S LETTERS
ClV
E.
HERBERT OF BOSHAM'S LETTERS
civ
F.
MINOR COLLECTIONS
G.
LITTER£ EXTRA VAGANTES
H.
OTHER TEXTS
I.
LOST MANUSCRIPTS
J.
LOST LETTERS
THIS EDITION
Rejected letters Forgeries IV
CONTENTS
CONTENTS
X
PREVIOUS EDITIONS
Cl
CV CVlll
cix ex ex CXI CXIV CXV
CXVI
cxvu
2.
3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9. 10.
11.
12.
CXIX
SIGLA
THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THOMAS BECKET
CXIX CXXI CXXV CXXVlll CXXXV
cxxxvu clii clxvi clxix clxxiii clxxvi clxxviii clxxxi
802
A l'PENDICES
r. 2.
3.
Biographical Notes Legal and Topical Notes Lost Letters
INDEXES I.
3. 4. 5.
MAJOR EDITIONS MINOR EDITIONS
Order of Letters in Archetype a. Order of Letters in Archetype ~ Order of Letters in the Vatican Family Order of Letters in the Lambeth Family Order of Letters in the Foliot Group Order of Letters in Alan of Tewkesbury's Collection Table of Letters, with Manuscript Sources Order of Letters in the Lupus Edition Order of Letters in the Giles Editions Order of Letters in the Robertson-Sheppard Edition Order of Papal Letters in Jaffe-Loewenfeld's Regesta and Migne's Patrologia Collation of this edition with the Giles and Robertson-Sheppard Editions
THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THOMAS BECKET
2.
A.
1.
VOLUME II
CXVI
B. TABLES
Xl
6. 7. 8.
Manuscripts Incipits Dates of Letters Biblical Q.iotations and Allusions Citations from Classical, Patristic, and Medieval Sources Authors of Letters Recipients of the Letters General Index
1407 1407 1409 1413 1416 1430 1439 1441 1444
ABBREVIATED REFERENCES
For abbreviations used in classical and patristic sources, see Indexes 4 and 5 I/IP /\ncient Charters lnnales monastici /non. I
/non. II
Barlow, Thomas Becket !IIHR IJJRL BL Brixius
Burton, Classical Poets
CCCM CCSL
Cheney, Roger of Worcester Complete Peerage
Councils and Synods
Archivum Historiae Pontificiae Ancient Charters Royal and Private, ed. J. H. Round, Pipe Roll Society, x (London, 1888) Annales monastici, ed. H. R. Luard, 5 vols., RS xxxvi (London, 1864-9) Vita sancti Thomae, Cantuariensis archiepiscopi et martyris, sub Rogerii Pontiniacensis monachi nomine olim edita: MTB, iv. 1-79. 'Roger of Pontigny' Vita sancti Thomae, Cantuariensis archiepiscopi et martyris, auctore Anonymo II: MTB, iv. 80-144. 'The Lambeth Anonymous' F. Barlow, Thomas Becket (London, 1986) Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research (now Historical Research) Bulletin of the John Rylands Library British Library J. M. Brixius, Die Mitglieder des Kardinalkollegiums von IIJO-n81 (Berlin, 1912) R. Burton, Classical Poets in the Florilegium Gallicum, European University Studies: Series 1, German Language and Literature (Frankfurt am Main, 1983) Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis (Turnhout, 1953- ) Corpus Christianorum, Series Latina (Turnhout, 1953-) M. G. Cheney, Roger, Bishop of Worcester 11641179 (Oxford, 1980) The Complete Peerage of England, Scotland, Ireland, Great Britin and the United Kingdom, ed. V. Gibbs et al., 13 vols. (London, 1910-40) Councils and Synods, with other Documents Relating to the English Church, iii-ii, ed. D. Whitelock, M. Brett, and C. N. L. Brooke (Oxford, 1981)
XIV
ABBREVIATED REFERENCES
ABBREVIATED REFERENCES
CSEL DACL
Delisle/Berger, Recueil des actes
DHGE
Diceto
Digest
DNB
Du Boulay, Lordship of Canterbury Duggan, Textual History EHR English Episcopal Acta Epistolae cantuarienses
Eyton Falcandus
Fasti
Foreville, L 'Eglise et la royaute
Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum, 76 vols. (Vienna/Prague/Leipzig, 1866-1976) Dictionnaire d 'archeologie chretienne et de liturgie, ed. A. Cabrol, H. Leclerq, et al, 15 vols. (Paris, i9o7-53) Recueil des actes de Henri II roi d'Angleterre et due de Normandie concernant les provinces franfaises et les affaires de France, 4 vols., ed. L. Delisle, revised E. Berger, Chartes et diplomes relatifs a I'histoire de France, vii (Paris, 1909-27) Dictionnaire d'histoire et de geographie ecclesiastiques, ed. A. Baudrillart, A. de Meyer, E. van Cauwenbergh, and R. Aubert (Paris, 1912- ) Ralph of Diss (Diceto): Radulfi de Diceto decani Lundoniensis opera historica, ed. W. Stubbs, 2 vols., RS lxviii (London, 1876) The Digest ofJustinian. Latin Text ed. by Theodor Mommsen with the aid of Paul Krueger, English translation ed. by Alan Watson, 4 vols. (Philadelphia, 1985) Dictionary of National Biography, ed. L. Stephen and S. Lee (66 vols., London, 1885-1901; repr. 22 vols., Oxford, 1921-2) F. R. H. Du Boulay, The Lordship of Canterbury (London, 1966) Anne Duggan, Thomas Becket: A Textual History of his Letters (Oxford, 1980) English Historical Review English Episcopal Acta (Oxford, for the British Academy, 1981- ) Epistolae cantuarienses: Chronicles and MemoriaL1 of the reign ofRichard I, ed. W. Stubbs, RS xxxviii/ii (London, 1865) R. W. Eyton, Court, Household, and Itinerary of King Henry II (London, 1878) Ugo Falcando: La Historia o Liber de Regno Sicilie, ed. G. B. Siragusa, Fonti per la Storia d'ltalia, 2 vols. (Rome, 1897) John Le Neve, Fasti Ecclesiae Anglicanae, 1066-IJoo, i-iv, compiled D. E. Greenway (London, 1968-91) R. Foreville, L 'Eglise et la royaute en Angleterre sous Henri 11 Plantagenet (1154-1189) (Paris, 1943)
I •'oreville,
Thomas
Becket
( iams -2, 294. 111 Duggan, Textual History, pp. 29-32, 58-61, esp. p. 59 n. 2. 112 A 80--84, probably from a 'Foliot' source (ibid., pp. 25-9, 33-4). For A 81, 83, and 8.t see nos. 96, 98, and 111 in this edition. A distinctive feature of this MS is its use of the limr-part punctuation scheme of punctus, point (. ), punctus fiexus (. 7 ), punctus elevatus ( .' ), and punctus interrogativus, question mark (. 1 ). The punctus fiexus became a characteristic of
lxxii
INTRODUCTION
The other members of this family are: London. Brit. Libr., MS Additional 1777, fos. rr-47v (37 letters), a small early-fourteenth-century manuscript of unknown provenance, unfinished and mutilated, contains a derivative from Archetype a, beginning abruptly in the middle of no. 5, breaking off before the end ofno. 41, and omitting nos. II and 12. 113 Oxford, Bodi. Libr., MS Laud Misc. 666 (SC 1051), fos. rr-19or ( 109 letters), a finely-written late thirteenth-/ early fourteenthcentury volume, now unfortunately mutilated at fo. 190v, where a quire signature indicates that the manuscript originally contained more material. There are no medieval press-marks, but its postmedieval ownership is well-attested. It belonged at one time to James Ussher (bishop of Meath 1621-6, archbishop of Armagh 1625-56), an ardent bibliophile, who acquired most of his books during visits to England between 1602 and 1640. His library was purchased in 1661 and given by Charles II to Trinity College Dublin, where it still resides; but some of his books had earlier passed to William Laud and John Junius, and through them to the Bodleian Library. This manuscript is one such book, acquired from Ussher and given by William Laud to the Bodleian. 114 Format and script, however, suggest that it was written in the Benedictine monastery of St Augustine's at Canterbury, an impression confirmed by its relationship with London, Brit. Libr., Arundel MS 219, discussed below. The letter collection is hybrid: it combines a derivative from Archetype a (nos. 1-77, fos. rr-129r), to which it adds one letter, with an abbreviation (nos. 78-109) of Book v of the third recension of Alan of Tewkesbury's collection. 115 Oxford, Bodi. Libr., MS Rawlinson Qf.8 (SC 27836), fos. rr-122r (88 letters), an extremely interesting twelfth-century manuscript from Ely, 116 whose materials were assembled in stages from the Cistercian books designed for reading in the refectory. On these positurae, see M. B. Parkes, Pause and Effect: An Introduction to the hL,tory of"punctuation in the fVest (Berkeley, 1993), pp. 35-40, and 306; cf. Bernhard Bischoff, trans. D. 6 Crbinin and D. Ganz (Cambridge, 1989), pp. 169-70. Duggan, Textual History, pp. 34-5. Fu. iv: 'Liber Gulielmi Laud Archiepiscopi Cantuar' et Cancellarii universitatis Oxon. 1633'; cf. J. Compton, 'Fasciculi zizaniorum I', JHH, xii (1961), 35-46; H. J. Lawler, 'Primate Ussher's library before 1641', Proceedings of"the Royal Irish Academy, 3rd Ser., vi.2 (Dublin, 1900-2), pp. 216--64; D. C. Douglas, English Scholars 16so-1730, 2nd edn. (London, 1951), pp. 25, 196-7. m Duggan, Textual Histor)', pp. 35-8; see also at nn. 251-3 below. 116 Fo. 122v: 'lste liher pertinet ecclesie Eliensi'; cf. Ker, Medieval Libraries, pp. 78, 385. 113
114
THE MANUSCRIPTS
lxxiii
1 16os onwards. It comprises five elements: nos. 1-8, a select ion of widely-circulated letters and encyclicals relating to English and papal history, culminating with three items (6b-8) relating to the Becket dispute; nos. 9-22, a small collection of Becket materials, all issued in 1 165-66, which exists independently in London, Brit. Libr. Harleian MS 215 (discussed below), into which Henry II's treaty of n6o with I .ouis VII has been inserted (no. 10); nos. 23-46, a unique collection of Becket letters, displaying a marked royal and episcopal bias, not dependent on any other known collection; nos. 47-84, an abbreviation of Archetype a, 1-65, in which the same bias is evident. These are followed after a gap by John of Salisbury's Ex insperato, 117 which described Becket's murder to Bishop John of Poitiers, and Alexander I Il's announcement of the Peace of Venice in 1177 .118 To these, a later hand still has added Innocent III's letter, More pii patris, issued to l\..ing John in 1209. 119 Although this manuscript has little to add to the textual history of the letters (and its readings have not therefore been recorded in the critical cipparatus of this edition), the Rawlinson ( :ollection is a very valuable witness to the dissemination of groups of ldters during Becket's life and in the immediate aftermath of his death. 120
ii. The Vatican Family · l'he manuscripts of this family combine and collate Archetypes a and ~' and two have been used in the preparation of this edition: V Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 6024, fos. 72ra-139vb (267 letters + 11 duplicates). The Becket correspondence forms the third component of a volume of lettercollections from northern France and the Anglo-NormanAngevin tcrritories, 121 transcribed in a number of English hands MTB, vi, no. 748; JohnS, ii. 724-39 no. 305. JL 12910. 119 Selected Letters of Innocent III concerning England, ed. C. R. Cheney and W. H. Semple, NMT (London, 1953), pp. 117-20. 12 For a full discussion and analysis, see Duggan, Textual Histor)!, pp. 38-46, 169, 233-5. 121 Fos. 1ra-29vb, letters of Hildehert of Le Mans; fas. 3ora-71ra, an expanded first edition of the letters of Arnulf of Lisieux; fos. 142ra-154ra, the Register of Master David of London (one of Gilbert Foliot's clerks, and his representative at the papal Curia in late , 169-70); fos. 158ra-178ra, the early correspondence of John of Salisbury; fos. 179ra2 1 uh, the letters of lvo of Chartres: see Duggan, Textual History, pp. 48-53, 55, 62, 236-+4. For Master David's register, see Z. N. Brooke, 'The Register of Master David of 117 118
°
lxxiv
INTRODUCTION
in the last quarter of the twelfth century. Its small format (8" x 5") and undistinguished presentation suggest rather a 'sch~~l boo~', compiled for the study of epistolary style, than a fine library text. Its origins, unhappily, are obscure. There are no marks of medieval ownership visible, but it came to the Vatican Library in the seventeenth century from the estate of ~ishop Laelius Ruini of Bagnorea ( 1612-22 ). 122 The highly important Becket component is made up of four sections and a small appendix: (i) nos. 1-25 + 26---7 123 (fos. 72ra-85vb), formed an independent collection of Becket letters ( V*) whose read• 124 • • ' mgs m some mstances follow those of the Foliot manuscripts discussed below; (ii) nos. 28-207 (fos. 86ra-129ra), combine the Becket section of Archetype~ (Vat. nos. 28-169) with the Becket section of Archetype a (Vat. nos. 170-207), the latter derivation omitting le~~~rs in common with Archetype ~ which had already occurred; (m) nos. 208-264 (fos. 13ora-137rb), comprises the papal s~c~ion of Archetype~; (iv) nos. 265-77 (fos. 137rb-139vb), are add1t10nal papal letters, written in two sequences, 265-74 and 275-77, and containing a letter issued as late as 27 February 1172 (no. 277). 125 This manuscript was certainly transcribed after Becket's canonization in early 1173, for the heading of no. 70 refers to 'Sanctus Thomas', but the absence of the canonization bulls 126 suggests that the archetype was compiled before that date. This Becket collection is immediately preceded on fos. 3ora-71vb by a unique expansion of the first recension of the letters of Arnulf of Lisieux ( VX ). It includes a copy of the hastilyassembled collection of thirty-one of Arnulf's letters, which the author had made for transmission to Peter lthier, then bishopelect of Meaux (1171-3), together with the letter which had accompanied them. 127 Its version (not used in this edition) of Magn~m michi (45) preserves the highly significant postscript regardmg the need for secrecy, which survives in the Becket collections, but was suppressed in other manuscripts of Arnulf's London and the part he played in the Becket crisis', Essays presented to R. L. Poole, ed. H. W. C. Davis (Oxford, 1927), pp. 227-45. ::: Fo. lr: 'Ex libris illustrissimi D(omini) Lelyii Ruini episcopi Balneoregien'. Added on fo. 85vb. 124 See nos. 68, 74, 76, 78, 95, 9 . 7 125 See Table 3, below. 126 Rrdolet Anglia and Gaudendum est: MTB, vii. 545-8 nos. 784-5. 127 Letters of Arnulf of Lisieux, pp. lxxxii and 136 no. 82. For Peter, see 142 n. 5.
THE MANUSCRIPTS
letters. 128 The text of no. 321 has been taken from this manuscript. R London, Brit. Libr., MS Royal 13 A.xiii (252 letters), a small
folio volume (9.5" x 6"), written in an English book hand in the late twelfth century, possibly at the Augustinian priory of Merton, where Becket had gone to school as a boy. 129 It later passed into the library of the great Elizabethan collector Lord John Lumley (1534-1609), and thence into the Royal library. 130 The letters are transcribed in two sections, separated by an inserted leaf (fo. 107): (i) the Becket correspondence, nos. 1187 (fos. l-106v); (ii) papal letters, nos. 192-248 (fos. 108r-126r). Briefly, the Royal Collection is a rearrangement of Archetypes a and ~' in which the non-papal segments of the two collections are interwoven to form the first part of R (nos. 1-187), and the papal segment of Archetype ~ is rearranged to form the second part of R (nos. 192-248). 131 That rearrangement of part ii, however, achieves a much less successful chronological order than Archetype a, and it is possible that the papal segment reached R's compiler (or, more likely, the compiler of his exemplar) in separated leaves and quaternions, which he transcribed in the wrong order. 132 The papal section has an additional four letters appended to the end, including the two canonization bulls. The inserted leaf (fo. 107) contains four further letters, probably derived from a London/Foliot source (R*). 133 There are also two late transcriptions of R: Oxford, St John's College, MS 15, fos. 182ra-215vb (252 letters), is a fifteenth-century copy; Oxford, Bodi. Libr., MS Bodley 278, a seventeenth-century transcript, made by a classicizing copyist, who frequently misread his exemplar, contains the whole Royal Collection, except for the omission of R 163-4 (290-291). Letters of Arnulf of Lisieux. p. 78 n. 6. Fo. 128v bears a scarcely-visible inscription, 'Ex merton'. For a full description of this MS and its relationship with V, see Duggan, Textual History, pp. 53-7. . 130_ Lor~ Lun:iley's distinctive signature is found at the foot of fo. 2r, but the manuscript 1s neither hsted m the catalogue of his library nor noted by S. Jayne and F. R. Johnson, The Lu~[~Y Library, British Museum Publications (London, 1956), esp. pp. 313-15. See Table 3, below. 132 Duggan, Textual History, pp. 53--6. It is likely that many letter collections began in this 'loose form': see J. Haseldine, 'The creation of a literary memorial: the letter collection of 1;:ter of Celle', Sacris Erudiri, xxxvii (1997), 333-79, at pp. 353-4. Duggan, Textual History, p. 54 nn. 4 and 5. 128 129
lxxvi
hxvii
INTRODUCTION
THE MANUSCRIPTS
Laon, Bibi. de la Ville, MS 337, fos. 29r-64v (80 letters, numbered 1-78), a fragment of a much larger volume transcribed in France in the mid-thirteenth century, which formerly belonged to the cathedral of Laon. 134 The Becket correspondence forms the sixth and last item in a miscellaneous collection of materials, which include a formulary book and the Sompnia pharaonis by Jean de Limoges. 135 The Becket section begins without title on fo. 29r and breaks off abruptly in the middle of no. 80 on fo. 64v, and contains a fragmentary derivative from Archetype (l, corresponding exactly with its content and order down to Archetype (l, no. 81 (= V 103), except for the deliberate omission of three items. 136 London, Brit. Libr., Harleian MS 215, fos. rr-rorr (91 letters), a hurriedly-written manuscript transcribed in England in the fourteenth century. Its medieval provenance is unknown. The Becket letters, which occupy the major part of the manuscript, comprise two elements: (i) nos. 1-14 (fos. rr-13v), correspond with Part II of the Rawlinson Collection discussed above; 137 (ii) nos. 15-91 (fos. 13vrorr), correspond exactly with the Laon Collection above, except for the inclusion of the Gradus cognationis, which Laon omitted, 138 even to the extent of breaking off at the same point in the text of the last letter (both terminate with the words 'faciat imitari'). The Laon and Harleian Collections are certainly independent of one another, but their fragment of Archetype fl demonstrates that it circulated independently. 139
assembled their sources in different ways. 140 In addition to corrcctcd versions of Archetypes a and fl, which they incorporated in 1.·.rtt11so, they each had access to the same files of additional letters, which considerably widened the basic stock, both in chronological spread and in authorship. The nature of that 'new' material will be discussed below. The manuscripts of this family are:
iii. The Lambeth Family The two members of this family combine material from the two archetypes with new material. For the greater part of their length they agree with one another in order, content, and reading, although Bis often corrected where L is not (and vice versa), and each has additional material unknown to the other. The original compilers of the collections in these two manuscripts evidently had access to the same range of materials, but they worked independently and rn A modern note inside the front cover records, 'Ce livre est de l'eglise de Laon'. Fos. 8r-28r: cf. J. A. Fabricius, Codex Pseudoepigraphus Veteris Testamenti, (Hamburg and Leipzig, 1713), 441-96. 136 Archetype II, 1, 23, 45 = V 4,13,70: cf. Duggan, Textual Histo~y, pp. 62-4. 137 Cf. ibid., pp. 233-4138 MTB, vi, no. 335: Harl. 57; Archetype II, 45; V 70. 139 Duggan, Textual History, pp. 64-5. 135
/, London, Lambeth Palace, MS 136 (2 + 347 letters + 15 duplicates), is a well-written composite manuscript, transcribed in England in the early thirteenth century. The first two leaves (which are foliated independently from the subsequent pagination) contain two letters only (L*), 141 -all that remain from a once-separate book. The rest of the volume, whose first page bears the characteristic inscription 'Lumley', inserted by Lord Lumley's secretary, 142 is paginated 1-338 in a modern hand, but medieval catchwords link all except the last gathering (Y) in an unbroken sequence, and gathering Y is linked to gathering X by content and scribe. The modern numeration is defective: nos. 90-5 are misnumbered 89(bis)-94 and nos. 208-364 arc misnumbcrcd 207-363. The letter collection is essentially a complex expansion of Archetypes a and fl, made up as follows: (a) nos. 3-6, 'new' letters, also found in the non-archetypal material in V; (b) nos. 786, a version of Archetype a, which repeats Mittimus sanctitati uestre (Arch., 18) in place of Mittimus sanctitati uestre latores (Arch., 24), and adds Sepe nobis (MTB, v, no. 157) as no. 51; (c) nos. 87-144, 'new letters', of which twenty-seven occur also in Archetype fl (and thirteen/fourteen were derived from it or from a common source); 143 (d), nos. 145-245, depends closely on i.i-
tc
;S.
~
~
n
Bo
65 66 67 69 76 77 78 64 65 66 68 75 76 77 79
-
53 54
60 61 62 64 72 73 74 76
47
12 48
3 75 -
348 183 -
2 5 31 4 -
65 66 67 68
4 2 5 31 4
-
-
-
-
8 I I
-
219 -
40 -
27 -
-
-
IOO
36 71 72 8
-
48 71 72 5 = 170 I 4 12 173 139 194 II 172
-
8
237
-
-
-
-
-
255 257
2
177
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
V
-
-
14
-
-
20
-
-
-
-
-
-
R
37 10
-
94
-
96 171 172 7
54
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
13
-
-
-
-
-
3
I
18
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
-
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Q
6
L
-
5
294
-
-
35°
I
91 177 178
-
-
89
-
II.
-
-
-
7
-
I
-
55 56
-
-
7
-
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284
-
169
-
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12
-
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12
13 -
-
134
-
-
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296
-
-
27
293 -
-
-
D
-
C
-
297
B
-
-
44 45 46 47 48 50 51 52 53 54 55 57 58 59 64 43 44 45 46 47 49 50 51 52 53 54 56 57 58 63 39 40 41 42 43 45 46 47 48 49 50 52 53 54 59
-
-
-
-
A
47 48 49 51
29 7 8 30 31 9 15 35a 18 36 19 37 20 21 38 22 23 39 24 25 fo. 5r 26 40 27 29 42 31 44 32 fo. 8r 34 fo. 8v 35 36 45 46 37 41
7 8 9 14 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 28 30 31 33 34 35 36 40
d
7 8 9 l2C 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 24 26 27 29 30 31 32 36
C
b
a
74 82 241a 65 62 63 17 23
54 112 113 132 56 38 48 47 40 41 119 158 221 222 68
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198 256 262 234 235 236 247 248 249 250 243 245 244 246
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1:!:1 7 From Canterbury, Dean and Chapter Library, Register A, fos. r2v-r3r, no. 36; Register I, fos. r21v-r22r, no. 14; Register 0, fo. r64r-v. t"" 8 Original: London, Lambeth Palace Library, Papal Documents, no. 5. l"l 9 No manuscript source known. Transmitted in Vita et processus sancti Thome Cantuariensis, sigg. kii'b-kiit• and de Beauchamp, Historiae Franco- '-' Merovingicae Synopsis, p. 936; cf. JohnS, ii, no. 231. 10 No manuscript source known. Transmitted by de Visch, Biblioteca scriptorum S. Ordinis Cisterciensis, p. 343; cf. Tissier, Biblioteca patrum Cisterciensium, iii. 247; Recueil des historiens (ed. Bria!), xvi. 311 no. 128. 11 In Master David's Register, fo. 146rb--va. 12 In Master David's Register, fo. r46va. 13 Heading and protocol only; full text on inserted fo. 22 of William FitzStephen's Vita sancti Thome (in the same .\lS). 14 Only the last paragraph of the letter, 'Quod si unius ... patiatur', wrongly attached to the end of the preceeding item (82). i; Lisbon, Biblioteca nacional cod. Alcoba~a 290/ 143, fos. 142v-146v. 16 Valenciennes, bibliotheque municipale, MS 482, fos. r2or-r2rr. 17 Second copy on fo. 27, inserted into William FitzStephen's Vita sancti Thome. 18 No manuscript source known. Transmitted by Vita et processus sancti Thome, sigg. Lii"b-Liiirn. 19 Among the letters of Arnulf of Lisieux, fo. 6orb.
296 297 298 299 300 301 302 3o3 3o4 3o5 306 3o7 308 309 310 311 312 3 13 3 14 3 15 316 3 17 318 3 19 320 321
edn
This
TABLE 8
Lupus
TABLE 8
24 24 25 29 30 35 42 44 45 46 47 54 55 56 57 58 64 69 71 72 73 80 81 82 83 86 87 88
Epistolae et vita divi Thomae martyris et archiepiscopi Cantuariensis, ed.
Fr Christian Lupus, 2 vols. (Brussels, 1682), arranged in five books.
I.
I
2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 14 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 26 28 30 31 33 34 35 36 40 43 44
This edn
Lupus
34 31 33 26 27 30 29 32 36 238 19 12 13 14 15 16 20 24 18 28 46 37 42 55 39 51 43 97 54 112
45 46 47 49 50 51 52 53 54 56 57 58 63 64 65 66 68 75 76 77 79 84 85 86 87 89 91 96 97 98
I.
This edn I 13 132 56 38 48 47 40 41 119 158 221 222 68 74 82 241a 65 62 63 17 23 rn8 45 64 52 181 25 78 73 86
Lupus
99 100 IOI
104 !05 I08 I II
113 114 115 117 118 119 121 122 124 126 127 129 134 135 136 137 138 139 142 143 144 145 146
Lupus
This edn
Lupus
rn5 76 77 91 92 96 rn7 5 6 3 14 88 rn9 69 87 91 193 93 95 115 264 118 153 83 79 80 72 81 84 85 94
147 148 149 150 155 158 161 163 164 165 174 175 176 178 11.
11.
I
4 5 6 7 8 9 10 I I
12 13 14 18 19 20 21
This edn
!02 129 75 IOI
122 164 100 99 121 123 176 168 168a 160 127 130 137 149 205 57 131 1 33 136 142 143 141 134 154 135 126
111.
139 156 138 148 150 270 49 50 124 125 157 178 171 159 173 174 165 90 152 145 116
94 99 !09
59 60 61 I 14 !03 163 147 162 263 161
I II
II
I
204 237
4
This
Lupus
6 7 9 10 111.
14 15 17 18 24 25 32 33 34 35 36 38 39 40 41 43 44 45 52 53 54 55 56 57 58 59 60 61 64
227 188 239 240 265 233 209 120 208 128 228 255 254 232 231 257 196 194 207 195 197 198 256 262 234 235 236 247 248 249 250 243 245
This
I.11p11s
edn
edn
edn
Order of Letters in the Lupus Edition
Lupus
This
t
lV.
65 66 67 68 69 70 71 72 73 74 75 76 77 79 81 83 84 87 91 92 93 94 95 97 5 6 9 12 13 14
15 16 17 26
244 246 230 210 213 201 199 258 203 215 200 151 268 216 218 219 220 212 206 229 261 211 191 251 186 187 182 183 169 170 172 166 179 r84
lxvii
This cdn
27
28
.n 38 40 43 44 45 46 47 48 50 9 l l
12 16 17 19 20 21 22 23 24 28 29 30 33 34 35 36 37 38 39 41
167 177 271 269 286 266 285 283 284 260 272 273 189 296 274 275 267 276 278 279 280 281 277 3 13 3 15 295 297 3m 290 291 292 293 294 312
clxviii
TABLE 8
Lupus
This edn
Lupus
This edn
Lupus
This edn
Lupus
This edn
42 44 45 47 48 49
298 322 300 301 302 303
50 51 52 53 54 57
304 305 318 3rr 320 323
58 59 60
324 325 316 308 317 3o7
70 73 74 75 76
289 326 327 328 329
61
62 65
TABLE 9 Order of Letters in the Giles Editions AL: Arnulfi Lexoviensis episcopi Epistolae . . ., Patrcs Ecdesiae Anglicanae, xvi (Oxford, 1844), reprinted in PL, cci. 17-152: letters cited by number.
GF: Gilberti ex abbate Glocestriae episcopi primum Herefordiensis deinde Londoniensis epistolae . . ., 2 vols., Patres Ecclesiae Anglicanae, xxiii-iv (Oxford, 1846), reprinted in PL, cxc. 739-1068: letters cited by number. Papal letters (A) are reprinted with different numeration in PL, cc. 69-1318.
JS:
Johannis Saresberiensis, postea episcopi Carnotensis, Opera omnia ... , 5 vols., Patres Ecclesiae Anglicanae, xxxi-v (Oxford, 1848), i, reprinted in PL, cxcix. 1-378: letters cited by number.
TB: Epistolae Sancti Thomae Cantuariensis . . ., 2 vols., Patres Ecclesiae Anglicanae, xix-xx (Oxford, 1845), reprinted in PL, cxc. 435-740: letters cited by number. Papal letters (A) are reprinted with different numeration in PL, cc. 69-1318. Giles
This edn
Giles
This edn
AL 33
2 45 46 64 160
GF 384 389 39 1 392 393 394 397 398 399 400 401 402 405 406 4o7
323 167 268 308 316 263 47 130 9 325 324 317 309 131 156
34 35 36 37 GF 120 145 175 193 194 337
4 7 193 22 109 IO
(A 169)
348 (A 244)
28
Giles This edn
GF 408 43 1 436 44 1 444 445 456 459 462 463 464 465 466 467 47o
148 50 93 146 58 137 329 181 34 31 18 51 121 66 91
Giles
This edn
GF 472 474 480 496 498 499 500 506 518
92 206 175 299 322 49 57 ro8
JS 134 138 140 175 176
24 42 55 IOI
99
clxx Giles
JS 182 183 191 220 232 237 297 TB
This edn
Giles
102 100 !07 135 138 165 298
TB 30
12 2 37 17 3 4 II5 5 79 6 139 7 150 8 270 9 124 10 157 II 178 12 234 13 246 14 200 15 229 16 187 17 183 18 169 19 170 20 273 21 282 22 288 23 180 24 277 25 300 26 317 27 326 28 319 29 125
This edn
Giles
15 278 236 151 14 173 249 245 215 279 301 117 220 13 174 235 216 3o3 118
TB 69
31 32 33 34 35 36 38 39 40 41 42 43 44 45 46 47 48 50 51 141 52 236 53 3o5 54 152 55 263 56 248 57 250 58 219 59 171 60 143 61 134 62 185 63 236 64 133 65 136 66 142 67 154 68 247
dxxi
TABLE 9
TABLE 9
70 71 73 74 75 76 78 79 So 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 99 100 IOI 102 !03 !04 !05 rn6 !07
This edn
Giles
218 184 3o4 78 73 95 285 260 271 210 255 293 209 254 292 86 !05 213 62 123 161 244 230 284 295 63 So II6 126 172 140 56 163 81 231 201 276
TB rnS
!09 IIO I II II2 113 114 115 116 117 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 126 127 128 128bis
129 129bis
130 131 132 133 134 136 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143
This edn
232 243 302 269 224 60 114 225 258 85 253 199 287 198 97 88 84 226 155 258 7 8 65 96 87 90 196b 194 191 290 195 233 251 274 197 328 306
Giles
TB 144
145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162 163 164 165 166 167 168 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179
This edn
Giles
189 265 76 110 290 77 222 159 147 203 212 286 5 256 261 211 283 291 rn3 257 294 61 254 182 83 122 145 89 44 240 176 177 120
TB 180
181 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198
This edn
82 241a 241b 186 320 242 35 21 53 40 59 223 202 221 158 39 327 289 26
(A 238)
199
27
(A 240)
200
19 54 38
23
207 (A 509)
104
(A 378)
210
69
(A 393)
2II
72 129 75 168
(A 485)
215
127
(A 445)
216
205
(A 481)
217
162
(A 502)
218
II
(A 643)
219 220 221 222 223 224
25
225
204 208 128 166 179 266 267
(A 691)
6
226 (A 770)
313
229
312
230
3o7
231
98
(A 405)
(A 399)
214
228
(A 762)
(A 398)
213
315
(A 767)
(A 401)
212
cdn
(/\ 772)
(A 694)
(A 239)
68 74
209
This
(/\ 77.;)
(A 490)
(A 234)
206
TB 21,7
(A 482)
I 19
(A 414)
205
:F4
(A 391)
(A 450)
(A 352)
204
609 6 I l) 643 672 691 694 762 767 770 772 773
204 210
l l
267 266 307 312 313 310 315
This cdn
I I
190 267 266 3o7 312 313 310 315
dxxix
TABLE 12
TABLE 12 Collation of this Edition with the Giles and Robertson-Sheppard Editions For the Giles editions see Table 9 heading; for MTB (letters cited by number) see Table 10 heading. This edn I
2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 IO
II 12
Giles
GF/518 AL/33 TB/z34 (A 94) GF/r20 TB/r56 TB/zo7 (A 509) GF/r45 T/r28bis TB/129 GF/399 GF/337 (A 169) TB/z18 (A 643) TB/r
13 TB/44 14 TB/34 15 TB/30 16 TB/49 I7 TB/3 18 GF/464 19 TB/zoo (A 214) 20 TB/375 21 TB/186 22 GF/r93 23 TB/zo5 (A 234) 24 JS/r34 26 TB/r98 (A 238)
MTB
This edn
Giles
MTB
27
TB/r99 (A 240)
51
28
GF/348 (A 244)
52
29 TB/370 30 TB/369
53
12 14 15 144 145 17 19 39 23 67 29 30 31 32 33 27 35 34 36 46 40 43 55 50
54 60
31
GF/463
32
TB/371
33
TB/368
59 61
34
GF/462
25
35 36
TB/r85 TB/365
44 62
37 38
TB/z
74
TB/203 (A 352)
94
39 40
TB/r94 TB/r88
41
TB/346
So 75 76
42 JS/r38 43 TB/377
85
44
TB/r72
45 46
AL/34
149 162
47 48
GF/397
84 82
TB/366
96
49 50
GF/499 GF/431
275 276
51
GF/465
!03
52
TB/367
140
53
TB/r87
!05
AL/35
92
This edn
Giles
54 TB/zo2 (A 351) 55 JS/140 56 TB/ro2 57 GF/500 58 GF/444 59 TB/r89 60 TB/r13 61 TB/r65 62 TB/89 63 TB/96 64 AL/36 65 TB/12gbis 66 GF/467 67 TB/z32 (A 385) 68 TB/r78 69 TB/210 (A393) 70 71 72 TB/zu (A 401) 73 TB/74 74 TB/r79 75 TB/213 (A 399) 76 TB/r46 77 TB/r49 78 TB/73 79 TB/5 So TB/97 81 TB/ro4 82 TB/r8o 83 TB/r68
MTB
95 Il5 86 121 120 122 123 124 47 48 163 155 u6 u8 152 164 170 180 183 154 193 199 200 198 195 196 201 153 184
This Giles edn 84 TB/125 85 TB/r17 86 TB/86 87 TB/r31 88 TB/r24 89 TB/r71 90 TB/r32 91 GF/470 92 GF/472 93 GF/436 94 TB/347 95 TB/75 96 TB/r30 97 TB/123 98 TB/z31 (A 405) 99 JS/r76 !00 JS/r83 IOI JS/175 102 JS/r82 !03 TB/r62 rn4 TB/zo9 (A 378) !05 TB/87 rn6 rn7 JS/r91 rn8 GF/506 !09 GF/r94 110 TB/r47 III
MTB
202 203 237 166 179 148 239 206 207 205 209 223 224 219 484 215 231 217 2!0 558 197 238 232 234 243 225 235
-
112 TB/378 113 TB/344 114 TB/r14 115 TB/4 116 TB/98 117 TB/42 118 TB/50 119 TB/zo4 (A 414) 120 TB/r76 = 616 121 GF/466 122 TB/r69 123 TB/90 124 TB/9
253 254 128 246 247 248 249 259 534 283 269 285 286
This edn 125 126 127 128 129 130 131 132 133 134 135 136 137 138 139 140 141 142 143 144 145 146 147 148 149 150 151 152 153 154 155 156 157 158 159 160 161 162
Giles
MTB
This
7 168
487 187 306 3II 284 312 309 3 17 3 13 308 318 322 3 14 3 15 329 330 485 345 3o3 343 339 331 501 290 250 349 357 356 348 138 405 233 359 397 146 403 316
421 169 170 171 172 173 174 175 176 177 178 179 180 181 182 183 184 185 186 187 188 189 190 191 192 193 194 195 196 197 198 199 200 201 202 203 204
Tll/2n (i\ 482) (iF/389 214 (i\ 485) TB/r8 TB/r9 TB/59 TB/rno TB/35 TB/45 GF/480 TB/174 TB/r75 TB/u TB/z23 (A 490) TB/z3 GF/459 TB/r67 TB/r7 TB/70 TB/62 TB/r82 TB/16 TB/384 TB/r44 TB/z33 (A 672) TB/r35
GF/r75 TB/r34 TB/r37 TB/r33 TB/r41 TB/r22 TB/r20 TB/r4 TB/ro6 TB/r91 TB/r53 TB/z19 (A 609)
4 14 445 420,
642 643 44 1 442 443 444 416 419 406 4°7 448 450 282 45 2 463 467 468 462 466 453 454 130 297 478 474 480 488 479 489 490 495 497 494 129 496 49 1
clxxx
TABLE 12
This edn
Giles
MTB
This edn
Giles
205
TB/216 (A 481)
493
206
GF/474 TB/364 TB/220 (A 619) TB/83 TB/So
553 508 53 1
247 248 249 250 251 252 253 254 2 55 256 2 57 258
TB/68 TB/56 TB/36 TB/57 TB/r39 TB/335 TB/119 TB/84,166 TB/Sr TB/r57 TB/r63 TB/116, II8,128 cf. TB/rr8 TBf78 TB/158 TB/386 TB/55 GF/394 TB/r45 TB/z24 (A 694) TB/z25 (A 691) GF/391 TB/III TB/8 TB/79 TB/388 TB/zo TB/r40 TB/323 TB/ro7 TB/z4 TB/31 TB/40 TB/390 Tll/ 391 TB/zr TB/160 TB/94 TBf76 TB/r55 TB/121 TB/z2
207 208 209 210 21 I 212 213 215 216 218 219 220 221 222 223 224 225 226 227 228 229 230
231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241a-b 242 243 244 245 246
TB/159 TB/154 TB/88 TB/39 TB/47 TB/69 TB/58 TB/43 TB/192 TB/r50 TB/r90 TB/112 TB/II5 TB/126 TB/383 TB/385 TB/r5 TB/93 TB/105 TB/108 TB/r38 TB/r2 TB/46 TB/32, 52,63 TB/358 TB/372 TB/359 TB/173 TB/r8r TB/r84 TB/109 TB/92 TB/38 TB/13
502 499 550 55 1 500 533 538 54° 541 54 2 595 596 125 127 126 358 560 561 554 612 579 580 582 583 584 585 6zo 598 601 602 603 604 606 610 609 611
259 260 261 262 263 264 265 266 267 268 269 270 271 272 273 274 275 276 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 284 285 286 287 288
MTB
586 587 588 589 613 473 578 573 574 576 575 577 577 636 549 507 617 291 637 632 635 615 638 646 536 655 590 644 658 661
666 662 663 664 665 394 650 651 648 649 244 559
This edn 289 290 291 292 293 294 295 296 297 298 299 300 301 302 303 304 305 306 307 308 309 310 31 I 312 3 13 3 14 3 15
Giles TB/r96 TB/r36, 148 TB/r6r TB/85 TB/82 TB/164 TB/95 TB/389 TB/392 JS/297 GF/496 TB/25 TB/41 TB/IIO TB/48 TBf?r TB/53 TB/143 TB/z30 (A 762) GF/392 GF/405 TB/z28 (A 772) TB/394 TB/229 (A 767) TB/226 (A 770) TB/208 (A 391) TB/z27 (A 773) GF/393 GF/402 TB/26 TB/z8 TB/183
316 317 318 3 19 320 321 322 GF/498 323 GF/384 324 GF/401 3 25 GF/400 326 TB/27 327 TB/r95 328 TB/142 329 GF/456
MTB
SIGLA
672 678 679 680 681 682 683 673 676 677 686 684 695 691 692 693 694 688 699 707 591 696 717 709
a
London, Brit. Libr., MS Cotton Claudius B.ii Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 1220 C Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 295 d Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 937, Part i, fos. 43v-17ov 1 dx Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 937, Part i, fos. 5r-ror 2 d* Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 937, Part i, fos. 35r-43v 3 A Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 509, fos. 33va-ro2v4 A* Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 509, fos. lo2v-ro9v 5 B Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Bodley 937 Parts ii and iii, fos. 171ra-426v + 427r-448v C Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS e Mus. 249 D Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 297, fos. 43ra-ro2vb II Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Douce 297, fos. 22 and 2?6 F Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, MS Reg. lat. 179 H Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, MS 123 7 L London, Lambeth Palace, MS 136 L* London, Lambeth Palace, MS 136, fos 1-2 8 M Oxford, Bodleian Library, MS Rawlinson Qf.89 p Valencienncs, bibliotheque municipale, MS 482, fos. 12or-
b
712 172 7 14 706 708 716 160 718 733 722 703 7°4 705 72 3 725 726 7 27
Q
l2Ir!O Paris, Bibi. Nat., MS !at. 8562 London, Brit. Library, MS Royal 13 A.xiii
R R* London, Brit. Library, MS Royal 13 A.xiii, fo. 107 11 1 An Alan of Tewkesbury abbreviation. Three different sigla have been employed to distinguish the three different elements in MS Bodi. 937, Part (i). 2 For nos. 24, 28, 42, 55, and 238: transcribed separately from the abbreviation of the Alan of Tewkesburv collection which follows. 3 For nos. 1, 67; 72, 75, 79-81, 106, 162, 164, 267' contained in the preface to the Alan of Tewkesbury abbreviation. ' MS Bodi. 509 contains letters from two sources: hence two MS stila have been employed. 5 The supplement to Archetype (J.: for nos. 96, 98, and II 1. 6 Leaves inserted into William FitzStephen's Vita sancti Thome: for nos. 195-7 (fo. 22) and 299 (fo. 27). 7 Letters of Herbert of Bosham: partial collation of nos. 260 and 271 (= MS nos. 8 -9). 8 Preface to the Lambeth Collection: for no. 19. 9 For the conclusion of no. 144 only. 10 Letters of Peter of Celle: for no. 252. 11 Additional letters on an inserted leaf: for nos. 195-6.
clxxxii
SIGLA
V
Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica fos. 86ra-139vb 12 V* Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica fos. 72ra-85vb 13 T--4 Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica fos. 142ra-154ra 14 V-C Vatican City, Biblioteca Apostolica fos. 3ora-7rvb 15
Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 6024, Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 6024, Vaticana, MS Vat. lat. 6024, Vaticana, MS Vat. !at. 6024,
Some details of inscriptions and dates have been taken from the following manuscripts: Paris, Bibi. Nat., MS lat. 5320, fos. 145ra-19rrb Paris, Bibi. Nat., MS lat. 5372, fos. rrva-123rb
e
J
ac after correction add. inserted add. marg. inserted in margin
App. be cancel. eras. expunct. inter/in. om. rep. s.v. trs.
Appendix before correction cancelled; crossed out erased expunctuated interlined omitted repeated sub vocabulo
transposed
Derivation from Archetype (3. Since MS Vat. ]at. 6024 is a highly complex volume, combining letters from many sources, different sigla have been employed to differentiate between the different derivations. 13 Preface to Archetype (3: for nos. 68, 74, 76, 78, 93, 95--'7, 195-6, and 209. 14 The Register of Master David of London: for the conclusion of no. 144 and nos. 1923 only. 15 A version of the first-recension of the letters of Bishop Arnulf of Lisieux: for no. 321 only. 12
THE CORRESPONDENCE OF THOMAS BECKET
I
I
Domino Cantuariensi archiepiscopo Thome R(icardus prior Doure) 1
R(ichard, prior of Dover?) 1 to Thomas, J,ord Archbishop of Canterbury.
after 3 June
1162
Suo suus, domino seruus, Thomea archiepiscopo Cantuariensi R(icardus), quicquid in uita iocundius et saluti conducibilius. Quod uobis rarius scripsi non absque delicto arbitror. Peccaui equidem, sed confitenti parcere nouit dementia. Minus etenim diligens hactenus exstiti in his que ad uestre dispensationis curam pertinere noscuntur. Totius quippe ecclesie nostre dispensatio et sollicitudo uobis incumbit. Vobis namque omnia commissa sunt et uniuersa uestro consilio constituere uel arbitrio immutare, bona in melius promouere et peruersa de confusione in ordinem reuocare, permissum est. Se et sua uestre dispositioni tradita sancta Dorobernensis gaudet mater ecclesia, quern sibi patrem, pastorem, ducem, cura, sollicitudine et consideratione ordinata unanimi uoluntate prefecit. Interiorum siquidem et exteriorum omnium cura imposita uos ad uigilantiam excitat. Grandis honor, onus graue, et cuiuis importabile, si non sustentetur diuino miseramine. Sollicitudo, ni fallor, multa, et labor plurimus incumbit. Vane igitur in his presumit humana presumptio, ubi totum perficit diuina miseratio: diligentia igitur plurima opus est et grauis sarcina plurimorum participatione subleuanda. Quod itaque ab uno minus potest, a multis supportetur. Sed uiros discretos et industrios talis imperticio exigit, qui et exteriora prudenter administrare et interioribus zelo Dei armati secundum scientiam preesse uigilanter nouerint/ qui communia 1 d*, fos. 42r-43v Heading: ... Cantuarien .... T. d* " T. d* • prouidere add. and expunct. d* 1 Only the initial R. is preserved in the letter's heading and inscription, without further designation, but the author is evidently a monk, a member of the Christ Church community, and a long-time friend of the new archbishop. Identification with Richard, prior of the Canterbury dependency of St Martin's at Dover from 1157 (Heads of Religious Houses, p. 88), and later Becket's successor at Canterbury, is therefore a strong possibility. Gervase of Canterbury (ii. 397) recorded their long-term friendship; and since Richard had been chaplain to Archbishop Theobald (Saltman, Theobald, pp. 310, 542), Becket's predecess'Jr and patron, advice of this nature would not have been inappropriate from his mouth. The letter reads like an application for an appointment of some kind-perhaps
after 3 June
II62
His own to his own, the servant to his lord, R(ichard) to Archbishop Thomas of Canterbury, whatever brings greatest happiness in this life and the surest path to salvation. I blame myself for not having written to you more often. Certainly I have been at fault, but kindness knows how to forgive the man who acknowledges his mistake. Truly, I have hitherto been less diligent in matters which fall under your supervision. For indeed the management and care of our church in its entirety depends on you. To you all its affairs have been entrusted: you can confirm or change everything according to your wisdom and judgment, improving what is good or imposing due order on what is awry. After careful consideration, our holy mother the church of Canterbury chose you as her father, pastor, and leader, and she rejoices that she and her children have been placed in your charge. The responsibility you have for both the internal and the external aspects of her life summons you to vigilance. This is a weighty honour and a heavy burden, far beyond the strength of anyone not supported by divine mercy. If I am not mistaken, you are worn down by much anxious care and even more arduous work. In such circumstances, where divine mercy brings all things to perfection, human self-confidence ventures in vain: the greatest persistence is needed, and the heavy responsibility should be made less onerous by being shared by a number. What is beyond the strength of one man can be borne by many. But such sharing of the burden requires discerning and diligent men, armed with zeal for God, who can administer external affairs with prudence and know the post of Chancellor to the new archbishop. Such a proposal is not as unlikely as it seems, since Benedict, then a monk at Christ Church (later abbot of Peterborough: App. 1, s.v. Henry of Houghton), acted as Archbishop Richard's Chancellor until c. May 1175 (English Episcopal Acta, ii, pp. xxv-vi, correcting C. R. Cheney, English Bishops' Chanceries, I I00-I250 [Manchester, 1950], p. 32). Becket in fact appointed Master Ernulf (App. 1, s.v.), but Richard succeeded Thomas as archbishop and primate in 1174. Alternative identifications are Robert, the sacrist of Christ Church (see 311 n. 4), or, if the initial has been wrongly transmitted, Benedict himself.
LETTER I
CORRESPONDENCE OF THOMAS BECKET
4
propriis preferentes, non sua sed que Iesu Christi querentes, discrete sciant, humiliter uelint et utiliter possint assignatorum sibi curam gerere; qui non carni obsequentes aut sanguini, maxime domesticis fidei bona nouerint prouidere; qui non ecclesie substantiam propinquorum locupletatione ·distrahant; qui non panem filiorum canibus mittant, 3 ut domesticos attenuent, dum alienos saginant, quos nimie tenacitatis neuus (non)' inficiat, aut prodiga effusio non infamet; qui non in deliciis carnis curam habeant, sed spiritui seruire contendant, quos non aut edulio crapula aut uino grauet sompnolencia; quibus iocundior sit ymnorum aut psalmorumd modulatio quam uel diurna uagatio uel nocturna dormitio; quibus magis cordi sit animarum cura quam corporum; quiet speciose Rachel amplexus desiderent et Lyam propter fecunditatem tolerare non recusent; 4 qui contemplationem Marie ardenter sitiant et laborantis Marthe sollicitudinem non omittant'5-qui alterna se uicissitudine, nunc ad interiora nunc ad exteriora, discrete se habentes, ut cetera se ipsis aditiantur et primum regnum Dei querentes, 6 spiritualia carnalibus, diuina humanis anteponant. Tales enim oportet episcopum habere ministros, quibus secure ea que propter aliarum ecclesiarum sibi etiam commissarum sollicitudinem minus ipse sustinere potest onera impertiatur. Sane enim hec est, ut arbitror, consultatio, que uirum honestum et discretum commendat. Succenseat aduersus me forsitan aliquis et dicat, 'Q!iid pergis uel Mineruam docere uel Apolinis aptare digitos cithare?' 7 Q!iid cum principibus tibi uix popularibus apto? Vix terra dignus quid super astra facis?8 Vt ab his cessem laudant; attendam sortem meam consulter et 2
' supplied by ed. 2
3
7:
' phalmorum d*
' ommittant d*
Cf. 1 Cor. 13: 5, 'caritas ... non est ambitiosa, non quaerit quae sua sunt.' Cf. Matt. 15: 26, 'non est bonum sumere panem filiorum et mittere canibus.' Cf. Mark
2 7·
Cf. Gen. 29: 17-30: 43. The two wives of Jacob, the plain Lia and the beautiful Rachel, were familiar images of the active and contemplative life, both of which have their appropriate place in Christian experience. Jacob preferred the beauty of the younger Rachel, yet embraced and accepted the elder, more earthy Lia, by whom he had many sons. 5 Cf. Luke 10: 38--42. Another familiar metaphor for the necessary relationship between the active and contemplative, secular and spiritual life. Martha, rhe busy, active sister took charge of the household chores, while her sister Mary sat at the Lord's feet, listening to His words. To Martha's implied rebuke, Christ replied, 'Mary has chosen the better part, and it shall not be taken away from her'. For a thought-provoking discussion of the contrasting interpretations of this Gospel episode, see Giles Constable, 'The interpretation of Mary and Martha', in Three Studies in Medieval Religious Thought (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 3- 1 41. 4
5
also how to preside over internal matters with walchful rare, according to their expertise; men who set the needs of 1he rnmmunity before their own, who, seeking not their own interests hut C:hrist's,2 can effectively discharge the duty assigned to them with discernment and humility; men who do not follow flesh or hlood, who are especially able to provide for the household servants of the faith; men who do not strip the churches of their sustenance to enrich their relatives; men who do not give their sons' bread to dogs' and starve their own household, while they fatten strangers: who are not disfigured by excessive miserliness or disgraced by wasteful spending; men, who strive to serve the Spirit, unmoved by the delights of the flesh and exhausted neither by surfeit of food nor wine-soaked slumber: to whom the music of hymns and psalms is sweeter than wandering by day or sleep by night, to whom the care of souls is dearer to the heart than the care of bodies; men who desire the embraces of the beautiful Rachel, yet also accept the fecund Lia; 4 men who thirst ardently for the contemplation of Mary, yet do not forget their solicitude for the labouring Martha;5 men who act with discretion in both aspects of life, what is within and what is without, so that the rest may be added and, seeking first the kingdom of God, 6 put spiritual before carnal and divine before human things. A bishop should have such men as servants, so that he can perform those duties which the care of other churches would not allow him to discharge himself. This, I think, is wise counsel, which commends an honourable and discreet man. Yet someone may flare out angrily against me, saying, 'What, are you going to teach Minerva her letters, or Apollo's fingers to strum the harp?' 7 What have you to say to princes, you who are scarcely capable of speaking to ordinary people? Hardly worthy of the earth, what are you doing among the stars?8 They call on me to desist; mindful of my monastic profession, I 6 An allusion to Christ's sermon about the impossibility of serving two masters, God and mammon, Matt. 6: 33, 'quaerite autem primum regnum caelorum et iustitia eius et omnia haec adicientur vobis.' 7 Echoing in part a commonplace proverb, 'sus Mineruam docere'; cf. Jerome, Apologia adversus libros Rufini, i. 17 (ed. P. Lardet, S. Hieronymi Presbyteri Opera, iii/ii, CCSL, lxxix (Turnhout, 1982]), p. 15: 'ne ueteri prouerbio sus Mineruam docere uidear et in siluam ligna portare'; cf. Sedulius Scottus, Collectaneum miscellaneum, vi. 9-10, from Jerome (ed. D. Simpson, CCCM, lxvii [Turnhout, 1988] ). 8 Perhaps echoing Gregory I, Dialogorum libri IV, iv. 42 (PL, lxxvii. 400): 'quia nemo inventus est di gnus neque in caelo, neque in terra, neque subtus terram aperire librum ... ', and Lucifer's proud boast, 'in caelum conscendam, super astra Dei exaltabo solium meum' (Isa. 14: 13).
CORRESPONDENCE OF THOMAS BECKET
LETTER 1
professionis mee conscius, loqui erubescam. Oppilare os suadent propter monachum; mortui enim, ut aiunt, sumus et nichil omnino nobiscum cum exteriorum cura qui mundo renuntiauimus. 9 Sit ita, ut aiunt. Sed, queso, dent michi aliquem qui in mundo sine mundanis possit uiuere. Sunt enim in mundo, sed de mundo qui mundo tanquam non utantur utentes, 10 soli Deo in omnibus placere querunt. Si quis, quod absit, se palliat uiuens aliter, uideat ipse; mea etenim nil interest. Sed utinam non mordear a conscientia mea. Si quis est gloriosus iste, qui quasi nesciens quid loquatur infrunita fronte obloquitur, nunquid non obsequium prestandum est? Sed quid1 maius, qui(Y melius, quid1 utilius obsequium aut honestius prestari poterit, quam ut amicitie uinculum indissolubile conseruetur? Nunquid, ut omittamg cetera, domini et episcopi mei periculum michi paruipendendum? Nonne in quo et ipse periclitatur et ego? Q!ie enim nauis naufrago gubernatore euasit? Quisue negare audeat etiam maxima minimis interdum posse iuuari? Sepenumero uidimus et audiuimus id accidisse. A Domino constitutus Israclitici populi Moyses iudex consilio Ietro in omnibus usus est; 11 fessum in itinere Amalechitam puerum Dauid inuentum refecit, et eo duce eosdem qui captiuas ipsius uxores et predam abduxerant comprehensos Amalechitas interfecit. 12 Iuditium quoque Danielis etiam in Babilone aduersus seniores iudices qui uidebantur regere populum suscepit, et eos condigna pena exterminauit. 13 Sed quid indignantur minus discreti reprehensores mei? Nunquid et hoe in ecclesia Christi non licet fieri, in qua ea que a sapientibus abscondita sunt, pater celi et terre paruulis reuelat?i+ Quis spiritum diuini consilii fraterna caritate non suscipiat cum fas sit et ab hoste doceri? Non ambigo, non ignoro uirum prudentem tanto regimini deputatum, sed nichil nimis uel
should reflect carefully on my place and be embarrassed 111 .~peak. They persuade me to keep my mouth shut, because ii IH'lo11gs 10 a monk; for, as they say, we are dead, and we who renourHT 1he world have nothing whatever to do with the care of things 0111sidc the monastery. 9 It may be so, as they say. But, I ask, let them show me a man who can live in the world without the things of the world. They are in the world, certainly, but not ofit, using the things of the world as if not using them, 10 and seeking to please God alone in all things. If anyone, which God forbid, lives otherwise under the cloak of hypocrisy, let him look to himself: my doings do not concern him. Yet I wish that my conscience did not reproach me. Whoever that braggart is, who denies what is said with a stony face, as if he did not understand it, should he not offer his service? And what greater, better, more useful or honourable service can be offered than to keep the chain of friendship unbroken? Setting aside other matters, should I consider the danger of my lord and bishop less than my own? Do not he and I both perish together? What ship can escape the shipwreck of the helmsman? Who dare deny that the great can be helped by the little in the meanwhile? Many times have we seen and heard that it happened so. Appointed judge of the people of Israel by the Lord, Moses relied on the advice of Jethro in all things; 11 King David revived the exhausted Amalekite boy, discovered by chance in the course of his march, and, led by him, he found and killed the Amalekites who had carried off his wives and booty. 12 Even in Babylon Daniel undertook the trial of the senior judges, who were seen to rule the people, and destroyed them with appropriate punishment. 13 But what do my less than enlightened critics consider improper? Is this sort of thing not allowed in Christ's Church, where the Father of Heaven and earth reveals to little ones what is hidden from the wise? 14 Who will not receive the Spirit of divine counsel with fraternal love, when it is lawful to learn even from an enemy? I have no doubts; I know the identity of the experienced man destined
6
1
quod d,;"
g
ommittam d*
9 A conventional expression of monastic disengagement from the things of the world: cf. Philip ofC:lairvaux's letter to Archbishop Samson of Rheims (PL, cxcv. 371), 'Sepultus inter homines, non est revocandus ad homines, nee revocari debet ad phalcras gloriamque verborum, qui silentium imposuit ore suo'. This Philip is usually identified with the later abbot of l' Aum6ne: see App. 1, s. v. Philip. 1 From St Paul's advice to the Corinthian Christians (1 Cor. T 30-2), 'et qui emunt, tamquam non possidentes, et qui utuntur hoe mundo, tamquam non utantur, praeterit enim figura huius mundi.' 11 A telling allusion to the advice which Jethro, Moses' father-in-law, gave on the appointment of auxiliary officers to assist him in leading and governing the chosen people; cf. Exod. 18: 17-22, 'at ille Uethro] . . . ultra vires tuas est negotium, solus illud non poteris sustinere . . provide autem de omni plebe viros potentes et timentes Deum, in quibus sit veritas et qui uderint avaritiam ... leviusquc tibi sit, partito in alios oneri.'
°
7
" Having set out in pursuit of the Amalekites, who had made off with much booty King David found one of their slaves, a famished Egyptian boy, who led him and his ar~; to their camp, whence, after g-reat slaughter, he was able to recover all the women and property the Amalckites had stolen away: cf. 1 Kgs. (1 Sam.) 30: II-25. 11 The young Daniel not only interpreted Nebuchodonosor's dreams and the writing on the wall at Balshazzar's feast (Dan. 2: 2-49, 5: 13-31) but caused the nobles and satraps who had plotted against him to be condemned to the same lions' pit into which they had had him cast (Dan. 6: 3, 24). " Cf. Matt. II: 25; Luke JO: 21.
8
CORRESPONDENCE OF THOMAS BECKET
LETTER I
consilii talis prouidentie in tantarum rerum administratione unquam legitur fuisse. Sibi ipse sufficit, sed affectus meus uolo ei innotescat. Mereri libet. Gratum etenim michi est si quid ex me in illius usus emanat. Non est; ipse enim nouiter ah heri uel nudiustertius nostre familiaritatis contracta gratia que ah ipsius etatis pene exordio traxit originem, et quam processu temporum succedentibus sibi inuicem meritis usque in hec tempora conseruatam et uberius auctam arbitror. Iocundum michi et quam maxime gratum quod talem sortitus sum, si talem conseruare meruerim. Quod si in aliquo aberraui, ignorantie, queso, non malitie ascribatur.h Scio tamen quia superest michi adhuc prior affectus, et ex dispositione in habitum uersus perseuerat, licet in ostensione minor fuerit effectus. Duret utinam iste et inuiolatus permaneat usque in finem non habiturus incrementi modum. Amo, quidem, amo, et si parum est, amem oro ualidius. Stat tamen immotum apud me quia nemo filiorum uestrorum me uberius, iocundius aut dulcius uos diligere queat, parum licet uobis mea dilectio conferre possit, minus utique est quam uellem, sed inperfectum meum omnipotentis Dei miseratio suppleat. Excessi epistolarem in scribendo modum, dum parum michi est, qua parte licet (s)ceda magis quam lingua uobiscum loqui. Parcat tamen michi benigna patientia, si hoe unum adiecero, ne uel nimis supra modum terreamini uel blandiciis turbamini. Veritatis amatorem sentiat adulator et assentatoris lingua in presentia uestra obmutescat. Erectus sit uestre constantie status, flecti uel frangi nesciat. Turbabitur forsitan mundus, sed exaltatam procellam sedare ac deprimere potens est Dominus. 15 In manu Domini corda sunt regum, quibus uel in misericordia uel in iuditio utitur miserator et iustus Dominus. 16 State igitur in fide; uiriliter agite; 17 'confortamini in Domino'; 18 et omnia uestra in caritate fiant, et Deus pacis et dilectionis erit et sit uobiscum. Amen.
for such important government, but I have never read 1ha1 1hne was ever a man of greater or such prudent counsel in the admi11is1 ral ion of great things. Although he is sufficient for himself, I wish him 10 know my feeling for him. It is a pleasure to serve. I am dcligh1cd if I can be of any service to him. There is none that I can offer; in fael, yesterday or the day before yesterday, it was he himself who re-established the favour of our friendship, whose origins go back almost to the beginning of his life, and which I judge has been conserved and more abundantly increased by reciprocal service through the passing years until now. If I have deserved to keep such a friendship, I am pleased and delighted to have chosen such a friend; but if I have erred in anything, let it, I beg, be blamed on ignorance not malice. For I know that my first affection still remains and is steadily continuing, turning from a disposition to a habit-though there was little obvious manifestation of it. I hope that it may persist and remain inviolate to the end, and increase without limit. I have a deep affection for you, indeed I have, and, if it is too little, I pray that I may love more truly. Let it always remain so, for none of your sons seek to love you more truly, more joyfully, or more sweetly than I, small service though my affection can give to you-less indeed that I would wish-but the mercy of Almighty God may make good my imperfection. I have exceeded the limits of protocol in writing this letter, though it seems short enough to me, since I am permitted to address you only in writing and not in speech. May your kind patience spare me, if I add one thing: do not be immoderately intimidated by great things or distracted by flatteries. Let flatterers experience the lover of truth and may their tongues fall silent in your presence. High should your constancy stand erect, unbending and unbroken. The world will perhaps be perturbed, but the Lord has power to quieten or calm the towering tempest. 15 The hearts of kings are in the Lord's hand, and the merciful and just Lord will use them for mercy or for judgment. 16 Stand firm in the Faith, therefore; play the man; 17 'be strong in the Lord'; 18 and let all your affairs be conducted in charity: and the God of peace and love will be with you-and may he be with you. Amen.
h
asccribatur d*
15 An allusion to Christ's quelling of the storm on the Sea of Galilee, Luke 8: 24; cf. Mark 4: 39. 16 Cf. Prov. 21: 1, 'sicut divisiones aquarum, ita cor regis in manu Domini, quocumque voluerit inclinabit illud.'
17
1•
Cf. 1 Cor. 16: 13, 'vigilate, state in tide, viriliter agite et confortamini'. Ephes. 6: 10.
I)
2
2
Thome Cantuariensi archiepiscopo Arnulfus Luxouiensis episcopus 1
Bishop Arnulf of Lisieux 1 to Archbishop Thomas
after 3 June
after 3 June
Carissimo domino suo Thome/ Dei gratia Cantuariensib archiepiscopo, et tocius Anglie primati, 2 Arnulfusc Luxouiensisd ecclesie humilis minister, salutem, et debitam cum plurima deuotione reuerentiam. Litteras beatitudinis uestre tanto maiori suscepimus hilaritate quanto eas ex uberiori pinguedine caritatis nouimus processisse. Preter illam namque purissimam quam erga nos habetis affectionem, quandam uite nouitatem zelumque iusticie redolebant, adeo ut singuli apices pristine magnificentie uiteque nouitatis dulcedinem stillarent. Si ergo statum suscepte dignitatis ab eo qui uos elegit temperari petimus, ut magnificentiam uestram sanctitas non adimat, nee magnificentia minuat sanctitatem, sed equis concurrant passibus, et ad diuine formam sanctificationis Christi sanctificent et glorificent sacerdotem. 'Sanctitas', enim, 'et magnificentia in sanctificatione eius', 3 nee magis una quam altera, nee una quando non altera, sed sicut semper ita et pariter sempiterne Deitatis illustrant et clarificant maiestatem. Repleta est igitur anima mea iocunditatis interioris adipe et exterioris pinguedine, 4 •)lninum.'
' C:f. S. of S. 2: r 5, 'Capite nobis vulpes parvulas quae demoliuntur vineas.'
18
CORRESPONDE;\ICE OF THOMAS BECKET
LETTER 5
quad satis inprouide et citra omnem canonum censuram factum interpretamur: alienationes siquidem huiusmodi prorsus a canonibus inhibentur. Propterea uobis mandamus, et mandantes in uirtute obedientie precipimus, quatinus gpost istarumh susceptionem litterarum infra q uadragesimum diem; prefatam crucem ad ius et dominium ecclesie, cui Deo auctore presidetis, studeatis modis omnibus reuocare. Quad si non effeceritis, ad presentiam nostram a quadragesimo illo die infra duos menses, super causa alienationis facte satisfacturus, uenire non differatis.1 Valeat fraternitas uestra.
ill-considered and contrary to the entire authority oft he canons, since alienations of this kind are absolutely prohibited by the canons. For that reason we command, and in ordering we direct vou hv the virtue of obedience to strive by every means possible to 1-c~torc ; he cross to the right and ownership of the church, over which you preside by God's will, within forty days from the receipt of this letter. If you do not do so, you should not put off coming to our presence within two months from that fortieth day to make satisfaction in respect of the alienation which has been made. May your fraternity fare well.
6
6
Alexander papa Thome Cantuariensi archiepiscopo
Pope Alexander to Archbishop Thomas of Canterbury
late u62-mid-II64 a can tuariensi
late
I I
62-mid- 1164
To the archbishop of Canterbury.
archiepiscopo."
Curam et sollicitudinem quam circa commissam tibi administrationem prudenter et magnanimiter geris, digna laude prosequimur, et tolerantie tue propositum multipliciter in Domino commendamus. ~od autem significasti nobis uenerabilem fratrem nostrum Wintoniensemh episcopum, occasione iniuriarum et persecutionum quas ei rex grauiter et importabiliter inferebat, episcopatui suo abrenunciasse, 1 hoe graue satis et molestum ferimus; et abrenuntiationem ipsam, nisi prius quomodo facta sit per eius litteras uel nuncios cognoscamus, nee possumus 'nee debemus' ratam aut non ratam habere.
' ' infra quadragesimam diem post litterarum nostrarum susceptionem b istarum (uel nostrarum inter/in.) a, susceptionem add. and expunct. c I deferas b litterarum nostrarum susceptionem rep. B h
6 a, fo. nva-b; h, fo. 103rb; r, fo. 42vb; d, fo. 81v "" om. ahd " Wintotoniensem (!) a, Winthon.' c
I ()
' ' om. b
' post
We honour and duly praise the care and solicitude you are ncrcising prudently and generously in the charge entrusted to you, and in many different ways we commend in the Lord the resolution of your endurance. Nevertheless, we consider very serious and displeasing the report you sent to us, that our venerable brother 1he bishop of Winchester has resigned his bishopric 1 because of the grievous and insupportable wrongs and persecutions which the king was inflicting on him, and we cannot and should not accept his resignation either as valid or invalid, until we learn, from his own letters or messengers, how it was made.
1 On Bishop Henry of Winchester, see 5 n. 1. The dating of this letter is uncertain, but lw most probable context is the opening years of Becket's pontificate, when the ageing I lrnry may have wished for an honourable retreat from the world. The Pope's use of the 11 lirasc 'tolerantie tue propositum' iu the first sentence may imply that Becket had already •' f'prised the Curia of difficulties and of his own commitment to face them out. ''
1
7
7
(Thomas Cantuariensis archiepiscopus Gileberto Herefordensi episcopo )1
Archbishop Thomas of Canterbury to Bishop Gilbert of Hereford 1
Windsor, late March 1163 Tomas/ Dei gratia Cantuariensisb ecclesie humilis minister, uenerabili fratri Gileberto; eadem gratia Herefordensid episcopo, salutem. Quam sit nobilis et famosa pre ceteris regni huius ciuitatibus ciuitas Londonie,' nulli nostrum incognitum est, in qua uidelicet oh publica regni negocia et domni regis conuersatio et procerum regni soleat frequentior esse conuentus. Inde est quod ecclesia Londoniensis( suo iamdudum orbata pastore, talem sibi desiderat episcopum subrogari, qui ciuitatis ipsius excellentie honeste uite merito, litterarum scientia, rerum quoque prudentia secularium adequetur. Magna itaque super hoe deliberatione habita, conuenerunt in hoe unanimis cleri postulatio, uoluntas domni regis et nostra, ordinatio quoque apostolica, ut ob communem regni utilitatem et ecclesie necessitatem, ad ecclesie Londoniensi~ regimen transferri, et in ea curam et sollicitudinem pastoralem gerere debeatis. Suscepto igitur in hoe domni pape mandato, 2 ipsius uobis auctoritate iniungimus, quatinus postulationi Londoniensisf ecclesie, que de uestra ad earn translatione in presentia domni regis et nostra unanimi tocius cleri assensu celebrata est, 3 assensum prebere non differatis, et ad eius regimen tanto deuotius et maturius accedatis, quanto ipsa tante persone consilio et gubernatione dinoscitur indigere. Ad hoe fraternitatem uestram commonemus attentius, ut ad quod trahit uos obedientie necessitas, nostre'! quoque dilectionish contemplatio affectuosius inuitet, ut quern nobis sincere dilectionis coniungit affectus, loci quoque uicinia ad nostras et ecclesie Dei necessitates commodius ualeat exibere. Valete.
Windsor, late March 1163 Thomas, by God's grace humble minister of the church of Canterhury, to his venerable brother, Gilbert, by the same grace bishop of 1lcreford, greeting.
' London. C
That the city of London-where the public affairs of the whole kingdom require both the presence of the lord king and the very frequent assembly of the great men of the realm-is more famous and celebrated than any other city in the land, is well known to all our people. For this reason the London church, having been long bereft of iIs pastor, wishes to appoint a bishop whose outstanding personal merit, knowledge of letters, and grasp also of secular affairs is equal to the dignity of the city. And so, after great consideration of the matter, the desire of the clergy, the wishes of the lord king and of myself, as well as 1he decision of the Pope, all agreed unanimously that you should be 1ransferred to the pastoral care and responsibility of the church of I .on don, for the common advantage of the kingdom and in the interests of the Church. Following receipt of the Lord Pope's mandate on this 111attcr,2 therefore, we enjoin you by his authority to accept without delay the London church's request that you be translated to her, which 11 as solemnly made with the unanimous approval of the whole clergy in 1he lord king's presence and our own, 3 and to undertake its government with the devotion and dedication which it needs from a person of your , ,utstanding qualities. In addition, brother, we particularly exhort you, who arc bound to us by feelings of sincere affection, that your close proximity may enable you to assist us and the church in its needs-a duty to which the obligation of obedience draws you, and consideration of our love very warmly invites you. Farewell.
7 1 See 4 n. 1 above. For the parallel letter from Henry II, written at about the same time, and possibly, in view of its elaborate phraseology, drafted by one of Thomas's clerks, see Mentis vestre (MTB, v. 24-5 no. 16). 2 Becket's own papal mandate is lost, but cf. the parallel papal letter (Ex litteris carissimi, Paris 19 Mar. [ II 63]) which urged Gilbert to accept the translation from Hereford to London postulated by Archbishop Thomas and King Henry II, and presented by Archdeacon R. (perhaps Ralph de Diceto) of London: MTB, v. 27-8 no. 18. Ralph de
11,ccto, of Diss, archdeacon of Middlesex n52/3-n80/i, dean of St Paul's n8o/J!...li,rc May 1201: Fasti, i. 6, 15-16. An important chronicler of the reign of Henry II, his \ 11111gines Historiarum contains a full and balanced account of the Becket dispute: see I Duggan and C. Duggan, 'Ralph de Diceto, Henry II and Becket', in Authority and !'011•,·r: Studies in Medieval History Presented to Walter Ullmann, ed. B. Tierney and I' Linehan (Cambridge, 1980), pp. 59-81. William FitzStephen records that he wept at , 1,.. council of Northampton: MTB, iii. 59. 1 Gilbert's translation was approved in the king's presence on 6 Mar., and he was rn1hroned in St Paul's cathedral on 28 Apr. u63: Diceto, i. 309.
Heading: om. C 7 C, fo. 49ra-b • Cant. C ' G. C "Tom. C .r Lond. C ' uestre C • delectionis
J
Hereford. C
C'
8
8
(Thomas Cantuariensis archiepiscopus Gileberto Lundoniensi episcopo )1
Archbishop Thomas of Canterbury to Bishop ( ,ilhcrt of London 1
before 28 April
63
Before 28 April II63
Thomas/ Dei gratia Cantuariensis" ecclesie minister humilis, uenerabili fratri Gileberto, quondam Dei gratia Herefordiensi, nunc uero eadem gratia Lundoniensi' episcopo, salutem.
Thomas, by God's grace humble minister of the church of Canterbury, to his venerable brother Gilbert, formerly by God's grace bishop of Hereford, now by the same grace bishop of London, greeting.
I I
Noli grauiter ferre, dilecte in Domino frater, quod tibi maius honus imposuimus, quod te ad maioris ecclesie curam uocauimus, confidentes id diuina miseratione salubriter fuisse prouisum. Hoe mores tui, hoe nota religio, hoe sapientia data de super,2 hoe opus bonum quod in Herefordiensi ecclesia operatus es, promeruerunt ut dicatur tibi, 'Amiee, ascende superius; super pauca fuisti fidelis, merito supra multa constitueris.' 3 Non homini rudi et inexperto nauigationis, sicut ex humilitate scribis, 4 nauim Petri commisimus, uerum illi qui, iamdiu exercitatus in flumine, amodo debet eandem in alto gubernare. Lucerna accensa, que quasi sub modio abscondebatur, iam super candelabrum posita est, ut longe lateque luceat in domo Domini. 5 Cantuariensi" ecclesie, que in regno Anglorum est sicut caput in corpore, Lundoniensis familiarius adheret pre ceteris, ad quam te Deo auctore transtulimus, ut e uicino matris tue Cantuariensis1' ecclesie, cui debes omne quod' potes, nobiscum possis onera sustinere. Preterea cum domnus papa tibi specialiter curam anime domni nostri regis commiserit, ubi te sedere magis decet quam in regia urbe quo crebrius propter negocia publica ueniens, frequenter tuis instruatur colloquiis et consiliis solidetur? Venire ergo ne formides quo 8 C, fo. 137ra-b
Heading: mn. C " Thomas de!., Teodbaldus inter/in. C
8
" Cant. C
' debes add. and cancel. C
See 4 nn. 1 and 3. Cf. John 19: 11, 'respondit Iesus, non haberes potestatem adversum me ullam nisi tibi essct datum desuper.' 1 Combining Luke 14: 10, 'amice ascende superius; tune erit tibi gloria coram simul aint-Medard of Soissons, 3 a man of great discretion and authority, lo the Pope with his letters, adding oral instructions relating to your .if fairs, which I cannot safely entrust to the scribe. When I was taking rny leave of him, he took my hand in his and promised on the word of .1 king, that if you should come to these lands he would receive you 1wt as a bishop or an archbishop, but as the co-ruler of his realm. The i. Des Origines au commencement du X!Ve siecle (Brussels, 1929), p. 447. For ,,,1111 of Salisbury's meeting with him, see 24 at n. 6. ' Ralph, prior of the Benedictine abbey of St-Mcclard, Soissons. Alexander III's letter 1 ·,,,,, ad officium (PL, cc. 277, no. 223; JL 10973, suh annis 1163-4), addressed from Sens to I «11is VII on 6 Nov., responds favourably to the king's request for support of an unnamed which R. prior of St-Medard had brought to him; moreover, the pope asks Louis '" 1:ivc protection and aid to that same person, should the need arise~'ita et tu eum habeas , 0111n1n the question of St Augustine's, we were not able to secure ,111ything at all, 14 for the Pope said that he had seen the privileges
54
111
0
1 111
'I
1 subnire (!) a " proccssum est in eis c prioris /, decernenda J/", decernanda B"' ,. Lundoniensi r om. c remaneant c deputatum h subperscriptionibus b, subscriptionibus L 11
O
om. cL inscripto b P eum L 1
1
1
SS
9
.,11d Roger the Templar, preceptor of London, was his almoner: A. Demurger, Vie et mort
10
.I, /'ordre du Temple (Paris, 1985), p. 202. The Templar may have carried Decet prudentiam
Excitatus precurrentis, 18, above. These letters have not been found. 11 Either Richard of Hastings, Master of the English province or Hostes of St-Omer (who were present at the council of Clarendon in Jan. 1164: William of Canterbury, MTB, i. 17; Anon. I, MTB, iv. 35; see 109 n. 22). Their loyalty to Henry II had been demonstrated in 1160, when they transferred the Vexin castles to him, following the marriage of Princess Margaret of France to Prince Henry of England (Diceto, i. 303; Barlow, Thomas Becket, p. 98). Henry II had a high regard for the military orders of the Temple and the Hospital (as the bequests in his will testify: see F. Barlow, 'Les dispositions testamentaires d'Henri II', Bull. Soc. Amis Vx. Chinon, ix. 2 (1988], 99),
I I ll'B, v. 68 no. 42), which ordered Roger of York to desist from provocative action until 1ILL· cross-hearing dispute could be settled judicially. '' Perhaps Quoniam de honestate (A-1TB, v. 61-2, no. 37), issued on 9 Nov. II6J, which 11rgcd Gilbert to use his influence with the king. '' This letter has not been identified. The statement that the Pope had been persuaded '" compel Gilbert Foliot to renew his profession to Canterbury is puzzling, in the light of John of Poitiers' own statement (18 at n. 6) and the earlier papal letter (u) on the subject. " See App. 1, s. v. Clarembald.
CORRESPONDENCE OF THOMAS BECKET
LETTER 20
lpse enim priuilegia monasterio' 'a Romanis' pontificibus indulta asserit se uidisse, et eis contraire, sicut r11dence how I should proceed, and may evil curiosity not learn of 1111r affection for one another. My greeting is in Milo's hand. 13 , , I '\I. Wright (Cambridge, 1984), p. 76 no. 14. Cf. John of Salisbury's later reference to , 1,,., same prophecy (99 at n. 4 below). 'Merlin's prophecies' were widely disseminated,
in the 200 or so manuscripts of Geoffrey of Monmouth's Historia and independently "' .,bout 79 manuscripts: see Caroline D. Eckhardt, 'The Prophetia Merlini of Geoffrey of \ Ion mouth: Latin manuscript copies', Manuscripta, xxvi (1982), 167~76. '' lJnidentified.
1,,,,1,
46
46
Thome Cantuariensi archiepiscopo suus /Ernulfus 1
His own Ernulf1 to Archbishop Thomas of ( :antcrhury
after
2
April II65
Vix apud dominum Meldensem 2 triduum peregeram, et ecce cum litteris uestris Willelmus Duredent3 kalendis Aprilis aduenit. Ad quaruma susceptionem non minus gratulatus quam deuotus ad obsequendum, in crastino-si tamen antelucanum crastinum dici debeat-posthabita sacratissime diei4 reuerentia, accepta ab episcopo cui adherebam benedictione, mandato uestro instantissimam adhibiturus diligentiam, Siluanectis" ueni, ibique dominum regem Francorum de perquirendo uobis hospicio, quanta decuit' humilitate, conueni. Solita michi respondit benignitate, quod super" uestro negocio ita inter dominum papam et ipsum conuenerat, quod uos usque ad Vallem sancte Marie, 5 Cisterciensis" ordinis monasterium prope Pontisaram, accedere deberetis/ ibique subsistere donec ex communi consilio propius euocemini. Nee esse interim super hospicio uestro multum laborandum, cum utrum illuc usqutf ueneritis sit incertum. Ad hec cum subjunxissem1, necessariam fore interim hospicii uestri prouidenciam propter tantum undecumque concursum, ne si forte ueneritis uos et uestri inhoncste uagemini, respondit 46 a, fo. 33rb-va; b, fo. 73ra-b; c, fo. r 5rb--va; d, fo. 57v Heading: Ernulfus bd " quorum he h Siluanest' h, Siluanect' al potui h ,1 rnn. b I debetis ahcd ' Cisst. c ' 111n. d h subduxissem b
after
April 1165
had hardly spent three days with the lord bishop of Mcaux 2 when \\illiam Durdent' arrived with your letter on the first of April. My d("light at receiving it was equalled by my readiness to he of service, .111d the very next day (that is, if before daybreak can be called the 11nt day), having postponed the liturgy of that holiest of days4 and 1ffeived the blessing of the bishop, to whom I was attached, I came to \rnlis to obey your mandate with the greatest diligence, and there I 11 rgcd the French king with all appropriate humility to arrange l11dgings for you. He replied to me with his accustomed kindness li,11 he and the Lord Pope had agreed that you should come to the < 1slcrcian monastery of Notre-Dame-du-Val 5 near Pontoise and , , 111ain there until you should be summoned nearer by the common , 111111sel [of both kings]. In the mean time, there is no need to devote 11111ch labour to the question of your lodging, since it is still uncertain " lit·! her or not you will ever come as far as this. When I added, a 11rnpos these matters, that it would be necessary in the mean time to 111;111ge for your hospitality, because of the large number of people , 11111ing from all directions, so that when you do come you and your I 11 ,11schold will not have to wander about in an unfitting manner, he 1
.,1 ill